1

The Filipino Primary School Teacher

and the Shaping of Colonial Society in 19th Century Luzon1

by

Grace Liza Y. Concepcion

University of Asia and the Pacific

Introduction

The growing interest in Philippine colonial history in the recent years coupled

with the development of cultural studies and Postcolonial history have created new

approaches to the history of the Philippines in the Spanish period. Philippine

historiography after the American period was strongly nationalistic and was

characterized by a search for what was authentically Filipino. However, in their patriotic

attempt to recognize what was genuinely Filipino, historical works before the 1980s

tended to disavow the colonial past.2 With the rise of a new generation of Philippine

historians, the Spanish past is being revisited and fished out in innovative ways.3 Their

focus on language, representation, literature, popular culture and the subaltern classes

helps devise new ways of reconstructing and interpreting the past. These current

approaches have thus broken ground in the study of Philippine heritage, which admits

1
Presented in The Ninth International Conference on New Directions in the Humanities Universidad
de Granada, Campus La Cartuja Granada, Spain, 8 to 11 June 2011.
2
Yoshiko Nagano offers a concise and incisive analysis of trends in Philippine historiography in her
introductory essay to a compilation of essays by Ileto, Rafael and Quibuyen in Yoshiko Nagano,
Philippine Historiography and Colonial Discourse: Eight Selected Essays on Postcolonial Studies
in the Philippines (An Introduction to the Japanese Translation), trans. by Michiyo Yoneno-Reyes
(Los Angeles: Occasional Papers, UCLA Center for Southeast Asian Studies, UCLA International
Institute, 2007).

3
I borrow the term from Vicente Rafael. See the Introduction in Contracting Colonialism.
Translation and Christian Conversion in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule (Quezon City:
Ateneo de Manila University, 1988; fourth printing, 2006), pp. 1-22.
 2

both pre-Spanish and Spanish traditions, received, assimilated and refashioned either by

the colonial subjects or through the interaction between colonizer and colonized. In the

context of colonial history, the reception of colonial influencelanguage, legislation,

education and culture-- took place through colonial intermediaries. What were the roles

of these intermediaries in the reception and fashioning of a colonial culture? Positioned

between colonizer and colonized, the intermediary was situated at a point where he/she

could advance or frustrate the interests of either side. In light of these concerns, this

paper will dwell on the figure of the Filipino primary school teacher as an intermediary

in Philippine colonial society. The study will focus on the roles teachers played in the

transmission of the Spanish colonial agenda that the central government wished to

promote via the Royal Decree on Primary Education, 20th of December 1863. It is hoped

that the study will throw light on the position of teachers in colonial society and how

they promoted, challenged or thwarted colonial objectives.

Background of the study

The history of the Spanish regime in the Philippines before the 19th century can

be divided into two periods. The first, from 1565 to around 1665, witnessed the era of

conquest and Christianization under the reign of the Hapsburg monarchs. The regime of

Charles II (1665-1700), immediately preceding the War of Succession, signaled the end

of Hapsburg hegemony in the Spanish empire. From 1700 onwards, the throne would be

occupied by the Bourbon dynasty. 4 The second or the Bourbon period, from 1700 to the

4
The early Bourbon period under the reign of Philip V (1700-1746) was taken up by war. The
Bourbon dynasty brought the influence of the French Englightenment to Spain and the Philippines.
For a discussion on the Bourbon reforms, see Nicholas P. Cushner, S.J., Spain in the Philippines
 3

close of the 18th century, was characterized by economic and administrative reforms. In

terms of Christianization, this division leaves room for precision because not all the

peoples of the Philippines had been Christianized by 1665. Towards the end of the 19th

century, there were still many places that were predominantly non-Christian as the

ethnographic map on page 6 shows. Nonetheless, by the end of the 18th century, most

parts of the Philippines had felt the impact of Spanish domination mainly through civil

and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Spains pursuit of establishing a colony in the Philippines

had not materialized however; but on the whole, Spanish colonial power was articulated

in the governance of the Philippines. The country was incorporated in the Spanish crown

and was governed from the Viceroyalty of Mexico until 1821, when Mexico won

independence. Because of distance, however, the capitn general, based in the islands,

headed the government of the Philippines. On the provincial level, the alcaldes mayores

(mayors) and, later, gobernador (governor) led the provincial government. The

gobernadorcillo, or petty governor, was on top of the local government

The 19th century witnessed a host of problems in Spains Pacific possessions.

The political upheavals in the mother country influenced the politics of the far-flung

colony. Corruption in local administration was rife. Economic problems mounted and

were aggravated by the loss of Mexico, which until then helped sustain the Philippines

through the regular remittance of the situado (financial aid). To address these problems

the Spanish government tried to adopt political and economic reforms to develop a

sustainable colony. These reforms focused on the following areas: public instruction,

public health and sanitation, revenue and tax collection, public works and forced labor,

(Spain in the Philippines, from Conquest to Revolution. 1st ed. (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila
University ; Rutland, Vt. : C. E. Tuttle Co., 1971), pp. 186-209.
 4

agriculture, industry and commerce, and checks on the conduct of local government.5

Although these reforms brought about some prosperity to the archipelago, metropolitan

ties with the Philippines weakened because of significant challenges that distance and

geography posed, and a growing nationalist sentiment among Filipino intellectuals or the

ilustrados.

The educational reform of 1863 can be understood within this political context.

Several factors motivated the educational reform implemented through the Royal Decree

of 20 December 1863. First, the liberal ideal that pushed for the removal of Church

control on education; second, the need to teach Spanish to the indigenous population;

third, the belief that free public instruction aimed at the Hispanization of the country

would strengthen ties between Spain and the Philippines. The first motivation was not

fully realized because the government needed the collaboration of the clergy for the

execution of the decree. For instance, parish priests were assigned as local inspectors to

ensure the execution of ordinances ensuing from the 1863 decree. The second and the

third factors were intrinsically linked. Hispanization and the teaching of Spanish in the

schools were the overriding concerns of the liberals in Spain. Both Spanish liberals and

Filipino ilustrados believed that a common language and culture would create more

secure links between the government and the governed, without the need for interpreters.

A decree on the importance of Spanish was passed on 3 February 1889. It began thus:

It has always been a much favored plan of the Government to implant

in the provinces which constitute the vast and rich Philippine

5
See Eliodoro Gil Robles. The Philippines in the 19th Century (Quezon City: Malaya Books,
1969), pp. 219-87.
 5

Archipelago, the blessing of civilization in order to make these

provinces and to unite them by strong bonds of prudent and lasting

assimilation not only for their own welfare but also for the common

good.6

In support of this decree, the first edition of La Solidaridad, a newspaper run by Filipino

reformers in Spain, published the following commentary:

The government ought to know and study for itself the needs of the

people and the people look forward to the time when they can voice

their needs themselves without the intervention of other.7

The intervention that the writers of La Solidaridad referred to was the work of

interpretation that the Spanish missionaries did to mediate between the government and

the subjects. Both Spanish civil servants and natives had to rely on the friars to

communicate with each other. Since the friars had mastery of both Spanish and Filipino

languages, they were in a privileged position to either open or close communication lines

between the government and the people.

The 1863 decree wished to train native teachers in order to spread Spanish culture

and language, and also moral criteria throughout the archipelago. It aimed to promote

Hispanization through public instruction, assigning the teachers as the agents of this

mission. This research, still in progress, is a preliminary examination of the newly

6
Decree of the Overseas Ministry, 3 February 1889 in La Solidaridad, 15 February 1889, vol. I,
trans. by Guadalupe Fores-Ganzon (Pasig: Fundacin Santiago, 1996), p. 13.
7
Ibid, p. 9.
 6

formed group of primary school teachers and their role as intermediaries tasked with the

promotion of civilization, and as vehicles of colonial presence in the islands.

Map of the Philippines8

8
Blumentritt, Ferdinand. Ethnographic Map of the Philippines. 1890
http://www.univie.ac.at/voelkerkunde/apsis/aufi/blumen/blumap.htm
 7

Map of the Philippines at the 19th century9

9
Dean C. Worcester, The Philippine Islands and their People (New York: Macmillan Company,
1899).
 8

The Royal Decree of 1863

The Royal Decree of 20 December 1863 established a plan for primary

instruction in the Philippine Islands.10 It created new spaces where various individuals

within different geographical locations in the archipelago could interact. In satisfying the

requirements of compulsory primary education, the colonial government also decreed

the establishment of a school, one for girls and another for boys, in every town.11 This

decree demanded that there be qualified teachers to work in the schools; and with the

creation of teachers the creation of places for the training of prospective teachers

followed. Hence the Normal Schools for men and women were established between

1865 and 1892.12 Thus the 1863 decree and the body of education laws that followed it

created a new dynamics of interaction in a number of spaces circumscribed within the

existing boundaries of the town or village where schools where located or within newly

created boundaries like the Normal School and the primary schools. The systems of

interaction that developed in these spaces involved the teacher, the students, the

10
20 Diciembre 1863 Real decreto estableciendo un plan de instruccin primaria en Filipinas in
Daniel Grifol y Aliaga, La instruccin primaria en Filipinas Compilacin de lo legislado sobre este
ramo, comentada, anotada y concordada (Manila: Tipo-Litografa de Chofre y Compaa, 1894), pp.
3-7.
11
Art. 8, 20 diciembre 1863, Reglamento para las escuelas y maestros de instruccin primaria de
indgenas del archipilago filipino, Grifol y Aliaga, p. 119.
12
The Colegio-Escuela de Sta Isabel de Nueva Cceres was approved by Royal Decree of
November 5, 1867. It was inaugurated on April 12, 1868. Its founder, Bishop Francisco Gainza,
O.P., entrusted the running of the school to the Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul. He
subsequently sought its approval as a normal school for women. The approval was granted on the
11th of January 1872 by royal decree. However, this decree only took effect on the 9 th of June 1875.
The Escuela Normal de Maestros de Manila was established by the Decree of 20 December 1863.
The administration of the school was entrusted to the Jesuits. The Escuela Normal de Maestras de
Manila was established by Royal Decree on the 11th of March 1892. The Augustinian nuns were
tasked with the management of the school. See Grifol y Aliaga, pp. 11-12, 41 and 58.
 9

principala made up of local authorities, the parish priest, the local population, and the

government. Although the most important mission of primary education teachers was to

staff the schools and to teach indigenous children who attended them, their position as a

newly constituted authority with the mission to spread Spains civilizing objective,

generated complex forms of interaction that were directly or indirectly related to their

main job. From 1863 onwards, the teacher became a civil servant, an agent of the

government who was expected to bring to fruition the Metropolis civilizing mission to

the far flung regions of the archipelago.

The 1863 Royal Decree and the succeeding education laws for the Pacific colony

insisted on the "civilizing and cultural" mission of the Spanish government. These laws

embodied a final attempt to develop and civilize the Pacific colony. Such motivations

were prevalent in the 19th century colonial rhetoric. However, the aim to civilize through

religion and the Spanish language was already present in colonial discourse from the

beginning of the Spanish period. The Council of the Indies issued decrees from as early

as 1550 exhorting missionaries to found schools, to teach the Catechism and the Spanish

language.13 The colonial government understood Hispanization both as a tool to achieve

development and as a self-standing objective.

The agent appointed for the civilizing mission was the teacher, fashioned and

formed in the Normal Schools. Hence the teacher became the servant of government to

serve government purposes. The 1863 decree set very high expectations for the teachers

13
Encarnacin Alzona, A History of Education in the Philippines : 1565-1930 (Manila : University
of the Philippines Press, 1932), pp. 20-22.
 10

to meet. However, the application of the law in specific circumstances was plagued by

problems. The lofty ambition of widespread assimilation of Spanish language and

culture, religious and moral values were not met in the practical sphere. The challenges

were mostly geographical, length of training, lack of funds, and poor attendance in

schools. On the surface, the teachers seemed to be responsible for the failure of the

public education project. However, the realization of this project should be related to the

demanding expectations set by the authorities not only on the teachers, but also on the

colonial and local governments. The teachers role as an intermediary can be analyzed

from two perspectives. These perspectives are based on the goals that the 1863 decree

established for teachers. First, entrusted with the spread of Spanish, they became agents

of Hispanization. Second, tasked with the education of the young, teachers were

expected to embody moral and religious virtues. We can then study their position as

intermediaries from these two angles.

Teachers of the Spanish language

One of the most important tasks of teachers was to teach the Spanish language.

The consequences were dire for those natives who did not learn Spanish, while the

rewards were generous for those who did. Those who did not learn to speak, read and

write in Spanish could not be appointed as heads of municipalities or form part of the

upper class or be exempted from personal service tax.14 Teachers who did not teach

Spanish effectively would have their salaries forfeited and were dismissed.15 Echoing the

14
Real Decreto 20 diciembre 1863, artculo 16, in Grifol y Aliaga pp. 6-7.
15
Note to the Decreto del gobierno general del 30 junio 1887, Grifol y Aliaga, pp. 283-284.
 11

1763 Ordenanzas,16 the constant repetition of the need to teach Spanish in the decrees

from 1863 onwards, indicated that Hispanization was not easily achievable.

To facilitate the use of Spanish as lingua franca in the schools, some philologists

began editing dictionaries in Spanish and in the different Filipino languages.17 In the

report of the Consejo de Filipinas regarding the approval of the Gramtica Hispano-

Visayas,18 the commission explained the complexity of language teaching in the

Philippines:

It is expected that the children may learn our mother tongue only by

listening to the teacher speak to them in Castilian, prohibiting them from

speaking their own language, so much so that not even the knowledge of

that (native) tongue is required of the teacher, and by using in the schools

those books written in CastilianThis method could achieve good results

if the students were not children, who lack the attention proper to their

16
See Decreto del gobierno general, 30 junio 1887, in Grifol, pp. 282-285.

Grifols list of approved text books for primary schools includes the following grammar books,
17

Grifol y Aliaga, p. 412:

1. Gramtica hispano-visaya by Fr. Ramn Zueco, approved on 17 May 1876;

2. Gramtica Espaola para el dialecto tagalo by Fr. Toribio Minguella, approved on 6 October
1885;
3. Gramtica Cebuana Espaola y compendio de la misma by Fr. Ramn Zueco, approved on 6
October 1885;
4. Gramtica Visayo-Hispana by Fr. Antonio Snchez, approved on 6 October 1885;
5. Gramtica Vicol-Hispana by Fr. Santos Borrejn, approved on 6 October 1885;
6. Compendio de la gramtica hispano-ilocano by Gabriel Vivo-Juderias, approved on 6 April
1886.

18
Report of the Consejo de Filipinas to the Overseas Minister, 10 April 1876, AHN Ultramar, leg.
163, exp. n. 10.
 12

age, which is exacerbated by their annoyance because of not

understanding their teacherwith this constant distraction, they hardly

retain a word or two that they forget as soon as they get out of the school.19

Despite the challenges to teaching Spanish, the use of Castilian words in Filipino

languages and dialects is common and widespread. The inclusion of Spanish words such

as Dios (God), Virgen or birhen (Virgin Mary or virgin), Espritu Santo (Holy Spirit), in

indigenous languages is proof of the type of assimilation or Filipinization of Spanish

culture. Evelyn Caldera Soriano gives a list of Spanish terms that indigenous languages,

particularly Bicol and Visayan, have adopted. Words like insurekto (insurgent),

intension (intention), interior (interior), interpreter (interpreter), etc, are now part of

these local languages.20 In effect, those words that the Consejo de Filipinas feared that

school children would forget were retained. However, the widespread knowledge of

Spanish was still far from desirable.

Even though the government through various legal measures, rewards and

sanctions, repeatedly insisted on the use of Spanish, the challenges to spreading the

colonial language remained insurmountable. At the close of the Spanish occupation, the

literacy rate was between 75 and 80 per cent, but of six million people, only about

200,000 could speak and write in Spanish. Historians have given a number of

explanations for this disparity. One explanation attributes the problem to the friars

19
Ibid. Translation mine.
20
Evelyn Caldera Soriano, Lengua y cultura espaolas en Filipinas in Ma. Dolores Elizalde, et al
(eds.), Imperios y naciones en el Pacfico Vol. II: Colonialismo e identidad nacional en Filipinas y
Micronesia (Madrid: CSIC, 2001), p. 213.
 13

consistent opposition to teaching Spanish to the natives. The ilustrados in the late 19th

century faulted the friars for the persistence of the language problem.21 Later Philippine

historiography repeats this idea. The other justification that is more indulgent towards

the missionaries attributed the problem to the small number of Spanish settlers in the

Philippines. In 1887, for instance, there were about 30,000 Spaniards among 6 million

Filipinos.22 Earlier statistics featured the same trend.23 Some speculated that increased

Spanish migration to the country would lead to the Hispanization of the natives.24 These

varying approaches to the question of language and Hispanization show its complexity.

There seems to be no single overarching explanation to the poor assimilation of Spanish

in the islands because the problem was due to a combination of many causes.

The inadequate assimilation of Spanish in the Philippines was enough motivation

for the colonial government to approve the cited grammar books as teaching aids. The

efforts made to translate Spanish to languages that the students could understand

contributed to the complexity of the process of mediation that teachers had to perform as

they transmitted learning. Translating Spanish to Filipino languages in the classroom

21
La Enseanza del Castellano en Filipinas in La Solidaridad, 15 February 1889, pp. 3-4.
22
See Enrique Taviel de Andrade, Historia de la Exposicin de las Islas Filipinas en Madrid el ao
1887, Vol. II (Madrid: Imprenta de Ulpiano Gmez y Perez, 1887), p. 83. There were 30,734
Spaniards in the Philippines. 17,469 were in the military, while the rest were in the country for other
reasons.
23
See the population tables for 1818 in Manuel Buzeta, Diccionario Geogrfico, Estadstico,
Histrico de las Islas Filipinas, 1850, Vol. I (Madrid: Imprenta de D. Jos de la Pea, 1850), pp.
301-306 and ibid vol. II, table numbers 2, 3, 4, 9 and 10.
24
Wenceslao Retana, Carta abierta in La poca, 5 June 1891. Cited in The friar viewpoint from
Eladio Zamora, O.S.A, Las corporaciones religiosas en Filipinas (Valladolid, 1901), in Blair and
Robertson volume 46 (Mandaluyong, Metro Manila: Cacho Hermanos, 1973), p. 337-39. This letter
was addressed to Manuel Becerra who was then minister of the Colonies.
 14

also implied teaching the curriculum subjects in the native languages. According to the

Consejo de Filipinas the Gramtica Hispano-Visayas addressed the need of teachers to:

1) learn the dialect of their pupils, and 2) teach Spanish in a more effective way. The

complexities of translation would have interfered with the teachers civilizing mission.

Therefore, instead of a direct lineal process of communicating and teaching the

curriculum subjects to the students, teachers had to process these subjects and translate

them into languages that their pupils could understand. The difficult practice of

translating Spanish posed serious obstacles in the colonial governments aim of

Hispanizing the country.

Teachers as examples of moral and religious virtues

The 1863 decree constituted the teacher as another authority within the local

sphere.25 The presence of teachers in the space of local communities created a dynamics

of interaction within the community. This interaction involved the students, the residents

of the community, and local authorities. Because of the title of primary school teacher

and the relative prestige that accompanied it, it would be reasonable to assume that the

teacher became a center of attention in the community. As an appointed agent of culture

and civilization, the teacher was expected to embody all the values that the 1863 Decree

promoted. These values would manifest in both the public and the private spheres, that

25
Article 8 of Real Decreto 20 diciembre 1863, in Grifol p. 5: En los pueblos donde el Gobierno
Superior civil lo decrete por permitirlo su corto vecindario, desempearn los Maestros las
funciones de Secretarios de los Gobernadorcillos, disfrutando por este concepto un sobresueldo
proporcionado los recursos locales (In towns with regard to which the superior civil government
shall so decree, by reason of the population, the teachers shall act as secretaries of the petty
governors, receiving for such services an extra allowance in proportion to the local resources.
Translation from Census of the Philippine Islands vol. III, p. 580).
 15

is, teachers public identity and their private lives, their respective world views and their

personal actions, even those that did not directly relate to the teaching profession. The

social standing of teachers as civil servants made them public figures. This means that

their private life was public matter.26 Consequently, it was important that both the private

and the public dimensions of the teachers identity upheld the value system of the

Spanish government, especially religiousness, observance of good customs and

possession of education.27 The authorities believed and hoped that these values would

trickle down not only to the students under the teachers' tutelage, but also to the local

residents of the places where the teachers worked. The opposite was also true. If teachers

were corrupt, their vice could influence the people. The authorities realized that the

creation of the school and the presence of the teacher refashioned society at large. There

was an acknowledged conviction that the interaction between the teacher and the

residents of the town or village became an occasion for the cultural reshaping of the role

players in this interaction. This belief was expressed in the letter of Father

Hermenegildo Jacas, director of the Normal School for men in Manila. The letter

indicated the achievement of the Normal School in spreading civilization throughout the

islands by producing trained teachers who imbibed those moral, religious and civic

virtues.

With the adoption of a combined system of instruction and education

in pedagogy the (Normal School) has propagated the seeds of true

civilization in all the Islands, consolidating, with the most basic

This is evinced by disciplinary cases involving teachers in different provinces. PNA, Escuelas
26

Camarines, Tayabas, Bulacan, 1863-1898.

27
Cf. Article 1, Reglamento de la Escuela Normal de Maestros in Grifol y Aliaga, p. 11.
 16

notions of education, the civil life of towns in their diverse relations

with the social organization and especially with the different

institutions that unite this Archipelago with the Mother country.

Immediate fruit of this foundation is the ease in communication

between the natives and the civil, military and ecclesiastical,

governmental, judicial and administrative authorities28

Teachers were expected to be promoters of religious values through their work in

the public sphere. Christian doctrine was at the top of the list of subjects they needed to

teach.29 Teachers were also required to uphold religious conduct through the moral

example of their private lives. The Regulation of the Normal School for Teachers of

Primary Instruction, also approved on the 20th of December 1863, outlined the moral

duties and responsibilities of teachers beginning in their student years.

28
Hermenegildo Jacas, Letter to the Governor General, 1 November 1893, in Grifol y Aliaga, p. 88.
Translation mine:

Con la adopcin de un sistema combinado de instruccin y educacin pedaggicas, la par

que ha difundido hasta donde ha sido posible el uso de la lengua castellana, el conocimiento
de las verdades evanglicas y la prctica de la moral cristiana, ha propagado al propio
tiempo el germen de la civilizacin verdadera en todas las Islas consolidando, con las
nociones ms elementales de la educacin, la vida civil de los pueblos en sus diversas
relaciones con el organismo social y en especial con las diversas instituciones que unen este
Archipilago con la Madre patria.
Frutos inmediatos de aquella fundacin son la mayor facilidad de comunicacin entre los
indgenas y las autoridades civiles, militares y eclesisticas, gubernativas, judiciales y
administrativas

29
Article 1, Reglamento para las escuelas y maestros de instruccin primaria de indgenas, 20
December 1863, in Grifol y Aliaga, p. 117: Instruction in schools for natives shall be confined for
the present to elementary primary instruction and shall include: 1. Christian doctrine and principles
of ethics and sacred history, suitable for children (translation from Census of the Philippine Islands,
vol. III, p. 583.)
 17

Art. 1. The aim of the Normal School is to serve as an establishment

for religious, temperate and trained teachers to manage the schools of

primary education for natives throughout the archipelago.

Art. 2. The students will be boarding and will be subjected to the same

rules and discipline.

Art. 14. Admission as external students will be granted only to those

young people who, aside from meeting the necessary conditions

required of the boarding students, reside in Manila or surrounding

areas, under parental guardianship or under the care of a guardian, and

in those conditions can find in their homes examples of virtue and

morality.30

Archival records on disciplinary cases of teachers show that a number of them did

not fulfill this role. Much as the laws insisted on the importance of Christian virtues for

teachers, several were dismissed because of faults in religious and civic virtues.31 The

30
Reglamento de la Escuela Normal de maestros de instruccin primaria de indgenas, 20 diciembre
1863 in Grifol y Aliaga, pp. 11 and 13. Translation mine:

Art. 1 El objeto de la Escuela Normal es servir de plantel de Maestros religiosos,

morigerados instruidos para regentar las Escuelas de instruccin primaria de indgenas, en
toda la extensin del Archipilago.
Art. 2. Los alumnos sern internos y sujetos una misma regla y disciplina.
Art. 14. Slo sern admitidos como alumnos externos los jvenes que, adems de reunir las
condiciones exigidas los internos, vivan en Manila en sus inmediaciones, bajo la patria potestad
al cuidado de un encargado, y en tales condiciones que se pueda presumir hallarn en el lugar
domstico ejemplos de virtud y moralidad.
31
Some specific cases are those of Balbuina Lagatus, teacher in the province of Camarines,
dismissed because of bearing two children out of wedlock (Report of the Department Public
Instruction, 22 January 1885; Letter to the General Director of Civil Administration, 11 March 1886,
ANF UTAD Roll 1627112, Escuelas); Pio Ramirez, dismissed because of immoral conduct and for
forbidding the children from attending Mass (ANF UTAD Roll 1627112, Escuelas); Pedro Barros,
dismissed for inciting civil unrest (Letter written by Father Marcelino Snchez to the Director
General Civil, 12 July 1897, ANF UTAD Roll 1681561, Escuelas.); Pedro Serrano Laktaw,
 18

spread of Catholic doctrine was not easily achievable through mere reliance on teachers.

Reports of disciplinary cases involve teachers who observed mala conducta pblica y

privada (ill conduct in public and in private), conduct that was reproachable by religious

standards. Their behavior sparked controversy in the communities they served and

caused disciplinary cases to be opened. The dismissal of teachers due to irreligious

conduct was not automatic, however. Since theirs was a tenured job, due process was

observed. Some teachers were even reinstated after long hearings. Interestingly, towards

the close of the Spanish regime in the Philippines, several teachers were dismissed for

suspected involvement in pro-independence activities.32 In that case the civic value they

imbibed was in stark contrast with that which the Spanish regime propounded.

Conclusion

The 1863 decree was part of a long series of educational laws passed by the

Spanish colonial government to spread its civilizing mission through education. This

agenda was couched in the overarching belief that civilization was synonymous to

Hispanization. To pass on this civilizing message, the government relied on teachers,

trained in government promoted Normal Schools. However, teachers as intermediaries

dismissed for being involved in revolutionary activities (Ma. Luisa T. Camagay, Working Women of
Manila in the19th Century (Manila: University of the Philippines Press and the University Center for
Womens Studies, 1995), pp. 73-74.); Ambrosio Lazaro, dismissed for supposed incompetence on
the job (Letter of Ambrosio Lazaro to the Mayor of Bulacan, 30 April 1884, ANF UTAD Roll
1627355, Escuelas). These are just examples of disciplinary cases.

32
The issues of the Boletin Oficial del Magisterio Filipino in November 1896 and the succeeding
months published lists of teachers who had been dismissed because of involvement in subversive
activities. Ma. Luisa T. Camagay, Working Women of Manila in the19th Century (Manila: University
of the Philippines Press and the University Center for Womens Studies, 1995), pp. 73-74.
 19

were ambivalent subjects. As seen in the above discussion, teachers as paragons of virtue

and promoters of Spanish language did not completely satisfy these categories. Many of

them challenged, though not all of them explicitly, the ideas of civilization that the

colonizers espoused. Teachers made colonial ideals only partially present within their

milieu.

At this point, I wish to propose an idea to move this research forward. My theory

is that teachers, in performing both their roles as agents of Hispanization and as

examples of moral and religious virtue, also cast their personal imprint on the civilizing

message they were assigned to transmit. This personal imprint included their cultural

background, their interpretation of Spanish civilization, and even their actions in the

private and public spheres. To substantiate this, a more comprehensive study of archive

records of teachers, especially those who opened their own schools, still needs to be

done. However, it is not out of place to make assumptions regarding the personal marks

of teachers on the civilizing mission. These personal marks made the transmission of the

ideals of the 1863 decree more complex. This point is important in the context of

encounters between Philippine cultures and Spain. The interaction of teachers with the

people who received them would not have come about or would have arisen with

difficulty, if not for the 1863 law. Although it is early to draw any definite conclusion

regarding the significance of teachers in the reception of the Spanish civilizing mission,

the study of teachers roles as civilizers merits some attention. The cases of some

teachers show that they either promoted or challenged the colonial plan. A number of

them did not fulfill their role as civilizers according to Spanish categories. These cases

lead us to surmise that despite the efforts of the colonial government to use teachers as
 20

intermediaries by subjecting them to a legal framework, in a system of rewards and

punishment, the personal imprint was still in effect, and would impact on the

transmission of the civilization that the colonizers wanted to spread. Thus the civilizing

mission through Hispanization and the Spanish language, and by imparting religious

values, was recast in a different light.

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23