Hierarchy and Space in Incaic Social Organization

Author(s): R. T. Zuidema
Source: Ethnohistory, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Spring, 1983), pp. 49-75
Published by: Duke University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/481241
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Ethnohistory 30 (2) 49-75 (1983) Zuidema

HIERARCHY AND SPACE

IN INCAIC SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

by
R.T. ZUIDEMA
University of Illinois

ABSTRACT
This paper was originally written for a symposium on "Social Stratification in the
Andes" of the XLIst International Congress of Americanists, held in Mexico D.F. in 1974.
A similar symposium at that Congress dealt with "Social Stratification in PreSpanish
Mesoamerica" (Carrasco, Broda el al, 1976). A comparison of the Inca case to that of
Mexico, especially that of Tenochtitlan, offers some striking differences. Whereas for Mex-
ico there is a wealth of data on titles, ranks and offices and their associations to calendar,
ritual and calpolli-organization - allowing, for the study of how a person could pass from
one office and calpolli to another office and calpolli - the Andean data seem to be very
meager on all these aspects. As it is hardly believable that an empire like that of the Incas
did not have a well developed bureauracy together with its ritual expression, one reason for
the failure to study this aspect of Andean culture might be a misunderstanding of the data.
One aspect in which Andean culture differed strongly from the Mesoamerican one was its
use of ancestral mummies and their cult. Spanish chroniclers and modern anthropologists
understood the cult given by the Inca nobility more in terms of a spurious but believed Inca
dynastic history, than in terms of a hierarchical system of mummies representing positions
within a political and bureaucratic organization; this, notwithstanding the fact that our
earliest chroniclers, who still could observe the mummy cult, did insist on the latter aspect.
Mummies were less important for proving a genealogical relationship, than in "dressing
them up" as part of a policy for establishing and reevaluating their political and hierar-
chical relationship. People could change their adherence from one mummy and its panaca
or group of descendants to another, according to their interests and ambitions or
possibilities. In short, Inca history is mostly a political myth and the hierarchical organiza-
tion of the ancestral mummies gives us better data on Inca bureaucracy than on anything
else.

In this article the importance of two types of data concerning social stratification are
presented that seem to offer the most promise for expansion in future research. The first
type encompasses the ancestral cult system of the Inca royal dynasty; the second type is
data on the classifications of local groups called Incas by privilege around Cuzco, or
mitimaes around other cities, by way of occupational ranking. Both types of organization
were interrelated by the Incas in a system of terms also used in kinship and in making local
distinctions. The best way of checking this data in Cuzco is by way of the ceque system.
The ancestral cult, as recorded for Cuzco, is only briefly indicated in documents for
other parts of Peru. These documents will not be explored at this moment (See Zuidema
1973). Because this cult did not survive the Spanish conquest, how it worked can only be in-
dicated by way of two personal life histories. The first is that of Atahuallpa, the last Inca

49
50 R.T. ZUIDEMA

king to be treated by the Spaniards and executed by them. The second is that of Don
Cristobal Paullu Inca, a son of the Inca Huayna Capac, and brother of Atahuallpa and
Huascar, who was of pivotal importance in early colonial times because of his role in the
indigenous society of Cuzco and because he was an informant to Spanish chroniclers.
The organization of "Incas by privilege" will present more data as it became integrated
into colonial society. Many regional documents discuss its link with the pre-Spanish past.
Also known is how a similar system was applied in a pre-Incaic context on the north coast
of Peru, and this latter knowledge probably suggests a theory of social organization that
was pan-Andean and of pre-Incaic origin.
The Ancestor Cult
The mummies of former Inca kings in Cuzco were each considered as a deified ancestor
to a different socio-political subdivision, ranked within a dynasty according to its political
or its religious role. Their rank could be detected by their relative place, to the right or to
the left of the image of the Sun in important state ceremonials. Garcilaso de la Vega, who
was a grandson of Huayna Capac - the last Inca to die and to be succeeded with all the
necessary pomp and ceremonies - says that his grandfather's mummy occupied a special
position in front of the image of the Sun in the temple of this God. The mummies of the
kings, belonging to the part of town called Hanan- or Upper-Cuzco, sat on the righthand
side, those of Hurin- or Lower-Cuzco on the lefthand side. The members of both groups
were Incas, descendants of Manco Capac, the mythical founder of the dynasty. But
because this king was the only one who was not represented by a mummy, this emphatic
statement indicated that the two groups just as well might have had independent origins
from each other. Not discoverable, because of the kind of data that the chronicles provide,
is what the opposition of Hanan and Hurin really meant in Cuzco in terms of origin and
occupation. Hanan-Cuzco was of higher rank; Hurin-Cuzco was nearer to the non-Inca
population, conquered by the Incas in Cuzco and after that event living outside the town.
One way of expressing this rank distinction was that Hanan-Cuzco consisted of descen-
dants of Inca kings in Inca women and Hurin-Cuzco of those in non-Inca women. The
most important means of showing the opposition was that the Hurin-Cuzco men wore their
hair long, normally the case with other Andean peoples, whereas the Hanan-Cuzco had
their hair cut short at the time of the initiation of their boys into their nobility. Apparently
this custom was derived from peoples living in the provinces of Canas and Canchis (Cieza 1
cap. 97); but besides this fact,, it was a normal affront for a man in Andean countries in
general to have his hair cut short.
Accepting the ranking system of the royal mummies allows the conclusion that the mum-
my of each king after his death would be placed in a lower rank in a hierarchy of positions
occasioned by the deaths of his successors. In fact, Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui (p.
227,228) hints at such a system, not for mummies, but for images of the Sun in the Sun
temple. Other data could, however, indicate that there was a gap in the dynasty between
Huayna Capac, the eleventh king, and the other kings and that, actually, there had ruled
various kings in between Huayna Capac and the king who was said to be his grandfather.
Only the mummies of the former ten kings received fixed positions in the political organiza-
tion of Cuzco as ancestor of its subdivisions. The gap mentioned in the dynasty could
therefore indicate that only the mummy of Huayna Capac may have belonged to a person
who was an Inca king during lifetime, whereas the mummies of the other kings were de-
rived from other sources, not the royal dynasty. There are some data showing that the In-
cas allowed such handling of mummies. The anonymous chronicler of Yucay (in: Polo
1917, Traslada ... p. 117) tells how a conqueror would keep the mummy of the chief con-
quered by him in his house. This mummy would still be worshipped by the conquered sub-
jects as their own ancestor; apparently because it was accepted as an ancestor to the new
chief. Keeping the mummy legalized the latter's claim on the conquered land. A second
argument for accepting this handling come from data on the second king, Sinchi Roca. His
mummy was found near Cuzco (Cobo XII, cap, 5; XIV cap. 19, Sarmiento cap. 19, Gua-
Hierarchy and Space in Incaic Social Organization 51

man Poma f. 89) dressed in a low class shirt. Cobo explains this fact, saying that the earlier
kings still wore simple dresses. But Sarmiento describes how it was the ninth king,
Pachacuti, who started to collect and to dress and adorn the mummies of his ancestor. Ap-
parently it was this king, who - in the opinion of the later Incas - allowed the mummy of
Sinchi Roca to be poorly dressed. In other words, Sinchi Roca was the deified ancestor of
the lower class people themselves and his mummy was derived from among their midst.
There are two traditions about the royal dynasty, both equally well supported in the
chronicles. One places the kings of Hurin-Cuzco as a dynasty before those of Hanan-
Cuzco; the other matches each king of Hanan-Cuzco with one of Hurin-Cuzco of similar
characteristics. Here are two different means to indicate the relative positions of the two
dynasties, the Hurin one being subordinate to the Hanan one. The problem, therefore, is
important, not from an historical point of view, but for its political, religious and symbolic
implications. In colonial documents on other political organizations frequent references to
a division of power between a "cacique principal" and "segunda persona appear and in
this context the relationship of the two Inca dynasties must be studied.
Reconstructing the data on the dynasty, not by the pseudo-historical content, but by the
roles and the insignia associated with the different kings suggests the following model. (The
numbers indicate the sequence of kings as given in the tradition of a single dynasty):

Hurin-Cuzco Hanan-Cuzco
1) Manaco Capac
2) Sinchi Roca 6) Inca Roca
(Tarco Huaman) 7) Yahuar Huacac
3) Lloque Yupanqui 8) Viracocha Inca
4) Mayta Capac 9) Pachacuti Inca
5) Capac Yupanqui 10) Tupac Yupanqui
1) HuayinaCapac
Huascar Atahuallpa

Each king-ancestor of Hurin-Cuzco occupied a similar role to the corresponding king of

Hanan-Cuzco (See also: Zuidema 1964).
If these ancestors can be considered the symbolic representatives of different social
classes and ranks, and if these classes and ranks in Hurin-Cuzco duplicated those in
Hanan-Cuzco, then ten positions, five in Hanan and five in Hurin can be recognized. Man-
co Capac and Huayna Capac were outside this system; Manco Capac represented its origin
and Huayna Capac reflected - within the ancestral system, - the historical position of the
living kin, his son, who was in the center of the Inca social universe.'
The names of the other kings served more as titles and indicators of their hierarchical
positions than as proper names. The names Tupac Yupanqui and Capac Yupanqui are
synonyms. Tupac Yupanqui represents the royal role; for instance, he was considered the
first king to marry his own full sister. Pachacuti Inca and Mayta Capac were both kings
reversing by way of a war or rebellion a low political position of their city into that of a
state of conquest. The name Pachacuti means "he who changes the world". Pachacuti
kept as his own "double" (huauque = "brother") the statue of Inti Illapa, the Thunder
god. Iconographic characteristics of Pachacuti also related him to this god. His role as an
ancestor is therefore very similar to that of Pariacaca, the Thundergod mentioned in the
mythology of Huarochiri. He was the god of conquest and of the conquerors of that area.
Viracocha Inca and Lloque Yupanqui had both priestly characteristics. Viracoca is the
Creator god; the name lloque ("left") explains that actions, done by other people in a
righthanded way, were carried out by the left by the priests. The priests were said to be
descendants of these kings. YahuarHuacac ("he who weeps blood") probably was related
to agricultural fertility rites. The legends of Inca Roca (king Roca) and Sinchi Roca (war-
52 R.T. ZUIDEMA

chief Roca) discuss initiation rites and irrigation, two subjects that have a very close sym-
bolic relationship.
The political subdivisions in the population of Cuzco were related, through their ritual
roles, to different sections of the territory, within a perimeter of about 10 km in every
direction from the center. The leading functions in these groups were assigned to the living
members of the royal family, classified according to the rank of birth of their respective
mothers and of birth order among sons of the same mother. The birth rank of the mother
was determined by way of genealogical distance to her husband, the king. Thus, it was the
common ancestor who determined the rank of the mother and her son. These rank distinc-
tions of living members in the royal family should be separated clearly from the data on the
different political subdivisions in Cuzco, for which the mummies of the legendary king-
ancestors were used as symbolic prototypes. The data on these subdivisions will be con-
sidered in their own right and not as confused by the data on the royal family.
In the ceque system, Cuzco was divided into four quarters and each quarter into three
sections. Two quarters and six sections belonged respectively to Hanan-Cuzco, and to
Hurin-Cuzco of which only five sections, respectively were related to king-ancestors. The
three sections of each quarter were ranked by way of the respective names Collana (first)
(syn. Capac [royal]), Payan (second) (syn. Hatun [big], Chavin, Chaupi [middle], and
Callao (original) (syn. Uchuy [small]). The use of these names in other political contexts
suggest that Collana and its synonyms refer to the people of pure Inca descent, Callao to
the people of non-Inca descent and Payan to the people of a group in-between the two
others. The data from Hanan-Cuzco, leads to the following scheme of distribution over the
two quarters and six sections (the numbers indicating the king-ancestors):

Collana 10) Capac ayllu 8) Sucsu panaca Collana

Payan 9) Hatun ayllu, 7) Aucailli panaca Payan

also called
Inaca panaca

Callao 6) Vicaquirao
panaca X Callao

Chinchaysuyu Antisuyu

This type of distribution must be considered as regular having first 10 and 9 in Chin-
chaysuyu, then 8 and 7 in Antisuyu and finally 6 again in Chinchaysuyu - as it is also
found in other similar contexts.
Chinchaysuyu, the most important subdivision, Capac ayllu, - the only ayllu that was
not called also panaca - comprised "the royal family" taken as the high nobility in general.
(In this sense Betanzos uses the word Capaccuna for the whole royal dynasty and its
descendants). The extent of this group becomes clear analyzing the group Hatun ayllu or
Inaca panaca. The normal interpretation of a similar word Hatunruna (the Hatun men) is
"all the free and tribute paying people," that is those who are not noble and who do not
belong to a servile class like the yanacona either. Bertonio, who uses the Aymara version,
Haccha haque, of the word (hatun = haccha = "large, big"; runa = haque = "people")
translates it by "tribute prayers (haque) who are the multitude (haccha) of the people."
Two contexts of data explain how this meaning could be applied also to Hatun ayllu or In-
aca panaca. 2
If, finally, the conclusions about Hatun ayllu or Inaca panaca are right then clearly Vica-
quirao panaca represented the servile or Yanacona class. Data elsewhere discussed
(Zuidema 1964 pp. 8, 145-148, 198) do support this suggestion.
The three groups, Capac ayllu, Hatun ayllu and Vicaquirao panaca seemed to cover the
Hierarchy and Space in Incaic Social Organization 53

whole population of Hanan-Cuzco. What part of it then was still left to Sucsu panaca and
A ucailli panaca? The answer to this question must be found with the help of an observa-
tion of Pedro Pizarro (1944:83). He says that the young initiates of the Cuzco nobility, men
and women, could choose "whom it was their will to approach in order to serve and to take
his surname; and from boyhood on, their fathers assigned and dedicated them either for
the Sun or to the Lord at that moment reigned or for one of the dead that I have mentioned
(that is, one of mummies of the former kings)." Examples of such a choice are offered by
data on the function of highpriest in Cuzco. In general he was said to be a brother or an un-
cle of the king himself. But at the same time these high priests, some of whom are mention-
ed by name in the chronicles, did belong to Sucsu panaca. The only way to solve this
discrepancy is to conclude that a man, who chose or was chosen to be a high priest, chang-
ed to the cult of Viracocha Inca and came to belong to his panaca. The example given here
is only a specific case of a more general problem in Inca social organization. On the one
hand it was said that men could become priest only in later life, after deliberate choice and
study, but on the other hand there did exist ayllus composed of these priests. Ayllus, then,
were not only composed by descent, or by local origin, but also by way of choice of its
members. From this perspective can be understood data of Guaman Poma (1936 f. 262).
Tupac Yupanqui, when asking the huacas about the future and the past, called himself for
that reason, Viracocha Inca.
The possibility of choice, therefore, was far more extensive than can be indicated with
support of the data on the high priest and priests. The ceque system shows in a theoretical
way how equations were possible between groups or ranks of different suyus and sections.
The problem gets a more practical value for discovering ritual roles associated to different
ranks in Inca society, if the data given on the sons of the king-ancestors is considered.
These roles are discussed in the chronicles as if they belonged to specific legendary persons.
The persons themselves, however, were shifted rather freely as sons of different kings. The
impression is left that when such a person was attached to an early king, he was in a relative
higher position than when attached to a later king. For instance, it seems that the role at-
tached to the name Capac Yupanqui was represented by a king (the fifth one) in Hurin-
Cuzco, but by the highest classed general, during the reigns of Pachacuti Inca and Tupac
Yupanqui, in Hanan-Cuzco.3
Now several general conclusions about the system of ranks, roles and political divisions
in Cuzco can be made. The Inca king-ancestors, as placed in the political-ceremonial
organization of Cuzco, each represented a basic role in Inca society; these roles are ranked
by way of a genealogical system of these ancestors. A comparison of data from Cuzco with
systematic descriptions of other political systems in Peru is revealing. Whereas in other
parts of Peru these roles are represented more by gods and huacas and less data are given
on a dynasty of kings, in Cuzco it was the king-ancestors who took over these roles.
Maybe, this special development was as much due to the central political role that the Incas
and Cuzco played in a huge empire as to the fact that the Spaniards, as conquerors and em-
pire builders and themselves with strong dynastic traditions and interests, represented the
Inca data much more explicitly in the framework of such a royal dynasty than they ever
were intended to be by their informants.
The roles of the king-ancestors were conditioned by two basic factors; one was the rank
of the social class they represented, the other was the choice of a professional occupation.
A person in Inca society who adhered himself to a mummy of a king-ancestor was probably
influenced by different considerations, such as: 1) the person's own rank in society; 2) the
rank of the mummy; 3) the rank that the person was going to occupy in the mummy's
organization (occupying, like in the case of Capac Yupanqui, a high-rank in a low-ranked
mummy's organization or a low rank in a high-ranked mummy's organization). The choice
made depended therefore not only on genealogical considerations but also on the person's
profession and on the symbolic role of the mummy in the religious system. The personal at-
tachment of a person to a mummy could possibly have been due also to the existence of
54 R.T. ZUIDEMA

religious movements and sects. The data on different "sons" of king-ancestors represent
more specialized roles in Inca society and exemplify a possibility to attach themselves to
different king-ancestors, keeping nonetheless their own peculiar characteristics.4
Incas-by-Privilege
The system of ranks and professions as the Incas assigned these to other political groups,
of different ancestry, must be considered each in reference to Cuzco or to other Inca ad-
ministrative centers in their empire. These groups around Cuzco - in a wider area than that
of the ceque system - were called Incas-by-privilege. They participated in certain
prerogatives of the Incas and thereby formed a class in between the Incas and the non-Inca
peoples. These groups were called mitimaes (mitmac) around other provincial capitals.
Those around the provincial capital of Vilcas Huaman, however, consisted mostly of
groups that had come there as Incas-by-privilege from around Cuzco. The best description
of the organization of the Incas-by-privilegeis given by Guaman Poma in the context of his
analysis of the rank system of the royal family itself. He does not seem to know the system
of panacas. He describes the royal rank system in the following terms: The nobility or
capacchuri ("royal children") was internally organized by the ranks of "sons," "grand-
sons," and "greatgrandsons" of the ruling king. The other people of Hanan-Cuzco and
Hurin-Cuzco - also known as Incacuna ("Incas" in general) - were respectively called
"greatgreatgrandsons" and "sister's sons." In colonial times they were known in Cuzco as
Hatun Incacuna, using the same term Hatun as Hatun ayllu. Below these classes were rank-
ed all the Incas-by-privilege as tribute-paying-Incas. Thus he distinguished five classes of
Incas and a sixth class of non-Incas. Therefore, he gives in fact a description of thepanaca-
system in other terms. The reason why Guaman Poma describes this panaca system so
compactly and the system of the Incas-by-privilege so elaborately was probably that he
himself was of non-Inca descent and that he had first-hand experience of the latter system
as applied by the Incas around their provincial capital of Vilcas Huaman.
The ceque system provides the best introduction to a discussion of the model that in-
tegrated all the different groups of Incas-by-privilege in one system. The huacas in and
around Cuzco were organized according to lines, the ceques, conceived as sightlines from
the central temple of the Sun to the horizon of which there were three groups of three in
each of the four suyus, except for one suyu, where there were five groups of three. The
total number of ceques was forty-two. Two ceques, the last ones of the system, were taken
together, conceptually, as one. One ceque, the first one, was called capac, the "royal" ce-
que. Thus there were one royal ceque and forty non-royal ones. The number 40 was impor-
tant in concepts of state organization. Administrative units of the empire, each divided in
four parts, were conceived as having 40,000 families of Hatunruna, that is forty huaranca
or units of a 1000 families. As a Huaranca was used to define a village organization, a pro-
vince might be considered as containing forty villages. The forty-two ceques in Cuzco were
taken care of each by a special group. So, for instance, at the Situa feast in September, 400
warriors had to run and to drive out ritually the illnesses from Cuzco, following the ceques.
It is assumed, therefore, that the political organization covered by the ceque system
ideally consisted also of forty local units each assigning ten warriors for its ceque. Molina
(30-32) who gives us this description of the Situa feast, says, however, when the first war-
riors had run to the border of the area covered by the ceque system, that their job was
taken over by mitimaes. These mitimaes "threw the illnesses" in the first large rivers they
encountered. This wider area covered approximately that occupied by the Incas-by-
privilege, assuming that Molina did refer with his enumeration of mitimae groups to those
of Incas-by-privilege.
Data on three political organizations outside Cuzco shows how this type of organization
of forty or forty-two categories functioned in actual cases (Zuidema 1977). In pre-Spanish
Copacabana on Lake Titicaca and near the Island of the Sun, forty-two groups of
mitimaes coming from different administrative units of the Inca Empire served the Temple
Hierarchy and Space in Incaic Social Organization 55

of the Sun (Ramos Gavilan 162). In Allauca, a village in central Peru - as described by
Hernandez Principe in 1621 - twenty-four male priests and forty-two female ones served a
central huaca representing respectively a hierarchial system and a system of family and
local units in one community (Zuidema 1973). The last example concerns the social
organization of the legendary kingdom of Lambayeque on the north coast. With the
capital included it consisted of twelve cities and forty other local units that each sent a
court official to the capital serving the king (Cabello Valboa, III ch. 17).5
On two occasions, Guaman Poma provides an almost identical list6 of the peoples
recognized by the Incas as Incas-by-privilege. This recognition gave them the privilege to
pierce their ears, although with a much smaller hole than the Incas themselves. In one list
he divides them according to the four suyus; in the other list just in the order as indicated
by the numbers.
Guaman Poma f.750 (740) Guaman Poma f.84,85
CHINCAYSUYU: Anta 1) Anta
Sacsauana (Jaquijahuana) 7) Equeco-Xalauana
Quilliscachi 8) Uarocondo
Mayu 11) Mayo
Quichua 14) Quichiua
ANTISUYU: Tanbo 5) Tanbo
Lari 6) Lari
CALLASUYU: Quevar 3) Quiuar
Uaro 2) Cacaguaroc
Cauiana 13) Cauina
Masca 4) Masca
Tanbo
Acos 9) Acos
Chillque 10) Chilque
Papre
CONDESUYU: Yanauara 12) Yanauara
Chinchaysuyu and Collasuyu were the largest and most important suyu of the Inca em-
pire; connected, moreover, with Hanan-Cuzco and Hurin-Cuzco in the capital itself. From
this point of view it is not strange that these two suyu have more groups of Incas-by-
privilege. The Tambo, in Antisuyu, were, however, the most important group in this
category, and the only one to be equated, to a certain extent, to the Incas themselves. The
hole in their ear was of an intermediary size between that of the Incas and of the other
Incas-by-privilege. Also, they could occupy the same administrative function as those Incas
of royal blood whose ear-hole had been broken and who for that reason could not occupy a
ceremonial and religious function within Cuzco itself.
Members of the nobility of the Incas-by-privege were in charge of certain administrative
positions in the government of the Inca empire. The ranks of these positions were described
in terms of three different systems of hierarchical nomenclature. First, positions of dif-
ferent national importance were claimed each by a special group of Incas's-by-privilege.
Second, a position was ranked with a kin term in relation to the Capac Apu, the king of
that group. This rank system was the same as that described by Guaman Poma for the Inca
nobility; the ranks, therefore, were "son," "grandson," "greatgrandson," "greatgreat-
grandson," and "sister's son." Third, a system of titles was used.
Guaman Poma (f.75,76) describes these titles systematically in relation to the binding of
his own ancestors to the Inca royal family, through a daughter of Tupac Yupanqui. He
claims that they were independent kings of Huanuco before the Inca conquest into Chin-
chaysuyu and that after that event they were "second person" to the king, the highest posi-
56 R.T. ZUIDEMA

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68 R.T. ZUIDEMA

tion possible. Whatever is true of these personal claims, the case needs careful analysis
because data from other chroniclers support the special importance of Huanuco and of a
Lord of Chinchaysuyu as second to the king.
There are five titles, all with the predicate Capac Apo or "royal lord" like the Inca king
himself. Because of their internal order they can be placed, including the title of the Inca
king, in the following scheme:
1) Capac Apu Inca 4) Capac Apu Guayac Poma
2) Capac Apu Guaman Chaua 5) Capac Apu Carua Poma
3) Capac Apu Guaman Lliucyac 6) Capac Apu Lliucyac
This is the order in which Guaman Poma gives the titles and this probably also their hierar-
chical order.7
The administrative functions were occupied 1) by Incas from Hanan-Cuzco, with the
rank of, "greatgreatgrandson,". 2)by Incas from Hurin-Cuzco, with the rank of "sisters's
son," and 3) by nobles of the Incas-by-privilege. Except for one case already mentioned,
that of Inca nobles with broken ears, there were no men of the Inca high-nobility included.
In two cases a lower rank, Apo or "(non-royal) Lord" is mentioned. Apparently they were
in the same historical relationship to the non-Inca Capac Apu as the latter were to the Inca
king himself.

f.340,341 function: Viceroy, Incap rantin, lieutenant general, major captain of the
four suyus
rank: Capac Apu Guamanchaua
origin: Yarobilca Allauca Guanoco
insignia: grey litter, Chiccha ranpa
f.343.342 function: Judge of the Court, Capac Apo Uatac
rank: Hanan Cuzco Inga
origin: (according to other chroniclers: Quilliscachi)
insignia: mascapaycha on a staff (mascapaycha is part of Inca crown)
f.344,345 function: "Alguacil Mayor", Uataycamayoc
rank: Hurin Cuzco Inga
insignia: the chuspa (cocabag) and ojotas (sandals) of the king.
function: "Alguacil Menor" - Chacnaycamayoc
rank: Hurin-Cuzco or "sister's son" of the Incas
or: Anta Inca, Quilliscachi Inca
or: nobles from Huanuco
f.346,347 function: Governor of a province, Tocricuc; Judge, Michoc.
rank: Tambo Inca
or: Inca noble (Auquicuna) with broken ear
f.348,349 function: Administrator (with quipus) Suyuyoc
rank: Son of Capac Apo Guamanchaua
called: Guayac Poma (f.348) or Carhua Poma (f.349)
insignia: the quipus
f.350,351 Messenger, Hatun Chasqui churo mullo Great Messenger,
832,822 rank: "they were governed by an Inca noble (with shell trumpet) Au-
quicuna of the whole kingdom"
insignia: a large model of a white parasol in his headband; in colonial
times, a model flag in his headband; a shell trumpet.
f.352,353 function: Surveyors, Sayua checta Suyuyoc
rank: Hanan Cuzco Inca; called Conarqui (to divide)
Hurin Cuzco Inca; called Unacaucho (to put up signs)
Hierarchy and Space in Incaic Social Organization 69

f.354,355 function: Royal roads administrator, Capacnan guamanin

rank: Tocricoc Anta Inca
f.356,357 function: Bridge administrator
rank: Acos Inca
f.358,359 function: Secretary of the Inca and of his Counsel, Incap-Quipocnincapa
rank: "sons" and "grandsons" of Capac Apu Guamanchaua
called: Lliucyac poma
The viceroy or Guamanchaua also had a secretary of the Apo-
rank who was called Apo Poma
f.360,361 function: Accountant or Treasurer
rank: "son" of Apo, called Condor chaua
f.362,363 function: "Visitador" and Judge, Taripac Unanchac Cauaric
rank: Papri Inca and Chillque Inca; some were also Quilliscachi Inca
and Equeco Inca.
Guaman Poma repeats at other places some of the statements made here and probably
this list could be extended. It will not be analyzed in detail because there is not enough com-
parative data from other chroniclers. Some of the functions are also mentioned elsewhere:
for instance, Tucric, Michoc, Suyuyoc by Sarmiento (cap. 50,52) and others. In general,
wherever data of Guaman Poma on indigenous classifications can be controlled, he
becomes a trustworthy chronicler.
It may be also worthwhile to investigate why the Anta and Acos were in charge of roads
and bridges respectively, as well in the context of the organization of Incas-by-privilege
around Cuzco, as in the context of the organization of mitimae groups around Vilcas
Huaman. The town of Anta was situated on the most important road from Cuzco to Chin-
chaysuyu; Acos was near the river Apurimac on the road from Cuzco to the south. Both
groups were brought as mitimaes to the valley of Ayacucho: Acos people settled in what
are the modern villages Acocros (Acos-ocros), Acos-vinchos and Quinua, their capital. An-
ta people settled in modem Huamanguilla. Both villages, Quinua and Huamanguilla, are
built just above the old ruins of Huari. They are situated in a most strategic place to
dominate the road that leads from the Mantaro valley to Vilcas Huaman and to the lower
reaches of the Pampas valley. The Incas may have taken these strategical aspects into con-
sideration by sending out the Acos and Anta as mitimaes in these functions. Another
possibility is, however, that they were charged with these functions only in their new towns
as mitimaes and that Guaman Poma's knowledge was only derived from the situation in
Ayacucho.
Conclusions
Data on Inca society reveal, in general, a strong interest in global oppositions, like those
of conquerors to conquered, of governing class to peasant class, of Incas to non-Incas;
with classes like that of the Incas-by-privilege in an intermediate position. The data by
Guaman Poma reveal that the global distinctions could and were used within a complicated
system of bureaucratic ranks and functions. Hierarchical distinctions were made by way of
kinterms and of titles associated to the names of guaman, puma and condor. The way he
uses these kin distinctions, used also for the royal family replacing thereby a description of
the panaca system, indicates that this ranking system of the royal ancestors and their mum-
mies should be understood in the same way. Kinranks of relatives to non-Inca Capac Apu
and to Apu were placed on the same scale as ranks of relatives to the Inca King, obtaining
thereby a bureaucratic integration for the whole Inca empire. Ranks of different regional
systems could be compared. In this way Guaman Poma shows clearly how, for instance, a
low Inca rank might be equal to a high non-Inca rank. A similar solution existed within the
70 R.T. ZUIDEMA

Cuzco bureaucracy for the name and title of Capac Yupanqui, being a king in Hurin-
Cuzco but the highest placed general in Hanan-Cuzco.
This article does not include information on systems of social stratification in modern
Andean culture. Here the data on priestly organizations as found, for instance, in
Huarochiri (Avila) and in Allauca (Hernandez Principe; Zuidema 1973 a, b), both from
around the year 1600, may span the bridge between pre-Spanish hierarchical systems and
modern cargo systems. The data on the Inca empire and its organization hardly allow us to
study critically how the political system was manipulated. However, information on the
only Inca king that the Spaniards ever met, Atahuallpa, and on the person who in early col-
onial Cuzco fullfilled the position of Inca king, Paullu Inca, allow some insight into this
problem. Data on this subject appears in an appendix to this article.
Appendix: Atahuallpa and Paullu Inca
A short description of the careers of Atahuallpa and Paullu Inca can demonstrate the in-
terplay of the different factors discussed here. Even those historical persons are given
rather legendary details.
Most chroniclers agree that Atahuallpa's mother came from Quito. When Huayna
Capac, his father, died, Huascar became his legitimate successor and Atahuallpa received
the government of what is now approximately Ecuador. This is sometimes represented as a
division of royal power between his two sons, but probably it was nothing of this sort.
Huayna Capac died in Tumibamba, a city to which he had a strong personal attachment.
In another article (Zuidema 1973 c) it is argued that, next to the ancestral capital Cuzco,
Tumibamba was the capital of conquest at the border of what at that time was considered
the well-settled area of Tahuantinsuyu, "the Empire of the Four Suyu." Murua states that
Ecuador, north of Tumibamba, consisted of two extra suyu. Perhaps the relationship of
these extra suyu to the central four could be defined like that of the Incas-by-privilege to
the Incas proper in Cuzco itself. Anyhow, it was the fact that Atahuallpa did not accom-
pany the mummy of Huayna Capac to Cuzco, failing thereby to pay his respects to his
brother, Huascar, which started a civil war. Sarmiento (cap. 63) gives us some interesting
details about the hierarchial relationships between the two brothers. The mummy had been
accompanied by nobles "who were of the lineage of Inga Yupanqui ( = Pachacuti Inca) and
relatives of Atagualpa's mother." Huascar, angry because Atahuallpa had not come with
them, had them all killed. This led to the enmity of all the nobles of Hanan-Cuzco "to
which belonged these dead" and to Huascar's decision to change sides from Hanan-Cuzco
to Hurin-Cuzco. The reason that Atahuallpa gave for his not coming to Cuzco was,
however, "that he did not want to see himself ashamed and poor among his relatives in
Cuzco."
In the first place, is there really a discrepancy between Atahuallpa's origin in Quito and
Sarmiento's claims of his connections to Hatun ayllu? There need not be. Atahuallpa as a
son of Huayna Capac should belong to the latter's group of descendants, the Tumibamba
panaca. But among members of this group there were rank distinctions according to the
birth of their respective mothers and Guaman Poma (f.181) shows that these were well
recorded in the case of Huayna Capac's descendants. Atahuallpa's mother may have been
classified in Hatan ayllu, not because she was a linear descendant of Pachacuti Inca, but 1)
because she was a non-Inca woman; 2) because she was a princess; 3) because Quito, her
father's kingdom, was situated in Chinchaysuyu; a suyu considered as an extension of
Hanan Cuzco. Atahuallpa, then, had a double association: one to Tumibambapanaca and
one to Hatun ayllu. Although he had inherited the highest function because of his mother's
birth in Quito still he was the head of a tribute paying people and as such a Hatunruna.
This might have been one of the reasons why he felt himself poor among his relatives in
Cuzco.
Another reason for this last fact might have been, however, quite a different one. Pedro
Pizzaro, who knew Atahuallpa well in Cajamarca, observed (p. 64) that Atahuallpa always
Hierarchy and Space in Incaic Social Organization 71

had his head covered with a cloth because of a broken ear. This should have occurred
when, in an early phase of the civil war, Atahuallpa had been taken as a prisoner by
Huascar's army. The details about this phase are vague and one tradition even reports that
Atahuallpa later escaped prison by changing himself into a mouse. Do not discount the
possibility that he already had a broken ear before he rebelled and that this fact also had
something to do with his feeling ashamed and poor among his relatives in Cuzco.
Apparently, Atahuallpa wanted not just to win the throne in a fight between brothers
but to establish a new society, just as Manco Capac and Pachacuti Inca had in the myth.
He and Huascar took sides in a political struggle between factions which were still in ex-
istence at the end of the eighteenth century, and which in the capital, opposed the Hanan -
to the Hurin-Cuzco. Atahuallpa called his panaca Ticci Capac, "the royal foundation (of a
new empire)" and the chronicles give some interesting details about his motivation. So, for
instance, according to the Quipucamayoc (p. 4), the captains of Atahuallpa "burned all the
quipus, saying that they had to begin anew in a new world of Ticci-Capac Inga, which was
the name they gave to Ataovallpa Inga." When the generals of Atahuallpa had defeated
Huascar and stood before the gates of Cuzco, they ordered its high nobility to come out of
the city and pay their respect to Ticci Capac "but they understood it the other way." The
passage is engimatic but makes clear the complete reversal that took place in the empire
and in the minds of the Cuzco nobility.
Upon their conquest of Cuzco the generals of Atahuallpa burned the mummies of Tupac
Yupanqui and Huayna Capac and had all their descendants killed together with those of
Huascar. This act brings into consideration the case of Paullu Inca, to whom Ella Dunbar
Temple (1937) dedicated an important study.
The only sons of Huayna Capac to survive the holocaust of Atahuallpa's generals in
Cuzco were Manco Inca and Paullu Inca. Manco Inca was crowned by the Spaniards as In-
ca, but fled in 1536 to Vilcabamba. Paullu Inca accompanied Almagro to Chili, and later
stayed in Cuzco. Before Manco Inca fled, he was his most important advisor and, in fact,
his "segundapersona" taking over the government in Cuzco when Manco Inca went out to
defeat Quisquis, one of Atahuallpa's generals. Later he was accepted by the Indians in
Cuzco as their Inca (Cieza, la parte, cap.62), although it is stated in many places that he
belonged to the panaca of Huayna Capac, Tumibamba panaca, of Antisuyu.
Paullu Inca's mother belonged to the Huaillas people, the original inhabitants of Cuzco
who were driven out by the Incas to Antisuyu on the eastern slope of the Andes, near Cuz-
co. Huaillas (huaylas) is a general name for a low class group, meaning "grass" and referr-
ing to peoples of the puna. Paullu Inca himself received his name from that of the village
Paullu, which lies in the Urubamba valley, near Pisac, on the road from Cuzco to Antisuyu
and to the Huaillas. The reason given for this name was that his mother passed through this
village when he was born. The political unit that comprised Paullu, together with the town
Pisac and the nearby villages of Coya and Huayllacan (Molina p.32; Sarmiento cap.
19,20,21) played a peculiar role in the political and ceremonial organization of Cuzco. It
was the descendants of a woman from Paullu, Mama Micay, married to Inca Roca (the
first king-ancestor of Hanan-Cuzco), who were put in charge of the irrigation system in
Cuzco (Cobo XII, 9; Zuidema 1964: 147,148). Apparently the village Paullu owned a field
in Cuzco-Sausiro-where the Inca king sowed the first maize "for the body of Mama
Huaco" and from this maize a drink was made, used in the cult of her mummy. As a sister
of Manco Capac, she was worshipped for having sown the first maize (Molina:66,67; Her-
nandez Principe). But whereas Sarmiento tells us that the descendants of Mama Huaco liv-
ed in Paullu, Cobo (11:179)affirms that the field Sausiro belonged to the descendants of
Paullu Inca. Paullu Inca clearly occupied an important and central ceremonial place in the
agricultural ceremonies and in this role we might consider him as a descendant of Yahuar
Huacac. It was in the village of Paullu that the mummy of this king was kept.
A similar conclusion might be drawn from the fact that Paullu Inca went to live in Cuzco
in a palace called Collcampata ("the terraces of the storehouses"). This place had once
72 R.T. ZUIDEMA

belonged to a son of Pachacuti Inca called Tupac Amaru. Legends attributed to the latter
that, during a long drought, only his fields received enough rain to grow a good crop; that
he had invented the system of collcas (store houses) for keeping agricultural produce and
that he, in fact, was thecontact person for the king with the lower class. The actions of
Paullu Inca in colonial times reveal a similar attitude to that the Indians in Cuzco ascribed
to Tupac Amaru.
Finally, Paullu Inca must have had a special relationship to the priestly class. When the
Spaniards entered Peru, he fled to Titicaca to visit his sister, who was the highest priestess
in the Temple of the Moon on the island of Coati, near Copacabana. Here, of all the royal
ayllus, only Sucsupanaca, the panaca of priests, was represented. Later, when Paullu Inca
returned to Cuzco, he brought the huaca of Huanacauri, the most important huaca, to the
Incas in Cuzco, but especially to their lower classes, and kept it for many years in his house,
where it was worshipped by the Indians. This data may support the conclusion that Paullu
Inca had a special association to the panaca of Viracocha Inca and that this was the reason
why members of his own family added the title Viracocha Inca to their surname (Sarmiento
cap.62 Guaman Poma f.181, 1107, 1097).
Perhaps this data on Atahuallpa and Paullu Inca allow more suggestions than affirma-
tions, but it indicates a direction for study of how the Inca system might have worked.

NOTES

'The word manco is used in Quechua also for "great-great-grandfather" and "ancestral stone". In Aymara Man-
qhue (Bertonio) is used for "cave, underworld" and "profound man who does not open himself to anybody". The
name Huayna Capac "young, royal person" is sometimes explained by the fact that he, at this ascension to the
throne, was still so young that he needed a regent. It seems doubtful that any historical worth can be credited to this
explanation. One suggestion is that Huayna refers to the mummy of a historical king whereas the mummy of Tupac
Yupanqui, "the royal member of the Yupanqui family (to which family the other mummies also belonged)",
represented the royal position within the organization of Cuzco. Santo Thomas (1951a p. 71; confirmed by Guaman
Poma and various documents) says that the name Huayna ("young") was used when a son had the same name as his
father or grandfather. This then, would be the distinction also made between Yupanqui and Huayna Capac.
2Pachacuti is traditionally credited with reconstructing Cuzco after the Chanca attack. For this work he used the
help of " 10 chiefs and 20 nobles" (Betanzos ch. 16) and the help of their subjects who lived in the same area around
Cuzco as covered by the ceque system. The work was done in sections divided over the collaborating groups; a
system, called mita by the other chroniclers and still applied in modern Andean villages. Data on the place where the
mummy of Pachacuti was found (Cobo XII cap.13) and on the temples where it was given cult (Cobo XIII cap.13)
support the conclusion that the mummy was worshipped by the Hatunruna as descendants of those 10 chiefs and 20
nobles and who were the class of people obliged to do mita for the Inca nobility. The significance of the term inaca is
explained by Murua. He speaks (I cap.86) of a son of Pachacuti having more than a hundred sons. These were all
married with noble ladies from Cuzco, called yumaca. Later in a more general context Murua (II cap. 13) says how the
king could give to high officials either a wife of Inca birth, called nusta, or another noble woman called yucana. In
either description Murua is using a bastardized version of the word inaca for a "noble lady" of non-Inca descent. In-
aca panaca, then, refers to the descendants or subjects of the non-Inca nobles in the area of Cuzco.
30ne of the most interesting roles, to take as an example, is that known by the name Cusi Huanachiri. Sarmiento
(cap. 15) and Cobo (XII, cap.5) attribute it to the huauque ("brother") of Sinchi Roca; that is his personal statue or
huaca in the form of a fish, called huanachiri amaru. Guaman Poma (f. 150) assigns the name to a son and captain of
Lloque Yupanqui who conquered and killed a neighbouring chief in revenge because the latter had broken out with
his sling two teeth from the mouth of Sinchi Roca, his grandfather. Moreover, "before he would go into battle he
had to drink first with the Sun, his father"; a practice that he invented. Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui (p.238) men-
tions similar data about Huanachiri in relation to the battle of king Pachacuti Inca against the Chancas. Most
chronicles tell the legendary fact how a great amount of stones, called pururauca, changed into soldiers and came to
the rescue of Cuzco and Pachacuti. Santacruz Pachacuti says about the event "And in the meantime, an old man and
nearest relative of his father (i.e., Viracocha Inca, called Ttopa-uanchire, priest of Curicancha (i.e., the temple of the
Sun) makes some lines of stone of pururauca and gives them, in line of attack, lances and shields and clubs . . .".
Although, then, Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui places Huanachiri much later genealogically and attaches him to
another story of battle, it is the same person: he is a priest, either belonging to Lloque Yupanqui's panaca or to
Viracocha Inca's, or he has a religious function as a huauque; he is related to the cult of the Sun, either inventing
drinking to him or functioning in his temple; finally he is related to battle, against enemies representing pre-Inca
times, either fighting himself or making an army in a magical way. Perhaps the placing of stones in lines has
something to do with the ceque-system, as this would make also more intelligible the last data about Huanachiri by
Murua.
Hierarchy and Space in Incaic Social Organization 73

Most chroniclers mention, besides Sinchi Roca, another, older but secondary, son of Manco Capac, called Manco
Sapaca. He was credited with having invented piercing ears as an initiation rite, first applied on Sinchi Roca, and of
having brought Lloque Yupanqui as an old man to a woman in order to engender the latter's first son. These acts
might explain the meaning of his name in Aymara: "semen (of animals and men)". Murua calls him Manco Inca and
says that this is another name of Cusi Huanachiri as son of a Pachacuti who was the son of Manco Capac. This name
Pachacuti must refer to the same role as that of the ninth king, Pachacuti. Not only Murua but also Guaman Poma
(f.87, 109, 145, 146) and others give, on the one hand, Manco Capac a son Pachacuti and, on the other hand,
Pachacuti Inca a son Manco Inca. Cusi Huanachiri, then, or Manco Inca (=Manco Sapaca) was the one who
engendered more than a hundred sons, whereas these sons in their turn married the ladies inaca. In the account of
Murua the idea of procreation is also important and the fact of a great number of sons coincides well with the idea
that they were the ancestors of Hatunruna.
4One example of a role with a legendary reference and a direct one is to an existing profession in the Inca empire.
Bertonio gives in his Aymara dictionary the two following descriptions under the root sasi-:
sasitha: do abstinence in the old way, eating meat or anything else without salt and aj (pepper) at the death of
his parents."
sasiri ccapaca: "The brother of the Inca who had the custom to eat as many kernels of maize as there are in
one row of a cob and no more, every time when the Inca killed a certain amount of people in the battles; and
when this brother died, he was succeeded by another in this office".
I found references to this belief in the modern village of Sarhua (river Pampas valley, Ayacucho). Here a row of
kernels missing in a corn cob is considered as the indication of an impending death. The religious foundation of this
professional role in Inca society is however given by Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui (p.227;228). He mentions how the
Inca Mayta Capac renewed the image of the Sun in the latter's temple; an act to which other chroniclers refer by say-
ing that this king was the first to open the of the Sunbird, after it had been brought to Cuzco by Manco Capac. The
act was for Mayta Capac the occasion to reflect on death and to do penitence for a whole month during the
solsticial feast of December "eating a row of kernels of a maize cob". The place where he did this was in Tococachi, a
temple dedicated to the Thunder as a wargod. Here the mummy of Pachacuti Inca was also kept. If we may accept
that Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui did describe a special role of Mayta Capac - as seems to be supported by the data of
other chroniclers -and did not assign it casually to this king-ancestor, then we might use this data for defining the
rank of Sasiri Ccapaca's profession. First, it was a profession belonging to an Inca noble, associated with Hurin-
Cuzco, the part of town symbolically related to death, fertility and agriculture. Second it was a role related to war,
dedicated to the Thundergod, as exemplified by Pachacuti Inca and Mayta Capac. Third, the place to carry out the
act of eating the kernels may have been in the temple of Tococachi. It was Mayta Capac's genealogical distance as a
king-ancestor to the living king that defined the rank of the king's brother with the title Sasiri Ccapaca.
5A more technical analysis could reveal other concepts and data of interest for an understanding of the three ex-
amples mentioned here (see also Zuidema 1977).
Ramos Gavilan describes the organization of pre-Spanish Copacabana, because here the national cult of the rock
and island of Titicaca was organization of priests as descendants of Viracocha Inca - represented here the Inca nobili-
ty as one group of mitimaes. Ramos Gavilan affirms twice that there were mitimaes from forty-two political unities
all over the Empire. The list of these units mentions Hanan-Cuzco, Hurin-Cuzco, four groups of Incas-by-privilege
and thirty-eight other political units; that is, in fact, forty-four groups. But the Incas-by-privilegeHuaro and Quihuar
were taken as one unit and also the Papre and Chilque, thus reducing the number of units to forty-two, if we take
Hanan- and Hurin-Cuzco also as one group. The data of Vilcas Huaman confirm that the informants of Ramos
Gavilan did a legitimate thing, as there Huaro-Quihuar and Papre-Chilque were also taken as one group each.
In an analysis of the ancestral organization of the village of Allauca in Central Peru - as reported by Hernandez
Principe in 1621 - I concluded (Zuidema 1973) that there were two organizations of priests - one of twenty-four male
ones and the other of forty-two female ones - with a regular distribution of their numbers over the 4 ayllus: the male
priests resp. 8,8,4,4 and the female priests 12,16,6,8. Allauca was only a small village. The example given is, however,
valuable, as it demonstrates that the type of organization discussed here was not only applied to define the relation-
ship between Incas and Incas-by-privilege, or a capital and the mitimaes around it, but also between men, represen-
ting in the first place a political hierarchy, and women, representing houses or local groups.
The last example (Cabello Valboa III cap. 17) concerns the legendary organization of the kingdom of Lambayeque,
on the Northcoast, before this was conquered by the neighbouring kingdom of Chimu. During its independent ex-
istance there were twelve kings, the first being its completely mythical conqueror Naymlap, and the last having occa-
sioned himself the conquest of his kingdom because of his removal of Naymlap's statue from the capital. The son of
Naymlap, his successor, had twelve sons who each founded his own family in another town. With the capital included
there were twelve towns. None of the twelve kings was said to rule for more than twelve years. Finally, Naymlap at-
tracted many other peoples under his government. These were represented by forty officials, of whom some of the
names and functions are given. Pita Zofi was the player of the conch shell trumpet (that is, a trumpet of war);
Ninacol took care of the litters and hammocks for carrying principals; Ninagintue was the butler, taking care of the
drinks; Fongasigde was in charge of sprinkling marine shells on the ground that his lord had to walk on; Occhocalo
was his cook; Xammuchec was in charge of the functions and colors with which his Lord painted his face;
Ollopocopoc had to bath his Lord; finally one of the most important officials was Llapchiluli, who made his shirts
and feather dresses. He brought his own followers and went to live in another town.
We discover in Lambayeque the same system of organization as in Allauca, Cuzco or Copacabana. An organiza-
74 R.T. ZUIDEMA

tion of twelve towns governed by members of the royal family. In the capital the succession of kings was patrilineal,
but we may assume, from other data on the North coast, that the local connections of the twelve sons of the
second king were due to matrilocal influence. The forty officials were not related to the royal family; the example
of at least one official suggests that there were forty local groups, each assigned with its own professional specializa-
tion, who sent out members to the capital in order to carry out their functions at court.
6The only real difference between the two lists is, that in the first one there is a Tambo group in Antisuyu and Col-
lasuyu whereas in the other list only one Tambogroup is mentioned. Huarocondo (no. 8) is today the village of the
ayllu Quilliscachi. In both lists Guaman Poma mentions the Queuar and Uaro together; in the second list he forgets
the Papre that are with the Chilque in the first list. Later he will mention them in the same administrative function.
This circumstance might suggest that also for Guaman Poma, like for Ramos Givilan and like in the ethnohistorical
documents of Ayacucho, the Quehuar and Huaro formed one group and the Chilques and Papre another.
Although the following suggestions must be considered as completely hypothetical and speculative, they might be
of interest for future research. Taking Quehuar and Huaro together and Chilque and Papre, there are seven groups in
Chinchaysuyu and Antisuyu, as related to Hanan-Cuzco, and seven groups in Collasuyu and Cuntisuyu as related to
Hurin-Cuzco. Together fourteen groups. We discovered the significance of the number 42 (3 x 14) in that part of the
organizations of Cuzco (42 ceques), Copacabana (42 groups of mitimae) and Allauca (42 female priests) fulfills there
the same function as the organization of Incas-by-privilegearound Cuzco. Guaman Poma may, therefore, have in-
tended to mention fourteen groups of Incas-by-privilege. Probably the distribution of these groups over the four suyu
was also more regular than actually show. Although the Masca are placed in Collasuyu, they lived-in Cuntisuyu. We
have, therefore, five groups in both Chinchaysuyu and Collasuyu, and two in both Antisuyu and Cuntisuyu. This key
of division approaches the one that Guaman Poma gives of the advisors to the Inca king from the four suyus: four
from Chinchaysuyu and four from Collasuyu; two from Antisuyu and two from Cuntisuyu. We might ask why the
Inca's recognized only fourteen groups of Incas-by-privilegeand did not extend this number to 42. Probably they did
something of this sort with peoples more distant from Cuzco. Guaman Poma and other chroniclers give some loose
data on this subject, but I cannot discuss these in any kind of systematic context.
7(Guaman Poma explains guaman as "king of the birds"; poma as "king of the (fourfooted) animals" and chaua
as "cruel; as he (his ancestor) was very cruel against the tirants". (f. 1107 [1097]). Besides Guaman Chaua as title for
the "segunda persona" of the Inca king, the title Guaman Poma was used for the younger brother of Guaman Chaua
who was "Lord of the Chinchaysuyos". Next to the king on a golden seat, they were allowed to sit resp. on a seat of
silver and of tin (f.453). We may conclude that Guaman Poma used the opposition guaman to poma in a similar
hierarchical way as the kin terms "son" to "sister's son". The 3rd and 6th titles have the element lliucyac, "lightn-
ing" in common. The elements chaua, in the 2nd title and carua, in the 5th, may also have a similar meaning: chaua,
besides "cruel" in Guaman Poma's translation, means "raw", "unripe" or "wild" and chahuar "the dry leaf of
maguey" (Holquin) whereas carhua is applied to a dry, yellow plant. I do not have a reasonable translation for
guayac.

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