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Foodshed, etc.

Foodshed: quantitative spatial analysis
Foodscape: more interdisciplinary (anthropological, institutional analysis)

Peters et al., 2008

Focus on potential of local agriculture in supplying local foodshed. Analyzes the spatial
spatial distribution of food production capacity relative to food needs. Identifies mini-
mum distance. Foodshed model successful in considering the geography of food produc-
tion and food consumption simultaneously.

Kremer DeLiberty, 2011

Relevance of foodshed studies
 The process of globalization, industrialization and centralization of food systems
dramatically changed the structure of the food system in a historically short pe-
riod of time
 Supported by government policy and low transportation costs, food production,
processing and distribution systems went through centralization and integration
processes, gaining economics of scale efficiencies, while replacing local and re-
gional networks with national and international ones (Hardesty, 2010; Lyson,
 The globalization trend in world food production, characterized by dependence
on mechanization, fuel, fertilizers, and pesticides, has brought about a centraliza-
tion process of food production, coupled with marginalization of rural populations
and increasing hunger and malnourishment.
 Environmental problems attributed to the industrial food system include defor-
estation, over-use of cropland, soil and water pollution, and biodiversity loss

Explores the socio-spatial structure of the current local food system and proposes new
methodology (integration of remote sensing and GIS techniques to estimate land poten-
tial for urban food production).

Local food systems are not merely a delineated geography or a flow of consumer goods
from production to consumption, they are natural and social networks formed through
common knowledge and understanding of particular places, embedded in their lo-

A fundamental principle for the promotion of sustainable food systems is the understand-
ing of the pathways between production and consumption of food. Many of these
studies suggest that the way data is gathered and analyzed today is inherently prohibitive
to making these connections.

Presenta diferentes metodologías para mapear/analizar el foodshed

Metodología para mapear el foodshed:

1. Identificación
a. Puntos de venta/puntos locales de producción (huertos urbanos, fincas)
2. Ver p. 1254

The analysis here is focused on urban and regional local food production, distribution,
and outlets for local foods within the city.

Aspectos estudiados
 Relación entre sistema alimentario local e ingreso, salud y acceso a alimentos
 Extensión del foodshed
 Distribución de la producción: West-oriented. These are interesting results, be-
cause local food systems are too often discussed in terms of arbitrary radii. Politi-
cal boundaries are clearly at play in the decision farmers make to participate in
farmers’ markets in Philadelphia.
 Food miles: a network analysis is constructed to evaluate the distance traveled by
farmers selling in Philadelphia’s farmers markets, as well as a more refined look
at the food distribution systems of urban farms, the distances they travel and their
choices of food outlets.
 Calculation of the productive potential of urban areas

Wilkins et al., 2017

Proposes a methodology for a greater understanding of the links between the RFE, health
and obesity. Authors systematize the methodologies used and assess the influence of
methodological influence on findings. Their main focus is on the relationship between the
retail foon environment and health issues.

Menezes et al., 2016

Analysis of the relationship between food stores and consumption of FV. In conclusion,
negative characteristics of the food environment, as seen in the present study, may con-
tribute to low FV consumption, suggesting the need for the development and consolida-
tion of public policies aimed at creating healthy environments through built environment
interventions that increase access to and consumption of healthy foods like FV.

Morgan, Sonnino, 2010

This article examines the evolution of urban food strategies in two world cities, London
and New York, to explore (i) the meanings of a ‘sustainable food strategy’ and (ii) the
scope and limits of food system localization, which is not a surrogate for a sustainable
food strategy.
Cities find themselves at the forefront of the New Food Equation for both ecological and
political reasons.
The powerful correlation with poverty means that obesity is not so much an urban prob-
lem per se as a problem of poor people in an obesogenic urban environment because,
generally speaking, the highest rates of obesity are found among groups with the highest
poverty rates and the lowest education levels.
Filomena et al., 2013
Understanding fluctuations in local food retail environments can be valuable to further
understand how those environments influence the health behaviors of affected residents.
If food retail environments are stable, with consistency in volume and types of food
stores, this lends support for the assumption that residents are chronically exposed to
the features of their food environments. However, if food retail environments are not sta-
ble, the changes need to be characterized. For instance, environments where food stores
close and are replaced with the same types of food stores may impact residents similarly
to stable environments, producing exposures chronically. Alternatively, fluctuations in
the volume and types of food stores may create an unpredictable food environment, com-
pelling residents to adopt adaptive behaviors in order to navigate the fluctuations. Addi-
tionally, if there are fluctuations in food retail environments, they may open opportuni-
ties for food policy to make a positive impact on community health.

Overall in Brooklyn, there were about 16 food stores and 0.7 supermarkets per 10,000
residents in 2007 (Table 1). There was an annual increase in the number of total stores
through 2011, with the greatest increase taking place between 2010 and 2011. The total
increase, or 5-year change, was 1107 total stores (an additional 4.5 stores per 10,000
persons) and 16 supermarkets (0.1 supermarkets per 10,000 persons).

Polsky et al., 2014

Similar to Wilkins et al., 2017.
There is growing evidence that the neighbourhood retail “foodscape” or food environ-
ment may play a role in shaping dietary behaviours and diet-related health outcomes.

Accordingly, our study aims to assess whether access to retail sources of healthy and un-
healthy food varies systematically according to level of neighbourhood deprivation in
three diverse settings in southern Ontario,

Our findings are consistent with those of recent reports from Montreal, Edmonton and
urban areas of British Columbia in demonstrating that areas with a higher proportion of
materially deprived residents are not systematically disadvantaged in terms of absolute
access to retail sources of fresh produce, such as supermarkets, grocery stores, and
fruit/vegetable shops, and have similar or better access compared to more affluent areas.

Bader et al., 2010

While research on neighborhood food environments has taken advantage of more tech-
nically sophisticated ways to assess 409 distance and density, in general, it has not con-
sidered how individual or neighborhood conditions might modify physical distance and
thereby affect patterns of spatial accessibility. This study carried out a series of sensitivity
analyses to illustrate the effects on the measurement of disparities in food environments
of adjusting for cross-neighborhood variation in vehicle ownership rates, public transit
access, and impediments to pedestrian travel, such as crime and poor traffic safety.

We found that adjusting for vehicle ownership and crime tended to increase measured
disparities in access to supermarkets by neighborhood race/ ethnicity and income, while
adjusting for public transit and traffic safety tended to narrow these disparities. Further,
considering fruit and vegetable markets and farmers’ markets, as well as supermarkets,
increased the density of healthy food outlets, especially in neighborhoods with high con-
centrations of Hispanics, Asians, and foreign-born residents and high-poverty neighbor-

Gould et al., 2012

This case study examines access to food stores selling fresh FV in Gatineau, Quebec, to
identify areas where poor access is coincident with high deprivation.

Cummins, Macintyre, 2002

Analyze food prices and food store numbers in different neighbourhoods according to
material deprivation level.

The first use of the term ‘food desert’ has been attributed to a resident of a west of Scot-
land housing scheme who used it in the early 1990s to capture the experience of what it
was like to live in a deprived neighbourhood where food was expensive and relatively

There is no single agreed de nition of what constitutes a ‘food desert’, but a good descrip-
tion has been provided by Laurence. He describes ‘food deserts’ as
those areas of inner cities where cheap, nutritious food is virtually unobtainable. Car-less
residents, unable to reach out-oftown supermarkets, depend on the corner shop where
prices are high, products are processed and fresh fruit and vegetables are poor or non-
existent (Laurence, 1998; in Whitehead, 1998, p. 189).

Cole-Hamilton and Lang (1986) were among the rst to note that consumers, especially
those on a low income, who live in poor areas may be hit by a reduction of food choice,
and a corresponding increase in food price, caused by restructuring in the food retail in-

that small, independent stores are generally more expensive than large multiple-
owned outlets Commented [PH1]: Not true for Ecuador!

Many authors have suggested that these patterns may be a direct consequence of the re-
organisation of retail space that occurred throughout the late 1980s and early 1990s.
During this period, food retail rms began to compete by focusing on a strategy of capital
investment in large superstores; as a consequence, multiple-owned food outlets became
larger and their total number diminished. In order to bene t further from increasing econ-
omies of scale, rms began to relocate to edge-ofor out-of-town sites in order to generate
lower wage and distribution costs, wider product ranges, greater returns per square foot
and higher spends per shopping trip.

Thus ‘the High Street’ began to decline, with the remaining smaller, independent opera-
tors being unable to compete with the marketing power that the multiple-owned super-
stores had achieved.
There was then a ‘trading impact’ on the number of small stores in these traditional loca-
tions. Guy (1996) reported that in Cardiff the opening of seven large food superstores led
to an almost immediate decline in the number of small food stores in inner-city and sub-
urban areas

Díez et al., 2016

The quantitative part of this study is very similar to the data we gathered. They compare
food stores (numbers and food types) in two different neighbourhoods (Madrid, Balti-

Places where we buy food influence dietary patterns, making local food environments a
good example of a mass influence on population diets.

Our results may help promoting interventions from local city agencies to allocate re-
sources to existing smallsized food stores, and to improve walkable urban environments.
These actions may influence food choices, especially for those residents lacking access to
private vehicles.

During 2012–2013, we assessed one neighborhood (~15,000 residents) in each city se-
lecting median areas in terms of socio-demographic characteristics (segregation, educa-
tion, aging, and population density). We collected on-field data on (a) number and types
of all food stores, (b) overall healthy food availability and (c) specific availability of fruits
& vegetables. Throughout a street network analysis (200 m, 400 m and 800 m) of food
stores with high healthy food availability, we estimated residents' pedestrian accessibil-

Following previously published criteria (Glanz et al., 2007; Buczynski and Buzogany,
2015; Glanz et al., 2005), we defined food store types in Madrid and Baltimore as: a) su-
permarkets; b) grocery stores; c) specialty stores (including bakeries, butchers, fishmon-
gers, or greengrocers); d) chain convenience stores (including chain, discount and gas
stations); e) corner stores (including behind-glass stores, where all of the goods for sale
and the storeowner are physically behind plexiglass) (Franco et al., 2008). We geocoded
and mapped all food stores for instore surveying.

To characterize healthy food availability, we conducted in-store audits for all food stores
in in both areas. We used an abbreviated version of the Nutrition Environment Measures
Survey in Stores (NEMS-S), a standardized observational tool developed and validated by
Glanz et al. (Glanz et al., 2007). This NEMS-s measure has demonstrated to be feasible,
have strong face and content validity, and have both high inter-rater kappas (0.84 to 1.00)
and high test–retest reliability (0.73 to 1.00) (Glanz et al., 2007).

The NEMS-S survey examines the availability of healthy options versus less-healthy op-
tions over 12 types of foods. The outcome is a Healthy Food Availability Index (HFAI),
developed as a “market basket” of groceries, which awards points based on the presence
of all categories of this market basket and additional points for healthier versions of those
foods. The Healthy Food Availability Index (HFAI) scoring system ranges from 0 to 28.5
(Glanz et al., 2007) and the surveyed food categories included: milk, juice, fruits, vegeta-
bles, meats, chicken, seafood, canned goods, frozen foods, packaged foods, bread and ce-

Trained data collectors visited all food stores in the study areas to assess the availability
of healthy food choices using the NEMS-s survey, were the food item “corn tortillas”, not
consumed in Spain, was removed from the scoring system. Total scores of the HFAI range
therefore from 0 to 27.5 for all food stores. Derived from the overall HFAI, we also created
a specific “Fruit & Vegetable Index”, ranging from 0 to 10, to show the number of food
stores selling these two food categories. Ethics approval was not required as this study
did not involve human participants.

We calculated overall “Healthy Food Availability Index” and “Fruit & Vegetable Index”
average scores per store type and condensed them in three categories (high, medium,
and low) based on the observed distribution of HFAI scores in each city (Franco et al.,

We found substantial differences indicating that, compared to those in Baltimore, resi-

dents in Madrid had a denser and more homogeneously distributed local food environ-
ment, with greater pedestrian access to healthy foods and to a larger variety of food
stores types. The presence of public markets and small food stores (selling mostly fruits,
vegetables and fresh products) in Madrid contrasted with the presence of corner and
chain convenience stores in the comparable area in Baltimore.

Miskin, 2010
Seems to be an anthropological study.
This essay argues for the utility of the foodscape concept as a way of analyzing how the
provision and consumption of food is organized in a particular time and a particular
place. Literatures discussed include: Arjun Appadurai’s critique of globalization, food re-
gimes theory, landscape art theory, Sydney Mintz’s theoretical understanding of food and
its relationship to power.

The concept of foodscape can show us how ideology, technology, money, the media and
people are global dynamics that interact and shape the world of food.

Specifically, the idea of foodscape shows us that, although the capitalist system is cur-
rently pre-eminent, changes do occur and opportunities to resist are evident.

Mintz, in Sweetness and Power: the place of sugar in modern history was interested in
how and why new foods are adopted in industrial capitalist society (1984). A new food
being incorporated into daily life reflects the power of those who control its supply and
the subsequent power or meaning it comes to have in individual’s lives.

The spread of media throughout the world that presents us with ideas and information
about what we should eat and how we should live includes television, the internet, the
radio, newspapers, books, magazines etc.

Using Mintz’s terms, the corporate dominance of the world of food is the ‘outside mean-
ing’ and power that subsequently shapes the parameters of choice people have about
what to eat – the ‘inside meaning’ of food in their lives. Mintz expands the concept outside
meaning using Wolf’s ideas of ‘tactical’ and ‘structural’ power . Tactical power is the sort
of power that operates within “multinational corporations” and is typical of traditionally
structured, hierarchical capitalist organisations . Structural power refers to the wider dy-
namics of power that shape the environment in which such organisations come into be-
ing. This power can be seen in the Third Food Regime as supermarkets and transnational
corporations evolve from the global, capitalist, industrial, neoliberal milieu that struc-
tures contemporary economic relations. Mintz explains that “when this perspective is ap-
plied to the subject of food habits, it is easy to see how structural and tactical (or organi-
sational) power undergird the institutional frameworks that set the terms by which peo-
ple get food...” .

Galzki et al, 2014

This research attempts to analyze the feasibility of supplying the nutritional needs for an
11-county region in Southeastern Minnesota entirely from locally grown foods. The study
also evaluates an alternative land-use scenario to illustrate how better utilizing land re-
sources can yield environmental benefits in addition to those already inherent with local
food production. Potential foodsheds are mapped to represent the theoretical spatial
extent of agricultural resources needed to sustain population within the region.

Aucoin and Fry, 2015

Another qualitative study.
In this study, we examine the local food movement in the Dallas/Fort Worth Metroplex
(DFW) and use farmers’ markets to understand DFW’s developing local food system and

As well, geographers and anthropologists have analyzed local food systems in

terms of sense of place and community (e g Feagan 2007; DeLind 2002), and the
reasons people engage in local food systems, including the feeling of participating
in a community.

In this study, we build on Feagan’s (2007) analysis of food communities and their places,
and Kloppenburg et al ’s (1996) concept of foodsheds to analyze DFW’s local food system
with regards to two questions: 1) What is the role of farmers’ markets in DFW’s local food
system? And 2) how do local food producers and farmers’ market customers experience
community and place in DFW’s local food system?

Pietrykowski (2004) summarizes that local food movements revolve around taste,
quality, human interaction, and the pleasure of consumption In this way, local food
movements distinguish themselves from the corporatized organic food industry,
or “supermarket organics,” that market products on their taste, quality, and health
bene ts, but remain silent on long supply chains, farm labor exploitation, and lack
of farmer-consumer interactions (Nonini 2013)

Among local food movements, consumers and producers come together in a variety of
arenas, including farmers’ markets, community supported agriculture groups (CSAs),
greengrocer distribution networks, alternative food chains, and farm pickups (Feagan
2007) Consumers, producers, and the various points of exchange comprise local food
systems (LFS) Most LFS can be found within or near urban areas

Local food is inherently a geographic phenomenon, as distance between farm and market
plays an important role in how people de ne “local food” in addition to connections be-
tween speci c products and places where food is produced and consumed (Coit 2008) e
use of the word local implies that space and locality are important to the identity of this
movement ere is some disagreement, however, about what constitutes “local” (Dunne et
al 2011), particularly with regard to how far food travels from producer to market Food
miles are one way to di erentiate between di erent forms of production and to identify
LFS (Born and Purcell 2006; Coley et al 2009).

The “foodshed” is another tool for imagining a bounded area indicative of locality
(Kloppenburg et al 1996; Peters et al 2009) Geographers and local food activists
use foodsheds to delineate a physical space within which some kind of food pro-
duction and consumption occurs (Kloppenburg et al 1996; Peters et al 2009) Commented [PH2]: What does that mean for our under-
standing definition of foodshed?

The foodshed provides a visual rela- tionship between the place of production and
consumption, and gives consumers a precise knowledge of where their food origi-
nates. In this manner, the foodshed is a way to delineate the spatial extent of the
networks of local food, and to embed local food networks in a particular locality.
Hara et al., 2013
This study aimed to assess Japan’s recent ‘‘local production for local consumption’’
(LPLC) movement, with a special focus on vegetables in the Osaka city region of central
Japan. After collecting statistics and spatial data, we con- ducted a multi-scale analysis of
vegetable production and consumption along with the associated energy consumption,
using geographical information system software at three spatial scales along the vegeta-
ble flow paths: national, regional, and local.

Johnston et al., 2009

Discourse analysis on foodscape.

This paper examines how the corporate-organic foodscape has interacted and evolved
alongside competing counter movements of food democracy. Using discourse and con-
tent analysis, we examine how corporate organics incorporate messages of locally scaled
food production, humble origins, and a commitment to family farms and employees, and
explore some of the complexity of the corporate-organic foodscape.

Our mapping of the corporate-organic foodscape illustrates that the biggest and best-sell-
ing organic brands have adopted and fetishized key themes from a vision of food democ-
racy. Brand websites are heavily imbued with the imagery of specific places, family farms
and rural landscapes, and personalized narratives. These have become a key marketing
feature, even if they have little relationship to the long- distance commodity chains and
centralized ownership structures that also characterize corporate agribusiness.
Karg et al., 216
Estudio impresionante de diferentes foodsheds de acuerdo a la estacionalidad y el tipo
de alimento.

There is a lack of empirical studies and methodologies which systematically analyse the
actual proportion and nutritional significance of local and regional food supplied to urban
markets. The aim of this empirical study therefore was to compare the geographical
sources supplying food to the urban population (“foodsheds”) in Tamale, Ghana and Oua-
gadougou, Burkina Faso, to record the supplied quantities and to assess the level of inter-
action between the sources and the respective city.

The surveys conducted in Tamale and Ouagadougou generated a unique set of quantita-
tive data of food flows linking the cities with nearby and distant source locations. Crop-
and season-specific foodsheds revealed the level of spatial and temporal diversity, rang-
ing from one-dimensional to multi-dimensional foodsheds. The data were also used to
suggest extents of city regions, including those areas around the cities that contribute
substantially to urban food supply. The results indicated that within the defined city re-
gion a relatively large proportion of smallholders contributed to urban food supply, tak-
ing advantage of the proximity to urban markets. Localised food systems potentially sup-
port smallholders, and also offer other place-base benefits, e.g., options for the reuse of
organic waste generated in the city.

Lengnick et al., 2015

This paper explores the potential climate resilience benefits associated with a structural
transformation of the US food system to a nationally integrated network of regional sus-
tain- able food systems oriented to major metropolitan areas: met- ropolitan foodsheds.
It begins with a review of recent literature on food system sustainability and resilience
and discusses a convergence on the regional scale as a promising strategy for cultivating
food system resilience in the face of climate change and other challenges.