Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Jack Hunter
By now the image of the adventurous anthropologist boldly experimenting with the
psychoactive substances of their native informants is something of a cliche. Images from
Carlos Castanedaʼs influential series of books, in which a young anthropologist is initiated
into the world of Yaqui sorcery through extraordinary psychedelic experiences,
immediately spring to mind when the subject comes up. But there is a history of serious
anthropological inquiry beyond Castanedaʼs popularisation (and possible fictionalisation)
of anthropologyʼs involvement with psychoactive substances. In this paper I aim to give a
brief, introductory, chronological summary of developments within this field of study, from
the Nineteenth Century to the present day, through presenting snapshots of key figures
and their research. These will include, in order of appearance, J.G. Frazer, Weston La
Barre, Richard Evans Schultes, Napoleon Chagnon, Carlos Castaneda, Marlene Dobkin
de Rios, Michael Harner, Zeljko Jokic and others.
It is hoped that through this presentation we will see the gradual blossoming of a more
reflexive, experientially oriented, and above all respectful, approach to studying the cross-
cultural use of psychedelic plants and substances.
Anthropology, like most of the sciences, came into its own as a distinct discipline in the
mid-Nineteenth Century. Spurred by the success of Charles Darwinʼs evolutionary theory
in biology, which first emerged in his 1859 book On the Origin of Species, many thinkers
interested in the study of human society began to construct elaborate evolutionist schemes
of social and cultural development: beginning with so-called ʻprimitiveʼ tribal societies and
typically culminating with European society as the most highly developed. For the most
part early anthropologists were library based researchers, fully reliant on the firsthand
reports of explorers, adventurers, travel writers and religious missionaries (including all of
their associated cultural assumptions), for their research data.
Sir James George Frazer was a typical armchair anthropologist. In his epic series of books
The Golden Bough (1993), a vast collection of traditional rites, rituals, folklore and
mythology from around the globe, Frazer refers on several occasions to the use of certain
plants for the purpose of producing what he referred to as ʻtemporary inspiration.ʼ He
describes the prophetess of Apolloʼs consumption of, and fumigation with, laurel leaves
before she prophesied, and explained how the traditional Ugandan priest would smoke a
pipe of tobacco ʻfiercely till he works himself into a frenzy,ʼ his loud voice then being
recognised as ʻthe voice of the god speaking through him.ʼ The widespread use of
consciousness altering substances was, therefore, clearly noted by early anthropologists,
though their researches rarely went much further than describing (or re-describing),
practices observed by missionaries and explorers, barely managing to scratch the surface
of particularly complex socio-psycho-cultural phenomena. Indeed, the evolutionist
paradigm within which scholars like Frazer were operating essentially blocked any kind of
deeper understanding of the role of such substances in different cultures. For Frazer, for
example, spirit possession practices involving tobacco, or the use of Laurel smoke for
inducing prophetic states, were little more than ʻprimitiveʼ evolutionarily redundant
superstitions, already replaced by the ostensibly superior scientific worldview. In other
words, beliefs about the efficacy of such substances to put the imbiber in contact with
spiritual realities were simply confused interpretations of essentially meaningless
experiences of intoxication. From the very outset, therefore, such substances were not
permitted to have any deeper meaning or value, and were certainly not considered as
important in any way.
It wasnʼt until the 1930s that a concerted effort to investigate the cultural use of
psychoactive plants was finally undertaken, with the aim of developing a more complete,
and nuanced, understanding than had previously been achieved during the Nineteenth
Century. One of the earliest such studies was published in 1938 by the American
ethnographer Weston La Barre in his book The Peyote Cult, based on his own doctoral
research amongst the various tribes of the American plains. In the book La Barre
describes the many uses of the peyote cactus (hikuri) as a tool for prophecy and
divination, as an apotropaic charm of protection to ward off witchcraft and attacks from
rival tribes, as well describing its ʻtechnologicalʼ use as a medicine for the healing of
wounds, curing of snake bites, bruises and many other common afflictions. He even
describes the use of the cactus as a cure for blindness.
In addition to these technological uses, La Barre also explored the ritual use of peyote
amongst the Huichol and Tarahumari peoples. He describes the traditional pilgrimage of
the Huichol to gather peyote as a sacred journey to Wirikuta, the primordial origin of the
world, ʻsince formerly the gods went out to seek peyote and now are met with in the shape
of mountains, stones and springs.ʼ When the Huichol pilgrims arrive at the mesa where the
peyote grow, a ritual is performed in which the peyote cactuses are hunted like deer. The
Huichol men fire their arrows over the top of the cactuses, symbolically missing their
targets, so that the cactuses may be brought home alive. Rituals, feasts and festivities
follow the return of the peyote pilgrims. La Barre emphasised the fundamental role of the
peyote cactus as a central pillar of Huichol culture, in terms of structuring the ritual year,
providing access to spiritual realms and as a medicinal technology.
In 1938 Evans Schultes tracked down the mushroom Paneolus campanulatus var.
Sphinctrinus in Huautla de Jimenez, referred to by the Mazatec as t-hana-sa (meaning
ʻunknownʼ), she-to (ʻpasture mushroomʼ) and to-shka (ʻintoxicating mushroomʼ). The
mushroom grows during the rainy season in boggy spots, and contains small amounts of
the psychoactive compound psilocybin. Schultes describes how Mazatec diviners used the
mushroom for practical purposes, in order, for example, to locate stolen property, discover
secrets and to give advice to those in need. The mushroom was also reportedly used in
witchcraft.
Schultes had found the fabled teonanacatl mushroom. Through conducting ethnographic
fieldwork amongst contemporary Mazatec Indians, rather than relying solely on the reports
of missionaries and explorers, Schultes was able to solve an anthropological puzzle and
open the doors for further research on contemporary use of the mushroom amongst the
Mazatec.
By the middle years of the Twentieth century anthropology had blossomed into a fully-
fledged academic discipline, and with this blossoming came an increase in the number of
detailed ethnographic accounts of the use psychoactive plants in different cultural
contexts. While pioneering ethnobotanists like Weston La Barre and Richard Evans
Schultes continued to investigate the use of psychoactive substances, especially in the
context of South America, new experientially oriented approaches were gradually
beginning to emerge.
While conducting his doctoral fieldwork amongst the Jivaro of eastern Ecuador in the late
1950s, Michael Harner developed a life-long fascination with shamanism, which he would
come to recognise as a near-universal set of techniques for experiencing non-ordinary
realities. Twice he was offered the chance to partake of the Jivaroʼs psychedelic brew,
known as Natema, but in an effort to maintain his academic objectivity he declined on both
occasions. It wasnʼt until 1961 that Harner, in his own words, ʻcrossed the threshold fullyʼ
when he drank ayahuasca with the Conibo of Eastern Peru (Harner 2013:35-36), an
experience that inspired questions about ʻthe cross-cultural importance of the
hallucinogenic experience in shamanism and religionʼ (Harner 1973:155). Harner would go
on to conduct a comparative study of themes in Jivaro and Conibo ayahuasca
experiences, which revealed common phenomenological tropes including:
1) The separation of the soul from the physical body, often associated
with sensations of flight and travel.
2) Visions of Jaguars and snakes.
3) The sense of contact with supernatural beings.
4) Visions of distant persons, cities and landscapes.
5) Divinatory visions, for example locating stolen items
(Harner 1973:172-173).
Another, by now rather notorious, contributor to this emerging experiential turn was Carlos
Castaneda. Castaneda was a graduate student in anthropology at the University of
California when he published the famous account of his apprenticeship to the Yaqui
sorcerer Don Juan Matus, The Teachings of Don Juan: A Yaqui Way of Knowledge (1968).
In the book, and its sequels, Castaneda vividly describes his experience of initiation into
the secrets of Yaqui sorcery under Don Juanʼs tutelage, who taught him how to recognise
and prepare several psychoactive plants including peyote (Lophophora williamsii) and
Jimson Weed (Datura stramonium). Castanedaʼs book revealed the inner workings of
Yaqui sorcery, exploring the experiential psychedelic underpinnings of Yaqui supernatural
belief. Although there has been a great deal of debate regarding the veracity of
Castanedaʼs account, his books have had an undoubted influence on many ethnographers
investigating both traditional belief systems and psychoactive plant use.
In 1971 the similarly controversial (though for entirely different reasons), American
ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon and his colleagues published a paper entitled
Yanomamo Hallucinogens: Anthropological, Botanical, and Chemical Findings. The
Yanomamo people inhabit small villages in the Amazon rainforest of Venezuela and
northern Brazil, and, amongst other things, are well known for their use of the
psychoactive snuffs epene (a general term for any prepared snuff, and yopo
(Anadenanthera peregrina). Chagnon and his colleagues, as part of their more traditional
ethnobotanical research, were able to get hold of samples of the epene snuff to be
subjected to chemical analysis in the laboratory. In addition to various non-psychoactive
ingredients, the epene snuff found to contain high levels of the psychoactive 5-hydroxy-
N,N-dimethytryptamine, or Bufotenine, very closely related to the somewhat more famous
compound known as DMT. These hallucinogenic snuffs, as we shall soon see through the
recent work of Zeljko Jokic, constitute an integral component of Yanomamo culture and
cosmological understanding.
In the 1970s American anthropologist Marlene Dobkin de Rios carried out extensive
research into the cultural use of psychoactive substances in several contemporary and
historical South American societies. Her research included examining the influence of
hallucinatory experience on Maya, Mochica and Nazca religion and art, as well as
examining contemporary uses of psychoactive substances, including ayahuasca, for folk
healing rituals and witchcraft in both rural and urban settings. In a 1975 paper prepared for
the National Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse, which draws on case studies of
societies in which psychoactive plants play a significant cultural role, de Rios highlighted
new potentials for drug use in Western societies. Her sample of case study societies
included Siberian Reindeer herders, and their use of the Fly Agaric mushroom (Amanita
muscaria), the Shagana-Tsonga of the Transvaal and their ritual use of Datura fatuosa, the
Amazonian Amahuacaʼs use of yage, and the Peruvian uses of the San Pedro cactus
(Trichocereus pachanoi). From these disparate examples de Rios highlighted several key
factors in the traditional ritual use of psychoactive substances, which she categorised as
biological (including body weight, special diets, sexual abstinence, etc.), psychological
(mind-set, personality, mood, etc.), social-interactional (nature of the group, ritual
performance, presence of a guide, etc.) and cultural (including a shared symbolic system,
belief system and so on). De Rios argued that through paying attention to these significant
variables in the context of Western drug use a more meaningful interpretation of drug
experiences, as well as a more sensible attitude towards drug consumption, might be
achieved.
This has, I believe, been a particularly important realisation for anthropology, as well as for
Western attitudes towards drug consumption. Experiences once seen as essentially
meaningless, and understood through the lens of ʻintoxication,ʼ are finally being
recognised as meaningful, both individually (on the personal scale), and socio-culturally.
An interesting development in recent anthropological research has been the move towards
investigating the use of psychedelics in ʻWesternʼ societies. Tramacchi (2000), for
example, has conducted fieldwork at psychedelic gatherings known as doofs in the
Australian bush, which emerged as a response to the perceived commercialization of
raves coupled with a desire to ritualise psychedelic use for spiritual means. Tramacchi
explores Victor Turnerʼs concept of communitas, a sense of common experience and
communal bonding, in the context of the doof:
Again, Tramacchi recognises the role played by psychedelics, in conjunction with what he
terms ʻecstatic ingredientsʼ (the liminal quality of camping, psychedelic music,
kaleidoscopic light shows, religious iconography, dancing, etc.), as both individually and
communally meaningful. Explorations of psychedelic use and experience in ʻWesternʼ
societies represent an exciting new arena for ethnographic investigation (cf. Adams 2012;
Gelfer 2012).
More recently, ethnographer Zeljko Jokic, in his 2008 paper on the initiation of Yanomamo
shapori (shamans), gained a great insight into the cognitive life-world of the people he was
studying. Through participating fully in the shapori initiation ceremony, including the
ingestion of the psychoactive snuff Yopo (Anadenanthera peregrina), Jokic was able to
experience culturally significant states of consciousness that simply could not have been
encountered in any other way. For instance, Jokic describes his experience looking up the
the pei maki ceremonial pole, lodged between his legs:
Conclusions
Andy Letcher (2007) recognises two dominant discourses in academic approaches to the
study of psychedelic mushrooms, which can be equally applied to other psychedelics. The
first set, which he defines as “pathological,” “psychological,” and “prohibition” discourses
derive from objective observations of the effects, the symptomatology, of psychoactive
substances on others. The second set of discourses, including “recreational,”
“psychedelic,” “entheogenic” and “animistic,” emerge in opposition to these discourses and
derive from practitioners themselves (2007:75). What we have seen in this brief history,
then, is an expression of the friction between these dominant sets of approaches, and of
the deficiencies of the discourses that have dominated academic research in this area,
progressing from the pathological and prohibitional discourses of the Nineteenth century to
a more reflexive, experiential, and sensitive understanding.
Although not a complete history, a trend towards a more reflexive and experiential
approach has emerged. Anthropological approaches to the use of psychoactive plants
have gradually changed with the development of the disciplineʼs underlying paradigm.
Nineteenth century approaches were limited by the assumptions of the evolutionist
paradigm, according to which non-Western cultures were seen as somehow ʻprimitive,ʼ
ʻsuperstitiousʼ and already superseded by the Euro-American scientific worldview. By the
beginning of the Twentieth Century this assumption was being questioned, with non-
Western cultures beginning to be seen as parallel with, rather than subordinate to,
Western culture. The cultural relativist paradigm would lay the foundations for further
developments in anthropological approaches to the study of psychoactive plants. By the
middle of the Twentieth century a new experiential approach emerged, placing an
emphasis on the experiential foundations of traditional belief systems and paving the way
for a new ʻtranspersonalʼ modes of understanding the value of psychedelic experiences in
both Western and Non-Western societies.
References:
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311-321
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Frazer, J.G. (1993). The Golden Bough: A Study of Magic and Religion. London:
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