9.

12
VOLUME

Thoughts
beyond politics:
2016
under
rodrigo
duterte

OCCASIONAL
PAPER DECEMBER 2016
 OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016

02
Thoughts
beyond
politics:
2016 under
rodrigo
duterte
THE PHILIPPINES
This paper begins with some thoughts on the major political trends affecting
the Philippines and other countries. It continues on to trace the state
of the Philippines at the end of 2016, with focus on the changes
instituted by the new Duterte administration

Over the course of the year, a great deal
changed in the Philippines and around the world.
In the Philippines, the seismic change came in
the form of the newly elected President Rodrigo
Duterte, who rose to prominence as a dark horse
candidate late in the race. In the months since
his election, President Duterte has lived up to his
promise of shaking up the political establishment
and his administration has taken steps to
bring the government closer to everyday
people through his focus on law and
order, exposing corruption, and
initiating a path toward federalism.
In other countries, outsider candidates, parties,
and causes have seen undeniable success.
Most recently, and perhaps the most familiar
example to Filipinos, will be the election of
Donald Trump as president of the United States.
Mr. Trump campaigned on returning jobs to
working class Americans, anti-Muslim and anti-
immigration policies, and on ‘draining the swamp’
in Washington, D.C. Similar themes had been at
work in the United Kingdom, where people voted
in June to leave the European Union, as
well as in other elections in Europe.
Image Credit: nytimes.com

C 2016 ADRiNSTITUTE for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.
* The views and opinions expressed in this Paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute.
OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016
03
If there is a lesson to be drawn from ballot boxes and
opinion polls around the world, it must be that any country’s
political establishment should not be slow to recognize the
currents of change and, importantly, what these changes
represent. Voters are looking for effective governments that
safeguard their jobs and provide safety from violence. When
governments are believed to be taking their eyes of the
ball, voters register their dissatisfaction—even if it means
disturbing liberal fundamentals taken for granted.
This occasional paper begins with some thoughts on the
major political trends affecting the Philippines and other
countries in the Asia-Pacific. It continues on to trace the state
of the Philippines at the end of 2016, with a particular focus
on the changes instituted by the new Duterte administration
in various areas, to include: trade and investment; poverty
and inclusive growth; energy and the environment; and
foreign policy and national security. It concludes with
thoughts on how Filipinos might proceed into 2017:
with some hope and optimism, but also with
tempered expectations for what the new
administration will be able to achieve.
Local Politics on the Rise
In these dynamic times, we are reminded of the adage that
‘all politics are local.’ In the Philippines, the May elections
demonstrated the importance of neighborhood politics and,
to some extent, the day-to-day demands of the people. On
two major fronts, we have seen the rise of highly localized
C 2016 ADRiNSTITUTE for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.
political moments elevated onto the national stage. The first
is growing talk over the federal system of government, which
Congress is expected to begin discussions over in 2017,
with a draft constitution expected for plebiscite in
2019. Federalism is an idea that has been floated for
years, although it took the election of President
Duterte to bring the possibility to the forefront.
The second front is the national conversation on the West
Philippine Sea. The rallying point for the Filipino public on the
issue had often been the disputes’ impact on the country’s
economic lifeblood and traditional livelihoods. For fishermen,
access to Scarborough Shoal is about sustaining their
families and continuing a way of life. For other Filipinos, the
exhaustion of the Malampaya gas field by 2030 keeps us
interested in surveying and exploiting the resources at Reed
Bank. Entwined in these interests is the continuing
concern for the rule of international law as a means
of protecting small nations such as our own.
Global Politics in the Philippines
The Philippines’ internal state notwithstanding, shifts in the
region’s and the world’s interconnected economies and
the regional security landscape will also complicate the
tasks of the current leadership. At the tail-end of the Aquino
administration, questions over geopolitics, multilateralism,
and international norm-making saw increased interest in the
country, where foreign policy is not traditionally a top-of-
mind concern. The election of Donald Trump as president of
the United States temporarily kept the sparks of Philippine
interest alive, but with the Duterte administration’s hard
turn away from the United States, the success or failure
of the Philippines-China rapprochement and its domestic
consequences will likely be of greater interest in 2017.
These strategic movements must be managed by incumbent
President Rodrigo Duterte, whose phenomenal rise to the
top executive post has raised expectations among Filipinos
who seek to overturn elite or ‘cacique’ capture of our
democracy. His election demonstrates broad approval for
new styles of governance and new systems of government
that are intended to produce better results for the common
man. Duterte’s landslide victory followed pledges to end
crime and corruption and improve the basis for
economic growth. Since entering office, the Duterte
team has embarked on putting more flesh
to the bones of their new agenda.
Trade and investment
The Philippine economy has shown marked improvement in
recent years, registering a GDP growth rate as high as 7.6%
in 2010. In the third quarter of 2016, the economy was
the fastest growing in Asia, at 7.1%; in the fourth quarter,
the Philippines ended strong by matching its third
quarter performance.1 Nevertheless, the country’s
export performance has been uneven and
activity has been concentrated in few firms.
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OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016

04
The dismal track record of the Philippine manufacturing sector in attracting investments
and increasing employment can be attributed to inefficient industrial structure. This
structure is marked by the limited ability of the industrial sector to absorb more employees,
declines in productivity, the absence of structural changes, the geographic concentration
of manufacturing hubs, and an incentive structure that favors large firms.2 For this reason,
ADRi advocacy has included the importance of the Philippines’ rethinking its long-term
manufacturing strategy and instituting an export-promotion orientation. As a first step,
the Philippines should lift the economic restrictions of the 1987 Philippine Constitution,
and complement this move with a New Industrial Policy and the completion of trade-
facilitating infrastructure projects that promote domestic and international connectivity.

Since taking office, President Rodrigo Duterte has expressed his openness to lifting
the economic restrictions of the Constitution as part of his broader effort to revise the
constitution for a federal government. In early December, Duterte signed an Executive
Order creating a team to study the prospect of revising the constitution via constituent
assembly. The president indicated that he was willing to allow an ownership share
of up to 70% to foreigners, with the exception of land, where long-term
leases especially for agriculture would be preferred.3

The Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) presently has a Comprehensive National
Industrial Strategy. At present, it remains to be seen whether Director-General Ernesto
Pernia of the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA), will adopt or modify the
New Industrial Policy. The government’s economic focus has been on developing the
country’s infrastructure, specifically to usher in a “Golden Age of Infrastructure” with plans
for record-high infrastructure spending to the tune of Php 8.2-9 Trillion. By mid-December,
the new NEDA board had approved 18 infrastructure projects.4 Complementing the
administration’s infrastructure goals, the Senate ratified the Philippines’ membership in the
China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) before adjourning in December.

Image Credit: aljazeera.com

C 2016 ADRiNSTITUTE for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved. www.stratbase.ph
OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016
05
Poverty, Inequality, and Inclusive Growth
Although economic growth has been shown to reduce
poverty, its effect on the income of the poor has not been
proportional relative to the remainder of society. At the same
time, high levels of inequality have been found to have a
negative impact on poverty reduction. For this reason, the
government must taken steps to ensure that growth is felt
by all echelons of society. It can do this by taking into
account the other factors that affect the wellbeing
of the poor, such as the location of growth (rural
growth is more impactful than urban growth).
In lock-step with its anti-poverty agenda, the government
should address administrative inefficiencies in the conditional
cash transfer (CCT) program, called the Pantawid
Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4 Ps). The program is a long-
term investment in human capital targeting families with
children. Administrative overhead can be reduced, and
the Department of Social Welfare and Development’s
(DSWD) implementation should be separated from program
evaluation, to better ensure independent findings.
Not to be excluded is the importance of properly
implementing the new K-12 program through adequate
teacher training, class materials, and textbook development,
and of providing financial assistance to students at the
tertiary level. Despite initial skepticism, Duterte decided
to support the K-12 program, which pushes through
unhindered with the Supreme Court’s move to deny
petitions to temporarily halt the program.5
C 2016 ADRiNSTITUTE for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.
In line with human capital investments, the government
should also adopt explicit targets for preventing and
reducing unemployment and underemployment, even to
offer public employment at the minimum wage to those
who seek it. In the rural sector, a nationwide cash-for-
work program can also address livelihoods and earnings
goals that are not addressed by the CCT. As with trade
and investment, infrastructure development can have a
key role to play in reducing joblessness, such as through
employment schemes centered on rural public works
that include farm-to-market roads, irrigation
systems, and post-harvest facilities.
President Duterte has said that under his leadership, the
CCTs will be patterned after a similar program in Thailand, to
include the establishment of a Philippine small and medium
enterprise development bank to provide loans, counseling,
and other services to smaller businesses, in addition to
other innovations. Funding for an expanded program
are expected to come from Sin Tax revenues and the
Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation (PAGCOR).6
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OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016

06
National Governance Reform the most attention has been his war on drugs, which had signed an Executive Order on Freedom of Information as one
initially promised to be a focused, time-bound campaign that of his first steps, mandating public disclosure of all offices
In 2015, the Philippines improved its standing in the World included coordinated efforts between the military and police.9 under the executive branch.10 In addition, he urged Congress
Governance Indicators survey by scoring higher marks on five Presently the subject of significant international attention, the to enact the Whistleblower Protection Law and
out of six indicators: voice and accountability, political stability, drug war has claimed over 6,000 casualties from a combination strengthen the Witness Protection program.11
government effectiveness, regulatory quality, and rule of law. In of police operations and alleged vigilante justice.
that year, the country incurred lower marks on one important
indicator: control of corruption. In the Philippines, corruption There is presently uncertainty over the implementation of Decentralization and Local Governance Reform
is facilitated by low salaries for government employees; Bangsamoro Basic Law as a stand-alone measure or as part
extensive red tape; low risk of detection and prosecution; of a push toward a federal system in the country. Nevertheless, Much like the discussion on national governance, there are
excessive importance on family and debts of gratitude the peace processes with the decades-long Communist and multiple avenues for local governance reforms. These include
(utang na loob); and lack of political will.7 Moro insurgencies continue apace, with meetings with the the possibility of setting up an appropriate policy framework for
Communist front concluded in Norway and resumed between sustaining inter-local cooperation, the rationalization of roles,
Moreover, in Thinking Beyond Politics, Dr. Francisco Magno the respective panels in the Philippines. President Duterte and the devolution of central government powers—particularly
provided an outline of possible governance reforms in a variety
of areas, to include: participatory budgeting and improvements
in government procurement; campaign finance reform; an anti-
dynasty law; negotiations with armed groups for durable peace;
increased competitiveness of the basic salary schedule for
public servants; computerization of government services and
improvements to inter-agency connectivity; the separation of the
Office of the Solicitor General from the Department of Justice; the
reorganization of the armed forces and the national police;
the passage of the Freedom of Information law
and the Whistleblowers’ Protection act; and
regulatory impact assessments.

As a candidate, the centerpiece of Duterte’s governance platform

was the suppression of crime, illegal drugs and corruption. These
efforts fell in line with his focus on local-level government, which
also included desires to elevate landmark ordinances in Davao City
to the national level: instituting curfews on minors; banning liquor
Image Credit: inquirer.net
sales and public drinking; and so on.8 The effort that has garnered

C 2016 ADRiNSTITUTE for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved. www.stratbase.ph
OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016
07 in environmental and natural resources—to local governments. These
reforms could facilitate improvements in sectors like local health and
agriculture programs. On their part, local governments should also
come up with strategic plans at their respective levels
for their component cities and municipalities.
At the same time, local governments should institutionalize modern
public information units down to the barangay level to improve
statistical gathering as well as transparency and accountability.
Overall, LGUS would also do well to allocate and utilize resources
from the Internal Revenue Allotment shares and grants and the
national and local governments should work together on cost-sharing
arrangements and the establishment of a National Fund Transfer
System. As LGU capacities are unevenly developed, a certification
system for LGUs can be developed through the local government
leagues. At present, the Duterte administration’s push for
more locally oriented governance is focused on the
shift to federalism (as discussed above).
Balanced Energy Mix
The Philippines continues to face a dilemma in ensuring energy
security while pursuing sustainable development. In this area, the
government’s role is to ensure that the energy demands of a growing
economy are met reliably and at a reasonable price to both industry
and regular consumers. It will be difficult for the Philippines to achieve
energy security in the current context. Three main difficulties plague
the energy sector: a lack of competitiveness in energy generation
which results in higher prices for consumers; a tight supply of
energy which cannot keep up with the continuously growing
demand of a growing economy; and the imbalanced energy
mix which is still predominated by non-renewable
sources at the expense of renewable sources.12
C 2016 ADRiNSTITUTE for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.
To increase competition in the energy sector, the government should
develop a one-stop-shop to speed up the permitting process for
prospective power developers. Overall, bureaucracy discourages
many possible investors and, consequently, derails the energy
projects that can address the current base load shortages. The full
implementation of the Retail Competition and Open Access (RCOA)
under the EPIRA Law will help to develop a truly open market.
Unfortunately, the productivity of the energy sector as a whole
remains relatively stagnant during the post-EPIRA period.13
Moreover, because taxes contribute to 10% of a consumer’s electric
bill, the government should particularly review the Value Added Tax
(VAT), the Energy Tax, and Royalties. In line with cost reduction, the
government should improve the implementation of the Competitive
Selection Process (CSP). The government continues to impose
multiple taxes, royalties and fees on power, making Manila as the
country with the third-most expensive electricity prices in East Asia.14
Empowering electric cooperatives is the key to energy security in the
countryside and the growing urban centers outside Metro Manila.
The role of strong electric cooperatives becomes even more crucial in
island power development because it presents an opportunity
to plan carefully the right electricity source balance, exploiting
indigenous sources such as mini-hydropower, wind and
even solar that fit perfectly to these off-grid islands
given their smaller electricity demands.
The government may also incentivize the public’s investment in
renewable energy for home and light industry consumption. In
establishing a Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS), the government
should adopt the “Least Cost Mix” principle, which refers to the
delivery of energy through a blend of sources and efficiency measures
that take into account not only the reliability and the price of these
sources but also the public’s willingness to include cleaner,
if more expensive, renewable energy sources.
www.stratbase.ph
OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016
08
One development worth watching closely is President
Duterte’s interest in reactivating the Bataan Nuclear Power
Plant (BNPP). According to Energy Secretary Alfonso Cusi,
the nuclear plant may be able to generate 620 megawatts
of electricity and may help other energy producers in
meeting the country’s growing power requirements.15
Sound Resource Management
As with energy, a balance has to be struck between
economic development and environmental protection. In
mining, forestry, fisheries, and solid waste management, the
overarching problem is poor implementation of and failure to
update environmental laws and policies. People should
be able to benefit from the fruits of the earth
through responsible ecological stewardship.
A tri-sectoral approach involving government, the private
sector, and civil society provides a better platform
for collaboration among relevant stakeholders. The
administration should adopt some form of environmental
governance to facilitate consensus-building among
stakeholders toward the effective management of the
country’s natural resources. It would be good to review
existing environmental policies to ensure that the desired
management outcomes are attained, such as EO 79; the
1975 Forestry Code and EO 23; the Integrated Coastal
Resources Management policy; and the Ecological Solid
Waste Management Act. Further, a Sustainable Management
Law that espouses a selective log ban and a legislated
Integrated Coastal Resources Management policy would
also contribute to updating Philippine environmental policy.
C 2016 ADRiNSTITUTE for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.
Foreign Policy and East Asian Affairs
By the start of 2016, Philippine foreign policy had elevated
the role of sovereignty and maritime territorial defense in
light of Chinese aggression in the South China Sea. The
government had been on-track to enhance its relationship
with the United States via the Enhanced Defense
Cooperation Agreement and with Japan through a recently
established Strategic Partnership. Most publicly, the
Philippines filed a case against China using provisions
of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
Despite the Philippines’ success in its arbitration
case against China, won in July of 2016, the Duterte
administration has introduced new challenges in the region
through a drastic shift in foreign policy. Nevertheless, the
administration has taken welcome steps to re-open the
relationship with China on friendlier terms, particularly those
involving trade and investments, and to reaffirm important
relationships in the region, as with Vietnam and Japan.
Notwithstanding the importance of the Philippines’ relations
with China and other major powers in the region, which is
a major objective, the backbone of Philippine foreign policy
has been in protecting and assisting Filipinos abroad and
in promoting trade and investment. In all of these roles,
the DFA must be empowered to increase, retool, retrain,
and recalibrate the Philippine foreign service and foreign
service staff. As a matter of priority, these skills should
include political and economic reporting, trade promotion,
public diplomacy, and negotiation. Outside the DFA, the
incoming government should actively support the current
government’s efforts to modernize and develop the AFP
and the country’s various intelligence agencies.
Despite the local flavor of his governance, President Duterte
has travelled a great deal since coming into office. He has
extended visits to Indonesia, Vietnam, Brunei, China, Japan,
Malaysia, and to the ASEAN Summit in Laos and the APEC
Summit in Peru. For the most part, these visits served to
reaffirm principles of cooperation between the Philippines
and these countries on a variety of fronts. In addition to
areas of economic cooperation, discussions repeatedly
included security cooperation on maritime security (Malaysia,
Indonesia, Vietnam, Japan) and transnational crime
(Malaysia, Indonesia). With Indonesia, Vietnam, and Japan,
discussions also included the South China Sea disputes.
President Duterte has downplayed the UN arbitration and
expressed greater willingness to revive the earlier approach
of former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo that is bilateral
talks and joint development with China. During Duterte’s
visit to China, Duterte and Xi Jinping signed memoranda of
agreement and understanding largely focused on economic
cooperation, to include the possibility of increased Chinese
investments in Philippine infrastructure projects. The two
countries agreed to explore confidence-building measures
and meet on a regular basis to discuss issues of concern in
the West Philippine Sea.
Despite the attention garnered by Duterte’s visit to China,
his travel to Japan to meet with Prime Minister Shinzo
Abe signaled that the administration may not completely
reverse course on its foreign policy and maintain its strategic
partnership with its northern neighbor. As with China,
the trip to Japan yielded billions of dollars in investment
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OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016

09
commitments. The Philippines and Japan also agreed to harness Official Development
Assistance (ODA) to support inclusive growth and sustainable development.16

Credible Defense Posture

Of the external developments, China’s assertive behavior particularly in the South

China Sea has posed the greatest concern to the sovereignty and territorial integrity
of the Philippines. For this reason, the AFP reoriented itself away from internal security
operations toward a focus on developing maritime capabilities for territorial defense goals.
Despite this, the AFP is also challenged by the resilience of domestic security challenges.
The confluence of these factors has entangled the AFP into indefinite internal security
operations, making it more difficult for it to relegate counter-insurgency tasks
to the PNP and LGUs and obstructing the AFP’s complete shift in
strategic attention and posturing to maritime territorial defense.

There are various areas wherein the government can improve defense management and
capabilities. As a start, Congress should pass the proposed National Security Act of the
Philippines. The Act aims to create a better-legislated and more influential National Security
Council (NSC) that will formulate the country’s national security policy and strategy.

Accompanying this strategy should be an increase in the defense budget from its current
ratio of 1% of the Gross National Product (GNP) to 2% of the GNP, closer in line with the
Philippines’ regional peers. To institutionalize reforms, the government should provide
a fixed term for the chairman and service commanders of the AFP Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Currently, members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff who have reached the age of 56 retire
despite having been in their respective positions for months at a time.

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OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016

10
The AFP modernization law’s tedious and complex bidding procedure as well as the limited
annual government funding for the military made it difficult for the Aquino administration to
acquire big ticket items, particularly for the Philippine Navy (PN) and the Philippine Air Force
(PAF).17 The Duterte administration should seek to develop a credible defense posture that
would make a potential adversary think twice before using force against the Philippines;
the efforts to redirect the AFP from internal security to territorial defense are and should
still be geared for a modest goal of developing a comprehensive border patrol system
and not naval war-fighting capabilities. More specifically, the administration should
ensure that AFP is prepared with maritime awareness capabilities and limited
maritime/air interdiction competencies for joint force warfare (see the
Foreign Policy section on priorities in the maritime space).

On a regional scale, the AFP should train in combined operations with allied forces,
especially the United States and its other bilateral allies such as Japan, Australia, and
South Korea. No amount of resources and arms acquisition can enable the Philippines to
face an assertive and militarily powerful China in the South China Sea in the worst case
scenario. The Philippine efforts to develop a credible defense posture must be seen as a
complement (rather than a substitute) to the strategic deterrence provided by US forward
naval deployment and bilateral alliances in East Asia. However, the Duterte administration
has sought to downgrade the Philippines’ relationship with the United States, reducing the
number of joint exercises and introducing hostility in the tone of the relationship.

In addition to these developments, President Duterte has sent positive signals

over arms purchases from China, payable over 25 years. In December, Defense
Secretary Delfin Lorenzana also visited Russia to explore the
possibility of purchasing high-quality sniper rifles.

Image Credit:rappler.com

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OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016

11
Conclusion and Outlook

The Duterte administration has spent its first six months setting the tone of its engagement with the Filipino people
and with the world. While six months is normally too early for the public to expect results, this administration has
increased expectations for its success through bold moves accompanied by tight deadlines, as with the drug war.
Although the president has since worked to temper these expectations, indicating that the problem was worse
than they had expected, the administration has nevertheless not sought to dampen public belief in their
ability to deliver all that was promised. This high-expectation, high-output environment will likely
prove more burdensome for the administration as its time in office lengthens.

In 2017, more of the Duterte administration’s pet reforms will take center stage as the government operates on its first
defined budget. These include, among others, its tax reform program and, once again, the shift toward a federal system of
government. All signals indicate that the administration is more interested in an inwardly focused policy, despite the important
opportunity in having the Chairmanship of ASEAN in 2017, in its 50th Anniversary. For this reason, the Philippines appears
more likely to be affected by regional changes than it is to affect them itself, in contrast to the Aquino period.

Nevertheless, the administration’s can-do attitude and first steps at implementing much-needed programs, such as
in infrastructure development and the expansion of social protections, are a source of optimism for the year ahead.
Unfortunately, the President’s drug war runs the risk of overshadowing the remainder of his objectives.

C 2016 ADRiNSTITUTE for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved. www.stratbase.ph
OCCASIONAL PAPER decEMBER 2016

12

endnotes 14
Bienvenido S. Oplas, Jr., “The Philippine electricity market: Monopoly and
1
For an extensive look at the Philippines’ fourth quarter indicators, please competition,” Business World Online, 13 August 2015, accessed 25 May 2016, http://
see ADRi’s Economic Snapshots. www.bworldonline.com/content.php?section=Weekender&title=the-philippine-elec-
tricity-market-monopoly-and-competition&id=113411.
2
For a more in-depth discussion of these factors, Dr. Epictetus Patalinghug
describes the state of Philippine trade and investment in a chapter of Thinking Beyond 15
Danessa Rivera, “Cusi: Duterte greenlights BNPP rehab,” Philippine Star,
Politics, published by ADRi in 2016. 12 November 2016, accessed 12 December 2016, http://www.philstar.com/head-
lines/2016/11/12/1642953/cusi-duterte-greenlights-bnpp-rehab.
3
Adrian Ayalin, “Duterte signs EO to study Charter Change,” ABS-CBN
News, 08 December 2016, accessed 12 December 2016, http://news.abs-cbn.com/ 16
Edith Regalado, “Duterte says Japan a true friend,” Philippine Star,
news/12/08/16/duterte-signs-eo-to-study-charter-change. 29 October 2016, accessed 15 December 2016, http://www.philstar.com/head-
lines/2016/10/29/1638445/duterte-says-japan-true-friend.
4
Wilson Lee Flores, “The Philippines will be the world’s fastest grow-
ing economy in Asia,” Philippine Star, 12 December 2016, accessed 12 December 17
Renato C. de Castro, PhD, “A 21st Century Philippine National Security
2016, http://www.philstar.com/business-life/2016/12/12/1652501/philippines-will-be- Agenda: The Aquino Administration’s Efforts for Developing a Credible Defense Pos-
worlds-fastest-growing-economy-asia. ture,” Thinking Beyond Politics: A Strategic Agenda for the Next President (Quezon
City: ADRi, 2015), p. 42.
5
Pia Ranada, “Duterte supports K to 12,” Rappler, 24 May 2016, accessed
25 May 2016, http://www.rappler.com/nation/134106-duterte-supports-k-12.
6
“Duterte-Cayetano: we will implement a better, bolder CCT program,” Alan
Cayetano official website, 12 February 2016, accessed 25 May 2016, http://alanpeter-
cayetano.com/news/2016/02/dutertecayetano-we-will-implement-a-better-bolder-
cct-program.
7
For a fuller discussion of these and other findings, see Dr. Francisco Mag-
no’s chapter in Thinking Beyond Politics.
8
Ina Andolong, “How Duterte-Cayetano will suppress crime in 3-6 months”,
CNN Philippines, 18 April 2016, accessed 17 May 2016, http://cnnphilippines.com/
news/2016/04/15/Duterte-Cayetano-plan-crime-corruption-drugs.html.
9
“Duterte vows to double monthly salary of cops, soldiers”, Manila Bulletin,
02 March 2016, accessed 17 May 2016, http://www.mb.com.ph/duterte-vows-to-
double-monthly-salary-of-cops-soldiers/.
10
Patty Pasion, “Duterte signs order on Freedom of Information,” Rappler,
24 July 2016, accessed 12 December 2016, http://www.rappler.com/nation/140718-
duterte-signs-executive-order-freedom-of-information.
11
Alexis Romero, “Duterte eyes whistleblower act,” Philippine Star,
26 July 2016, accessed 12 December 2016, http://www.philstar.com/head-
lines/2016/07/26/1606883/duterte-eyes-whistleblower-act.
12
For a more comprehensive discussion, see the work of Dr. Carlos Primo
David in Thinking Beyond Politics (2016).
13
Helena Agnes S. Valderrama and Carlos C. Bautista, “Efficiency Analysis of
Electric Cooperatives in the Philippines,” Philippine Management Review 2011, Vol 19,
p. 9.

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9.12
VOLUME

ABOUT
Angelica Mangahas
is Deputy Executive Director of the Stratbase ADR Institute.
Immediately prior to joining ADRi, Angelica spent two years in
Washington, DC, where she completed her Masters in Security Studies
and a Certificate in Asian Studies, both at Georgetown University. Her
writing and advocacy experience spans multiple international
humanitarian and diplomatic organizations, including the International
Committee of the Red Cross, the International Rescue Committee, and
the Philippine Embassy to the United States. While with ADRi, Angelica is
focused on issues concerning Philippine security and regional stability.

Stratbase’s Albert Del Rosario Institute

is an independent international and strategic research
organization with the principal goal of addressing the
issues affecting the Philippines and East Asia
9F 6780 Ayala Avenue, Makati City
Philippines 1200
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