Following brief summarizes the discussion among experts, officials and practitioners regarding Afghan refugees
in Pakistan in a dialogue session held at the Institute of Policy Studies Islamabad on January 26, 2018.
T
he sixth deadline (January 31, 2018) issued by
the Government of Pakistan to repatriate the
Afghan refugees has passed with yet another
extension in the deadline. New deadline has been
fixed at 31st March, 2018.
Contrary to logic and the obvious requirement of
National Action Plan, these repeated extensions in
deadline indicate contingent, ad hoc approach and
absence of a long-term strategy regarding this
question of immense humanitarian and strategic
importance. The significance of the current deadline,
however, will be reviewed by most analysts in the
backdrop of recent hostile statements by the US
President Donald Trump. Meanwhile, on the one
hand, the public opinion in Pakistan regarding Afghan
refugees staying in Pakistan for decades is divided
along the axis of asset-liability, though this approach
of looking at the issue in these terms is deplored by
others on the basis of humanitarian dimension of the
refugee conundrum. The existing social, economic,
political and ethnic cleavages feature prominently in
the debates on the future of Afghan refugees in
Pakistan, specifically due to the overwhelming
majority of Pashtuns in the folds of the refugees which
buttresses the paranoia in Balochistan and Karachi in
the notional politics of census, budget and ballot.
Notwithstanding the ongoing rather continuing debate
and the numerous handicaps constraining the
spectrum of possibilities for the return of Afghan
refugees, there is a general consensus in Pakistan that
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the question will persist as long as the internal security
and governance situation in Afghanistan is improved.
This anticipated improvement comes with a necessary
stipulation of withdrawal of foreign troops and
enhancement in the capabilities of Afghan
government to effectively monitor the Afghan
territory. However, beyond this consensus, there is
little else which unifies the multitude of stakeholders.
The economic argument is invoked copiously,
primarily in order to mud-slinging, maligning and
scapegoating the Afghan refugees into deportation.
This argument needs scrutiny, not only because of its
primacy in the development of a public narrative on
Afghan refugees, but also due to the polarization it
generates in the interested parties which can help
understanding the primary issue in its complexity and
entirety.
Before indulging in the socio-strategic analysis of the
argument, its proponents and various trajectories, it is
pertinent to mention that the funding from
international donors for the Afghan refugees in
Pakistan has been minimal ever since the political
objectives of the ‘Powers-that-be’ were achieved in
the 1990s. The refugees, who were previously the
cherished victims of communist aggression were quite
literally dumped and Pakistan was left to fend for itself
in a perpetual outpouring of refugees with meager
resources.
This scarcity of resources fuels the economic
argument. It is argued that the refugees are a burden
on Pakistan’s economy and infrastructure which is
already in a precarious state and have to be deported.
A widespread perception that augments the argument
for deportation is of persistence of hatred and ill-will
among Afghans towards Pakistan even after enjoying
nearly 40 yearlong hospitality in Pakistan.
The matrices of asset-liability and humanitarianism,
however, don’t neatly fit themselves with certain
groups because the opinions are segmented and the
analytics of refugee issue usually takes place in
isolation to draw easy conclusions from a particular
strategic perspective. For instance, the onus of
introducing the drug and Kalashnikov culture is often
put on Afghan refugees and their presence is held
responsible for exacerbating opportunities available to
local labor and traders. The argument, however,
becomes sympathetic and accommodative as soon as
the humanitarian aspect of the problem takes
precedence. Another major perspective among
Pakistani society discusses the issue in the confines of
Muslim brotherhood and has remained sympathetic
towards the ‘guests’ despite complications. The
strategic community is more likely to view it as
Pakistan’s investment in Afghans despite the fact that
this viewpoint seems to have been exploited against
Pakistan and might have contributed in strategic
fallouts in Afghanistan and ethnic tensions within
Pakistan alongside the possibly related outcomes for
the national security. An easy demarcation and the
attribution of the narratives to specific groups,
however, is utterly implausible.
Taking cue from the overall agreement in Pakistani
society that Afghan refugees would continue as part of
their communities, it feels pertinent to eschew the
economic reductionism for the time being and to
attempt articulating other facets of the issue.
The strain in the economic, social and cultural fabric
of Pakistan caused by the prolonged presence of a
huge number of refugees necessitate that the ideal
target should be the repatriation of refugees in
Afghanistan. The foremost conclusive judgment
which we can derive here is the fact that since it is not
likely in the foreseeable future to catch a glimpse of
foreign troops leaving Afghanistan, Pakistan should
brace itself for a long haul as far as the phenomenon
of refugees is concerned. The spillover of refugees
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will continue and the border areas of Afghanistan and
Pakistan will persist to be chaotic and illegible in large
parts for the policy makers. This would eventually
culminate to depicting a situation where Afghan
refugees are present in Pakistan and quite possibly, are
part of the future of Pakistan.
The limited capacity of Afghan government and the
indifference of international community should be
factored in for any plan of refugee resettlement in
Afghanistan. Creating ‘pull factors’ in Afghanistan by
the Afghan government and its sponsors, rather than
‘push factors’ in Pakistan should be a premier policy
guideline. The only possible facilitation Pakistan can
offer is data collection and sharing, which is presently
in a dilapidated state. The ‘push factors’, on the other
hand, would exponentially increase the harassment
and forced deportations due to the inexorable
disfiguration of governance directives by the
authorities on ground. In the light of this insight, it
must be mentioned that there is also a considerable
agreement that the deportation, if necessary, should be
an amicable state of affairs and the officials should not
resort to heavy handed measures.
Considering these well entrenched problems, the first
course of action should be an efficient and sustained
program of data collection without which the
confusions surrounding the presence and legality of
Afghans in Pakistan will only prolong. Moreover, it is
important not to consign the refugee rehabilitation
program, in whichever country, to the ordinary
bureaucratic techniques of graphs, numbers and
charts. A well-trained collective of officials should
consider the matter in its entirety and diversity; with
an eye sensitive to perceive the schisms of religion,
ethnicity, gender, age, sect and other social markers.
Following are some of the key points which can assist
in the formulation of Pakistan’s refugee policy:
Policy Formulation
 The endless process of churning out deadlines
should cease. Current deadline (set at 31st March
2018) should be used to chalk out a
comprehensive policy and effective strategy.
 The issue is multi-faceted and has got strategic,
humanitarian, social, cultural and political
 underpinnings. A simplistic solution would
therefore not be advisable. Humanitarian
dimension of the issue should never be lost sight
of in devising way forward.
 A calculated decision would require reliably
correct, if not accurate, data. Knowing the whole
picture and its dynamics through data would be
possible through meaningful coordination and
synergy between concerned government agencies,
international organizations and other
stakeholders.
 Afghan nationals living in Pakistan should be
segmented and categorized to facilitate
repatriation, regularization, dual citizenship or
naturalization.
 Targets of repatriation should be phased and
implemented accordingly while ensuring the
dignity of the refugees. This categorization and
phasing may be done on the basis of legality and
proof of stay, the vulnerability of the concerned
refugee population, the situation in the places of
return/origin etc.
 A special visa status can be issued to Afghans who
own and run businesses in Pakistan.
 The transformation of Afghans from war migrants
during early years of migration to economic
migrants during later years should not be ignored.
Pakistan should create avenues which increase the
Afghan stakes in commercial activities in
Pakistan. Offering incentives based on
investments and taxation would bring bilateral
and long term benefits.
 One factor that would require a consideration,
along with numerous others, is cross marriages
between Pakistani and Afghan nationals. Such
marriages might help in determining nationality
options.
 The ethnic tensions which the naturalization or
dual citizenship might entail within Pakistani
society should be measured and adhered to.
 Consideration should be given to the idea of
setting up twin cities. This could be initiated to
repatriate and settle the refugees in the
borderlands of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
 Unregistered refugees should be facilitated to
register, and given a deadline. On lapse of such
deadline, they should either be deported or forced
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to register as refugees after a brief detention, and
dealt as such.
 Afghans Management and repatriation Strategy
(AMRS) 2010-2012 may be revisited to chalk out
a strategy in the current context.
 Refugee integration policies around the world
should be examined to draw policy guidelines.
Safeguarding Good-Will
 It needs to be realized that perceptions are
extremely important and therefore require
management at all levels. Pakistan needs to
capitalize on its image of hosting a large refugee
population on its own, and build on it.
 Reports of harassment and exploitation of
refugees and not subjecting them to legal
procedures should effectively and visibly be
checked and dealt with.
 While certain individuals and security institutions
continue with the apprehensions of existence of
fifth columnists among Afghan refugees, Pakistan
should proactively identify and deport those who
might be a threat to law and order or national
security. Simultaneously, those playing a positive
role in the society need to be acknowledged,
appreciated and promoted.
 Current efforts for better border management
should continue while leaving comfortable
prospects for genuine interactions and visits.
 Afghan refugees in Pakistan should be taught and
trained in a way that they prepare to return to their
homeland Afghanistan and act as ambassadors of
peace between the two countries. Recent reports
of the syllabus in Afghan refugee schools defying
the interests of Pakistan should urgently and
effectively be checked and dealt with.
Ensuring Repatriation
 As indicated, international, regional and bilateral
initiatives need to create pull factors in
Afghanistan.
 While Pakistan is comfortably blamed for pushing
Afghans back without recourse of its four decades
long hospitality and immense problems related to
Afghan refugees in Pakistan, the real point that
asks for a focus is the failure on the part of Afghan
 and global partners in creating an enabling
environment for Afghans to return to their
homeland.
 Per head amount being offered by UNHCR for
repatriation is too small to convince an Afghan to
consider the option. This aspect should be a
serious concern for the international agency
working for refugees and the international
community.
 With a huge number of Afghans living in Pakistan
and having developed numerous stakes, Pakistan
should insist on being taken on board in initiatives
that might have impact on Afghan refugees in
Pakistan and Pakistan’s efforts to repatriate them.

Prepared by IPS Task Force | For queries: Mairaj-ul-Hamid, Research Coordinator, mairaj@ips.net.pk | www.ips.org.pk

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