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UDK 81‟373.237:070(494)
Nataša Vukajlovid
Univerzitet u Beogradu
1. Uvod
Kao metod pristupa ovoj temi namede se kritička analiza diskursa, koja
predstavlja način analitičkog istraživanja odnosa modi, dominacije i neravnopra-
vnosti, a u cilju održavanja takvih nejednakih odnosa kao sredstava kontrole. U
fokusu se nalaze termini mod i kontrola, i to jedne grupe ili institucije nad dru-
gom. Tako grupe koje poseduju novac, status, znanje, pristup informacijama, ali
i uticaj na javni diskurs ili komunikaciju kontrolišu stavove drugih grupa (van Dijk
4). Utičudi na sta-vove, „um, znanje ili mišljenje, indirektno možemo da kontro-
lišemo (...) njihovo ponašanje“ (van Dijk 5). Mediji se namedu kao sredstvo mani-
pulacije grupa od strane novinara koji formiraju diskurs, a iznad njih stoje
određene institucije i elite1 koje to ne samo da dozvoljavaju, ved i kreiraju. Me-
diji kao „modni diskurzivni akteri značajno učestvuju u socijalnom stvaranju
svakodnevne realnosti“ (Wyssmüller 122). Realnost u tom slučaju nije preslikana
stvarnost, ved konstrukt, odnosno reprezentacija koja služi da se diferencira
između sebe kao pozitivnog, ispravnog i onog drugog kao stranog, negativnog.
Stvaranje sopstvenog identiteta često se bazira na isticanju sopstvene prednosti,
koja se čak ne mora eksplicitno navesti. Dovoljno je stalno diferencirati između
sebe i onog drugog kao opasnog i stranog, kako bi se stvorila i uobličila pozitivna
slika o sebi. Van Dajk u skladu sa tim zaključuje: “Across levels, what we may
conclude from many critical studies is the prominence of overall strategy of
Positive Self-Presentation of the dominant ingroup, and NegativeOther
Presentation of the dominated outgroups“ (van Dijk 8). Dominatne grupe
određenim diskursom stvaraju kolektivni identitet slabijih grupa, pripisujudi im
najčešde negativne osobine i modele ponašanja. Takav diskurs ima mod da
imigrante
1
Elite čine članovi modnijih socijalnih grupa i institucija. Van Dajk smatra da su argumenti
zasnovani na predrasudama koji su doveli do ksenofobije masa (popular racism) potekli od elita
(Wyssmüller 29).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 9
2.2. Stereotip
3. Metodologija
U sklopu analize diskursa mogude je, prema Rouz (Rose 2001, 16, cit. u
Wyssmüller 37), fokusirati se na produkciju slike ili teksta, zatim na sam tekst ili
sliku, i konačno na publiku i uticaj teksta ili slike na nju. U ovom radu se pre sve-
ga bavimo samim tekstom ili delovima teksta – diskursnim fragmentima
(Wyssmüller 37) iz štampanih medija, koji formiraju sliku i karakteristike osoba
sa prostora bivše Jugoslavije pod nazivom Jugo(vidi), kao stereotipa. Bududi da
ta slika ne postoji izolovano od publike i konteksta u kome se pojavljuje, a na
izvestan način nudi pretpostavku kakav stav prema toj populaciji izaziva kod či-
taoca, istraživanje treba da pokaže i kako se kroz medije formira mišljenje pu-
blike o osobama svrstanim pod pojam Jugo. Diskursni fragmenti koji de biti pred-
stavljeni stoje u uzročno-posledičnoj vezi sa elitama koje ih stvaraju, s jedne, i
čitaocima, s druge strane. Ipak, fokus je na analizi samih tekstova, i to na
kvalitativnoj analizi, koja treba da omogudi i interpretaciju stereotipnih slika.
Van Dajk smatra da se rasistički diskurs manifestuje u okviru dve dimenzije –
kognitivne i socijalne. Kognitivna podrazumeva predrasude koje stvaraju domi-
natne grupe, bazirane na ideologiji superiornosti i razlika. Socijalna dimenzija je
posledica prve, i ona rezultuje svakodnevnom marginalizacijom i problematizo-
vanjem etničkih manjina ili stranaca (van Dijk 25). U skladu s tim, kritička analiza
diskursa u ovim člancima treba da pokaže koje predrasude se vezuju za pojam
Jugo i na koji način one definišu položaj predstavnika bivših jugoslovenskih etni-
čkih grupacija u švajcarskom društvu.
Korpus za analizu čine tri članka iz tri dnevna lista u Švajcarskoj – Neue
Zürcher Zeitung, Blick i Berner Zeitung. Blick je najčitaniji dnevni list u Švajcarskoj
i spada u kategoriju tabloida, Berner Zeitung je ozbiljan dnevni list i tredi je po
Folia linguistica et litteraria 11
autor govori o svim Srbima i njihovim osobinama. Iz toga čitalac može da zaključi
da je ponašanje nasilnih navijača, koje je za osudu, posledica srpskog mentali-
teta i zaostalosti, kao i da se isto ponašanje može očekivati od svakog „Jugo-
vida“, tj. Srbina. Kako bi se podvukla opasnost koje vreba od njih, a istovremeno
održala slika primitivnosti i zaostalosti, autor koristi reči i sintagme koje upuduju
na to: „svetiti se“, „mitologija“, „nasilan“, „pokvaren“, „pitanje časti“, „sudbina“,
„fatalistički podržavati“, „dostojanstveno umreti“, „pleme“, „nacija“, „spre-
mnost na nasilje“. On pravi razliku između drugih navijača, čije ponašanje kara-
kteriše kao „hobi postmodernog sveta“ i srpskih navijača, čije je divljanje ukore-
njeno u njihovoj „zaostalosti“ i „traumatizovanom nacionalnom identitetu“,
odnosno deo je njihove suštine. Reči i objašnjenja koja bira upuduju na nemo-
gudnost Srba da se promene, nasuprot Englezima i Nemcima, kojima je to samo
hobi, popunjavanje slobodnog vremena, ne naročito pohvalno, ali svakako nešto
što se da zameniti nekim drugim hobijem. U skladu sa navedenim, čitalac može
zaključiti da doseljenici sa prostora bivše Jugoslavije predstavljaju pretnju za na-
predan i uređen sistem i ugrožavaju bezbednost Švajcaraca, ne samo na fudbal-
skom stadionu, ved i šire. Ipak, autor navodi da navijači dolaze iz drugačijeg soci-
jalnog miljea nego prvi imigranti koji su sa prostora Jugoslavije stigli u Švajca-
rsku, te da su „imali loše kvalifikacije, loše obrazovanje i da ih je oblikovala patri-
jarhalna kultura njihove domovine“. Još jednom autor potencira poreklo, patri-
jarhalnu (zaostalu?) sredinu iz koje su potekli. Vismilerova je u svom istraživanju
utvrdila usku povezanost porekla „sa Balkana“ sa stereotipom „mlad muškarac“
= “nasilnik“ = “kriminalac“ (Wyssmüller 121). Umesto da se u zemlji sa velikim
brojem imigranata radi na integraciji, medijski diskurs uporno naglašava strano
poreklo, dovodedi ga u vezu sa problematičnim i neprihvatljivim ponašanjem.
Stereotip Jugo takođe (mada ne uvek jasno) upuduje na poreklo, ali on je pored
toga i pogrdan, što autor ovog članka eksplicitno objašnjava „I pre rata su dobili
nadimak Jugovidi, čime je nekadašnji naziv od milja postao pogrdna reč“. I pored
toga, on ga koristi u tekstu i u naslovu, distancirajudi se od njega samo navodni-
cima. Sam tekst je napisan vrlo sofisticirano, uvijen u formu ironičnog fudbal-
skog izveštaja iz 2101. godine. Autor raspolaže istorijskim informacijama, pred-
stavljajudi reprezentaciju Švajcarske kao otomanske ratnike, predvođene jani-
čarima i sultanom. Srbi, koji su se protiv njih borili i pre 600 godina, i sada to či-
ne, ali su „potpuno izgubili orijentaciju“, pa su „nosili zastave sa socijalističkim
zvezdama, četničkim simbolima, pozdravljali kao nekada nacisti i mahali slikama
skinhedsa“. Koristedi čak četiri potpuno različite slike simbola nasilja, još jednom
se ukazuje na pretnju koju personifikuju. Stiče se utisak da oni ne zastupaju ni-
kakvu posebnu ideologiju ili ideju, ved samo glorifikuju nasilje, opasnost i mržnju.
Petnaestog maja 2003. godine, tabloidni dnevni list Blick na naslovnoj
strani objavljuje tekst pod naslovom „Nicht alle Jugos sind kriminell“ (Nisu svi
Jugovidi kriminalci). Naslov je istovremeno i citat osobe o kojoj se u članku piše.
Radi se o Robertu Ismajlovidu koji je dan ranije pobedio na takmičenju za naj-
Folia linguistica et litteraria 15
lepšeg Švajcarca. U daljem tekstu se navodi da se on „kao Jugovid bori protiv ra-
sističkih predrasuda“, da je „prvi mister Švajcarske čije se prezime završava na
„ic“2, da se „kao četrnaestogodišnji Hrvat doselio u Hrvatsku“, „da je pre dve go-
dine dobio švajcarski pasoš“, kao i da „sebe vidi ambasadora koji želi da razgradi
predrasude o ljudima iz bivše Jugoslavije“. Tekst je važan i reprezentativan iz
više razloga. Pre svega, činjenica da se radi o najčitanijem dnevnom listu u Švaj-
carskoj govori o njegovom mogudem uticaju na stvaranje stavova i mišljenja kod
čitalaca. Osim toga, iako se u članku pominju predrasude koje treba razgraditi,
sadržaj ih upravo učvršduje. Imajudi u vidu koncept ove vrste lista koji obiluje
krupnim naslovima i slikama i kratkim, informativnim tekstovima u kojima se
autori ne trude da se podrobnije pozabave suštinom problema, ved da publiku
privuku često neproverenim i površnim informacijama, prvi utisak koji čitalac
stekne na osnovu naslova često je presudan za stvaranje stava. Naslov ovog
članka je višestruko problematičan. Iako se navodi da „Nisu svi Jugovidi krimi-
nalci“, negacija ispred determinativa „svi“ upuduje na zaključak da oni to jesu, ali
da je ovo iznenađujudi izuzetak. Takođe, dominira blizina termina Jugos i krimi-
nell, čime se oni dovode kako u neposrednu, tako i u posrednu vezu, potvrđu-
judi važedi stereotip. Taj stereotip biva naglašen i determinativom alle (svi), čime
se ne ostavlja sumnja u činjenicu da su „svi Jugovidi kriminalci“. Naslov stoji pod
navodnicima, bududi da se radi o citatu, ali čitalac to shvata tek ako pročita ceo
tekst, dok u prvom trenutku naslov deluje kao nepobitna činjenica. Takođe, on
je izvučen iz konteksta i izabran kao najupečatljiviji deo razgovora vođenog sa
Ismajlovidem. Važan podatak koji se saznaje iz teksta jeste da on poseduje švaj-
carsko državljanstvo, odnosno da je u pravnom smislu Švajcarac, ali ga autorka
teksta naziva Jugo, i tu reč više puta ponavlja. Iako se Ismajlovid smatra Jugovi-
dem, on na drugom mestu kaže „da se oseda kao Hrvat i kao Švajcarac“. U tekstu
saznajemo da on u Švajcarskoj živi ved 13 godina, što ga, zajedno sa švajcarskim
pasošem koji poseduje, zapravo čini samo Švajcarcem, a ne Hrvatom, niti Jugo-
videm. Ipak, on taj termin prihvata i identifikuje se sa njim; izjavljujudi da „nisu
svi Jugovidi kriminalci“, on sebe svrstava u one koji nisu kriminalci, ali jesu Jugo-
vidi. Problem koji se u skladu sa tim namede jeste njegovo suštinsko neprihva-
tanje novog državljanstva, kao i želja da opravda ulogu koja mu se namede i
stereotip sa kojim živi od dolaska u Švajcarsku. Očigledno je da se polazi od toga
da su identitet stranca, polazna kultura i poreklo, s jedne, i autohtoni švajcarski
identitet i švajcarska kultura, s druge strane, trajne i nepromenljive kategorije (v.
Wyssmüller 111). Iako Ismajlovid kaže „da je mogude integrisati se“, tekst doka-
zuje suprotno. Autorka članka ni u jednom trenutku njega ne doživljava kao svog
sunarodnika, ved kao nekakvog „ida“ koji, nekim čudom, nije kriminalac. Na nje-
ga gleda donekle blagonaklono („Ne samo da izgleda fantastično, ved ima i nešto
da kaže“), ali to samo potvrđuje da crno-bela slika o dobrima i rđavima, u kojoj
2
Preuzeto iz novina u kojima je zabeležena ova grafija umesto –id.
16 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
6. Zaključak
Bibliografija:
Wimmer, Andreas, and Etienne Piguet.„Asyl und Arbeit: eine Studie zur
Erwerbsintegration von Asylsuchenden und Flüchtlingen in der Schweiz“,
Rapport de recherche No 9. (1998), Neuchâtel: SFM.
Wyssmüller, Chantal. Menschen „aus dem Balkan“ in Schweizer Printmedien:
diskursive Konstruktion und (Re)Produktion von Raum- und
Identitätsbildern und deren Bedeutung für die soziale Integration.
Diplomarbeit, Universität Bern, 2006.
Internet:
http://www.bernerzeitung.ch/schweiz/standard/Die-Jugos-haben-
Pause/story/24860122
http://www.nzz.ch/2001/09/03/sp/article7m9m0_1.471401.html
http://www.robert-
ismajlovic.com/downloads/Nicht%20alle%20Jugos%20sind%20Kriminell.pdf
http://www.presserat.ch/
UDK 811.163.4‟373.2(497.16Kривошије)
Apstrakt: U ovom radu autorka se bavi ruralnom leksikom Boke Kotorske. Navodi
lekseme kojima se imenuje stoka, stočna staništa, oprema za stoku, stočarski proizvodi i
oruĎa za rad koja su sluţila za spravljanje različitih proizvoda. Autorka posvećuje paţnju
značenju leksema koje nalazi u bokeljskim selima. Leksika kojom se sluţi bokeljski
seljak nastala je pod stranim uticajem (poznato je da su ti krajevi bili pod turskom,
mletačkom i austrijskom vlašću), ali je najviše odraz domaćih autentičnih tvorbenih
procesa što potvrĎuje sličnost sa stanjem u onovremenim crnogorskim i hercegovačkim
govorima.
stanovnika tog sela Krivošijana, možemo slobodno redi da etimologija ovih ime-
na nije pouzdano utvrđena. Pop Sava Nakidenovid pretpostavlja da je naziv na-
stao po bratstvu Krivošidima, koje je nekada tu živjelo (Nakidenovid 252).Anđelo
Gonem (Gonnem), mletački zapovjednik u Risnu, 1686. godine pominje Krivošije
sa svojih dvadesetak kuda i to se može smatrati najranijim istorijskim podatkom
o nazivu sela Krivošije (XVII vijek)3. Radi se o brdovitom kraju opasanom Orje-
nom sa zapadne strane, a sa istočne planinama i šumama Stare Crne Gore. Bilo
je to seosko područje razuđenog tipa. Selo je raspolagalo malim obradivim po-
vršinama, ali i sjenokosima i pašnjacima, koji su bili brojniji, te se stoga mjesno
stanovništvo opredijelilo za stočarsku privredu.
Specifičnost krivošijskog govora uslovljena je značajnim brojem istorijsko-
političkih i ekonomskih činilaca.
Značenje krivošijskih leksema može se komparirati sa leksemama iz
Vukovog rječnika, pa se tako može dodi do izvjesnih zaključaka kao što su
sljededi:
a) u krivošijskom govoru zastupljene su i one lekseme kojih nema u
Vukovom rječniku
b) neke lekseme kod Vuka imaju jedno značenje, a u Krivošijama znače
sasvim drugačiji pojam
c) imamo odstupanja u krivošijskoj i Vukovoj leksici koja su neznatna.
U jezički fond koji obuhvata imena stoke gajene na području sela Krivošija
spadajunazivi određeni po osnovama dva kriterijuma i to: po osnovu starosti
stoke i po osnovu boje dlake. U ovom govornom području registrujemo da je
stoka podijeljena na krupnu i sitnu, pa demo i jezički korpus raspodijeliti ruko-
vodedi se time. Podvrste stoke u okviru jedne vrste odnosno imena za njih razvr-
stana su prema njihovim glavnim osobinama. Osim naziva za stoku zapazidemo
da se upotrebljavaju i nazivi za prebivališta stoke i mjesta za njeno pojenje. Tu su
i stočarska oprema i stočarski proizvodi (proizvodi od kože, vune, mesni, mliječni
i drugi).
Ruralnu leksiku razvrstavamo prvo na leksiku koja označava krupnu i sitnu
stoku, a potom na lekseme na osnovu kojih se razlikuje stoka prema godinama
starosti i boji dlake, te na taj način dobijamo i određenu tabelu sa nazivima za
stoku koja se gajila u krivošijskom kraju.
3
A. Gonem u svojim zapisima pominje po prvi put u istoriji naziv Krivošije (XVII vijek)
Folia linguistica et litteraria 23
Prebivališta za stoku
Stočna oprema
Stočarski proizvodi
Proizvodi od vune
Sjerna vuna– ž.r., (neoprana vuna); sukno– sr. r., (vuneno tkanje koje pro-
đe kroz stupu– stupa jesprava za valjanje sukna koja ga čvrsto uvalja i sabije);
torba ž. r., (od sukna sa crveno-bijelim prugama i petljama koje se pri zatvaranju
smrskaju uzicom – nosi se na pazar); bjelača– ž.r., (gornji dio muškog odijela sa
dugim rukavima, dopire do koljena, pravi se od bijelog sukna ili čoje); velenca–
ž.r., (pokrivač za krevet od bijele vune ili pamuka); gvante–ž.r.mn., (ženske
rukavice do pola palca i do korjena ostala četiri prsta – otvorene da bi se prstima
moglo raditi); guber– m.r., (debeo, grubi vuneni prekrivač u prirodnoj boji vune);
zubun– m.r., (ženski kaput do koljena, bez rukava, izvezen niz prsi sa obje strane,
tkan od plavog i bijelog sukna, a za svečane prilike sačinjen od svite); jarina–ž.r.,
(vuna ostrižena od jagnjeta starosti do pola godine); naglavci– m.r.mn. (od bijele
vune, nemaju peta, izvezeni pri gornjoj ivici, nose se u opancima); obojak– m.r.,
(raskrojeni gornji dio stare čarape, služi kao podloga za stopalo radi lakšeg hoda-
nja po kršu); oprežina– ž.r., pregača, travesa– ž. r. (na crnoj osnovi izatkanoj žu-
tim, bijelim, crvenim šarama suknena kecelja, nosila se radi zaštite od prljanja);
ruvo–sr. r., (ono što djevojka nosi u prdiju, miraz); džemadan– m.r. (gornji ko-
mad muške suknene odjede, može biti bez rukava, ali i sa njima); saruk– ž.r. (su-
kneni ili svileni šal).
Proizvodi od kože
Remen– m.r. (takođe kajiš, kaiš); tobolac– m.r. (duvankesa); strunja– ž.r.
(žice na guslama pravljene od konjske dlake); opanak–m.r. (obuda pravljena od
goveđe ili od svinjske kože); oputa–ž.r. (tanko iskrojeni, družicom uvijeni kaiši
od bravlje kože – namotavaju se na dasku red ispod reda da se osuše); mijeh–
m.r. (osušena i naduvana bravlja koža- služila za smještanje kajmaka, ali i za
svirku); kostret– ž.r. (kozja dlaka, koristi se za izradu opanaka ili se od nje tka
struka); kolan– m.r. (opasač od konjske ili goveđe kože sa džepovima u kojima se
čuvalo kresivo, duvan, nož, kratka puška).
Mesni proizvodi
(osušena prednja noga brava, govečeta, svinje); pršut– m.r. (osušeno svinjsko
meso); tocilo–sr. r. (istopljeni, smrznuti loj).
Mliječni proizvodi
Oruđa za rad
Zaključak
Literatura:
UDK 81‟276.3-055.1/.2
Danka Sinadinovid
Medicinski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu
1. Uvod
žava i gradi podređenu ulogu koju žena ima u društvu. Kao primer navodi činje-
nicu da žene veoma često koriste tzv. „ublaživače” i nepotrebne intenzifikatore,
a govor žena u celini naziva trivijalnim, provizornim i bespomodnim, te samim
tim muškarcima daje apsolutnu mod u međusobnim odnosima. Ženama se tako-
đe pripisuje česta upotreba deminutiva i eufemizama (Eckert i McConnell-Ginet,
2003: 158-161), ali kako Gumperz (1982: 197–200) navodi, one imaju i mnogo
bolju interakciju sa sagovornikom, dok muškarci mnogo češde prekidaju sago-
vornika, naročito suprotnog pola, više kontrolišu temu razgovora, lakše menjaju
temu i okredu je u svoju korist i u najvedoj meri dominiraju konverzacijom. Ako
ovome dodamo i razlike koje se javljaju u procesu socijalizacije i na polju meha-
nike konverzacije, kao i različita očekivanja koja muškarci i žene imaju od razgo-
vora (Tannen, 1990, citirano u Filipovid, 2009: 129–130), jasno je da rodne razli-
ke u upotrebi jezika predstavljaju jedno veoma plodno polje za istraživanja.
2003: 9-11), sleng se danas najviše upotrebljava da označi govor grupe vršnjaka,
najčešde srednjoškolaca ili studenata (Spolsky, 1998: 35). Sleng, između ostalog,
podrazumeva i slobodnu upotrebu tabuiziranih reči i izraza (Spolsky, 1998: 36),
pa je ponekad veoma teško razgraničiti da li se radi o psovkama ili izrazima
slenga, o čemu de i kasnije biti reči.
3. Istraživanje
3.1. Ciljevi istraživanja i ispitanici
3.2. Upitnik
Sleng koristim...
Ispitanici gotovo nikada često veoma Stalno
često
žene (20–29 god.) 23% 63% 7% 7%
žene (30–39 god.) 23% 69% 8% 0%
muškarci (20–29 god.) 0% 69% 31% 0%
muškarci (30–39 god.) 27% 69% 0% 4%
Tabela 1
Na osnovu navedenih rezultata mogli bismo zaključiti da muškarci i žene
gotovo podjednako frekventno koriste sleng, ili je barem njihovo lično mišljenje
takvo, čime je odgovor na prvo pitanje koje smo na početku ovog istraživanja
postavili negativan. Drugim rečima, muškarci ne koriste sleng češde i radije od
žena. Međutim, s obzirom na razlike koje postoje među starosnim grupama, mo-
gli bismo zaključiti da po ovom pitanju starost ispitanika možda igra značajniju
ulogu od roda. Na isto zapažanje nailazimo i kod De Klerkove (1992) koja je
ispitivala tinejdžersku populaciju, s tim što je u tom slučaju situacija bila obratna
– stariji tinejdžeri su više koristili sleng i bili su smeliji po pitanju njegovog
korišdenja.
Međutim, na pitanje da li prate promene koje nastaju u slengu, ispitanici
su dali dosta iznenađujude odgovore. Naime, dvostruko vedi broj starijih ispita-
nika i ispitanica je odgovorio potvrdno u odnosu na obe mlađe grupe ispitanika,
iako su se upravo pripadnici mlađih grupa u vedem broju izjasnili da sleng koriste
često ili veoma često. Dakle, očekivali bismo drugačiji odnos odgovora, te je ve-
rovatno reč o tome da ispitanici iz mlađih grupa ne razmišljaju mnogo o slengu
Folia linguistica et litteraria 39
Sleng...
Ispitanici kvari jezik ne kvari jezik obogaduje jezik
žene (20–29 god.) 46% 54% 0%
žene (20–29 god.) 54% 31% 15%
muškarci (20–29 god.) 54% 15% 31%
muškarci (30–39 god.) 31% 58% 11%
Tabela 2
kterisana kao ona koja upotrebu slenga smatra neprihvatljivom i strogo joj se
protivi, a sve zarad očuvanja čistog jezika (Myers i Cortese, 1995: 4).
Kada je reč o upotrebi slenga u formalnim situacijama, odgovori su po-
novo bili donekle iznenađujudi. Naime, samo 15% mlađih ispitanica je izjavilo da
sleng u formalnim situacijama koriste ponekad, dok je čak 46% odraslih ispita-
nica izjavilo to isto. Kod muškaraca je obratno – 46% mlađih ponekad koristi
sleng u poslovnim i sličnim situacijama, dok je svega 23% starijih izjavilo to isto.
Rezultati su svakako iznenađujudi i to ne zbog toga što gotovo podjednak broj
muškaraca i žena ponekad koristi sleng u formalnim situacijama, ved zbog toga
što je i u ovom slučaju procenat žena iz starije grupe vedi od mlađe grupe. Da li
to znači da bismo upotrebu slenga u slučaju ženskog roda mogli povezati i sa sa-
zrevanjem, vedom slobodom govora i vedom modi koju ono sobom nosi (Lakoff i
Buchholz, 2004: 108)?
Upitani da navedu situacije u kojima nikada ne bi upotrebili sleng, i mu-
škarci i žene su davali gotovo istovetne odgovore – na razgovoru za posao, u go-
voru na nekom skupu, pri pojavljivanju u ozbiljnim emisijama na televiziji ili radi-
ju, u razgovoru sa ljudima prema kojima gaje duboko poštovanje, u poslovnoj
korespondenciji, u razgovoru sa potpuno nepoznatim osobama, kao i u razgo-
voru sa autoritetima (npr. profesorima). Muškarci su takođe navodili da sleng ne
bi koristili ukoliko zaključe da njihov sagovornik njegovu upotrebu ne bi razumeo
na pravi način, dok su neki od njih takođe naveli da ga ne bi koristili u prisustvu
osobe koja je profesor jezika po zanimanju!
Odgovori koji su sve grupe ispitanika davale na pitanje da li poznaju ljude
koji najvedi deo vremena koriste sleng, zanimljivi su jer nude izrazito raznolike
primere, iz kojih bismo mogli izvudi po neku pravilnost. Naime, dosta mlađih
ispitanica je navodilo celu svoju generaciju kao konstantne korisnike slenga,
najvedi broj njih smatra da svi srednjoškolci po pravilu stalno koriste sleng, bez
diferencijacije rodova, izvestan broj misli da određene profesije sobom nose
upotrebu odgovarajudeg slenga, pri čemu je zanimljivo da je dosta njih navelo
filologe kao česte i upadljive korisnike slenga! Sa druge strane, neke pripadnice
starije grupe navele su da sleng konstantno koriste ljudi koji zahvaljujudi ne-
poznavanju standardnih milozvučnijih ekvivalenata pribegavaju upotrebi slenga,
ali i umetničke duše se pominju kao ljudi koji sleng koriste kao vrstu eskapizma
iz ružne svakodnevice. Veliki broj ispitanica je naveo visoko obrazovane ljude
kao česte korisnike slenga, ali je bilo i onih koje su smatrale da ga neobrazovani
slojevi mnogo konstantnije koriste. Kada je reč o muškim ispitanicima, navodili
su veoma slične, gotovo istovetne odgovore, sa jednim zanimljivim izuzetkom –
kod njih preovladavaju osobe muškog roda kao stalni ili česti korisnici slenga.
Na ovu konstataciju se nadovezuju i odgovori na pitanje koje se odnosi na
to koji je rod, po njihovom mišljenju, mogude više povezati sa upotrebom
slenga. Naime, dok su se ženske ispitanice iz obe grupe u ogromnoj vedini (77%)
odlučile za odgovor koji podrazumeva oba roda, čak 44% svih muških ispitanika
42 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
eufemizme (npr. homo ili trtid). Ovaj rezultat se u potpunosti poklapa sa stu-
dijom koju je sprovela De Klerkova (1992), gde su muškarci takođe koristili više
pogrdnih reči da opišu homoseksualce.
I jedni i drugi su, i u ovom delu, naveli daleko najviše sinonima za dosađi-
vanje i nerad, kao i za odmaranje, i bili krajnje kreativni.
Kada je reč o sinonimima za zadnjicu, tu su žene mahom koristile eufe-
mizme (npr. guza), što je Gumperz (1982: 197-200) naveo kao jednu od glavnih
odlika govora žena. Osim toga, mnoge pripadnice ženskog roda su se nekako
snebivale da upotrebe nešto što smatraju psovkom ili vulgarnošdu i pre nego što
bi to što su imale na umu i napisale, zvale su da pitaju „da li je u redu ili je možda
neprimereno da to napišem”. Muškarci nisu imali takvu dilemu, te bismo i na
ovom jednom primeru, pored primera sinonima za homoseksualca, mogli zaklju-
čiti da žene zaista manje koriste psovke i profane izraze od muškaraca, što je bi-
lo naše peto pitanje. U svojoj studiji, De Klerkova (1992) je, međutim, zaključila
da ženama nikada ne nedostaju pogrdni izrazi i psovke. Zapravo, to je bio slučaj i
ovde – žene su ove reči znale, i dvoumile su se da li da ih upotrebe, da bi na kra-
ju ipak odustale, smatrajudi ih nedovoljno primerenim. Dakle, možemo zaključiti
da žene itekako poznaju i tabuizirane reči i izraze i možemo pretpostaviti da ih
privatno i koriste, barem u određenim situacijama, ali im očito način na koji su
vaspitavane i uloga koja im u društvu pripada ne dozvoljavaju da to stave i na
papir.
U slučaju sinonima za laku ženu i devojku ili ženu koja ima silikone, mu-
škarci su dali više pogrdnih sinonima i bili mnogo slobodniji u upotrebi tabuizi-
ranih izraza (npr. laka žena je najčešde drolja, fuksa, ološ ili kurva, dok je žena sa
silikonima silikonka, silikonjara ili napumpana). Žene su se, sa druge strane,
uglavnom zadržale na nekim opšteprihvadenim izrazima koji možda nisu eufe-
mizmi, ali nisu ni preterano agresivni (npr. prostitutka, fufa, fufica ili lakariba,
dok je žena sa silikonima jednostavno žena koja je ugradila silikone ili, pak, spon-
zoruša). Na osnovu njihovih odgovora, mogli bismo na pitanje da li se žene sne-
bivaju da koriste sleng izraze koji imaju seksualnu konotaciju ili su usmereni
protiv pripadnica ženskog roda odgovoriti pozitivno. Ovakav rezultat se, među-
tim, ne podudara sa istraživanjem De Klerkove, gde su žene sasvim ravnopravno
koristile pogrdne izraze za pripadnice sopstvenog roda. Svakako je važna činje-
nica da se kod De Klerkove radilo o tinejdžerkama, koje verovatno još uvek nisu
u dovoljnoj meri razvile osedaj solidarnosti sa drugim pripadnicama svoga roda,
što možemo smatrati veoma verovatnim kada su odrasle žene u pitanju.
Za sve ostale ključne reči, i jedni i drugi su davali uglavnom identične sino-
nime, a zanimljivo je pomenuti da je jedina reč za koju veoma veliki broj mu-
škaraca nije imao sinonim reč kupovina. Naime, dok su se žene po pravilu odlu-
čivale za šoping, dotle je vedina muškaraca ostajala pri osnovnoj reči, verovatno
iz razloga što je ova aktivnost, ili barem njena društvena i psihološka konotacija,
mnogo bliskija ženskom rodu.
44 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
4. Zaključak
produktivniji i često kreativniji kada je upotreba slenga u pitanju, dok žene nešto
manje koriste psovke i profane izraze. Pored toga, ženama nije prijatno da kori-
ste izraze koji imaju seksualnu konotaciju, iako su očito upoznate sa njima i mo-
žda ih koriste u nekom užem krugu, a pokazale su i izvesnu solidarnost sa drugim
pripadnicama svoga roda time što su se suzdržale od preterane upotrebe izraza
koji su usmereni protiv žena. Najzad, žene su pokazale mnogo viši nivo svesti ka-
da je upotreba slenga u pitanju, dok su muškarci ti koji više eksperimentišu sa je-
zikom, te su samim tim produktivniji i kreativniji na polju upotrebe slenga.
Odrasli ispitanici su se pokazali u izvesnoj meri drugačijim od studentske i,
naročito, školske populacije, ali su se i u njihovom slučaju uzrast i nivo zrelosti
pokazali kao važni faktori. Kako je osnovni cilj ovog istraživanja bio pronalaženje
eventualnih rodnih razlika kada su upitanju stavovi prema slengu i njegova upo-
treba, nije bilo mesta za detaljniju analizu uticaja profesije, interesovanja ili ni-
voa obrazovanja na iste. Kako su posmatranjem rezultata uočene neke zanimlji-
vosti i u okviru ovih faktora, neka bududa istraživanja bi mogla da se usredsrede
na razlike u upotrebi slenga od strane pripadnika pojedinih delatnih zajednica
(npr. filologa), ali i na vezu između upotrebe slenga i posedovanja pojedinih
interesovanja ili hobija.
Bibliografija:
Myers, Scott and Juliann Cortese. ”The Social Acceptability of Sexual Slang:
Functions of Biological Sex and Psychological Gender”. Annual Meeting of
the Speech Communication Association, 1995.
Romaine, Suzanne. Communicating Gender. New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates, 1999.
Spolsky, Bernard. Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998.
Tannen, Deborah. ”Sex, Lies and Conversation: Why Is It So Hard for Men and
Women to Talk to Each Other?” The Washington Post.(1990).
The ideas of classical literature and the results of new research in gender
studies are rather different when gender differences concerning attitudes
towards slang and its usage are taken into account. This paper, thus, compares
these results with the results provided by adult subjects in this region. The
qualitative research was aimed at checking certain stereotipes, according to
which there are big differences between genders concerning attitudes towards
slang and its usage. The results of the study are mostly different from the
opinions we can find in classical literature.
UDK 811.163.4‟373.45:811.13
Rezultati dodira među ljudima koji govore različite jezike raznoliki su. U
pojedinim se kontaktnim situacijama preuzme samo poneka riječ, a u drugima ti
uticaji mogu voditi stvaranju potpuno novih jezika. Rezultati zavise od niza razli-
čitih činilaca koji se mogu razvrstati u dvije grupe: unutrašnji (lingvistički) i
vanjski (društveni i psihološki).
Unutrašnji činioci zavise najprije od vrste odnosa među jezicima koji se
dodiruju, posebno od stepena tipološke sličnosti među njima. Niz lingvističkih
ograničenja djeluje u takvim situacijama; neka se od njih odnose na posebna po-
dručja jezika (leksika, fonologija, morfologija, itd). Društveni činioci uključuju du-
žinu i intenzitet dodira među jezičkim zajednicama, njihovu veličinu, prestiž
odnosa i funkcije kojima međugrupna komunikacija služi (D. Winford 2003 :2).
Društveno-politički faktori koji djeluju na individualnom i grupnom novou su ta-
kođe veoma važni, naročito stav prema jeziku i motivacija za upotrebu jednog ili
drugog jezika.
Tačan datum kao polazište jezičkih dodira nije utvrđen. Svjedočanstva o
jezičkim kontaktima crpimo iz istorijskih zapisa o drevnim kulturama i civiliza-
cijama. Najpoznatiji je višejezični natpis na Kamenu iz Rosette (Rosetta Stone) iz
196. godine p.n.e., a sadrži tri verzije jednog istog teksta pisanog egipatskim
hijeroglifima, demotskim egipatskim simbolima i grčkim pismom. Grčke filozofe
nijesu mnogo zanimali strani jezici, a govornike okolnih jezika su nazivali barba-
48 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Izgovor i gramatika čine zatvorene sustave koji nisu spremni primiti stra-
ne elemente. Samo iznimno posuđuju se fonemi ili gramatičke struktu-
re: kad se to dogodi, posuđeni elementi ne modificiraju cjelinu svakoga
sustava, nego ostaju po strani kao iznimke. (Filipovid, 1986:25)
razdvojiti stari romanski jezički sloj, dalmatski od venetskog superstrata. Ono što
je karakteristično su dalmatski relikti (ostatak sačuvan iz davnih vremena), u
kojima je očuvan izgovor velarnih suglasnika k i g ispred palatalnih vokala i i e,
zatim latinska grupa –ti, -te koja je pred vokalom dala č (lat. petium u značenju
komad – peča). Venetski sloj je postepeno istisnuo dalmatski jezik, najprije iz
javnog života. Narastajudi slovenski uticaj je bitno pripomogao da venetski go-
vori potpuno uguše dalmatski jezik. Stari dalmatski jezik kojem romanistika da-
nas priznaje status posebnog romanskog jezika, poznat je po dokumentima i
trgovačkim pismima s kraja XIII vijeka. Veoma je teško odvojiti posuđenice mle-
tačkog porijekla od posuđenica toskanskog porijekla koje od XIII vijeka prodiru
na jadransku obalu.
Preuzimanje riječi se vrši uvijek pod vrlo određenim uslovima i uz izvje-
sna ograničenja. Sve riječi podliježu fonetskim, sintaksičkim i morfološkim pravi-
lima preuzimanja i prilagođavanja jezičkom korpusu.
U odnosu na romanske govore slovenski govori bili su pretežno zemljo-
radničkog tipa i nedostajala im je terminologija za čitave vrste djelatnosti.
Romanske posuđenice u Crnoj Gori pripadaju gotovo svim gramatičkim
kategorijama. Prirodno je da se među njima nalazi najvedi broj imenica, jer one
se najlakše pozajmljuju, a i njihov broj je u jeziku najvedi, ali ni ostale vrste riječi
nijesu nezastupljene. Najmanje su zastupljene zamjenice i brojevi koji se najteže
i prenose iz jednog jezika u drugi. Na osnovu velikog broja pozajmljenih pridjeva,
glagola i priloga, Taljavini je formulisao svoju teoriju o lingvističkoj predominaciji
italijanskih jezika ne vodedi računa o stvarnim dometima značajne slovensko-ro-
manske jezičke simbioze. Poslužidemo se Taljavinijevom podjelom na apstrak-
tne, konkretne i tehničke imenice.
Broj apstraktnih termina u crnogorskom jeziku koje smo uočili je veliki,
naročito onih koji se odnose na duhovne osobine čovjekove, kulinarstvo, sudsku
i administrativnu terminologiju, izvjestan broj termina iz oblasti medicine. U
konkretne imenice spadaju nazivi biljaka, životinja, djelova tijela. Iz oblasti tehni-
čkih posuđenica među imenicama imamo primjere iz pomorske terminologije i
brodogradnje u kojoj je romanski uticaj posebno došao do izražaja na čitavoj
crnogorskoj obali a i šire. Veliki je i broj opisnih pridjeva romanskog porijekla.
Geografija, meteorologija i turizam značajno su zastupljeni medju romanizmima
u Boki. Ribarska terminologija na Jadranu uopšte obiluje pozajmljenicama iz ro-
manskih jezika.
Kroz upotrebu riječi mogu se vidjeti narodni običaji, odnos prema poro-
dici i društvu, sadržaj porodičnog i seoskog života i niz drugih. Danas je tih riječi
neuporedivo manje zahvaljujudi raznim unifikacijama i reformama.
Ulazedi u drugačiji sistem, riječi su morale da u njemu traže svoje mje-
sto, da se prilagodjavaju njegovim pravilima, ali i da ih pomalo remete. Najčešde
se suočavamo sa čuvanjem dužine vokala romanskih posuđenica. U odnosu na
crnogorski jezik i promjene koje su se desile u jezičkoj interferenciji je i ta da je
52 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Bibliografija:
UDK 81‟36:001.814
Abstract: Considering the fact that about 100,000 research and professional journals are
published annually (Swales 1990), the abstract plays a significant role when members of
academic discourse community are faced with the difficulty of finding specific data in
lengthy research articles. Therefore, the abstract, as an independent genre, is of crucial
importance, especially when potential readers have to decide whether to read a specific
research article or not. This paper presents an analysis of research article abstracts in
English written by academic writers. The analysis is based on 48 abstracts randomly
taken from prominent British journals in three areas of political science: social, election
and foreign policy. The focus is on their rhetorical structure, identified using Bhatia‟s
model (1993). The analysis goes further to outline the distinctive discursive and
grammatical features of such patterns. More precisely, the aim of this paper is to provide
an insight into the use of tenses in each move 4respectively as well as possible reasons for
the stated. The results suggest that the Present Simple Tense is the most frequent,
although Graetz (1985) emphasises that the Past Simple Tense is dominant in abstracts.
As a conclusion, this paper may be of use in teaching the writing of research article
abstracts as a genre of written discourse.
Key words: research article abstracts, rhetorical structure, political science, grammatical
features, genre, model, discourse
Introduction
4
The term move was introduced by Swales in his book Aspects of Article Introductions (1981).
According to his analysis, research article introductions consist of a serious of moves or structural
parts indicating an author’s aim he wants to achieve.Moves can further be divided into steps as
smaller structural units. We have taken over these terms since they are in accordance with one of
the aims of this paper, which is to explore the structure of research article abstracts in three areas
of political science.
56 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
5
The abbreviation RA stands for the term research article. We have decided to use this
abbreviation for the reason that it has become common among linguists interested in abstracts
such as Martín Martín (2003), Lorés (2004), Keng Chan and Foo (2004).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 57
Corpus
Methodology
Results
This research paper aims at finding the model in the corpus analysed and
presenting the tenses used in the stated model. In comparison to Bhatia’s model
consisting of four moves, our study has shown that there are six moves with
obligatory and optional steps in the corpus examined. The model including the
determined moves and steps and their frequency in three areas of political
science is demonstrated in Table 1:
Frequency
Moves Social Foreign Election
policy policy policy
1. BACKGROUND: 50% 50% 56,25%
Step 1: Topic - centrality:
a. by interest or topic prominence
or b. by comparing or contrasting
or c. by using the pattern “general -
specific“
or d. by indicating a gap in the previous
research
or e. by using contradictory statements
Step 2: Stating Key Characteristics
Move 1 – Background
Having in mind the aim of the first move in the corpus studied, i.e. to
define the context or introduce the topic using various steps (see Table 1), the
Present Simple is the prevailing tense in the social and election policy abstracts.
The authors choose to use this tense with the purpose of presenting the topic
using the pattern „general – specific“. Firstly, they state generalisations and
afterwards, they provide specific facts related to the issue being defined. The
second determined function of the Present Simple is to indicate a gap in the
previous research, where the authors are more direct using active voice, but in a
small number of cases they use passive in order to mitigate the responsibility for
their claims. Furthermore, when the authors’ aim is to get the readers
acquainted with their topics using comparing or contrasting as Step 1b (see
Table 1), they use this tense as well, as in the examples that follow:
6
The abbreviations SP, FP and EP signify the terms social policy, foreign policy and election policy.
7
The capital letters A and P represent the terms active and passive.
60 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
The results in Table 2 illustrate that the Present Perfect Simple is the
dominant tense in the foreign policy corpus. Its meaning is mainly resultative.
The authors use this tense to attain the objective of emphasising the
importance of a topic (see e.g. 4).
SP FP EP
Tenses (%)
A P A P A P
Present
73.9 8.6 75 12.5 85.7 3.5
Simple
Present
- - - - - -
Continuous
Present
Perfect 4.4 - - 5 3.5 -
Simple
Past Simple 8.6 4.4 2.5 - 3.5 -
Future Simple - - 5 - 3.5 -
Table 3. Frequency of tenses used in move 2
The authors use the Present Simple Tense in most cases in social,
election and foreign policy with the objective of describing the present research,
indicating aim / purpose, question-raising and filling a gap in the previous
research (see Table 1). Table 3 suggests that this tense is predominantly used by
the election policy corpora authors and the approximate occurence of verbs in
this tense accounts for the foreign and social policy abstracts. The following
examples can serve as an illustration:
According to the table there are a small number of verbs in the Past
Simple Tense, which directly questionsGraetz’s statement regarding the
prevailing tense in abstracts (1985). Apart from that, passive voice infrequently
occurs in the coprus examined, showing the authors’ preference for a quite
straightforward expression of their ideas.
62 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
SP FP EP
Tenses (%)
A P A P A P
Present Simple 57.9 1.6 100 - 61.5 7.7
Present
5.2 - -
Continuous
Present Perfect 30.
- - - -
Simple 8
Past Simple 5.2 - - - -
Future Simple - - - - -
Table 4. Frequency of tenses used in move 3
The results obtained show that the presence of this tense is as mush as
100% in the foreign policy corpus. In other two corpora the authors mainly use
the Present Simple Tense as well. The Past Simple Tense is exploited only in the
social policy abstracts, which is not in accordance with Graetz’sclaim (1985).
Although her statement can be supported in this move, since its aim is to
describe the methods of how the authors have carried their research or how
they have analysed their data, or even what materials and data are the basis of
their studies (see Table 1), the findings point to the contrary. Namely, it is an
indicator of the authors’ way to accentuate the effectiveness and actuality of
the methods, procedures and materials used in their reseach papers, as it is
shown in the following examples:
(10) This article draws on data from a survey of 400 refugees... (SPa2)
(11) We employ two multilevel modeling procedures for estimating the
contextual variations in micro-level economic voting effects: a
conventional pooled approach and a two-stage procedure… (EPb6)
Not only are the finite forms used in move 3 of the corpus analysed, but
non-finite forms appear in this move as well. More precisely, we have identified
the use of the Present Participle with the purpose to reduce and condense two
moves into one sentence for the reason of saving readers’ time and space as
well as to meet the structural criteria imposed on the part of the authors from
Folia linguistica et litteraria 63
certain academic journals. In example 12, the author uses the Present Participle
to introduce firstly Move 3 – Describing methodology and then Move 2 –
Introducing purpose, which is a common situation in the abstracts that have
been under study.
(12) Using 14 years of data from the UK Family Expenditure Survey, the
article examines whether lower prices stimulate attendance at live
performances overall and among low-income groups in particular. (SPa4)
SP FP EP
Tenses (%)
AP A P A P
Present Simple 1.4 .9 63.9 8.2 82.9 4.3
Present
-- 1.6 - - -
Continuous
Present Perfect
.5 - 8.2 4.9 4.3 -
Simple
Past Simple 10.7 1.8 9.8 1.6 6.3 2.1
Table 6 indicates that the Present Simple Tense is the prevailing tense in
all three corpora which have been under examination. Its percentage is the
highest in the election policy abstracts, followed by the social and foreign policy
64 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
corpora. The authors use this tense with the aim to present and describe their
study results pointing out their actuality, as it is suggested by the succeeding
example:
In example 13 the author uses the verb find in passive for the reason of
accentuating the results, not the agent.
Table 6 points to a rather small number of verbs used in the Past Simple
Tense in the analysed abstracts in social, election and foreign policy. Its usage
does not exceed 10.7%, which is an idicator of the fact that the authors tend to
emphasise their findings using the Present Simple. When the authors choose
the Past Simple Tense, they point to the results they had obtained before they
started writing their research papers.
SP FP EP
Tenses (%)
A P A P A P
Present Simple 82.7 6.9 73.3 - 65.2 8.7
Present Continuous - - 6.6 - 8.7 -
Present Perfect Simple 6.9 - 6.6 4.3 8.7 4.3
Past Simple 3.4 - 13.3 - - -
Future Simple - - - - 4.3 -
Table 7. Frequency of tenses used in move 5
(14) It suggests that the Nigerian authorities failed to learn the lessons of
Chile. They transposed a system that both failed to serve the country
from which it wascopied and that is inappropriate to the country to which
it was copied. (SPb6)
Presenting conclusions is the fifth move found during the analysis of our
corpus. This move emphasises the significance of the study carried out. The
authors interpret their results, give their assessments and suggestions, propose
how the results can be applied or whether hypotheses, put forward in Move 2 -
Introducing purpose, are accepted or rejected. Move 5 is present in Bhatia’s
model with a difference that it includes steps (see Table 1).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 65
The object of our study has been the occurrence of tenses in Move 5 -
Presenting conclusions throughout the corpus as well. The following table
serves to clearly illustrate the tenses applied:
With regard to the tenses used in abstracts, Graetz (1985) makes a claim
that the Past Tense is the most frequent in abstracts. Table 7 challenges her
claim since the results obtained indicate that the prevailing tense in all three
areas of political science is the Present Simple. The authors employ it in order to
emphasise the relevance of their results (see e.g. 15). They prefer to use active
with the aim to directly present their conclusions.
(15) The paper concludes with a brief discussion of how these themes run
counter to the tenets of classical realism and of the ethical and political
hazards that emerge from an attempt at utopian empire. (FPb1)
According to Table 7, the authors use the Past Simple Tense in small
number of instances - 13.3% in the foreign, 3.4% in the social and there are no
occurences of this tense in the election policy abstracts.
Move Key words represents the last move being a part of the rhetorical
organisation of abstracts examined. This move cannot be found in Bhatia’s model
(1993). Our findings indicate that the social and foreign policy authors include this
move in their abstracts, whereas the election policy abstracts do not incorporate
it. This situation can be ascribed to the fact that different journals, more precisely,
Global Social Policy and International Politics,impose various structural criteria on
authors. The importance of move 6 arises from that it enables readers to use key
words to search for and find a suitable research article.
Conclusion
dominant use of the Present Simple Tense in all three areas of political science
in each move respectively, except Key words. Therefore, it can be concluded
that academic writers of the RA abstracts in political science introduce their
topics, present their aims, state the methods, outline their results and
conclusions using this tense in order to put an emphasis on the actuality and
effect of the stated ideas and data. According to the research conducted, most
of them use active voice, thus indicating their readiness to be more direct as
well as to mitigate their responsibilities depending on the aim they want to
achieve. This way they establish a corresponding relationship between the
rhetorical structure of the abstracts and certain grammatical aspects, i.e. the
tenses used. In broader terms, a connection between macro- and micro- level is
established, which could be of use to both potential writers and readers of RA
abstracts.
Bibliography:
Martín Martín, Pedro. “A Genre Analysis of English and Spanish Research Paper
Abstracts in Experimental Social Sciences”. English for Specific Purposes
22, 2003: 25-43.
Midid, Sofija. “Osobenosti jezika za naučne i stručne namene”, Stom Glas S. Ed.
Slavoljub Živkovid. Beograd: Srpsko Lekarsko Društvo 50, 2003. 97-100.
Rimrott, Anne. “The Discourse Structure of Research Article Abstracts – A
Rhetorical Structure Theory (RST) Analysis.” http://www.sfu.ca/gradlings/
NWLC_Proceedings/rimrott207-220.pdf 12 February, 2011.
Savid, Svenka. (s.a.) Diskurs analiza. Novi Sad: Univerzitet u Novom Sadu,
Filozofski fakultet.
Swales, John. Genre Analysis: English in Academic and Research Settings.
Cambidge: Cambridge University Press. 1990.
8
Prevoditerminamovekaostavistepkao faza preuzetisuizLakideveknjigeAnaliza žanra:
Diskursjezikastruke (1999).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 69
UDK 81‟373.612
Abstract: Traditionally, blends such as brunch, Oxbridge and veggieburger are seen as a
form of word play and consequently as exceptions. Therefore they are considered to be
unique and unproductive. In this article, structurally different types of blends are studied
and compared with combining forms such as Reagonomics or workaholic. It will be
shown that all these types are possibly productive and thus not unique. Blends may be
formed via an unusual process of word formation, but this does not affect their potential
to become a model for productive processes of paradigmatic extension. In this respect,
there is no essential difference between blends and combining forms.
In this paper Fradin’s claim (2000: 52) that real blends are antithetical to
paradigms will be studied. Therefore the productivity of structurally different
types of blends will be investigated so as to show to what extent different types
of blends can function as a source for new word formations.
2. What is a blend?
3. Examples
Since about the middle of the 20th century blending seems to have
developed into an important word formation pattern (Cannon 1986:737).
Nevertheless in introductions to morphological theory blending is still seen as a
minor process, which for instance “is used quite a bit in English in advertising,
product naming, and playful language” (Lieber 2010: 52).
Maybe because of its theoretical vagueness quite often different types of
blends are put together with similar minor processes of lexeme formation.
However, one may distinguish following types.9
One of the major differences between type A and type B blends is that
the forms under B, complex blends, are fused at a syllable juncture of both
source words (Cannon 2000: 954), whereas in the most typical blends, type A,
the cut-off points are set at syllable constituents. In one or in both of the source
words of type A the cut-off point coincides with onsets, onset plus nucleus, or
codas or rimes. (Plag 2003: 124/125)
9
Kemmer (2003), following Grésillon (1984) and Fradin (2000), makes a difference between
overlap and substitution blends, such as glitterati from glitter + literati versus ranchurbia from
ranch + suburbiaor ginormous from gigantic + enormous. The source words of overlap blends
contain an identical part, whereas in the case of substitution identity of segments does not play a
role. For a discussion of the distinction see Hamans (2010: 481-483)
Folia linguistica et litteraria 71
The main difference between type A, B on the one hand and type C
formations on the other hand is that the type C examples are highly productive
at first sight, as will be discussed in paragraph 5.
10
As may be clear from these examples combining forms show other co-occurrence restrictions
than all other morphological segments. They may combine with clipped words and stems but even
with other combining forms, which of course is against all normal patters of word formation. After
all normally words can not consist of bound lexemes only, as the examples given here do (Hamans
2009:2).
11
Quite often a (neo)classical compound may result in hybrid forms such as the French words
under (ib):
(ia) astronaute (ib) touristonaute
cybernaute comiconaute
internaute blogonaute
Warrens (1990:118) example warnography from the undisputable neoclassical model
pornography is a clear example of a hybrid combining compound, just as more recent forms such
as popnography, pork-nography andgorenography.
12
Note that –int is not the final part of sw2 , the second source word, as is normally the case with
blends.
13
An alternative form Reaganomics had been attested to be as frequent as Reagonomics.
14
A form Thaksonomics has been attested as well, be it considerably less frequent.
72 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Although the category of combining forms is not well defined and is not
unchallenged (cf. a.o. Kastovsky (2009a & b)), from the examples given so far it
will be clear that the process categorized under this label is highly productive.
The relation or difference between combining forms and blending is not
clear (Bauer 2001:70). In cases such as (5) till (9) it may seem that all the
examples are formed by way of blend formation, but for (10) this rather
implausible.
15
Note that franglais has been given as an example of most typical blending before (2). As we will
see patterns of combining forms seem to start from a successful blend quite often.
16
Leuvenement is the name of an association with organizes festivals and other events in Leuven
(Louvain, Belgium).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 73
(12)utopia u + –topia
ecotopia e-topia
technotopia EUtopia
pornotopia atopia (a society without territorial borders)
In (11) and (12) subsequent blend formation for all the neologisms is
unlikely. Some of the first elements are bound forms, which makes telescoping
of two independent forms into a new one impossible.
On the other hand the series in (5) and (7) definitely start with a blend,
that subsequently has been reanalyzed as a composite.
Here typical blend formation, just as in (8), gives rise to a productive
process of word formation. The model forms humint and franglais might have
been unique till a certain point in time and derivation, but later on they started
to function as a ‘major source of combining forms’, such as –mint, –glish and
fr(a)– (Fradin 2000:22, Bauer 1983:236 and Cannon 1986:362).
All three series of (13) are highly productive. Each form may be analyzed
and described as a result of blending, such as cheeseburger = cheese +
74 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Moreover, these last parts burger, ware and gate have been attested as
independent free forms with their new meanings already. This new meaning,
‘bun’, ‘computer programs’ and ‘political scandal involving some cover up’, is
the meaning of the whole model form, which suggests that these three words
are clipped nouns that fulfill the role of the original long form. Also in
compounding, where they may be combined with full nouns as in spyware and
tofuburger or with clipped forms as in malware or Bolkgate, with Bolk from
Bolkestein, the name of the Dutch politician who became notorious as a
European commissioner.
What this analysis makes clear is that the examples in (4) and (13) should
no longer be considered as blends, although the starting point or model of the
productive process of paradigmatic extension may have been a blend, just as in
some of the cases discussed in paragraph 4.
However, neologisms with ox–, –flation and –(ver)torial can be found easily.
This last example e-vertorial shows that the second source word is no
longer editorial here but the blend advertorial, just as it turns to be the case in
blogvertorial. Furthermore a free form vertorial has been attested widely
already and therefore might be compared with the burger, gate and ware
examples discussed before.
Moreover from the example e-torial, which is highly frequent, one may
conclude that –torial is on its way to become a combining form. Normally
blends follow the prosodic pattern of the analog, which is the second source
word here (Beard 1998: 57). In e-torial a second unstressed syllable is missing.
As the examples in (11) and (12) show combining forms, being a borderline part
of compounding, do not require prosodic identity with a model form.
It is not unlikely that in all these examples, just as in (5), (7) and (8), a
blend model functions as a source for paradigmatic extension. In this respect
the elements ox–, –flation and –(ver)torial may be compared to combining
forms, although their productivity is still less frequent than of ‘classical’
combining forms such as agri–, bio–, morpho–, –logy, –nomics and –naut or
French –naute.
17
Full form: Oxford Committee for Famine Relief.
18
The full form of OXMorph is the Oxford Workshop on Romance Morphology.
19
For the examples under (16) I should like to thank J.C. Smith, St. Catherine’s College Oxford.
76 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
(19) brunch
m-unch from maximise + lunch20
munch from midday + lunch (about 3 p.m).
frunch from free + lunch
Flunch from fast + lunch21
plunch from plough + lunch ‘having sex during or after
unch trademark of ‘handcrafted bespoke sandwiches’
(20)smog
vog from volcano + smog22
(21)Chunnel
Hunnel from Hell + tunnel
plunnel from parking lot + tunnel
stunnel from SSL/TLS + tunnel ‘computer
20
This form m-unch should not be confused with the existing English verb to munch ‘violently
chew’.
21
Flunch is the name of a chain of wayside restaurants.
22
Vog has been attested in 1983 already (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vog).
23
A bro is an obnoxious male person. To broogle means to ask a male nerd friend to provide
information about a variety of subjects.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 77
The commercial name unch and the nickname unnel show that language
users see the last segment of these blends as potential free forms, which
proves that language users analyze these blends as if they were composites.
The same must have happened with the form smog. Otherwise this form
could not have been used as input for vog.
Whether froogle or google has been used as model for schoogle and
broogle can not be decided yet, but the fact that there existed already a blend
such as froogle may have been helpful in coining new blends according to the
same pattern.
What is clear from these examples is that none of these most typical
blends is unique. The extent of the productivity depends on the exclusiveness of
the referents in reality. Although air pollution is not rare unfortunately. Possible
variants of smog are far more difficult to imagine than different types of very
long tunnels or tunnels for special purposes.
Only blends which refer to unique referents or unique classes of referents
are unique themselves.
The partnership of Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie was unique, just as the
combination of Zanzibar and Tanganyika is. Therefore these names, blends, are
unique, just as mongrels of sheep and goat and vice versa.
7. Conclusion
Bibliography:
UDK 81‟25
Abstract: Der Beitrag behandelt den Übersetzungsprozess und konzentriert sich dabei
insbesondere auf die kognitive Prozessuierung des ausgangssprachlichen Materials und
die Probleme, die dabei entstehen können. Als Ausgangspunkt für die Modellierung des
Übersetzungsprozesses dient Fauconnier und Turners Theorie der konzeptuellen
Integration, auch Blending genannt (2002), sowie ihre Anpassungen an den
Übersetzungsprozess durch die Theorie von Mandelblit (1997) und Wang Bin (2005).
Detaillierter analysiert wird ein Übersetzungsproblem, das einer Studie mit
Dialogprotokollen entnommen wurde, wobei Protokollausschnitte einer zusätzlichen
Fundierung des entwickelten Modells dienen. Das behandelte Problem entsteht im
Zusammenhang mit dem sog. Single-scope-Netzwerk, bei dem der Wiederaufbau der
Beziehungen zwischen konzeptuellem Inhalt und sprachlicher Form in der Zielsprache zu
einer Fehlübersetzung führt.
1. Theoretischer Hintergrund
1.1. Konzeptuelle Integration
Abbild 1: Darstellung des Grundvorgangs der konzeptuellen Integration (Fauconnier, Turner, 46)
rischen Bereich oder dem Blend. Das Viereck im Blend stellt die neuaufgebaute
Struktur dar.
Neue Strukturen können im Blend auf drei Wegen entstehen:
1) Komposition – das Zusammensetzen von Projektionen aus den Input-
Räumen (es entstehen neue Beziehungen, die in den einzelnen Inputs nicht
vorhanden sind; in dem Mönch-Beispiel sind es zwei Personen in Bewegung
statt nur einer);
2) Ergänzung/Vervollständigung (Completion) – das Hinzufügen von
Hintergrundwissen aus schon bekannten frames und scenarios (im Mönch-
Beispiel ist es die Szene von zwei Menschen auf einer Reise, wobei sich die
Reiseziele auf entgegengesetzten Routenenden befinden);
3) Elaboration – die Erweiterung des Blends, indem er als Simulation
und folglich auch mental „abgespielt“ wird (in dem Mönch-Beispiel bedeutet
das, dass wir vor dem geistigen Auge einen „Film“ sehen, in dem zwei Mönche
zur gleichen Zeit auf der Reise in entgegengesetzten Richtungen sind, und zwar
aufeinander zu, so dass sie sich an einer bestimmten Stelle des Weges treffen).
24
Bei dieser Anleitung zum Aufbau einer dem AT entsprechenden Vorstellung in der ZS hat der
Übersetzer auch die Zugehörigkeit zu unterschiedlichen Kulturkreisen von AT- und ZT-Lesern zu
berücksichtigen. Mandelblit (185) schreibt hierzu: „If translatability is recognized as a relative
concept, it is now possible to speak of degrees of translatability as defined by the existence (or
absence) of units of equivalence between the source and target languages at different levels of
analysis. [...] indeed it is very often the case that while complete translatability does not exist at
one level (e.g., at the lexical and grammatical level), 'equivalence' may nevertheless exist at a
'higher' (more generic) level of linguistic and semantic analysis (e.g., at the level of semantic
reconstruction from different grammatical forms).” Wenn also kulturelle Unterschiede im Auge
behalten werden und keine idealtypische Übersetzungsäquivalenz erwartet wird, können auch
kulturübergreifend ähnliche Konzepte aufgebaut werden und gute Übersetzungen entstehen.
25
Das Verstehen wird von Wang Bin übrigens nicht näher definiert.
86 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Wang Bin (7-13) erklärt seinen Ansatz durch die von Fauconnier und
Turner postulierten vier Arten von konzeptuellen Strukturen: Simplex-, Mirror-,
Single-scope- und Double-scope-Netzwerke. In Fällen, wo im AT Simplex- oder
Mirror-Netzwerke vorhanden sind und diese gleichzeitig auch in der ZS
bestehen, handelt es sich um unproblematisches Übersetzen: nur eine einzelne
Interpretation der Mappings-Beziehungen baut sich auf und die Beziehung
zwischen konzeptueller und grammatischer Struktur ist stabil (Beispielsatz „Paul
is the father of Sally“ in Fauconnier, Turner 2002). Wenn jedoch die Inhalte in
der AS durch Single-scope- oder Double-scope-Netzwerke aufgebaut wurden,
handelt es sich meistens um neuartige Kommunikationsprinzipien, die in der ZS
nicht vorhanden sind und somit Übersetzungsprobleme hervorrufen. Bei jedem
Schritt kann es zu alternativen Resultaten kommen, als Hilfe können beim
Übersetzen Einbürgerungs- oder Verfremdungsmethoden eingesetzt werden.
Als Beispiel nennt Wang Bin (7-8) Übersetzungsmöglichkeiten für verschiedene
chinesische idiomatische Wendungen ins Englische, z.B. der chinesische Aus-
druck Jie ze er yu könnte verfremdend (und gleichzeitig auch wörtlich) als to
drain a pond to catch all fish übersetzt werden, jedoch wäre die zu erwartende
und gleichzeitig einbürgernde Übersetzung-svariante to kill the goose that lays
the golden eggs.
88 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
2. Beispielanalyse
Außer den komplexen Feldern Input 1 und 2 ist auch ein generischer
Raum vorhanden, der mit beiden Inputs verbunden ist. In diesem Raum
befinden sich kultur- und sprachübergreifende sowie kultur- und sprach-
kontrastierende Kenntnisse über AS uns ZS, sie steuern den Aufbau der
Verbindungen zwischen Input 1 und 2. Durch dieses Wissen kann der Übersetzer
bestimmen, ob bestimmte Ausdrücke und Vorstellungen z.B. üblich oder
unüblich sind, was sie signalisieren und ob sie in den zwei Sprachen und
Kulturen überhaupt vergleichbar sind. Da wir in diesem Raum zwei getrennte
Sprach-, Kultur- und Wissensbereiche haben, wurden diese Bereiche auf Abbild
4 künstlich getrennt und als generischer Raum 1 und 2 dargestellt.
Der vierte Raum, in welchem die endgültige ZS-Formulierung entsteht,
ist in diesem Fall der ZT Blend. Dort werden, im Kopf des Übersetzers, Input 1
und 2 vereint, wobei Input 2 durch zentrale Elemente über Ver-
bindungen/mappings zurück zum Input 1 führt. Dieser Vorgang findet jedoch in
dieser Form nur im Kopf des Übersetzers statt, der ZT-Empfänger baut seine
Vorstellungen (wieder durch De-Integration) nur anhand von Elementen aus
Input 2 auf (da Input 2 an die ZS gebunden ist, so wie der ZS-Empfänger). Wenn
aber der ZS-Empfänger dabei nicht in einem bestimmten Umfang auch auf die
Vorstellungen des Input 1 zurückgeführt wird, handelt es sich um eine
misslungene Übersetzung, denn Input 2 sollte mit Input 1 verknüpft bleiben,
auch für den Leser, der das Original und somit Input 1 nicht kennt.
Es kommt vor, dass von der Versuchsperson (im weiteren Text: Vpn)
aufgebaute Vorstellungen wegen fehlender Unterstützung durch Top-down-
Prozesse und den generischen Raum in den konkreten Kontext nicht einsetzbar
sind, was auch im folgenden Beispiel bei der Besprechung der Bedeutung des
Wortes Trip und des betreffenden Textteils (obwohl es keine Nadel braucht, um
auf einen pekuniären Trip zu gehen...) zu sehen ist (zum vollständigen Text siehe
Anhang). Das konzeptuelle Netzwerk für den Aufbau der Vorstellung GELD IST
EINE DROGE ist auf Abbild 5 dargestellt.
Fauconnier und Turner (119-135) postulieren vier Arten von Strukturen
der konzeptuellen Integration. Single-scope-Netzwerke definieren sie wie folgt:
Abbild 5 Darstellung des konzeptuellen Netzwerks für die Vorstellung GELD IST EINE DROGE
verursachte Verhalten entzieht sich der bewussten Kontrolle und kann sich
durch Wiederholung zu einem Muster entwickeln.
Im Allgemeinen problematisch bei Single-scope- oder Double-scope-
Netzwerken ist nach Wang Bin (4-6) die Tatsache, dass bei der De-Integration
viel Raum für falsche Interpretation bleibt, denn der Empfänger muss die
Mappings-Beziehungen richtig deuten und verbinden, um zu dem gemeinten
konzeptuellen Inhalt zu kommen. Die folgenden Dialogausschnitte beziehen sich
auf ein Übersetzungsproblem und zeigen, wie im Prozess der De-Integration
Schwierigkeiten entstehen können.
Zuerst äußert eine der Vpnen die erste Bedeutungshypothese (tu se
misli na izlet, ne? 'hier meint man einen Ausflug, nicht?'), die sich erstmal auf
das isolierte AS-Wort bezieht. Diese Hypothese stammt aus der sprachlichen Pa-
rallelität zum englischen Wort trip und wird zunächst durch einen Wörterbuch-
eintrag bestätigt:
K ne
I raskošno
K raskošno na 3.0 bezbrižno (tippen 3.0)
I misli se valjda to da imaš para i eh gönneš si eh:: putovanje ne
ne?
K o na novčano
I oni koji ne
K eh 2.0
I al zakaj oni koji se fiksaju <<lächelnd> njima isto trebaju pare>
(lacht) za 3.0
K (???) 7.0 (??) 4.0 ((liest weiter zt)
I znači novac je droga (-) znači ak imaš pare (-) to je kao droga (--)
onda si možeš priuštiti i (--) i onda ti je super ideš na putovanje super ti
je
(...)
K nije samo slikoviti prikaz iako nije potrebna igla 3.0
I znači za novac ne moraš si š::t (zeigt als ob sie sich mit einer
nadel in den arm sticht)
K <<gähnend> za odlazak na putovanje> 2.0 eh:: jo::j (schnalzt mit
der zunge) kakše je to putovanje
I <<lächelnd> novčano putovanje> 4.0 (tippen 2.0)
Hieraus können wir ableiten, wie auch in der Beispielanalyse zu sehen ist, dass
eine fehlerhafte De-Integration des AS-Materials auch bei einer mittleren oder
hohen Sprachkompetenz zu Verstehensproblemen und somit auch zu Wieder-
gabeproblemen führen kann. Die durch Top-down-Prozesse hervorgerufene
Vorstellung muss durch den Kontext bestätigt werden und durch De-Integration
der AS-Formulierung entstehen, sonst kommt es zu Fehlübersetzungen.
3. Schlussfolgerung
findet. Auf der Suche nach diesem Halt zeigt der ganze Protokollausschnitt ein
Hin- und Herbewegen zwischen AT und ZT, oder genauer gesagt zwischen der
un-vollständigen AT-Vorstellung (Interpretation als Resultat der De-Integration
des AT-Blends) und der unpassenden ZT-Vorstellung und Formulierung (als Teil
der Integration des ZT-Blends). Der AT gibt nur partielle Hinweise für den
Wiederaufbau der gemeinten konzeptuellen Struktur, somit kann jeder Schritt
der falsche sein und zu einer falschen AS-Vorstellung führen.
Literatur:
Danks, Joseph H., and Gregory Shreve et al.: Cognitive Processes in Translation
and Interpreting. Sage Publications. California: Thousand Oaks, 1997.
Print.
Fauconnier, Giles, and Mark Turner: The Way We Think and the Mind’s Hidden
Complexities. New York:Basic Books, 2002. Print.
Mandelblit, Nili: Grammatical Blending: Creative and Schematic Aspects in
Sentence Processing and Translation. Disseratation. San Diego UC, 1997.
Web. 26 Sep. 2010.
http://www.cogsci.ucsd.edu/~faucon/NILI/contents.html
Wang Bin: „Blending Networks in Translation.“Hermeneus. Num 7 – Ano 2005.
1-13. Web. 19 Feb. 2011.
http://recyt.fecyt.es/index.php/HS/article/viewFile/6183/6986
Wolff, Dieter: „Auf- und absteigende Verarbeitungsprozesse bei der
Textverarbeitung in einer zweiten Sprache.“ Perspectives on Language in
Performance. Ed. Lörscher, Wolfgang, and Rainer Schultze. Tübingen:
Gunter Narr Verlag, 1987. 1310-1323. Print.
Anhang
Geld ist eine Droge (vom 23.09.2008, www.stern.de, Rubrik: Wissenschaft und
Gesundheit – Mensch)
Wir kennen alle die Weisheit, dass Geld nicht glücklich macht. Tatsächlich zeigen
etliche Untersuchungen, dass unser seelisches Wohlbefinden – eine materielle
Grundsicherung vorausgesetzt – nicht wirklich vom Kontostand abhängt. Wer
heute mehr hat als gestern, ist deswegen nicht glücklicher als am Vortag. Das
lesen wir, das wissen wir. Warum also jagen wir dem Geld trotzdem nach, als
hinge unser Seelenheil davon ab? Eine erste einfache Antwort: Weil Geld wie
Nahrung und Sex ist. Wir sind bereit, eine Menge dafür zu tun. Na klar, denken
wir, wer was hat, kann sich was kaufen. Wer Geld so versteht, hält es für ein
Mittel zum Zweck. Aber Psychologen präsentieren noch eine andere Erklärung:
Folia linguistica et litteraria 97
Geld ist eine Droge. Und das ist nicht nur bildlich gemeint, auch wenn es keine
Nadel braucht, um auf einen pekuniären Trip zu gehen. Geld sei eine "kognitive
Droge" sagen die beiden Briten.
Wenn Geld wirklich nicht glücklich macht, wie es seit Jahrhunderten
bekräftigt wird, warum benehmen wir uns dann so, als würde es uns eben doch
glücklich machen? Weil es dazu dienen kann, den eigenen Status zu erhöhen
und Eindruck zu schinden. Und so macht Geld am Ende eben doch glücklich, weil
es uns Anerkennung erkaufen kann.
UDK 81‟221
Mihaela Lalid
Univerzitet Crne Gore
Abstract: Obwohl die Sprache das komplexeste und leistungsfähigste Mittel der
zwischenmenschlichen Kommunikation ist, ist sie nicht das einzige. Menschliche
Kommunikation vollzieht sich zu einem großen Teil auch nonverbal. Besonders in den
sich intensivierenden interkulturellen Kontakten fällt als erstes das als abweichend
empfundene nonverbale Element der Kommunikation auf. Diese nonverbalen,
außersprachlichen Kommunikationselemente wie bspw. Gestik sind ein integraler Teil
einer Sprach- und Kulturgemeinschaft und wirken in interkulturellen Begegnungen
meistens unbewusst auf die am Gespräch Beteiligten. In dem vorliegenden Artikel soll
dargelegt werden, wie scheinbar bekannte Gesten in interkultureller Kommunikation
durchaus eine andere Bedeutung haben können als in unserem eigenen Kultursystem und
dass bei uns als irrelevant empfundene Aspekte in anderen Kulturen eine wichtige Rolle
spielen können.
1. Einleitung
2. Interkulturelle Kommunikation
logische Faktoren sowie durch soziale Konventionen determiniert. Für die Er-
forschung der Rolle, die Körpersprache in der interkulturellen Kommunikation
hat, sind die sozialen Konventionen von entscheidender Bedeutung, wobei die
anderen zwei auch nicht völlig außer Acht gelassen werden dürfen (Argyle 14).
Es wird generell zwischen stärkeren und schwächeren sozialen Konventionen
unterschieden, d. h. Konventionen, deren Verletzung als schwerwiegend bzw.
als tolerabel empfunden wird. In diesem Zusammenhang ist besonders die Tat-
sache problematisch, dass uns die jeweiligen Konventionen erst nach der Ab-
weichung von ihnen bewusst werden (Bsp. wenn Blickkontakt als Rückmeldung
eines Hörers ausbleibt). Die Körpersprache wird aber nicht nur durch
Konventionen geprägt, sondern kann zum größten Teil auch überregional
verstanden werden. Für eine Verständigung in interkulturellen Situationen sind
die konventionalisierten sowie die nicht konventionalisierten Ausdrucksformen
grundlegend (Appeltauer 10). Körpersprache wird häufig auch als Mittel zur Dar-
stellung eigener Emotionen und Einstellungen verwendet. Insbesondere in inter-
kulturellen Kontaktsituationen können gezeigte oder nicht gezeigte Emotionen
Missverständnisse hervorrufen (Appeltauer 10). Sie spielt aber nicht nur beim
Ausdruck von Emotionen und Einstellungen eine wichtige Rolle, sondern kann
auch im Falle sprachlichen Nichtverstehens zur Bedeutungssicherung oder-
klärung eingesetzt werden.
Aus dem oben gesagten lässt sich schlussfolgern, dass in interkultureller
Kommunikation ein großer Teil der Informationen mit Hilfe der Körpersprache
zum Ausdruck gebracht wird. Deshalb herrscht die Meinung, dass die Vernach-
lässigung der Körpersprache bei der Gesprächsinterpretation in vielen Fällen nur
die partielle Verständigung oder die Fehlinterpretation der ganzen Äußerung zur
Folge hat (Appeltauer 10).
3. Gestik
Regel mehr gestikuliert wird. Vieles von dem, was man beispielsweise in Mittel-
und Nordeuropa verbal ausdrücken würde, wird in den gestenreichen Kulturen
durch Gestik übermittelt. So verspricht man etwas in Deutschland, indem man
sagt 'ich verspreche es' oder 'du kannst dich darauf verlassen', während man in
der Türkei einfach die flache rechte Hand auf den eigenen Kopf legt. In der Tür-
kei kann man ein Versprechen zwar auch sprachlich formulieren, die Handgeste
wird aber deutlich bevorzugt. Im Iran wird in so einem Fall das rechte Auge mit
den Fingerspitzen der rechten flachen Hand bedeckt (Sparhawk 444 in
Appeltauer 17). Wer die oben genannten Gesten nicht wahrnimmt, weil er sie
nicht kennt oder vernachlässigt, weil er sie als eine Art Selbstberührungsgeste
betrachtet, wird er auf eine sprachliche Äußerung warten und wird sich viel-
leicht ärgern, dass eine solche ausbleibt. Auch in Japan werden in vielen Fällen
nonverbale Kommunikationskanäle bevorzugt. Darauf verweist auch der Begriff
'ishin- denshin', der sich als 'intuitive nonverbale Kommunikation' übersetzen
lässt (Kunihiro 3222 in Appeltauer 17). Es ist auch kein Wunder, dass Japaner die
Westeuropäer oft des Wortkultes 'beschuldigen', denn tatsächlich wurde in der
abendländischen Tradition über Jahrhunderte das (gesprochene) Wort betont
und spontane Gebärden vernachlässigt bzw. unterdrückt (Appeltauer 17).
In jeder Kultur gibt es Gesten, die innerhalb dieser Kultur eine allgemein
akzeptierte Bedeutung haben und von jedem Mitglied problemlos identifiziert
und gedeutet werden können. Solche Gesten, die in einer Kultur konvention-
alisiert sind, werden 'Embleme' genannt (Argyle 244). Zum Beispiel 'die Be-
jahungsgeste' mit dem Kopfnicken, der Zeigefinger an dem Mund als Appell zum
Stillsein usw. Embleme haben in der Regel eine Kommunikationsabsicht und
werden normalerweise bewusst gesendet und empfangen. Eine Untersuchung
von Kopf- und Handgesten in drei Kulturräumen, nämlich Ostafrika, Nord-
amerika und Südamerika hat gezeigt, dass in allen drei Kulturräumen
Kopfschütteln als Verneinungsgeste, Schulterzucken für 'ich weiß nicht', eine
flache Hand mit der Handinnenfläche zum Boden, um die Größe eines Kindes
anzudeuten und eine flache Hand mit der Innenfläche gegen eine Wange mit
leicht schief geneigtem Kopf für 'schlafen' verwendet werden (Creider 1997 in
Appeltauer 25).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 103
Die Feststellung, dass manche Gesten über kulturelle Grenzen hinweg die
gleiche Bedeutung haben, veranlasste manche Forscher von universellen, all-
gemein verständlichen Gesten zu sprechen. Dieser Gedanke der grenzüber-
schreitenden Verständlichkeit mancher Gesten lässt sich am besten an den sog.
Bejahungsgesten veranschaulichen. Denn die Bejahungsgeste (Nicken mit dem
Kopf) ist in vielen Kulturen zu finden (große Teile Europas, Ostafrika, Süd-
amerika, Nordamerika, Waika- Indianer, Samoaner, Balinesier usw).
Dennoch gibt es auch Kulturen, in denen völlig andere Gesten zur Be-
jahung verwendet werden. So wirft man zum Beispiel in Abessinien zur Be-
jahung den Kopf zurück und zieht die Augenbrauen hoch. Diese Geste der Abes-
sinier wird übrigens in Süditalien, Griechenland und in der Türkei als Verneinung
empfunden und wahrscheinlich von vielen Mitteleuropäern als Ausdruck für
Frage gedeutet (Appeltauer 25).
sonderheiten der Hinweisgesten, kann man davon ausgehen, dass die meisten
über Sprach- und Kulturgrenzen hinaus verstanden werden und gerade aus dies-
em Grund können sie beim Ausräumen von Missverständnissen behilflich sein.
Zu den Demonstrationsgesten zählen auch pantomimische Darstellungen und
ihre Funktion ist es, das Gemeinte durch das Abbilden von Formen oder Hand-
lungsabläufen zu illustrieren und sind deswegen weniger sprach- und
kulturabhängig als hinweisende Gesten. Jedoch können auch sie konvention-
alisiert sein. So wird beispielsweise Durst in Frankreich dadurch angedeutet,
indem man die eigene Kehle anfasst und Speichel schluckt, während man in der
Türkei in diesem Fall eine geschlossene Faust mit ausgestreckten Daumen
(Symbol für Wasserstrahl) an den Mund führt, als ob man aus einem Becher
trinken würde. Dieselbe Geste wird in Frankreich dagegen für die Einladung
etwas gemeinsam zu trinken, verwendet (Calbris 40 in Apeltauer 42).
Appeltauer argumentiert aber in diesem Zusammenhang, dass sich Türken und
Franzosen trotz der genannten unterschiedlichen illustrierenden Geste sicher-
lich verständigen könnten, wenn man zum Beispiel mit einer Hand einen ima-
ginären Becher umschlossen und zum Mund führen würde.
Demzufolge lässt sich feststellen, dass illustrierende Geste bei allgemein-
menschlichen Bedürfnissen oder Gefühlen immer herangezogen werden und
auch weiterhelfen können.
Allerdings ist es komplizierter, wenn komplexere oder dem Rezipienten
völlig unbekannte Sachverhalte demonstriert werden sollen. Denn wer bei-
spielsweise nicht weiß, was ein Fernseher ist, kann auch eine gute Pantomime
nicht weiter helfen (Appeltauer 43).
6.Fazit
Literatur:
UDK 811.133.1:811.112.2‟36
Abstract: Dieser Beitrag befasst sich mit dem französischen Einfluss auf die deutsche
Sprache. Grimmelshausens Roman Der abentheurliche Simplicissimus Teutsch und
Continuatio des abentheurlichen Simplicissimi wurde auf französisches Wortgut
analysiert. Obwohl auch Adjektive und Verben aus dem Französischen übernommen
wurden, beschäftigten wir uns nur mit den Substantiven, weil sie die häufigste
Wortklasse darstellen, auf die das Französische den größten Einfluss ausgeübt hat.
Schlüsselwörter: Einfluss des Französischen, Fremdwörter, Wortschatz,
Lehnübersetzung, Wortbildung.
dann über die Niederlande nach Deutschland. Mit der ritterlichen Kultur und der
ritterlichen Dichtung der höfischen Zeit bürgerten sich auch französische Fach-
wörter für die verschiedenen Arten der ritterlichen Kampfspiele (turnei 'Turnier'
<afrz. tornei, tournoi), für Waffen (lanze <afrz. lance 'Lanze', gabilôt <afrz.
gavelot 'kleiner Wurfspieß'), für Standesbezeichnungen (schevalier <afrz.
chevalier 'Ritter', barun <afrz. baron 'Baron', prinze <afrz. prince 'Prinz'), für
Wohnung, Kleidung, Stoffe (palas <afrz. palais 'Palast', kastel <afrz. castel
'Schloss', kissen <afrz. coussin 'Kissen', samît <afrz. samit 'Samt'), für die neuen
Formen der gesellschaftlichen Unterhaltung (scach <afrz. eschac 'Schach', mat
<afrz. mat 'Matt', prisant <afrz. présent 'Geschenk'), den tanz (<afrz. dance) zur
Musik der vloite (<afrz. flëute 'Flöte' und busûn(e) <afrz. buisine 'Posaune'), den
Gesang des schanzûn (<afrz. chanson) mit seiner melodîe (<afrz. melodie) usw.
ein (vgl. Tschirch 58 u. Eggers 132).
Obwohl im Laufe des 15. Jahrhunderts der französische Einfluss stark
nachließ, wurden auch weiterhin neue Wörter in die deutsche Sprache auf-
genommen, wie z. B.: mhd. juwe(e)l 'Edelstein' <afrz. joel; mhd. küriss, kürass
'Lederpanzer' <afrz. cuirasse und dazu die Ableitung kürisser 'gepanzerter
Reiter'; mhd. princesse <afrz. princesse (älter prinzin), mhd. visier 'Helmgitter'
<afrz. visiere (vgl. Tschirch 58 u. Eggers 132).
Sehr wenige höfische Ausdrücke frz. Herkunft sind bis heute erhalten
geblieben, manche wiederum sind in die Mundarten eingedrungen: falsch, klar,
fein, rund, hurtig, tanzen, prüfen, fehlen (<afrz. fa(il)ir '(ver)fehlen, irren'), Preis,
Teller (<frz. tailloir (le) 'Hackbrett'), Lampe (la) (vgl. Bach 149).
beste Beispiel das mhd. zimieren ist 'den Helm mit einem zimier 'Helmschmuck'
versehen', das wahrscheinlich auf deutschem Boden gebildet wurde, da im
Altfranzösischen nur das Substantiv cimier belegt ist.
Die Übernahme der frz. Substantivendung –ie überkreuzt sich mit der
Lateinendung –ia und beide erscheinen übereinstimmend als –îe (vgl. Tschirch
58-59). Älteste Bildung dieser Art arzâdîe/erzenîe 'Arznei' stammt noch aus dem
12. Jahrhundert. Vom 13. Jh. an erfuhr sie die gleiche Entwicklung wie –ieren.
Zunächst überschritten die Fremdwörter partîe 'Partie od. Partei' und massenîe
'Dienerschaft, Hofstaat, Gesellschaft' die Sprachgrenze. Danach tauchte –îe in
der Sprache der Scholastik und Mystik in mlat. Fachwörtern der Kirchensprache
(sacristîe 'Sakristei', profezîe 'Prophetie, Weissagung', nigromanzîe 'schwarze
Kunst, Zauberei') auf. Zuletzt wurde dieses Suffix an die dt. Erb- oder die älteren
Lehnwörter, wie heresîe, kumpanîe >Kumpanei 'Gesamtheit der Kumpane',
abdîe, probestîe und mit Vorliebe an jene Bildungen angehängt, die auf –er
enden, wie kosterîe 'Schatzkammer', ketzerîe 'Ketzerei', zouberîe 'Zauberei',
jegerîe 'Jägerei', u.
a.
Hirt (1921: 118-119) führt noch weitere Substantivsuffixe an, die an der
Bildung neuen Wortgutes beteiligt waren:
-tät in Majestät, Trinität, das bekanntlich aus dem lat. –tās, –tātis
stammt, ist aber durch frz. Vermittlung ins Deutsche gekommen. Schon im Mhd.
im 12. Jh. begegnet man der Form –teit in triniteit, magesteit, deren Aussprache
wahrscheinlich auf der ostfrz.-pikardischen Form –tet beruht, die sich um die
Wende des 13. und 14. Jh.s einzubürgern begann.
-sche (in der Volkssprache zur Bezeichnung weiblicher Personen, z. B.
Bäckersche 'die Frau des Bäckers'). Es stammt zunächst aus dem
Niederdeutschen und kam aus dem frz. –esse ins Deutsche, das wiederum auf
das spätlat., bzw. griech. –issa zurückgeht.
Französische Wörter wurden auch mit deutschen Suffixen ergänzt bzw.
weitergebildet:
afrz. amour + schaft >mhd. amurschaft
afrz. françois >mhd. franzois + isch >franzoisisch >französisch
afrz. hurt >mhd. hurt(e) 'Stoß, Anprall, stoßendes Losrennen' + ig
>hurtig 'eifrig u. schnell, flink, geschwind' (vgl. Agricola et al. 477).
Lehnprägungen
Im Deutschen wurden um die Wende zum 13. Jh. viele Wörter nach frz.
Vorlage gebildet.
112 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Als eine Lehnbildung ist das mhd. hövesch (>nhd. hübsch), im Mndl.
hovesch, als Adjektiv zu Hof genau wie das afrz. courtois zu cour 'Hof' zu
betrachten, das das zuerst übernommene Fremdwort kurteis Ende des 12. Jh.s
verdrängte. Die dazu gehörige Abstraktbildung hövescheit wurde nach dem afrz.
courtoisie gebildet.
Mit dem mhd. dörpære, meist törper, ist, was auch das frz. Wort vilain
bedeutet, der Dorfbewohner, Bauer gemeint. Mhd. dörperīe 'bäuerisches
Benehmen' beruht auf afrz. vilanīe (vgl. Eggers 2: 133-134).
Mhd. ritter, das über Mndl. ins Mhd. als riddere kam, ahmte frz.
chevalier (abgeleitet von cheval 'Pferd') nach und beseitigte das bereits
vorhandene Wort dafür rîtære, rîter, das ebenfalls aus dem Mndl. als rijder kam.
In der späten mhd. Periode treten groзvater 'Großvater' groзmuoter
'Großmutter' als Lehnübersetzungen aus dem Französischen erst am Mittelrhein
und Mosel auf. Das entspricht den ahd. Bezeichnungen ano (m.) und ana (f.)
Nach dem französischen Vorbild stellte sich im ritterlichen Lebensbezirk das
Ihrzen neben das altüberkommene Duzen (vgl. Bach 148).
Französische Wendungen wurden gern nachgeahmt, wie z. B. mhd.
ritterschaft tuon 'ritterliche Taten ausrichten' <mndl. ridderschap doen <afrz.
faire chevalerie. Die mhd. und mndl. Anredeform mîn her Iwein, mîn frou ahmte
afrz. mes sire Ivain, ma dame nach (vgl. Maurer/Stroh 1: 275).
In vielen Fällen gewann ein deutsches Wort unter dem frz. Einfluss oder
aber über das Niederländische einen neuen Inhalt:
knabe 'Jüngling, Diener, Knecht' >knappe (<frz. garçon, als garzûn im
Deutschen) =der junge Adelige >Edelknappe;
wâpen (die nd. unverschobene Form des hd. wâfen) =das Zeichen, mit
dem der Ritter stolz auf seine Sippenzugehörigkeit seine Waffen (mhd.)
bemalen lässt;
Sicherheit nach dem afrz. viance > =feierliches Gelübde des Besiegten
gegenüber dem Sieger;
mhd. tohter (in westdt. Mundarten) ='Tochter' und 'Mädchen', <afrz.
fille 'Tochter' und 'Mädchen' (vgl. Maurer/Stroh 1: 276).
Manche Redensarten, die ihren Ursprung im ritterlichen Turnierwesen
haben und die längst ihre gegenständliche Bedeutung aufgegeben haben, sind
in der heutigen Sprache noch gebräuchlich, sie leben als bildliche Wendungen
weiter:
in die Schranken (=auf den abgegrenzten Turnierplatz) treten; ='für
jemanden in die Schranken treten' (=für jmdn. entschieden eintreten);
jemanden in Harnisch bringen =jmdn. so reizen, dass er sich auf der
Stelle in den Harnisch wirft, d.h. zum Kampfe rüstet'; heute =jmdn. wütend,
zornig machen;
den Fehdehandschuh hinwerfen =Herausforderung zum Kampf; =jmdn.
herausfordern usw.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 113
Rückentlehnungen
Unterscheidung zwischen den Geschwistern des Vaters als Vetter und Base von
denen der Mutter als Oh(ei)m und Muhme aufhob (vgl. Tschirch 248).
Am Mittelrhein galten mundartlich neben vielen anderen etwa:
Sáckertjée! <frz. sacré nom de Dieu!, állo! <frz. allons!, dúttswitt <frz. tout de
souite, Bredúllje <frz. bredouille (vgl. Bach 254).
Der musikalische Geschmack des 18. Jh.s orientiert sich ebenfalls nach
jenem in Frankreich(vgl. die Oboe (<frz. Hautbois), Air (<frz. air (le)), Musette
(<frz. musette (la)), Plainte (<frz. plainte (la)), Sommeille (<frz. sommeille (la)),
Chaconne (<frz. chaconne (la)), Reigen- (afrz. raie >mhd. rei(g)e), Schreit- und
Rundtänze (<afrz. rond) (vgl. Tschirch 247). Selbst das Grundwort Musik wurde
im 17. Jh. aus dem Französischen neu entlehnt, da das Wort musica seit ahd.
Zeit den Ton auf der ersten Silbe hat und grch.-lat. Herkunft ist. Unter dem
Einfluss von frz. musique ging der Ton auf die letzte Silbe über.
Substantive
Simplizia
22. Charte (S. 70) (f.) =Verfassungsurkunde <frz. charte (la) 'Urkunde' <lat.
charta 'Papier'
23. Baron (S. 78) (m.) <frz. baron (le) <mlat. baro 'streitbarer Mann'
24. Credit (S. 78) >Kredit (m.) =Geldmittel, Darlehen, Vertrauenswürdigkeit,
Buchführung <ital. credito 'Leihwürdigkeit', beeinflusst von frz. crédit
(le) 'Kredit'
25. Appetit (S. 80) (m.) <frz. appétit (le) <lat. appetitus 'Begehren'
26. Ingwer (S. 80) (m.) =die als Gewürz verwendete Wurzel <ingeber,
ingewer (1200), gingiber(o) (11. Jh.), afrz. gingebre, frz. gingembre (le)
<spätgrch. zingiberis <prakrit. singabera <altind. srngavera 'hornartig',
27. Mine (S. 81) =Miene (f.) =Gesichtsausdruck <frz. mine (la)
'Gesichtsausdruck, Aussehen' <breton. min 'Schnauze, Mund,
Gesichtszüge'*
28. Dame (S. 90) (f.) <frz. dame (la), urspr. 'Frau von Stande'*
29. Appelle (am) (S. 122) (m.) <Appell <frz. appel (le) 'Aufruf'
30. Manier (S. 138) (f.) <frz. manière (la) 'Art und Weise' <lat. manuarius 'zu
den Händen gehörig'
31. Provosen (S. 162) <heute> Profos (m.) =Feldrichter, Ankläger u.
Vollstrecker des Urteils im mittelalterl. Landsknechts- u. Söldnerheer
<afrz. provost (le) <lat. propositus 'vorgesetzt'
32. Sammet (S. 183) >Samt (m.) <mhd. samit <afrz. samit <mlat.
(e)xamitum, mgrch. examiton, zu grch. hex 'sechs' + mitos 'Faden',
urspr. 'sechsfädiges Gewebe'
33. Flöte (S. 190) (f.) <mhd. vloite, flöute <mndrl. flute, fleute, floite <afrz.
flaute, fleute <frz. flûte*
34. Accisen (S. 212) >Akzise (f.) =indirekte Steuer <frz. accise (la)
'Verbrauchssteuer' zu lat. accidere 'anschneiden, beschneiden'*
35. Diamant (S. 214) (m.) <frz. diamant (le) <vulgärlat. adiamante 'Kreuzung'
von grch. adamas, adamantos 'der Unbezwingliche' + diaphainein
'durchscheinen'
36. Opinion (S. 216) (f.) =Meinung. Ansicht, Standpunkt, Einstellung <frz.
opinion (la) (nicht nachweisbar im dt. Wörterbuch)
37. Perdon (S. 232) >Pardon (m.) =Verzeihung, Gnade, Begnadigung <frz.
pardon (le) 'Entschuldigung, Verzeihung, Vergebung'
38. Complimenten (S. 238) >Kompliment (n.) <frz. compliment (le)
'Artigkeit, Schmeichelei' <span. complimiento 'Höflichkeitsbezeigung'
<lat. complementum 'Ergänzung, Anhang'
39. Fabel (S. 242) (f.) <mhd. fabele '(unwahre) Erzählung, Märchen' <afrz.
fable (la) <lat. fabula, zu idg. *bha- 'sprechen'
40. Tambour (S. 252) (m.) =Trommler, Trommelschläger <mhd. tambur
<afrz. ta(m)bo(u)r (le) <arab. tanbur 'Trommel'
41. Diskretion (S. 253) (f.) <frz. discrétion (la)
118 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
42. Raison (S. 253) (f.) =Räson =Vernunft, Verstand <frz. raison (la) (veraltet)
43. Revers (S. 254) (n. od. m.)=schriftl. Erklärung eines rechtl. Inhalts,
Verpflichtung <frz. revers (le), 'Rückseite'
44. Paroln (S. 258) >Parole (f.) =Kennwort, Lösung, Schlagwort <frz. parole
(la), eigtl. 'Wort, Spruch'*
45. Postilion (S. 292) (m.) >Postillion (m.) =Fahrer der Postkutsche
=Posthörnchen <frz. postillon (le) <ital. postiglione 'Postknecht' zu ital.
posta 'Post'
46. Marquis (S. 295) (m.) =frz. Adelstitel zwischen Herzog und Graf <frz.
marquis (le)
47. Pantoffeln (S. 305) (pl.) <frz. pantoufle (la) 'Hausschuh'
48. Masquen (S. 306) >Maske (f.) <frz. masque (la) <ital. maschera <arab.
maschara 'Possenreißer(ei)' *
49. Alle Monsigneur Beau Alman (S. 307)
alle <frz. allez! =Gehen Sie!
Beau (adj.) <frz. =schön, hübsch, stattlich
Alman <frz. Allemand (m.) =Deutscher
50. Barucque (S. 311) =Perücke (f.) <frz. peruque (la) 'Haaraufsatz' zu
provenzal. perucat 'mit schöner Frisur versehen'*
51. Almosen (S. 367) (pl.) <ahd. alamuosan <afrz. almosne (frühfrz.)
52. Bastart (S. 444) >Bastard (m.) <afrz. bastard (le) 'anerkannter Sohn eines
Adligen, der nicht von der rechtmäßigen Frau stammt'
53. Conversation (S. 460) >Konversation (f.) <frz. conversation (la) 'Umgang,
Verkehr, Unterhaltung' <lat. coversatio 'Verkehr, Umgang'
54. Mamon, Mammon (S. 484) <frz. maman (la) 'Mama, Mutti'
55. protestation (S. 489) (f.) <frz. protestation (la) (nicht nachweisbar in dt.
Wörterbuch)
56. Pension (S. 501) (f.) <frz. pension (la) 'Ruhegehalt, Rente, Kostgeld,
Fremdenheim, Pension'
57. Iournal (S. 520) >Journal (m.) =Rechnungsbuch, Tagebuch <frz. journal
(le) 'Zeitung, Tagebuch'
58. Parasol (S. 580) (m.) <frz. parasol (le) 'Sonnenschirm'
26. Ingenieur (S. 382) (m.) <frz. ingenieur (le), 'Ingenieur', bis ins 18. Jh.
'Kriegsbaumeister'; zu lat. ingenium 'Scharfsinn', mlat. a. 'Kriegsgerät,
Kriegsmaschine'
27. Stieffel (S. 451) >Stiefel (m.) <mhd. stival <afrz. estival (le)
28. Ordre (S. 451) >Order (m.) =Anordnung, Auftrag, Befehl <frz. ordre (le)
29. Mappe (S. 571) (f.) <frz. mappe (la) <lat. mappa 'Leintuch'*
30. officianten (S. 575) >Offiziant (m.) =Unterbeamter <frz. officiant (le)
Jene Wörter, die mit dem Zeichen * versehen sind, werden im
Deutschen mit unbetontem [ə] ausgesprochen.
25. Banquet (S. 383) >Bankett (n.) =Festmahl, Festessen <frz. banquet (le)
'Festmahl'
26. Panquet (S. 18) >Bankett (n.) =Festmahl, Festessen <frz. banquet (le)
'Festmahl'
27. Revier (S. 396) (n.) <afrz. rivière (la)
28. Rondel (S. 428) >Rondell (n.) =rundes Schmuckbeet, runder Turm,
kreisrunder Gartenweg <frz. rondelle (la) 'runder Gegenstand'
29. Cabinet (S. 443) >Kabinett (n.) <frz. cabinet (le) 'kleines Nebenzimmer'
<ital. gabinetto
Es darf an dieser Stelle festgehalten werden, dass in fast allen Fällen die
Wortbildung bzw. die Analogie die Unterschiede im Genus bestimmt hat.
Wörter wie Reim, Abenteuer, Preis haben zusätzlich eine Bedeutungsver-
änderung erfahren (vgl. Maurer/Stroh 1: 283-284).
Ableitungen
Feminina mit fremden Suffixen
Maskulina
Man nahm frz. Wörter und hängte ihnen fremde Suffixe an: -ist, -or, -ast
oder -är , so dass neue Wörter entstanden:
1. Nobilist (S. 9) (m.) <Noblesse (<frz. noblesse (la)) od. Nobilität (<lat.
nobilitas)
2. Inventor (S. 234) (m.) engl. <frz. inventeur (le) (nicht nachweisbar in dt.
Wörtebuch),
3. Pallast (S. 9) (m.) <mhd. palas <frz. palais (le) 'Hauptgebäude einer Burg'
4. Commissario (S. 44) >Kommissär (m.) <frz. commisaire (le) <mlat.
commissarius.
Man übernahm zuerst Substantive wie General (S. 49) (m.) (<mhd.
general <frz. général (le)) und bildete dann weitere Maskulina, wie z. B.:
1. Corporal (S. 248) >Korporal (m.) =niedrigster Unteroffiziersgrad <ital.
caporale 'Hauptmann', beeinflusst von frz. corps (le) 'Körper, Körperschaft' zu
ital. capo 'Haupt' <lat. caput 'Haupt, Kopf'.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 125
Nach der Übernahme maskuliner Lehnwörter, wie z. B.: Officier (S. 39),
Cavallier (S. 43), Barbier (S. 367) u. a. wurden im Deutschen weitere Maskulina
mit dem Suffix –ier gebildet:
1. Fouragier (S. 147) (m.) =Fourier od. Furier (m.) =Unteroffizier, der für
die Furage zu sorgen hat <frz. fourrier (le) 'Furier'
Neutra
Zuerst kamen einige Neutra mit dem Suffix –ment aus dem
Französischen:
1. Logament (S. 257) >Logement (n.) =Wohnung, Bleibe, Unterkunft <frz.
logement (le) 'Wohnung'
2. Logiment (S. 226) >Logement (n.) (nicht nachweisbar in dt. Wörtebuch)
Danach wurden solche Wörter nachgeahmt, indem man mit dem Suffix
-ment neue Wörter bildete, obgleich diesbezügliche Beispiele in diesem
Roman nicht gefunden wurden. Charakteristisch für die damalige Zeit ist die
gleiche Bedeutung und unterschiedliche Rechtschreibung der Wörter, was unter
anderem auf eine immer noch nicht einheitliche Rechtschreibung der deutschen
Sprache verweist.
Nach dem Vorbild der neutralen Lehnwörter, wie Cabinet (S. 443) (n.)
<frz. cabinet (le), Panquet (S. 18) oder (n.) Banquet (S. 383) <frz. banquet (le),
wurden im Deutschen weitere Wörter mit dem Suffix -ett gebildet.
Deutsche Suffixe
Französische Wörter bildeten mit deutschen Suffixen wie –er, -el, -e, -
ung, -ei explizite Ableitungen.
1. Courassirer (S. 16) <heute> Kürassier (m.) =Reiter mit Küraß, allg.
Angehöriger der schweren Reiterei; <frz. cuirassier (le)
2. Carbiner (S. 20) <Karabiner (m.) =Gewehr mit kurzem Lauf und geringer
Schussweite, früher besonders zur Bewaffnung der Kavallerie <frz.
carabine (la), zu carabin (le) 'mit Gewehr bewaffneter Reiter'
3. Musquetirer (S. 30) (m.) =mit einer Muskete bewaffneter Fußsoldat <frz.
mousquetaire (le)
4. Picquenirer (S. 45) (m.) >Pikenier =Pikenträger, Landsknecht mit Pike
<frz. piquier 'Pikenträger'
5. Dragoner (S. 55) (m.) =leichter Reiter zu frz. dragon (le)
('Feuerspeiender) Drache, Name einer Feuerwaffe, Reiter selbst
126 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
6. Trompeter (S. 65) (m.) <mhd. trum(b)et <frz. trompette (la 'Trompete'
od. le 'Trompeter'), ital. trompetta, ahd. trumba
7. Constablen (S. 259) <Constabler >Konstabler =Büchsenmeister,
Geschützmeister im Rang eines Unteroffiziers <engl. constable
'Konnetabel, Polizist' <afrz. conestabel (neufrz.) connétable >dt.
Konnetabel = Stallmeister, Befehlshaber einer Reiterei
8. Koller (S. 357) (m.) =lederner Brustharnisch, Halskragen, Wams 1. <frz.
collier (le) 'Halsband, -kette', 2. <ahd. chollari, beide mlat. collarium
'Halsrüstung'
9. Priester (S. 377) (m.) <ahd. priestar <afrz. prēstre (le) (frühfrz.)
10. Kuppler (S. 459) (m.) <mhd. kuppel, koppel 'Band, Verbindung, Haufe,
Schar' <afrz. co(u)ple (le) 'Band'
1. Franzose (S. 309) (m.) <mhd. franzois, franzeis zu frz. françois 'Franzose'
Neutra
Komposita
1. Conterfait (S. 62) <heute> Konterfei (n.) =Abbild, Bild(nis) <frz. contrefait
'nachgemacht, nachgebildet'
2. Lermen (S. 72) <frühnhd. lerman, larman <ital. allarme, frz. alarme, eigtl.
à l' arme! =zur Waffe!
3. Allarm (S. 171) >Alarm <frz. à l' arme! 'zur Waffe'
4. Monsieur (S. 252) (m.) =Herr <frz. monseigneur (le) (frz. mon 'mein' +
seigneur (le) 'Gutsherr, Landesherr, Herr')
5. Adjeu! (S. 255) >Adieu! =Lebewohl-, Abschiedsgruß <frz. à Dieu!
6. Monsigneur (S. 294) (m.) <frz. mon 'mein' + seigneur (le)
7. Madame (S. 302) (f.) =gnädige Frau <frz. madame (la) 'Frau, Frau des
Hauses' <afrz. ma dame 'meine Dame, gnädige Frau' <lat. mea domina
'meine Herrin'
8. Damoiselle (S. 395) (f.) <frz. Mademoiselle (la) <afrz. ma demoiselle
'meine (junge) Dame'.
Diese Komposita haben ihre äußere Form beim Übergang ins Deutsche
entweder ganz behalten oder wurden minimal geändert. Eine interessante
Entwicklung hat das Wort Allarm, bzw. Lermen erlebt; beide Bezeichnungen
stammen nämlich aus dem frz. Ausruf à l' arme! ('zur Waffe!) ab, das zudem
auch noch eine Bedeutungsveränderung erlebte.
1. Schulpossen (S. 11) (f.) <frühnhd. bosse, posse <spätmhd. possen <frz.
(ouvrage à) bosse (la)
2. Diebs=Thurn (S. 57) (m.) >Turm <ostfrz. torn, turn <lat. turris (frühfrz.)
3. Sammelplatz (S. 129) spätmhd. plaz, platz <frz. place (la) <vulgärlat.
platea 'breite, öffentliche Straße, Platz' <grch. plateia (hodos); zu grch.
platys 'breit, flach'
4. Spielplatz (m.) (S. 151) <frz. place (la)
5. Büffelspossen (S. 155) (f.) <frz. (ouvrage à) bosse (la)
6. Betteltanz (S. 229) (m.) <afrz. danse (le); zu ndrl.dans
7. Winter=Quartier (S. 333) (n.) <frz. quartier (le) 'Viertel' <lat. quartarius
'Viertel'
8. Goldsorten (S. 361) (f.) <ital. sorta, frz. sorte (la) 'Art, Qualität' <lat. sors
'Los', spätlat. 'Art u. Weise'
9. Widerpart (S. 436) (m.) <mhd. widerpart(e) 'Gegenpartei, Gegnerschaft,
Gegner'; zu wider + part 'Abteilung, Partei' <frz. part (la) 'Teil, Anteil'
Folia linguistica et litteraria 129
10. Kriegs-Chargen (S. 445) (f.) =Würde, Rang, Amt <frz. charge (la) 'Last,
Bürde'.
Rückentlehnung
Schlusswort
Literaturverzeichnis:
Quelle:
Literatur:
Abkürzungen:
mhd. = mittelhochdeutsch
mndl.= mittelniederländisch
ahd. = althochdeutsch
afrz.= altfranzösisch
spätahd. = spätalthochdeutsch
spätlat. = spätlateinisch
dt. = deutsch
grch.= griechisch
ostfrz.= ostfranzösisch
lat.= lateinisch
frühnhd. = frühneuhochdeutsch
frz.= französisch
z.B. = zum Beispiel
z. T. = zum Teil
Jh. = Jahrhundert
vulgärlat. = vulgärlateinisch
anord. = altnordisch
ital. = italienisch
gallorom. = galloromanisch
UDK 811.133.1'342.3
Mots clés: oreille, statut sémiologique, sens figuré, analyse sémantique, analyse
axiologique
L’oreille est l’organe de l’audition qui, avec les organes de la parole, joue
un rôle essentiel dans le processus d’intercommunication verbale. Mais,
l’analyse du statut sémiologique de cet organe dans la conscience des locuteurs
français ne l’envisage pas en tant qu’organe, mais en tant que signe. Les signes
sont, par définition, un ensemble de signifiant et de signifié renvoyant à un
référent précis. Dans une perspective sémiologique, nous considérons le signe
comme un symbole qui renvoie à des contenus différents de ceux qui résultent
du rapport direct entre le signe et son référent (c’est-à-dire le niveau dénotatif
de son sens). En effet, il s’agit du sens figuré (ou « secondaire », d’après la
définition qu’en donne le linguiste et sémiologue français Pierre Guiraud de la
sémasiologie (8)) utilisé au sein de différentes unités discursives constituant le
champ lexico-sémantique de l’oreille. Ces unités manifestent l’activité de la
pensée analogique et des archétypes en tant que tentative des locuteurs de
s’expliquer la réalité qui les entoure. Comme dit Zvonko Nikodinovski,
sémanticien macédonien, "le connu sert de figure sémiologique pour signifier
l’inconnu, car à travers les analogies établies, l’homme parvient à saisir le
nouveau, à le rapprocher de ce qu’il connaît et qui lui est familier" (2007, 3).
Notre objectif n’est pas d’étudier le référent, mais la réalité représentée dans ce
référent qui est liée à l’activité auditive et communicative de l’homme.
134 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
autour du lexème oreille ou des lexèmes ayant trait à son anatomie et à son
fonctionnement. Le groupe d’unités parémiologiques est plus large que les deux
autres car, outre les proverbes, il englobe également des aphorismes, des unités
interactives (pouvant être également appelées unités illocutoires ou unités
parémiologiques à la deuxième personne) et des blagues. Conformément au
principe sémasiologique qui implique un mouvement de la forme du signe vers
son contenu, nous avons sélectionné uniquement les unités dont le sens figuré
est anthropomorphique, c’est-à-dire qui renvoie à l’activité verbale de l’homme.
En ce qui concerne la répartition des unités sur l’axe temporel, il n’est
guère possible d’éviter la diachronie, car les exemples ont été créés à des
périodes différentes et, par conséquent, reflètent des étapes différentes du
fonctionnement de la langue française, ainsi que des registres de langues
différents (à noter que certaines formes, surtout proverbiales, se manifestent
sous une forme archaïque).
Le point de départ de notre analyse est le postulat de Guiraud (qui étudie
la sémiologie de la sexualité à travers une analyse étymologique de mots), que
l’âme (la psyché) est un reflet, un analogon du corps : "*…+La psyché est
l’ensemble des noms que nous attribuons à des réactions corporelles en face
d’un stimulus donné, d’une situation particulière du moi au monde” (19).
Autrement dit, la forme et le contenu entretiennent un rapport de cause à effet,
où c’est le signifiant qui détermine le sort du signifié.
La méthodologie que nous suivons est celle proposée par Nikodinovski
(1992, 26) qui consiste en une systématisation des sens figurés des unités du
corpus à travers trois étapes de l’analyse: sémiologique, sémantique et
axiologique.
Aspect sémiologique
Terme donné par Nikodinovski (2007, 194)pour désigner les parémies dont l’action verbale se
réalise avec une force illocutoire plus importante qui fait référence à « la réalité anthropologique
de l’intercommunication verbale ». Elles nous introduisent en situation de dialogue, c’est-à-dire
en discours direct où l’on s’adresse à une autre personne (d’où l’emploi de la deuxième personne,
le plus souvent au singulier), ou bien où le locuteur dit quelque chose sur une troisième personne
qui n’est pas forcément présente.
136 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
1) Anatomie de l’oreille
1.1) Parties de l’oreille
L’oreille dans l’exemple suivant n’est pas considérée comme un tout, mais
est representée par ses parties intégrantes, comme le conduit auditif ou le
tympan
(1) (phras.) parler/dire/confier dans le tuyau de l’oreille = « en secret »
(Rey & Chantreau)
(2) (phras.) se le farfouiller dans les tympans = « chuchoter une
information à l’oreille » (Argot du corps)
2) Fonctions de l’oreille
(var.) (prov.) Qui au meschant preste l'oreille, prend le bourdon, chasse l'abeille.
(Base de proverbes, 35)]
(20) (prov.) Quiconque preste l'oreille au flatteur, vit a la mercy du
trompeur. = « Les propos flatteurs sont mensongers. » (Base de proverbes, 36)
[(var.) (prov.) Qui au flatteur preste l'oreille, au pot de cuyvre il s'apareille. (Base
de proverbes, 34) ; (var.) (prov.) Pour moult braire ne pour pleurer, oreilles ne
doibs a flateur prester. (Base de proverbes, 41)]
(21)(blag.)Dans l’autobus, un petit garçon demande, très fort :
- Papa, la bête qu’on a chez nous, c’est un chat ou une chatte ?
- Un chat, répond le père.
Et il replonge la tête dans son journal.
- Dis papa, insiste le gamin, à quoi tu as vu que c’était un chat ?
- Les voyageurs, amusés, dressent l’oreille, curieux de voir comment le
père va se tirer de ce mauvais pas.
En fait, superbe de sang froid, le monsieur explique :
- Voyons, c’est bien simple. Tu n’as jamais remarqué qu’il a des
moustaches?(L’humour des animaux)
vos oreilles sifflent, on parle de vous. (Base de proverbes, 47) ; (var.) (prov.)
Oreille qui tinte à droite, peines secrètes, oreille qui tinte à gauche, bonheur à
tire-la-rigault. (Base de proverbes, 28)]
(48)(blag.)Pendant une importante réunion du gouvernement, un ministre
se penche vers un autre ministre et lui glisse à l’oreille :
- Dites-moi… Vous avez combien de fonctionnaires qui travaillent sous
vos ordres ?
Et l’autre répond :
- Oh ! Disons un sur dix…(Nègre, 419)
(49) (blag.)Un samedi soir au bois de Boulogne… La nuit d’été est douce et
il y a plein d’amoureux allonges dans les bosquets. Dans un coin, une fille se
laisse enlacer par un beau garçon et elle lui glisse dans l’oreille :
- Oh ! mon chéri ! Comme c’est romantique ! Tu entends les grillons ?
- C’est pas les grillons, fait le gars. C’est les fermetures Eclair… (Nègre,
154)
(50)(blag.) Un des premiers chrétiens avait été jeté aux lions. Menaçant, le
fauve s’approche du malheureux. Il ouvre déjà la gueule pour le déchiqueter
quand le martyr lui murmure quelques mots à l’oreille. Aussitôt, le lion pose
amicalement sa patte sur l’épaule du chrétien et se met à lui lécher
affectueusement le visage.
Stupéfait, l’empereur romain appelle sa victime :
- Je te fais grâce si tu me répètes ce que tu as dit à ce lion pour qu’il
change ainsi d’attitude à ton égard.
- Oh ! bien peu de chose. Simplement ceci : « Un jour, un de mes
descendants sera le fondateur de la Société Protectrice des Animaux. »
(L’humour des animaux)
A noter que dans les blagues suivantes l’adjectif sourd n’est pas utilisé
avec un sens figuré:
(64) (blag.)« Homme sérieux, 31 ans, bon caractère, dur d’oreille, cherche
femme dure d’oreille également en vue mariage. » (Le Chasseur français)
(Nègre, 820)
(65) (blag.)- Moi, j’injurie ma femme du matin au soir... Elle n’y fait
seulement pas attention.
- Elle a bon caractère ?
- Non, elle est sourde.(L’humour de l’almanach Vermot)
142 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Aspect sémantique
1) Anatomie de l’oreille
1.1) Parties de l’oreille
2) Fonctions de l’oreille
2.1) L’oreille en général (métonymie: l’organe pour la fonction)
Aspect axiologique
En guise de conclusion
References bibliographiques:
Chauchard, Paul. Le langage et la pensée. Paris : P.U.F., (coll. "Que sais-je ?"),
n°698, 1962.
Guiraud, Pierre. Sémiologie de la sexualité. Paris : Payot, 1978.
Никпдинпвски, Звпнкп. Фигуративните значеоа на анималната лексика
вп францускипт и вп македпнскипт јазик - Инсекти. Дис. Скппје:
Универзитет «Св. Кирил и Метпдиј», Филплпщки факултет, 1992.
Никпдинпвски, Звпнкп. Семиплпгија на гпвпрпт и на јазикпт, Щтип: 2-ри
Август С, 2007.
Sapir, Edward.La linguistique. Paris: Gallimard, 1991 [1949].
Folia linguistica et litteraria 147
Sources utilisees:
UDK 811.131.1‟276:33
Parole chiave: lingua speciale, lingua dell‟economia, didattica delle microlingue, lessico,
sintassi, livello testuale.
Introduzione
2. Le mete glottodidattiche
lavoro nero; gabbie salariali (differenze salariali fra Nord e Sud); l’elasticità della
domanda; condizione di equilibrio del mercato; la concorrenza tra più imprese
ecc.
Molte di queste metafore si sono radicate in modo talmente forte
nell’uso comune che il loro valore metaforico è scarsamente sentito – “metafore
morte”
Metafore non tecnicizzate: prelievo (fiscale); risanamento (dei conti
pubblici), fase depressiva ecc.
c) Neologismi “retorici”: Corso Marconi; Foro Bonaparte; Piazza Affari; Via
Nazionale; Wall Street ecc.
3.2 Sintassi
...Dato che l’output gap non è misurabile, si può stimare attraverso varie
tecniche statistiche ed econometriche o utilizzando vari indicatori per
cercare di capire quanto distante la produzione sia rispetto al potenziale...
(Discorso di Lorenzo Bini Smaghi, membro del comitato esecutivo della
BCE, 16 ottobre 2009)
...Si può affermare che sono stati compiuti progressi significativi a livello
mondiale; ora occorre completare il quadro... (Discorso di Lorenzo Bini
Smaghi, membro del comitato esecutivo della BCE, 16 ottobre 2009)
…Conti alla mano, risulta che se non si agisce immediatamente, nel giro di
un paio di decenni subiremo un danno di portata catastrofica… (La
Repubblica)
3.3 Livello testuale: anche se poco studiato, il livello testuale può forse
essere identificato come quello che distingue meglio i linguaggi scientifici tra
loro e dalla lingua comune. La lingua dell’economia ha una struttura testuale
mista (funzione descrittiva/argomentativa) (Atzori, par. 5)
Una caratteristica dei testi economici è la frequente presenza di schemi,
tabelle, grafici e illustrazioni. Notevole importanza hanno anche gli aspetti di
coerenza e coesione testuale più comuni (Zublena 16), che sono:
Conclusioni
Riferimenti bibliografici:
Atzori, Fabio. “L’italiano delle scienze: materiali per l’uso”. Web. 20 novembre
2011. http://www.griseldaonline.it/formazione/testi_summer/atzori.htm
Balboni, Paolo E. Parole comuni, culture diverse. Guida alla comunicazione
interculturale. Venezia: Marsilio, 1999.
Balboni, Paolo E. Le sfide di Babele. Torino: UTET Libreria, 2002.
Bodo, R. John. “Le parole dell’economia e della finanza. Le fonti di informazione
economica e finanziaria”. Sergio Lepri. Dizionario della comunicazione.
Firenze: 1995.
Cortellazzo, Michele A. “Le lingue speciali”. In Holtus Günter – Metzeltin Michael
– Schmitt: 1988.
Dardano, Maurizio e Trifone, Pietro. La nuova grammatica della lingua italiana.
Bologna: Zanichelli, 1997.
Margiotta, Umberto (a cura di). L’insegnante di qualità. Roma: Armando, 1999.
Zublena, Paolo. L’inquietante simmetria della lingua. Il linguaggio tecnico-
scientifico nella narrativa italiana del Novecento. Alessandria: Edizioni
dell’Orso, 2002.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 159
UDK 82.09:162.14
Ivana M. Todorovid
Univerzitet u Beogradu
1. Definisanje pojma
215-216). Dakle, subalternim treba smatrati sve one koji su na neki način udu-
tkani; njihova je „pozicija bez identiteta“ (Spivak 2005, 476).
Ranadžit Guha (Ranajit Guha), jedan od vodedih teoretičara u ovoj oblasti,
određuje položaj subalternog subjekta kroz stratifikacionu podelu indijskog dru-
štva. Po Guhi, elitu sačinjavaju pripadnici dominantnih stranih grupa i domi-
nantnih autohtonih grupa na sveindijskom nivou. Nešto niži položaj zauzimaju
pripadnici dominantnih autohtonih grupa na regionalnim i lokalnim nivoima, a
daleko najniže na društvenoj lestvici nalazi se narod, to jest subalterne grupe.
Pri tome Guha, u duhu matematičara, određuje subalterne grupe kao „demo-
grafsku razliku između ukupne indijske populacije i svih onih koje smo opisali
kao elitu“ (Spivak 2003, 362). Sledi grafički prikaz Guhine postavke:
26
Spivakin esej “Can the Subaltern Speak?”predstavlja prekretnicu u izučavanju subalterniteta i
podstakao je značajan broj studija.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 165
daje samo pridev „subalteran“ (1282), a isto čini i Milan Vujaklija u Leksikonu
stranih reči i izraza (852); Enciklopedijski englesko-srpskohrvatski rečnik (Ristid,
Simid, Popovid) imenicu prevodi (podređenost, potčinjenost), a pridev daje u dve
varijante, i kao prevod i u obliku „subalteran“ (580), dok Tanja Popovid u Rečniku
književnih termina ovu reč uopšte ne navodi. U našem radu, kao pridevske obli-
ke ravnopravno demo koristiti termine „subalteran“ i „potčinjen“, dok demo kao
imenički oblik koristiti reč „subalternitet“, koji u prevodu Spivakine studije Kriti-
ka postkolonijalnog uma: Ka istoriji sadašnjosti koja nestaje upotrebljava Ranko
Mastilovid, a koja sa pojmom „alteritet“ *alterity+ gradi lepu zvučnu i značenjsku
vezu.
27
Sepoj je indijski vojnik u vojsci neke evropske zemlje.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 167
oslobođenja, taj isti vođa okrede leđa narodu, otkrivajudi svoju pravu ulogu:
ostvarenje interesa elite. Subalterne grupe, pokazuje Fanon, još jednom bivaju
prevarene, a njihova uloga i žrtve u procesu nacionalnog oslobođenja potpuno
zanemarene (1-120).
28
Prevod je preuzet od R. Mastilovida, koji termin „subaltern” koristi kao imenicu.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 169
Subalterni subjekt živi u senci onih koji imaju mod, jer je i sam samo senka
onoga što bi po svom potencijalu mogao da bude. On je ponizan, pokoran,
bedan i bespomodan i dutke prihvata uvrede onih kojima je podređen. Baka je, u
ovom smislu, zaista reprezentativan. Njegovo prezime autor nikada ne navodi,
što svedoči da potčinjeni ne poseduje nikakav identitet. Bakin fizički izgled –
Anand ga opisuje kao zdravog, snažnog, mišidavog muškarca – u krajnjoj je su-
protnosti sa njegovim karakterom, koji odlikuju bojažljivost, poniznost i pokor-
nost, ujedno i najučestalije reči u romanu. Baka je u prisustvu pripadnika viših
kasti uvek pognut, bolno ljubazan i sa „smeškom roba“ na usnama (Anand 14). U
eseju „Social Deformity in Anand’s Untouchable“, M. S. Babu (M. S. Babu) kaže
da su subalterne grupe krive za vlastiti položaj jer uzimaju svoju inferiornost
zdravo za gotovo. Dok su mladi, tvrdi Babu, potčinjeni se bune protiv kastinskih
nejednakosti, ali kako vreme odmiče, počinju da se mire sa bednom sudbinom.
To je zato što se „psihokulturalno prihvatanje *...+ kastinskih razlika od strane
gotovo svih ljudi pokazuje snažnije od fizičke sile koju Indusi iz viših kasti mogu
upotrebiti da ih očuvaju“ (32). Upravo je na ovo upozoravao Gramši – subal-
terne grupe potencijalno imaju veliku mogudnost otpora, ali pošto ne vide ništa
izvan svoje doline, dominantne klase lako uspevaju da ih ubede da su po prirodi
inferiorne, te da svoju potčinjenost prihvate kao datost. Nakon užasavajudeg su-
sreta Bake i jednog trgovca iz više kaste, otac Laka mu savetuje da ne pokušava
da se pobuni protiv svog položaja:
„Ne, sine moj, ne“, rekao je Laka, „to mi sebi ne možemo dopustiti. Oni
stoje nad nama. *...+ Oni su naši gospodari. Mi moramo pred njima po-
kazivati strahopoštovanje i raditi ono što nam zapovedaju.“ (Anand 78)
29
Roman je čitan u hrvatskom prevodu i sadrži veliki broj grešaka.
172 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Ovaj pasus ganuo bi i najtvrđe srce, što je verovatno bila Anandova name-
ra. On je želeo da subalternom subjektu da glas, ne bi li izazvao saosedanje do-
minantnih grupa. Njegov cilj je marksistički – poboljšanje položaja potčinjenog i
ukidanje kastinskog sistema, a metoda gandijevska – nenasilje, te se i sam Gandi
pojavljuje kao lik u romanu. Želeo je da pokaže život subalternih grupa naturali-
stički, u svoj njegovoj bedi, jer je kao jedino rešenje za napredak u životu potči-
njenog video rađanje sažaljenja i humanosti kod onih koji poseduju mod. Anand
u ovome nije uspeo. Eksploatacija nižih kasti od strane viših gorka je istina mo-
derne Indije, a međukastinski odnosi uopšte se nisu promenili. Potkrepidemo
ovu tvrdnju samo jednim primerom: 2005. godine snažan cunami pogodio je
Indiju odnevši milione života, a preživeli su se sklonili u izbeglički kamp u Naga-
patinamu30. Najnižim kastama ne samo da je bio zabranjen pristup ovim kampo-
vima, ved su im uskradeni hrana i voda, kao i upotreba toaleta (Agrawal 22).
Subalterni glas i dalje nije čujan.
30
Oblast u Indiji.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 173
Literatura:
Agrawal, B. R. “Subaltern Concern in the Novels of Mulk Raj Anand.“ Mulk Raj
Anand. Ed. B. R. Agrawal. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors
(P) Ltd., 2006. 5-23.
Anand, Mulk Radž. Nedodirljivi. Prevod: Edo Kasumovid. Zagreb: Zora, 1957.
Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths and Helen Tiffin. Post-Colonial Studies – The Key
Concepts. London: Routledge, 2000.
Baba, Homi. Smeštanje kulture. Prevod: Rastko Jovanovid. Beograd: Beogradski
krug, 2004.
Babu, Manchi Sarat. “Social Deformity in Anand’s Untouchable.” The Indian
Novel with a Social Purpose. Eds. K. Venkata Reddy and P. Bayapa Reddy.
New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors (P) Ltd., 1999. 30-34.
Crehan, Kate. Gramsci, culture and anthropology. London: Pluto Press, 2002.
Fanon, Franc. Prezreni na svijetu. Prevod: Vera Frangeš. Zagreb: Stvarnost, 1973.
Guha, Ranajit. “Chandra’s Death.” Subaltern Studies V: Writings on South Asian
History and Society. Ed. Ranahit Guha. Delhi: Oxford University Press,
1987. 135-165.
31
Da li huksova pišudi svoj pseudonim malim slovima pokazuje da je kao žena i kao crnkinja i sama
dvostruko udutkana? Vrlo verovatno.
174 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
UDK 811.111(73).09:141.72
811.111(73).09-4Вулф В.
Nina Sirkovid
Sveučilište u Splitu
Apstrakt: Polazišni je interes ovog rada ustanoviti u kojoj je mjeri Virginia Woolf kao
kritičarka i esejistica, ali i kao začetnica jednog pravca u novijoj teoriji knjiţevnosti
utjecala na razvoj eseja koji pišu ţene. Woolf je s jedne strane slijedila englesku
esejističku tradiciju, ali je istovremeno uvela i odreĎene novine u pogledu proučavanja
knjiţevnosti koju su pisale ţene. Eseji Virginije Woolf u sebi nose naslijeĎe engleske
esejističke tradicije, ali i elemente modernizma, te niz potpuno novih i originalnih
knjiţevnih postupaka i termina. S druge strane, u segmentu svoga rada u kojem se bavila
ţenskim knjiţevnim stvaralaštvom, Woolf je još početkom prošlog stoljeća otvorila
pitanja ključna za proučavanje te knjiţevnosti, te dala odgovore koji su otvorili nove
poglede na ţensku knjiţevnost.
U radu se proučava odnos feminističke kritike prema djelu Virginije Woolf, te se
pokušava odrediti njen doprinos ovom pravcu u suvremenoj teoriji knjiţevnosti. Termini
koje je ona uvela, kao i pojam androginije razmatraju se kroz prizmu feminističke kritike,
kao i tzv. „lupine criticism“ – dio feminističke kritike koji se bavi proučavanjem djela
Virginije Woolf. TakoĎer, analiziraju se dodirne točke izmeĎu esejistike Virginije Woolf
i današnjeg eseja koji pišu ţene, odnosno naslijeĎe ove autorice koje se osjeća u
današnjem feminističkom eseju.
dubok trag u kasnijem proučavanju književnosti koju pišu žene jer je potaknula
pitanja i teme koji su i iz današnje perspektive aktualni i zahtijevaju odgovore.
Zahtjevi za reformama ne samo u idejnom smislu (nedostatak tradicije u žen-
skom pisanju, društveni i materijalni položaj žene, psihološke prepreke, cenzura
i autocenzura, brak, karijera, istospolna ljubav), nego i u odnosu na postojede
forme (potreba za ženskom rečenicom, tj oblikom pisanja prilagođenom žena-
ma, posebnim narativnim strategijama koje probijaju postojede okvire i postaju
predmetom analize feministkinja tek tridesetak godina kasnije) pobuđuju inte-
res i danas, nudedi nove odgovore, pitanja i perspektive s pozicija početka dva-
desetprvog stoljeda.
Virginia Woolf rodila se 1882. u obitelji koju je sama kasnije opisala kao
„pravi model viktorijanskog društva“, kao kdi Lesliea Stephena, urednika Cornhill
Magazinea i Rječnika nacionalne biografije, književnog esejista i intelektualca
par exellence.32 U njezinoj široj obitelji bilo je pisaca i umjetnika, a neki od ku-
dnih prijatelja bili su vrhunski intelektualci svoga doba, tako da je mlada Virginia
odmalena bila okružena razgovorima o književnosti i umjetničkom stvaralaštvu
uopde. Bududi da je rasla u okruženju ljudi koji su bili tipični predstavnici viktori-
janskog doba, oni su nesvjesno ostavili utjecaj na njezino formiranje životnih i
umjetničkih stavova, tako da se u djelima Virginije Woolf istovremeno vidi revolt
protiv viktorijanskog doba, ali također je i razvidno da ona proizlaze iz takvog
okruženja. Očevom smrdu, ona se oslobodila autoriteta koji joj je smetao. Gillian
Beer piše da „viktorijanci“ nisu samo prisutni u djelima autorice (što je naročito
intenzivno u posljednjim romanima, Godinama i Između činova), ved da su oni i
dio nje same. Osjetivši da se 1910. Godine dogodio preokret i da se nešto nepo-
vratno promijenilo u ljudskoj prirodi, to ne znači da je ona raskinula sa sveuku-
pnim dotadašnjim književnim stvaralaštvom. Njezini interesi bili su širi od oče-
vih: dok je Leslie Stephen preferirao Srednji vijek, te književnost osamnaestog i
devetnaestog stoljeda, Virginia je pokazivala veliki interes za Dantea, „elizabe-
tance“, te jezik sedamnaestog stoljeda, zadržavajudi (u duhu viktorijanskog patri-
jarhalnog društva) u fokusu interesa Englesku i englesku povijest. Beer nalazi u
djelima Virginije Woolf velik utjecaj Johna Ruskina. Woolf je cijenila Ruskinov stil
pisanja, njegov svijet koji je živ, strastan i osjedajan, te autorovo aktivno uključi-
vanje u život nepoznatih ljudi.33 Woolf je, kao predstavnica viktorijanskog dru-
32
Gillian Beer, “The Victorians in Virginia Woolf“ u: Arguinig with the Past. Essays in Narrative
from Woolf to Sidney (New York: Routledge, 1989),138.
33
Beer uspoređuje opis krajolika, naročito neba, iz Ruskinovog romana Modern painters s opisom
početka devetnaestog stoljeda u Orlandu, obradajudi naročitu pozornost na sličnost izraza. Tako-
Folia linguistica et litteraria 177
štva, pokazivala velik interes za povijest i biografiju, ali je kroz svoje dvije paro-
dirane biografije, opis života androginog bida Orlanda i psa Flusha, dala kritiku
tradicionalnog shvadanja ovog žanra. Beer smatra da je Virginia Woolf duboko
ukorijenjena u tradiciju viktorijanskog društva u smislu da je, koristedi viktori-
janski jezik u novim oblicima, stvorila uvjete da se odvoji od takvog načina pisa-
nja. U toj činjenici Beer vidi povezanost Virginije Woolf i doba iz kojeg je prakti-
čki izrasla (Beer 156).
Raskidajudi s tradicijom viktorijanskih pisaca, Woolf se okrenula drugim
izvorima, nalazedi uzore u umjetničkim idejama Waltera Patera, Georgea
Moorea, Henrija Bergsona i osobnog prijatelja Rogera Frya, ali istovremeno
oplemenjujudi svoju misao originalnim idejama. Napravivši otklon od fotogra-
fskog realizma, tražila je novu realnost, ono stvarno što je sakriveno iza svako-
dnevne, vidljive realnosti, što de kasnije nazvati „trenucima bivanja“, koji zapra-
vo predstavljaju život. Ona u tom periodu, početkom dvadesetih godina prošlog
stoljeda ne pravi podjelu prema spolu, ved generacijski suprotstavlja duhovne
„georgijance“ u odnosu na materijalističke „edvardijance“. Traži da roman zaista
postane umjetničko djelo, a ne oponašanje realnosti, inzistirajudi na napuštanju
sociološkog realizma tipa Arnolda Bennetta, te se polako približava ideji o
romanu kao odrazu poezije, koji više ne predstavlja, ved tvori novu realnost,
oblikujudi istovremeno i posebni stil. Woolf je bila protiv egoizma, isticanja same
osobnosti autora, kao i protiv pretjerane fragmentarnosti, koja je jedna od
bitnih odlika modernizma.34 Virginia Woolf je smatrala da umjetničko djelo mora
biti koherentno, jedinstveno u izrazu i značenju, iako se baš njoj ponekad pred-
bacuje nedostatak jedinstvene radnje i zaokruženosti romana. Pišudi o knjiže-
vnom modernizmu, David Lodge ističe opdu tendenciju u razvoju od metonimij-
skog (realističnog) ka metaforičkom (simboličkom) prikazu iskustva, a u radu
Virginije Woolf pronalazi jasnu potvrdu te tendencije. Njezine teoretske ideje i
literarna praksa od Jakovljeve sobe pa do Valova ukazuju na postojanje simbo-
ličkog modernizma, kojemu je cilj stvoriti smisleni uzorak uz pomod umjetničkog
oblika, koji bi zauzdao kaos koji vlada oko nas (Minow-Pinkney 4). Stvarajudi ta-
ko određeni „avangardni identitet“, Woolf je potiskivala svoje feminističke ideje
koje su prisutne i u ranim romanima The Voyage Out i Night andDay, u kojima
mlade junakinje raskidaju sa konzervativnom viktorijanskom tradicijom u traže-
nju nove vizije (Ibid). Gledajudi u formalnom smislu, tehničke strategije Virginije
Woolf nedvojbeno su modernističke: razbijanje vanjskog oblika predmeta pu-
tem različitih perspektiva i njegovo preoblikovanje u asocijativni unutarnji „pro-
đer, nalazi Ruskinov utjecaj u Godinama i Valovima, te smatra da je Woolf cijenila androgini duh
koji je našla u Ruskinu, povlačedi paralelu s Shelom, likom iz romana Orlando. Vidi više o tome u G.
Beer, Arguing with the Past, 138-156.
34
Vidi M. Minow-Pinkney, Virginia Woolf and the Problem of the Subject (Bristol: The Harvest
Press), 1987. gdje autorica citira Woolf u kritici djela Dorothy Richardson u smislu pretjerane
fragmentarnosti, 2-3.
178 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
storni oblik“, podrivanje detalja vanjskog svijeta kroz narativne opise, sažetak i
radnju, nestanak likova kao nositelja radnje, zamjena konvencionalnih formi u
vremenskoj i uzročnoj organizaciji oblicima kao što su mitska analogija, simbo-
lička asocijacija, lajtmotiv, nestanak pripovjedačkog autoriteta i pouzdanosti,
metaforička supstitucija kao dio kreativnog postupka koji dolazi u prvi plan
(Waught 89-90). Međutim, gledajudi na Virginiju Woolf isključivo kao na moder-
nističkog pisca koji uspješno gradi svoje unutarnje koherentne i simboličke svje-
tove, oblikovane za stvaranje umjetnosti koja de imati transcendentalnu mod u
određivanju značenja ljudske mašte u okviru prolaznosti života i smrtnosti, zna-
čilo bi potpuno ignorirati njezino pridavanje važnosti materijalnom aspektu, a
tako i njezinom ukupnom esejističkom radu, te suprotstavljanju liberalne kon-
cepcije jastva u smislu odvajanja privatnog od javnog. Njena posvedenost socija-
lnoj kritici podjele rada, kritika patrijarhalnog društva, isticanje neadekvatnosti
zakona o posjedovanju imovine, bespoštedna borba za prava žena i stvaranje
zajednice na osnovama pravednosti, jednakosti i ravnopravnosti daje potpuno
drugačiju sliku od one idealističke, estetski udaljene figure dekadentnog umjet-
ničkog Bloomsbury kruga.
Modernizam kod Virginije Woolf ne može se odvojiti od njezinih femini-
stičkih uvjerenja, oni se međusobno prožimaju: zahtjevi za promjenama u smislu
estetike, potreba za priznavanjem razlika u stvaralačkom procesa žena i muška-
raca, te traženje adekvatne forme izražavanja za žene, usko su povezane s njezi-
nim feminističkim stavovima, a ideja androginije je poveznica između ovih dviju
strana. Postoji potreba za ženskom rečenicom, ali istovremeno je opasno biti
svjestan svoga spola; da bi mogao stvarati, čovjek mora imati osobine oba spola,
mora biti androgin. Ovdje nailazimo na dihotomiju: potreban je ženski izraz, a
istovremeno treba zaboraviti na svoj spol – ideja različitosti kao pandan logici
identiteta spaja ova dva različita pojma. Sam koncept androginije mogud je na
osnovi postojanja dva spola, pa androginija u ovom smislu predstavlja odbijanje
istosti. Ona stremi razvijanju razlika na individualnoj razini, u okruženju koje na
prvi pogled želi ukinuti dva spola u nešto što je neutralno, ali u osnovi predsta-
vlja muški spol.35 Woolf također govori o „raspadu“ ženske svijesti, koja može
govoriti kroz očeve ili majke, a žene definira kao „uljeze“ koji se pojavljuju s mar-
gina na koje su bačene, te nezakonito prelaze granice koje razgraničavaju unu-
trašnje od vanjskog (Minow-Pinkney 22).
Patricia Waugh također vidi neraskidivu vezu između, kako ona to naziva
„modernističke tekstualnosti i feminističke seksualnosti“ kod Virginije Woolf
35
M. Minow-Pinkley uspoređuje ideju androginije V. Woolf sa stavovima Julije Kristeve kada ona
govori o spolnim razlikama, ne kao o fiksnim opozicijama, nego kao o procesu različitosti. Također,
autorica nalazi sličnosti između ideja Woolf i Helene Cixous, kada Cixous tvrdi da je mjesto žene
„niti vani, niti unutra“, te smatra da je taj položaj privilegiran zbog svoje biseksualnosti(M.
Minow-Pinkley, 10-12).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 179
tuje rat i sama od sebe predstavlja zlo. Woolf je vjerovala da de žene biti glavni
nositelji društvenih promjena koje de, između ostaloga, dovesti do okončanja
rata (Black 17).
36
O ginokritici i ginokritičkom istraživanju tradicije vidi u B. Dojčinovid-Nešid51-92.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 181
37
Ove tri faze obuhvadaju sljedede kronološke periode: prva, ženstvena faza trajala je od 1840-ih
do 1880-ih, druga, feministička, obuhvadala je period do oko 1920. godine, a treda, ženska faza,
traje od 1920-ih do danas (Showalter 33).
38
Također u Dojčinovid-Nešid59-66.
39
Vidi esej A. Kolodny, „Mapa ponovnog čitanja: Rod i interpretacija književnih tekstova“, prev. B.
Dojčinovid-Nešid u: Genero,Časopis za feminističku teoriju (Beograd: Centar za ženske studije,
2002), broj 1, 55-68.
182 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
teljice. Ona naglašava dvije vrste problema: praktični, kojega se može prevazidi
senzibilizacijom čitatelja, odnosno njegovim dodatnim obrazovanjem u pogledu
roda, te teorijski problem koji se očituje u krivom interpretiranju djela, odnosno
u krivoj čitateljevoj percepciji, iz čega proizlazi i samo krivo vrednovanje knjiže-
vnosti. Tradicija ženskog čitanja je specifična, žene su tijekom desetljeda jedne
druge učile kako čitati i pisati iz pozicija vlastitog konteksta, koji je često bio izo-
liran. Čitatelji trebaju prvo prepoznati postojanje značajnog književnog korpusa
koji pišu žene. Kolodny se zalaže za revizionističko ponovno čitanje, ulaženje u
stari tekst s aspekta novog kritičkog pravca. Taj proces je zanimljiv za feministi-
čko iščitavanje jer nudi nove mogudnosti čitanja književnih tekstova, a i promi-
šljanja svijeta opdenito.
U svom eseju „Feminist, Female, Feminine“ Toril Moi pokušava odgovoriti
na pitanje: što zapravo znači „feminističko“ u izrazu feministička književna kriti-
ka.40 Ved dugo vremena feministkinje koriste izraze „feminist“ (feminističko),
„female“ (žensko) i „feminine“ (ženstveno) u različitim kontekstima. Moi želi ja-
sno odrediti razlike između ovih triju termina u cilju pojašnjenja što su zapravo
osnovna politička i teoretska pitanja suvremene feminističke kritike, te pravi ra-
zliku između pojmova „feminism“ (feminizam) kao političkog, „femaleness“
(ženskost) kao biološkog pojma, te „feminity“ (ženstvenost) kao skupa kulturo-
loški definiranih karakteristika.
Pojmovi „feminizam“ i „feminističko“ političke su etikete koje ukazuju na
potporu ciljevima novog ženskog pokreta koji se pojavio krajem 1960-ih: to je
kritička i teorijska praksa posvedena borbi protiv patrijarhata i seksizma opdeni-
to, a ne samo u smislu problema roda u književnosti. Feminističke kritičarke ima-
ju različita politička uvjerenja, a mogu se koristiti kojim god metodama i teorija-
ma žele. Prepoznatljiva feministička kritika i teorija moraju biti primjenjive u
odnosu na društvene, institucionalne i osobne odnose snaga između spolova: to
je ono što Kate Millet naziva seksualnom politikom (Moi 104). Millet je smatrala
da je bit politike sila, a zadada feminističkih kritičarki je da razotkriju na koji
način muška dominacija nad ženom stvara raširenu ideologiju o našoj kulturi i
omogudava joj temeljni koncept sile. U skladu sa pristupom Kate Millet, femini-
stkinje su politizirale postojede kritičke metode i na toj osnovi feministička kriti-
ka je postala nova grana književnog proučavanja. Feministkinje su se tako našle
u sličnoj situaciji kao i radikalni kritičari; govoredi sa svojih marginaliziranih pozi-
cija na rubu akademskog establišmenta, one nastoje pojasniti politiku takozva-
nih „neutralnih“ ili „objektivnih“ radova svojih kolegica, kao i djelovati kao kri-
tičarke kulture u najširem smislu.
40
Vidi tekst Toril Moi, “Feminist, Female, Feminine“ u: The Feminist Reader. Essays in Gender and
thePolitics of Literary Criticism. Second Edition, ed. Catherine Belsey i Jane Moore (Blackwell,
Malden, 1997), 104-116.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 183
41
Moi ovdje daje primjer Mary Wollstonecraft bila je ispirirana muškim dominantnim idejama o
Francuskoj revoluciji, a u knjizi Drugi spol Simone de Beauvoir osjedaju se Sartreove ideje o
falocentričnim kategorijama. Također, bilo bi prejednostavno smatrati da je John Stuart Mill
istraživao potlačenost žene samo zato što je bio muški liberal (Moi 105).
184 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
42
Pripovjedačica se prisjeda eseja Charlesa Lamba o „rukopisu neke Miltonove pjesme“
(pretpostavlja da je to njegova čuvena pastoralna elegija Lycidas), koji joj je nedostupan, a izložen
je u knjižnici. Ona zavidi Lambu jer je prema rukopisu mogao vidjeti što je Milton mijenjao u svojoj
pjesmi, a pomalo ironično se i čudi što je to on uopde htio mijenjati, jer joj se to čini gotovo
boguhuljenjem. Pripovjedačica usputno hvali Lamba i njegovo umijede pisanja eseja, dok se ne
može sa sigurnošdu sjetiti ni naziva Miltonove pjesme. (Woolf 1998: 11).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 187
zaklanjali vidik i ometali njihov kreativni rad.43 Miltonovo shvadanje žene kao
manje vrijednog bida, koje zbog svog inferiornog položaja osjeda bijes, što vodi
do grijeha i pada, pa zatim i do isključenja iz vrta bogova, dovodilo je do toga da
su žene same prihvadale takav stav. Gilbert i Gubar smatraju da je Milton imao
neposredni učinak na ženinu strepnju od autorstva, te da su žene osjedale
podijeljenost unutar vlastitog bida, što izravno potvrđuje ideju o muškarcu kao
književnom ocu, tj. muškarcu kao kreatoru, a ženi kao drugome. Milton potiče
kod žene svijest o drugosti u okviru patrijarhata u kojem dominira muška tra-
dicija. Margaret Homans također vidi Miltona kao ogromnu psihološku prepreku
za žensko stvaralaštvo, a za ideju o drugosti tvrdi da ona, iako je kulminirala u
doba romantizma, potječe još iz Biblije, odakle „direktno i kroz Miltonovu trans-
misiju osnažuje romantičarsko čitanje roda“ (Dojčinovid-Nešid 74). Gilbert i Gu-
bar nastoje dati odgovor na Miltonov ep Izgubljeni raj i predlažu dva moguda po-
stupka: preispitivanje i ponovno pisanje, tako da ep postane ogledalo ženskog
iskustva.44 One daju novo shvadanje povezivanja trojstva Sotone, Grijeha i Eve u
nesveto trojstvo, kao pandana svetom trojstvu Boga, Krista i Adama. Čitajudi
Miltonov ep, žene su podsvjesno osjedale povezanost ovih triju negativnih poj-
mova, u okviru kojih su prepoznavale i sebe i osjedale degradaciju ženskog pri-
ncipa. Veza između Sotone i Eve ukazuje na potrebu pobune protiv patrijarha-
lnog poretka. Gilbert i Gubar ističu važnost veze između povezanosti Sotone i
ženske književnosti, te Sotone i Eve, jer se u njima ocrtava sva opasnost Milto-
nove sablasti: Sotona i Eva su prikazani kao lažni kreatori, čija djela završavaju
smrdu. Ta je slika kod žena stvarala strah, strepnju od autorstva, jer su se i one
osjedale kao „lažni stvaratelji“ (Gilbert i Gubar 210). Tako se negativni Miltonov
utjecaj na žene koje pišu prelamao kroz prizmu roda i djelovao u dva pravca: kao
jaka psihološka prepreka i kao književni materijal od kojeg su one stvarale svoja
djela (Dojčinovid-Nešid 75).
Jane Marcus Virginiji Woolf pridaje veliku važnost u razvoju moderne fe-
minističke kritike.45 O značaju utjecaja Virginije Woolf na njen razvoj govori i po-
seban dio koji se bavi proučavanjem djela ove autorice. Tome „ogranku“ Quen-
tin Bell dao je ime „lupine criticism“, po cvijetu vučiki (engl. lupine).46 On femi-
nističke kritičarke koje se bave stvaralaštvom Virginije Woolf naziva „vučikama“
43
Vidi S. Gilbert i S. Gubar198-191. Također B. Dojčinovi-Nešid74-75.
44
One, između ostalog, kao primjer preispitivanja Izgubljenog raja navode roman Mary Shelley
Frankenstein, gdje autorica istražuje priču o ženskom padu iz raja u pakao, a kao primjer
ponovnog pisanja Emily Brontë i njezin roman Orkanski visovi, koji predstavlja obrnutu priču,
odlazak iz pakla u raj, sjedinjenje u smrti(Dojčinovid-Nešid prema S. Gilbert i S. Gubar, 75-76).
45
Vidi esej Jane Marcus „Storming the Toolshed“ u: Feminism. An Anthology of Literary Theory
and Criticism. Ur. Robyn R. Warhol i Diane Price Herndl (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers
University Press, 1993), 138-153.
46
Druga analogija bi se mogla izvudi iz samog prezimena Woolf, jer lupine na engleskom znači i
vučji, samo je izgovor drugačiji u odnosu na cvijet vučiku.
188 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
(lupines). Vučika je vrsta cvijeta koji raste na zapadu Amerike i prekriva padine
velikih planina u proljede, intenzivno je plave boje, iznenađujude uspravan i
otporan. Marcus smatra da je to pokroviteljska etiketa britanskog kulturnog
imperijalizma, ali da nema potrebe da ga feministkinje odbijaju (sličan je slučaj
bio i sa nazivom „sufražetkinje“, koje su aktivistice prihvatile). Sama Virginia
Woolf u eseju Tri gvineje ironično kaže da bi žene mogle kao dokaz svog majčin-
stva na ramenu nositi pramen konjskog repa, kao pandan muškim vojnim odli-
čjima, pa Jane Marcus smatra da pripadnice ove vrste kritike mogu s ponosom
prihvatiti etiketu i ponosno je nositi. „Lupine criticism“ postoji i ostat de prisu-
tan. Baš kao što je Virginia Woolf predvidjela ponovno rođenje Shakespeareove
sestre i rad žena na književnom polju, tako je za pretpostaviti da de se roditi i fe-
ministička kritičarka takvog genija. Ona mora, baš kao što je to uradila i Virginia
Woolf, odbiti patrijarhalno shvadanje književnosti kao neke vrste natjecanja i
nagrađivanja. Woolf je tvrdila da je umjetničko djelo rezultat rada tijekom mno-
go godina zajedničkog razmišljanja i iskustva masa. Brojne feministkinje rade u
tom smjeru, pronalazedi nove tekstove i nove vrijednosti na svojim vlastitim po-
ljima. Jane Marcus spominje Tillie Olsen i Adrienne Rich koji su modernu femini-
stičku svijest oplemenile svojim teorijskim i povijesnim esejima na tragu Virginije
Woolf i njezine ideje da žene misle kroz svoje majke. Ona smatra da bi Woolf
bila oduševljena radom Mary Hellen Washington i kolegica u pogledu oboke-nih
spisateljica i autorica Tredeg svijeta. Sydney Kaplan obnovila je interes za Kathe-
rine Mansfield i zaboravljenu feministkinju Elizabeth Robins.
Novije generacije feministkinja koje se bave kritikom djela Virginije Woolf
imaju mogudnost kolektivnog i suradničkog rada. Dvije su važne teme za koje se
ponekad smatra da ih je autorica namjerno izbjegavala, ili imala potpuno različi-
te stavove od shvadanja moderne feminističke kritike: s jedne strane to je njezin
lezbijski identitet, život usmjeren na žene i feministički rad, a s druge strane nje-
na socijalna politika. Tiskanje pisama i dnevnika Virginije Woolf značajno je do-
prinijelo boljem razumijevanju djela ove spisateljice. Kada se ranije govorilo o fe-
minizmu Virginije Woolf, automatski bi joj se predbacivao pacifizam. Tillie Olsen,
Adrienne Rich, Florence Howe, Ellen Moers i Carolyn Heilbrun bile su prve auto-
rice koje su razbile led po tom pitanju, kao i unaprijedile proučavanje njenog
djela u cjelini.
Marcus kao jedno od najznačajnijih djela Virginije Woolf navodi esej Tri
gvineje u kojem Woolf želi ujediniti žene i radničku klasu u borbi protiv rata. Fe-
minizam je izrastao iz zahtjeva za društvenim promjenama, a Woolf je bila prva
koja je ukazala na razlog postojedih društvenih odnosa, a to je patrijarhat. Woolf
je u svojoj borbi išla težim, intelektualnim putem u pravcu klasne borbe, kao i
Trocki i Lenjin, s tim da je njezin etički imperativ socijalno-pacifističke pozicije još
pojačan feminizmom. Marcus tvrdi da su Tri gvineje tvrdoglava feministička ele-
gija, koja opjevava tugu žena pod bremenom patrijarhata, ponavljajudi se baš
kao što se i sama povijest ponavlja. Tražedi dublje razloge imperijalističkog i ka-
Folia linguistica et litteraria 189
pitalističkog rata, Woolf ih je našla u muškoj agresiji. Bila je žalosna, ali je po-
ticala žene da prestanu poticati agresiju.
Woolf se osjedala izopdenom i predlagala Društvo autsajderica. „Lupine
criticism“ ne mora biti društvo autsajderica, ali može cvjetati jedino u okviru ko-
lektivnog i prirodnog okruženja, u divljini. U zatočeništvu, pod kapom akadem-
ske kritike, ova kritika ne može napredovati; ona de presušiti i izumrijeti, baš kao
što bi i divlji cvjetovi vučike uvenuli u gradu. Vrtne vučike su lijepe, baš kao što bi
ova vrsta kritike izgledala manje neugodno u kultiviranom okruženju. No, žele li
ostati autentične i slobodne, pobornice ove kritike moraju se boriti na „woolfov-
ski“ način, baš kao što je to radila i Virginia Woolf.
Angloameričke feministkinje najvedu su pozornost posvetile razmatranju
samog književnog teksta. Razvili su se različiti pravci u proučavanju tekstova koje
pišu žene; neke su kritičarke poticale pluralizam u smislu različitih pristupa i me-
toda (Kolodny), dok su druge, kao Jane Marcus, smatrale da preširok raspon pri-
stupa može obesnažiti napetost između feministkinja i obrazovnog sustava, koja
je neophodna za politički aktivizam. Feministička struja u Velikoj Britaniji bila je
više usmjerena na angažman u pogledu povijesnih procesa i traženje društvenih
promjena. Britanske feministkinje smatraju da neprekidni interes za ženske
pisce može dovesti do njihovog pozicioniranja izvan povijesnog konteksta u okvi-
ru kojeg su djela nastala, te da američka opozicija muškim stereotipovima vodi k
suprotnim stereotipovima ženskih vrlina koje onda ignoriraju stvarne razlike u
rasi, klasi i kulturi među ženama.
Jane Marcus tvrdi da je Michèle Barrett jedna od iznimaka u pogledu bri-
tanske publike, koja se još uvijek ne može oduprijeti shvadanju Virginije Woolf
kao člana društvene elite, autorice poremedene psihe (Marcus 144).
Barrett smatra da je esejistika Virginije Woolf bila zanemarena nakon nje-
ne smrti, pa je njezina reputacija važne kritičarke svoga doba polako izblijedjela
(Barret 1-39). Kao jedan od razloga Barrett smatra samu prirodu književne kriti-
ke koja je u određenoj mjeri, više nego roman, prožeta stavovima određenog
vremena i ima tendenciju da polagano nestane zajedno s generacijom pisaca
koji su je stvarali. Drugi razlog, specifičan baš za Virginiju Woolf, Barrett nalazi u
činjenici da su kritičari njezinih romana često naglašavali „ženstveni“ i „kuda-
nski“ karakter romana, pa su takve stavove prenijeli i na njezinu esejistiku.47
Takvi stavovi su, naravno neutemeljeni, naročito u odnosu na spisateljicu koja,
ne samo da je uljez u sferi kreativnog pisanja, ved stremi ulasku u područja kriti-
ke, rasprave i teorije, što je dotad uspjelo samo nekolicini žena. Woolf je toga
bila svjesna, čak se bojala da se i njezinim dobrim prijateljima nede svidjeti sta-
vovi izrečeni u Vlastitoj sobi, da de je napasti kao feministkinju, te da je, opde-
47
Barrett spominje G. S. Frasera koji je sumnjao „da je gđa Woolf, prema svom vlastitom pisanju
bila imalo sposobnija od Clarisse Dalloway pratiti neki apstraktni filozofski razgovor“ (Barret 2).
190 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
nito, nede shvatiti ozbiljno. U eseju Tri gvineje, u kojem je Woolf neusporedivo
radikalnija i gnjevnija, taj strah je bio puno manji (Barret 3).
Barrett razmatra istraživanja Virginije Woolf u sferi književnosti i ukazuje
na njezin stav da je u pogledu žena i književnosti, sama spisateljica proizvod
vlastitih povijesnih okolnosti, u kojima su presudni uvjeti. Žene nisu mogle pisati
zbog okolnosti koje su im branile obrazovanje i tiskanje vlastitih tekstova, pa ta-
ko nisu mogle ni zarađivati od pisanja. U razmatranju ovih okolnosti važnu ulogu
igraju različite mogudnosti koje se otvaraju u okviru određene društvene klase i
u različitim povijesnim periodima. U sedamnaestom stoljedu samo su si eks-
centrične pripadnice aristokracije, kao vojvotkinja od Newcastlea i lady Win-
chilsea mogle dopustiti „izlete“ u književne vode. Čak i teško stečeno obrazova-
nje „kderi obrazovanih muškaraca“, naglašava Woolf, nije bilo omogudeno žena-
ma iz radničke klase. Woolf izlaz vidi u radikalnim društvenim promjenama, ško-
lovanju žena na koledžima, jer žene samo obrazovanjem mogu stedi i materi-
jalnu neovisnost. Bududi da, kao što spominje u Tri gvineje, intelektualna slobo-
da ovisi o materijalnim uvjetima, ove dvije sfere neraskidivo su vezane. Barrett u
djelu Virginije Woolf nalazi visoko razvijenu feminističku kritiku. Ne samo da
Woolf razmatra prirodu ženskog književnog stvaralaštva, ved ona otvara složena
pitanja kritičke recepcije tekstova ženskih autora, te vizije žene u tradicionalno
muškoj književnoj tradiciji i to u vrijeme kad je sva kritika bila u rukama muška-
raca. Unutarnje i vanjske prepreke od žene stvaraju „anđela u kudi“, s kojim se
žena mora boriti u psihološkom smislu.
Michèle Barrett ističe kako je Woolf bila među prvima koji su shvatili va-
žnost potlačenosti žene, te njezino ograničavanje na spolnu i reproduktivnu
funkciju u svjetlu fašističkog programa. Njezin pokušaj stavljanja u suodnos spo-
la i politike postavlja pitanje od šireg interesa, a to je odnos između javnog i pri-
vatnog aspekta života. Barrett analizu povijesnih determinanti na književni rad
žena koju je provela Virginia Woolf vidi kao poveznicu s marksističkom femini-
stičkom kritikom, makar se njezino shvadanje materijalizma ne poklapa u pot-
punosti s marksističkom stavovima. Naime, iako je Woolf istraživala do koje gra-
nice i pod kojim uvjetima društvene okolnosti ograničavaju i izobličuju umjet-
nost, ostaje dojam da se u pravim okolnostima umjetnost može potpuno odvo-
jiti od ekonomskih, političkih i ideoloških veza i prisila. Ipak, bez obzira što je kod
Woolf njezin romantični glas vječne umjetnice bio jači od političkog glasa umje-
tnice kao propagandistice, umjetnik je prisiljen, smatra Woolf, uzeti udio u poli-
tici da bi sačuvao sebe i neovisnost svoje umjetnosti u odnosu na političke dog-
me (Barret 22).
Pitanje ženske književne tradicije i stila koji je adekvatan za žene također
je zanimljivo pitanje s aspekta feminističke kritike. Ideja da žene ne samo da pišu
o različitim stvarima nego muškarci, ved pišu i na drugačiji način, pobuđuje inte-
res za ponovnim čitanjem djela spisateljica kroz povijest. Woolf je različitu upo-
rabu samog jezika prije tražila u društvenom aspektu, nego u biološkom ili psi-
Folia linguistica et litteraria 191
hološkom: za nju je roman, kao novija forma (znači, nema preduboko ukorije-
njene muške tradicije), te potreba za manjom koncentracijom, najpogodniji
oblik za žensko književno stvaralaštvo. Problem (ne)iskustva vezan je također za
društveni aspekt: žene pišu o onome što im je iskustveno dostupno, pa su zato i
njihove teme ograničene, jer svaki spol opisuje sebe.48
Barrett smatra da je Virginia Woolf potaknula noviju feminističku kritiku
svojim interesom ne samo za djela i život ranijih spisateljica, ved i zanimanjem za
društveni i povijesni razvoj uloge žene pisca. Ona nije samo jednostavno poticala
interes za zaboravljene književnice, nego je formirala i kritički odnos prema nji-
hovom radu: znači, pokušavala je stvoriti kanon u ženskom stvaralaštvu, ali ga
nije favorizirala u odnosu na svoje estetske stavove i procjene. Također, Woolf
je dala i svoja predviđanja za budude stvaralaštvo žena. Njezina esejistika, osim
što nudi uvid u povijest razvoja književnosti u žena, te rasprave o književnicama
iz prošlosti i njenim suvremenicama, neprestano inzistira na materijalnim uvje-
tima koji su formirali stvaranje svijesti kod žena.
Izgleda da su ideje Virginije Woolf poprimile vanvremensku dimenziju, jer
se uplidu i uklapaju i u moderne teorije feminizma. Michèle Barrett pripada kru-
gu marksističko-feminističke kritike koja uvažava uzajamnost djelovanja dvaju
bitnih momenata u određenju društvenog položaja žene danas: u prvom redu to
je proturječnost kapitalističkog načina proizvodnje, odnosno proturječnosti
između rada i kapitala, te proturječnosti koje proizlaze iz problema odnosa izme-
đu spolova, odnosno seksistički koncipiranih uloga spolova tijekom povijesti
(Barret 1983: 20). Ona smatra da marksistički feminizam opdenito (bez obzira na
brojne varijante i marksizma i feminizma) mora identificirati funkcioniranje
odnosa između spolova tako da se oni mogu razlučiti ili povezati sa procesima
proizvodnje u okviru povijesnog materijalizma. Barrett inzistira na odnosima
između spolova i ugnjetavanju žena u suvremenom kapitalističkom društvu, te u
okviru marksističke analize feminizma razmatra različite primjene triju pojmova:
patrijarhata, reprodukcije i ideologije. U okviru različitih primjena pojma patri-
jarhata, Barrett između ostalih spominje i Virginiju Woolf i njezino shvadanje o
patološkim inzistiranjima buržoaskih očeva na financijskoj i ekonomskoj ovisno-
sti svojih kderi (u eseju Tri gvineje) (Barret 25). U razmatranju povijesnog razvoja
obitelji u okviru problema spola, Barrett opet citira Virginiju Woolf i njenu ideju
neraskidive veze između „privatnog“ i „javnog“ u okviru patrijarhalne države kao
ugnjetavača žene. U okviru obitelji izgrađuju se muške i ženske osobnosti, a kroz
obitelj reproduciraju se kategorije spola. Tijekom razvoja kapitalizma mijenjaju
se i društveni odnosi, pa tako i odnosi u obitelji: dom se razdvaja od radnog mje-
sta, povedava se mogudnost razvoda, „romantičnog“ slobodnog izbora partnera,
48
„osnovna razlika ne leži u činjenici da muškarci opisuju bitke, a žene rađanje djece, ved da svaki
spol opisuje sebe. Prve riječi kojima se opisuje nekog muškarca ili ženu obično su dovoljne da se
odredi spol pisca“ (Barret prema Woolf27).
192 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Esej je kao književni oblik oduvijek bilo teško definirati, kako teoretiča-
rima, tako i onima koji su pisali eseje, pa se on ponekad i svrstava u “anti-žanr”,
mjesto za kritička razmišljanja i subverzivne, neznanstvene rasprave.50
Prema analogiji, u takvu grupu spadala bi i pisma i dnevnici, odnosno svi
oni oblici pisanja koji se često nazivaju privatnim tekstovima, a koji su se, tradi-
49
Vidi predgovor Nade Ler-Sofronid u Baret 1983: 12-13.
50
Vidi uvodni esej urednica u Boetcher Joeres and Mittman 12-20. One u uvodnom eseju govore o
razvoju feminističkog eseja, važnosti razmatranja pojma roda u okviru eseja kao posebnog žanra,
same forme eseja koja nudi različite načine izražavanja, te važnost politike u razumijevanju i
razvoju eseja.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 193
cionalno, pokazali kao žanrovi koje su pisale žene. Premda je otvoren i nedefi-
niran, esej je istovremeno i tradicionalan, prvi mu je autor bio bijelac iz patrijar-
halne Europe. Iako je Montaigne u svoje vrijeme izgledao kao inovator i radikal,
nesumnjivo je da je esej nastao u bogatstvu, obilju i privilegiranosti više dru-
štvene klase, pa se s pravom smatrao elitističkim. Feministkinje ga smatraju eli-
tnim ne samo u smislu društvene klase, ved i u smislu roda, jer je, iako to nigdje
nije posebno istaknuto, bio namijenjen samo jednom rodu. Eseji su možda i bili
namijenjeni davanju moralnih pouka ženama, no one su u tom slučaju bile samo
objekti kojima se obradalo ili o kojima se pisalo, ali one same nisu aktivno sudje-
lovale. Od žena, o kojima se malo čulo u vrijeme Montaignea i Bacona, nije se
očekivalo da pišu eseje, jer je taj žanr uključivao iskustvo, mudrost i razmišljanje,
što se nije smatralo karakterističnim za žene toga doba (Boetcher Joeres and
Mittman 13). Boetcher Joeres i Mittman pišu da su tek u devetnaestom stoljedu
žene počele više pisati eseje, jer se društvena situacija utoliko promijenila da im
je bilo omogudeno slobodnije prenijeti svoja razmišljanja i stavove. One ističu,
kad se želi istražiti što žene današnjice poduzimaju kada odabiru esej za svoje
vlastite svrhe, način na koji prilagođavaju formu eseja sebi i svom izrazu, često
se poseže za imenima žena koje su aktivistice i koje u neku ruku potiču radikalne
stavove i razmišljanja. Da bi se forma koja nije namijenjena ženama prilagodila
njima samima, potrebna je doza radikalnog razmišljanja.51
Naravno, ne mogu se sve esejistice nazvati radikalnima. Jedna od naj-
uspješnijih esejistica bila je Virginia Woolf, no njezini eseji se obično promatraju
s aspekta ukupne književnosti: ona se ubraja u klasičnu književnost jer je bila
“dobra” esejistica. Boetcher Joeres i Mittman ističu da eseji Virginije Woolf nisu
proučavani kao eseji ženskog autora; oni su uzimani za ilustraciju ideja i teorija
raznih autora koji su željeli prenijeti što oni misle o eseju, ali činjenica da je ona
žena, (odnosno njezin rod), nikada se nije razmatrala u raspravama o samim
esejima. Drugim riječima, u tom kontekstu ona se gleda kao muškarac. Bez obzi-
ra na feminističke ideje, Woolf se ne može smatrati radikalnom esejisticom; za
nju je esej imao funkciju kao i za Montaignea: on je bio mjesto za kontemplaciju
i odmjerena razmišljanja, predah od frenetičnog svijeta, a ne bojno polje za po-
bunu, makar ne treba umanjivati važnost i utjecaj njezinih riječi na čitatelje do
danas (Boetcher Joeres and Mittman 14).
U današnje vrijeme važnu ulogu u proučavanju eseja nema samo aspekt
roda, nego i različite nacionalnosti i kulture autorica iz kojih one potječu. Bez
obzira na njihove individualne odlike u pisanju, te brojne i različite kulture u
Latinskoj Americi, postoji rašireno uvjerenje među Lationoamerikankama da je
51
Autorice naglašavaju da pri tom nije važna nacionalnost, rasa, klasa, a ni kronološka lokacija, pa
nabrajaju Floru Tristan, feminističku reformatoricu iz devetnaestog stoljeda, afro-američke eseji-
stice Audre Lorde i June Jordan, ili njemačku teroristicu Ulrike Meinhof (Boetcher Joeres and
Mittman 14).
194 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
52
Ovdje se autorice pozivaju na Lourdes Rojas i Nancy Sternbach (Boetcher Joeres and Mittman 15).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 195
rice, samog izvora autoriteta(Boetcher Joeres and Mittman 18). Mnoge autorice
još uvijek se sakrivaju iza zamjenice „mi“, baš kao što je i Woolf izbjegavala
egoizam onoga „ja“, smatrajudi sebe jednom od običnih čitateljica, s kojima dije-
li svoja neprofesionalna stajališta o umjetnosti, književnosti i životu uopde.
Problem publike, odnosno, kome je esej namijenjen, sljededi je važni
čimbenik – vedina eseja koji pišu žene vuče podrijetlo iz predavanja ili govora
povodom nekog događaja. Dva najvažnija eseja Virginije Woolf, Vlastita soba i
Tri gvineje, nastala su također iz predavanja namijenjenim ženama. Ruth-Ellen
Boetcher Joeres u svom eseju o radikalnim feminističkim esejisticama, “The
Passionate Essay”, piše da je značajan broj eseja radikalnih feministkinja nastao
iz govora, predavanja i komentara, što je rezultiralo osjedajem razgovora, komu-
nikacije u eseju. U govoru, autor piše s vidljivom publikom u glavi, s idejom o ja-
snoj, konkretnoj, određenoj komunikaciji koja utječe na poruku, ton i sam oblik
govora. U esejima radikalnih esejistica također je očit osjedaj veze s publikom
(Boetcher Joeres and Mittman 157).
Boetcher Joeres smatra da je forma eseja, iako tradicionalno muška,
pogodna za radikalne feministkinje baš zbog same fleksibilnosti i komunikacijske
komponente eseja: esej ponekad može sličiti političkom traktatu, pa na taj na-
čin feministkinje mogu lakše prenijeti svoje poruke. U isto vrijeme, sama speci-
fična povijest eseja, način na koji se do danas analizirao, kritizirao i prihvadao,
predstavlja okvir za njegovo sadašnje razumijevanje, čitanje, pa i pisanje
(Boetcher Joeres and Mittman 152). Feministkinjama odgovara njegova fleksi-
bilnost, pozicija na granici tradicio-nalnih ideja o žanru, jer mogu lakše napraviti
otklon od eseja kao prikaza „kolektivne mudrosti“ bijelih Europljana i Amerika-
naca, prilagoditi ga svojim potrebama, a istovremeno osjedati samu živost žanra,
koji i danas istražuju i konstantno redefiniraju autori koji se ne mogu jedno-
stavno uklopiti u neki od standardnih tradicionalnih generičkih okvira.
Feministički esej izaziva formu tradicionalnog eseja, ukida njegovu elitisti-
čku auru i zatvorenost u smislu prostora za kontemplaciju i reminiscencije.
Boetcher Joeres uspoređuje takvo shvadanje eseja kao kada bismo promatrali
Vlastitu sobu Virginije Woolf kao ograničeni, privatni prostor za vlastite misli, što
feministički esej nikako ne predstavlja. Moderni angažirani esej koji pišu žene je
mjesto gdje žena ustanovljava svoje „ja“, identificira samu sebe, ulazi u dijalog
sa drugima. Kao i soba, esej ne smije ostati zatvoren prostor za nju, mjesto gdje
de se ona baviti svojim estetičkim idejama i zaboraviti na svijet oko sebe. Danas,
kao i prije, žene imaju potrebu da ih se čuje, da iskažu svoje strasti, želje i po-
trebe, želju za komunikacijom. Za razliku od Montaignea i Bacona, njihovi eseji
postavljaju pitanja, ali ne daju nužno i odgovore. Radikalni eseji su i politički u
najširem smislu, odmaknuti su od neutralne i subjektivne stvarnosti, gdje postoji
opasnost od univerzalnosti. Nekad feministkinje svoju esejističku formu opleme-
njuju različitostima; one pretvaraju neku očekivanu formu u nešto sasvim drugo,
pa tako pismo, akademski članak ili govor postaju eseji.
196 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Bibliografija:
Baret, Mišel. Potčinjena žena. Prev. Mirjana Rajkovid. Beograd: Radnička štampa, 1983.
Barret, Michèle. Women and Writing. New York and London: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovic, 1980.
Beer, Gillian. “The Victorians in Virginia Woolf“ u: Arguinig with the Past, Essays
in Narrative from Woolf to Sidney. New York: Routledge, 1989.
Black, Naomi. Virginia Woolf as Feminist. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University
Press, 2004.
Boetcher Joers, Ruth Ellen i Mittman, Elizabeth (ed.). The Politics of the Essay. Feminist
Perspectives. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1997.
Dojčinovid-Nešid, Biljana. Ginokritika, rod i proučavanje književnosti koju su
pisaležene. Beograd: Književno društvo „Sveti Sava“, 1993.
Gilbert, Sandra i Gubar, Susan. The Madwoman in the Attic, The Woman Writer
and the Nineteen-Century Literary Imagination. New Heaven and London:
Yale University Press, 1979.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 197
UDK 811.111(73).09
Abstract: Drastic changes in the media and technology combined with new
psychological concepts of seeing led to re-conceptualizations of the visual in philosophy
and, eventually, to a fundamentally changed understanding of reality in the age of
modernism. These changes manifest themselves in modernist literature. One master
metaphor that reflects this development is the veil in the sense of a „veil of perception.‟
Following Henri Bergson, T.E. Hulme‟s aesthetics draws heavily on this metaphor when
it argues in favor of the epistemological superiority of poetic perception as compared to
„ordinary‟ perception. The supposed piercing of the veil, however, is rather a re-
definition and individualization of the metaphorical „veil of perception‟ formerly believed
to be universal: reality is now considered subjective, temporary, and perspectival. An
analysis of the veil as a visual and epistemological metaphor allows this epistemological
change to be traced in several quintessential American modernist novels, among them
Ralph Ellison‟s Invisible Man. In these novels, the depiction of veils is suggestive of
changes in visuality as well as the underlying modernist conception of reality.
Key Words: modernism; modernist epistemology; veil of perception; T.E. Hulme; Henri
Bergson; Ralph Ellison; Invisible Man; W.E.B. DuBois; double consciousness; veil
53
In order to express the fundamental differences between romantic and modernist
epistemology, I distinguish between poetic vision in the theories of Wordsworth and Emerson and
what I call poetic perception in modernist theories.
54
Subjectivism is, of course, only one aspect of the modernist conception of reality. Several
theories of a collective unconscious strike even universalist tones and point out that certain
elements of the unconscious are, with slight cultural variations, common to all humans. My focus
on the depiction of the veil in modernist theory and literature, however, strongly suggests an
emphasis on the subjectivist dimension of modernist epistemology, as I will demonstrate in the
following. This makes the veil an expressionist symbol in the definition of Walter H. Sokel, who
identifies expressionism and its epistemological basis, “subjectivism,” as “one *key+ aspect of this
modern revolution in art and literature” (4).
55
Moreover, theorists like Sigmund Freud, William James, or Henri Bergson worked in a gray zone
between the natural sciences and the humanities.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 201
56
Paul Douglass speaks of “well over two hundred articles” on Bergson between 1909 and 1911 (12).
57
Tom Quirk lists an immense number of monographs and articles that deal with Bergsonian
philosophy in the US at the time.
202 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Bergson’s concluding remark on the issue of the veil serves T.E. Hulme as
a theoretical starting point for his modernist aesthetics briefly alluded to in the
introduction:
Between nature and ourselves, even between ourselves and our own
consciousness, there is a veil, a veil that is dense with the ordinary man,
transparent for the artist and the poet. What made this veil? Life is action,
it represents the acceptance of the utilitarian side of things in order to
respond to them by appropriate actions. [...] My senses and my
consciousness give me no more than a practical simplification of reality.
(158-59)
58
This definition is very similar to Frank Stuart Flint’s demands of an imagist poet concerning the
“*d+irect treatment of the ‘thing’” (352), which implies the ‘direct’ perception of the thing. It is
certainly more than a coincidence that Hulme himself wrote imagist poems.
59
For a detailed account of the veil of Isis in the history of Western thought, see Pierre Hadot’s
The Veil of Isis.
60
The notion “veil of perception” was coined by Jonathan Bennett with regard to John Locke’s
representationalist epistemology (69). Originally, this veil was defined as necessarily opaque and
Folia linguistica et litteraria 203
meant to express the fundamental skepticism Bennett saw at work in Locke’s theory. G.A.J.
Rogers broadens this narrow definition and uses it to support a more realistic reading of Locke,
thus rendering the veil of perception (semi-)transparent (211). Meanwhile, the veil of perception
has been used to analyze the most diverse epistemological and ontological theories; the supposed
degree of transparency varies accordingly.
61
Georges Didi-Huberman similarly points to the significance of moving veils in Renaissance art.
Here, too, Didi-Huberman emphasizes both the visual and the philosophical implications of this
mode of presentation (346), albeit in a different context as an “Interface” between internal and
external reasons for human movement (338).
62
For an analysis of the relationship between thematic allusions to movement or dance and the
level of representation in literature, see Francoise Meltzer’s chapter on “Salome and the Dance of
Writing” in her book of the same title (13-46). Meltzer does not mention italicization as a
representational means to underline the dynamic dimension of such a scene; yet, Meltzer mainly
concentrates on Joris-Karl Huysman’s novel A Rebours, where she identifies a multiplicity of
“verbs *…+ of motion” as well as the description of the dance in “the present tense” as the key
elements that give the reader “a Salome who moves, who actually dances” (20).
204 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
European culture around the turn of the century.63 In this context, the veil
usually serves as “a screen around which Western fantasies of penetration
revolve” (Yegenoglu 47). It is mainly employed in an exclusively erotic and exotic
manner to enhance the beauty of some mysterious veiled lady from the orient,
“living Salomes” (Garelick 92), usually drawing on the paradoxical quality of the
semi-transparent veil to conceal and reveal at the same time.64 A prominent
example of the veil as an orientalistic metaphor is Francis Hopkinson Smith’s
short story “The Veiled Lady of Stamboul,” in which the exotic object of the first-
person narrator’s desires always appears “veiled in a gossamer thin as a spider’s
web” (10). Paradoxically, the charm of the veiled lady’s “wonderful eyes” and
her features (10) is enhanced by being “half-hidden by the soft folds of a
yashmak” (11).
The modernist depiction of the dance of the veils, however, adds an
epistemological dimension to mere orientalism. To some degree, it is certainly
indebted to this orientalistic tradition, but – more importantly – it is fused with
the somewhat older traditions of the veil of Isis and the veil of perception
mentioned above. Its special significance in modernist literature and art is a
consequence of the dynamics of the dance, which makes the veil(s) necessarily
floating veils. As is already evident from the title, Salome’s biblical dance of the
veils also serves as a reference point in Anzia Yezierska’s Salome of the
Tenements. Paradoxically though, these are mainly metaphoric veils – but even
these “quivered like a physical veil” (106, my emphasis), which gives them the
floating quality characteristic of the dance of the veil and the depiction of veils in
modernist literature in general.
Finally, in order to demonstrate that the significance of veils in modernist
literature is not merely incidental, I will base my interpretation of Ralph Ellison’s
Invisible Man on the depiction of different veil-scenes in the novel. The first
thing that comes to mind when talking about veils in an African American novel
in the age of modernism is, of course, W.E.B. DuBois’s double-definition of the
veil as both a social and a psychological veil: first, African Americans are “shut
out from their *i.e. ‘white Americans’+ world by a vast *social+ veil” (44). In a
second step, this social practice of separation combined with the ‘scientifically
proven’ inferiority of African Americans, “biopolitical racism,” as Ryan Jay
Friedman calls it (41), leads to a kind of “double-consciousness” in the African
63
According to Rhonda Garelick, Western “‘Salomania’” (92) began with the publication of
Heinrich Heine’s Atta Troll in 1841 (99n.). Garelick emphasizes the short-sightedness and the
distorting quality of this “imperialist gaze,” which she defines as a “nearly surgically penetrative
gaze constructed to give spectators the impression of unveiling secret, hidden worlds” (84).
64
This paradoxical quality of the veil can be traced in the etymological ambiguity of the verb ‘to
reveal,’ which derives from the Latin “re-velare,” which resembles the English verb ‘to re-veil.’
Actually, however, “re-velare” means “the reverse of velare, to veil”, i.e. ‘to unveil’ or ‘to reveal’
(Macdonald 543).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 205
American psyche: “the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and
gifted with a second-sight in this American world, a world which yields him no
true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of
the other world” (45).
In Invisible Man, this aspect of the veil is touched upon in the depiction of
the statue of “the Founder,” a character clearly modeled on Booker T.
Washington, who founded Tuskegee Institute at the University of Alabama, the
historical equivalent of the “the State College for Negroes” in the novel (36):65
here, a “kneeling slave” with a veil over his face is, so the traditional
interpretation goes, unveiled by Booker T. Washington, who grants him access to
education. The novel now expounds the problem whether this is an unveiling at
all or rather a reveiling: “I am standing puzzled, unable to decide whether the
veil is really being lifted, or lowered more firmly in place; whether I am
witnessing a revelation or a more efficient blinding” (36).
This quotation serves as a kind of motto for the entire novel, in which
questions of knowledge or truth are closely linked to questions of consciousness
and identity. The novel, however, ultimately goes beyond the question explicitly
asked here; it is not only about the role of the person who (un-)veils, but about
the role the veiled slave himself plays in this (un-)veiling: does he contribute to
this process of (un-)veiling? Does he maybe even resist attempts at unveiling
him? Or, on the contrary, does he struggle to unveil himself but is hindered by
the supposed liberator? The novel traces these different possibilities in the
character of first-person narrator and protagonist IM and the different stages he
passes through in his development to a fully fledged American citizen of African
American descent.
My special focus in this article is on the combination of modernist aspects
of the veil as defined above with this DuBoisian definition of the veil as a social
and psychological given in the experienced reality of African Americans in the
first half of the twentieth century. In the following, I will analyze several veil-
scenes of the novel, fit them into the larger context of the novel, and point out
the immanent function of the respective episode based on the depiction of the
veil both in modernist aesthetics as well as in DuBoisian terms.
IM’s story at large is a quest for an individual identity, an attempt to
pierce the veil of habitual perception – a crucial element of which are the fine
arts, as an early hint by Trueblood indicates. Trueblood, a social outcast, speaks
of the liberating effect of singing the blues: “I sings me some blues that night
ain’t never been sang before, and while I’m singin’ them blues I makes up my
65
The connection between the Founder and Booker T. Washington is only thinly veiled in the
novel. For further information, see Fleming (426-28).
206 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
mind that I ain’t nobody but myself” (66).66 IM’s autobiographical story has
similar effects: for the first time, he is writing himself/his self, which gives him
some definitional power over himself and his view of the world. In a Hulmean
tradition, IM describes this process of writing down his story as an attempt “to
give pattern to the chaos” (580). This story, i.e. the novel, depicts his search for
truth and an individual identity as a succession of veilings, unveilings, and
reveilings. There are several veil-scenes that all combine elements of the social
and political veil in DuBois’s fashion with elements of the floating veil of
modernist aesthetics and modernist epistemology as defined above.
The novel starts right off with one of these veil-scenes: During the Battle
Royal, a bizarre high school graduation ceremony, IM watches a blond stripper
whom he sees through “the smoke of a hundred cigars clinging to her like the
thinnest of veils” (19). This symbolizes the absolute social separation of the
races. Especially love-relationships between white women and African American
men were completely out of the question. The white woman was thus elevated
to an unattainable ideal, instilling an insatiable desire. IM does not yet question
the legitimacy of this social separation, which is suggestive of DuBois’s double-
consciousness as a theoretical starting point of the novel that is accepted as
naturally given. At the same time, the scene is set in the context of the dance of
the veils that is so prominent in modernist literature. The dynamics of this
dance are underlined by the “slow sensuous movement*s+” and the wafting
smoke which forms the veil in the first place.
A second important veil-scene occurs immediately after IM is dismissed
from college by Bledsoe, the idolized president of the College. A devastated IM
rests beneath a streetlight examining the spectacle of “moths that veiled the
street lamp which cast shadows upon the bank of grass below” (135).
Symbolically, light, i.e. knowledge, is veiled by Bledsoe, who finally turns out to
be an overambitious, power-obsessed person who would “have every Negro in
the country hanging on tree limbs by morning if it means staying where I am”
(143). On another level, the description of the shadows on the grass and the
moths forming a veil which clouds the light that causes these shadows also
evokes Plato’s cave analogy: here, too, shadows are all the human eye gets to
see.67 And again, because of the fluttering of the moths, it is a floating veil.
After his subsequent flight to New York, IM comes to accept that a first
step towards the establishment of an individual identity and a subjective
66
For more information on the significance of blues in the novel, see Raymond M. Olderman, who
considers “the Blues or Blues Mood” as “a symbolic expression of the human condition” in the
novel (142), or, more recently, Claudia Alonso Recarte, who analyzes the novel’s “use of
expressionistic and surrealistic techniques of the visual arts when conforming to certain blues
motifs” (76).
67
For an interpretation of Plato’s cave analogy in terms of “vision,” “shadows,” “light,” and “sun,”
see Martin Jay’s Downcast Eyes (27; 26-28, 475-78).
Folia linguistica et litteraria 207
68
In Invisible Man, this is the only italicized veil-scene. Most of the other veil-scenes show scarce
punctuation and integrate various strains of thought into one long sentence (36, 262, 416, 420),
another aspect Meltzer does not mention. In Meltzer’s terms, however, “verbs *…+ of motion” (20)
feature prominently in several veil-scenes, too (135, 262, 273, 416), whereas IM’s reflections on
the veiled statue (36) are rendered in “the present tense” (20).
208 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
has – directly or indirectly – been veiled and even veiled himself, his self,
through the blind acceptance of different ideologies that distorted his individual
world view and rendered himself invisible as an individual.69
Towards the end of the novel, during the burial of Clifton, a former
member of the brotherhood who was shot by the police, the novel offers a
metacomment on the succession of veilings, unveilings, and reveilings so far:
during the burial, the sun, a symbol of light and knowledge, is first “thin*ly+-
veiled” (450), then “unveiled” (452), and finally completely “veiled” (458).
Initially, the sun, i.e. IM’s knowledge of himself and the world he lives in, is
veiled by double-consciousness. This, however, is only a “thin veil” (450)
compared to what is to follow. As mentioned above, early in the novel, IM gets
advice from Trueblood to accept his cultural heritage in order to develop an
individual identity and a genuine approach to the world. The Vet, in his capacity
as an inmate of a lunatic asylum and like Trueblood a socially excluded
character, similarly advises IM to see things his “own way” (153), to be his own
intellectual “father” (156) – the truth, so to speak, is “unveiled” to IM by
Trueblood and the Vet (452), only he does not realize it as yet.70 At the time of
the burial, IM is farther from the truth than ever before: the truth is completely
“veiled” to him (458). This complete veiling resembles IM’s state at that very
moment: having cast off all the ideological veils of his past, he has now adopted
the strategy of “yessing” (513)71 and “Rinehartism” (504);72 that is, he is
constantly playing roles and assuming ever new identities, thus hiding his real
identity. This, as IM is to realize in the end, implies the risk of losing oneself
beneath all these masks or veils and finally becoming “a hollow man,” as Robert
Fleming justly observes (431).
Just before IM finally retreats into his black hole in the ground, where he
will stay for the next “seventeen years” (Shaw 118) in order to write down his
69
The invisibility IM repeatedly refers to in the course of the novel can well be considered a key to
the question of identity and an individual approach to reality in the novel. Realizing the reason for
his invisibility is an important first step in the development I try to outline in this article: “But first I
had to discover that I am an invisible man!” (15). As IM is to realize in the end, this metaphoric
invisibility is an individual invisibility caused by his lack of an individual identity.
70
Both Trueblood and the Vet can be interpreted in the tradition of Shakespeare’s famous fool
characters, who often tell the truth but nobody listens.
71
This strategy goes back to advice given to IM by his dying grandfather: “I want you to overcome
’em with yeses, undermine ’em with grins, agree ’em to death and destruction, let them swoller
you till they vomit or bust wide open“ (16). Yessing is finally part of the solution, but in a different
manner: “We were to affirm the principle on which the country was built and not the men” (574).
72
Rinehartism is named after Rinehart, a truly invisible character in the novel who never appears
in person. IM, when disguised in a black suit and sunglasses, is mistaken for him several times in
completely different settings, which leads him to the insight that Rinehart has multiple identities –
“Rine the runner and Rine the gambler and Rine the briber and Rine the lover and Rinehart the
Reverend“ (498) – something he deems a bonus at the time.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 209
story, he ultimately starts developing his own view of the world: “I knew that
my forgetfulness wasn’t real, as one knows that the forgotten details of certain
dreams are not truly forgotten but evaded. I knew and in my mind I was trying
to reach through the gray veil that now seemed to hang behind my eyes” (537).
This “gray veil” is the solution to the question of truth and identity in the novel:
IM finally realizes that this “gray veil” is a general human condition, but
individual73 and radically experience-based in its manifestations. Therefore, the
attempt “to reach through the gray veil” only leads to subjective truths based
on individual experience: in the end, as IM finally observes, “all the street signs
were dead, all the day sounds had lost their stable meaning” (537).
IM builds his identity neither exclusively on the collective identity of
African Americans nor on mere yessing and Rineharting. He comes to realize
that identity is the sum total of one’s cumulative subjective experience, which,
in IM’s words, is never “truly forgotten” (537), but, in accordance with Bergson,
exists “sub-consciously” (“Soul” 71) beneath the habitual and utilitarian veil of
perception: “I was my experiences and my experiences were me” (508). At the
end of the succession of veilings, unveilings, and reveilings, there is a dynamic
concept of identity and consciousness which resembles Bergson’s “endless flow”
(Evolution 3): IM has neither an “essential” or “true self” (Sten 93), nor is there a
collective “homo-genize*d+ human experience” (Blake 134) as IM himself observes
in the literary present:74 “I am nobody but myself” (15), he acclaims at the
beginning of the novel and concludes his explicit thoughts on the question of
identity and truth in the epilogue with the both desperate and triumphant
exclamation “damn it, there’s the mind, the mind” (573) – his mind, his
individual mind, one is tempted to add.
This insight is finally brought about by writing his autobiography: due to
his emerging ability of poetic perception à la Hulme, the process of writing
enables him to pierce the veil over his past and the various veils of ideology and
habitual perception he has encountered in his search for truth and identity.
73
Several studies in the past have taken an individualistic stance on the novel. Chip Rhodes
identifies “pragmatism’s faith in the discerning, conscious individual” (435) as a general way out of
the DuBoisian trap, Susan Blake repeatedly refers to the Emersonian concept of “self-reliance”
(127), whereas Yoshinobu Hakutani stresses “the import of existentialism” as “an ideology that
underlies Invisible Man” (51). All these approaches, however, disregard the dynamism of identity,
consciousness, and truth in the novel.
74
The emphasis on the African American cultural heritage in the novel certainly implies the
existence of a collective unconscious both in general human as well as in culturally specific terms.
In the end, however, the collective unconscious is only one influence on IM’s world view; it is
outweighed by an even stronger emphasis on IM’s intellectual development based on his
individual, subjective experience. Thus, the collective unconscious forms a common basis, but the
individual world view is nevertheless subjectivist.
210 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Bibliography:
UDK 811.111(73).09Mаламуд Б.
Abstract: The Jewish American prose became an integral part of American literature
during the 20th century, in adding a new immigrant voice to the literary mainstream. One
of these major Jewish American writers is Bernard Malamud (1914 – 1986), who used
mostly Jewish characters and themes to convey universal values. This paper makes a
short introduction to the Jewish American prose, including a brief comparison of
Malamud with Philip Roth and Saul Bellow, and then tries to throw light on the treatment
of the themes of humanism, and redemptive suffering, by focusing on the author‟s major
novels and short stories.
Introduction
Three Jewish American writers stood out: Philip Roth (1933- ), Saul
Bellow (1915-2005), and Bernard Malamud (1914-1986). Roth is the least Jewish
writer, in the traditional sense of the term. Sanford Pinsker states that:
Roth's characters, like Roth himself, often seem cut off from the
wellsprings of Jewish identity. They know just a little Yiddish (almost
exclusively vulgarisms) and even less Hebrew; they are, for the most
part, thoroughly assimilated Americans who could thoroughly explain
baseball's infield fly rule but not a single page of Talmud. (Par.8)
Roth wanted to prove that “All Jews are people”, the opposite of
Malamud’s statement: “All people are Jews”. While Roth writes about modern
Jews in America, Malamud’s Jews, generally speaking, have a timeless
characterization, and many of them have stronger ties with their European
origin than with America where they live. However, both employ ironic humor
extensively; both writers are concerned with what it means to be moral.
Bellow is more concerned with intellect and ideas, whereas Malamud
with morality, just as George P. Elliott has remarked that Malamud’s characters
“have souls, not psyches” (42). However, both of them share the treatment of
the theme of humanism and high degree of humor.
Comparing the three of them, we can say that Malamud is more moral
than Bellow, and Roth. Related to this, Solotaroff has stated:
Folia linguistica et litteraria 215
Humanism
false, and asserted that man had all the required potential to fulfill himself
through interaction with other fellow beings, and participation in society.
Likewise, humanist ideas pervade the Jewish American literature to a
high degree. In the case of Malamud, his parents too, with their moral and
virtuous life, had a direct impact on him as a human being and writer. Of them
he would say – in an interview given to Thomas Lask:
Their world taught me their values… The welfare of human beings, what
makes a man function as a man. Theirs was a person-centered world, one
that regarded the qualities of people. When I think of my father, I’m filled
with a sense of sweet humanism. (qtd. in Abramson 1)
In the novel The Assistant, Frank Alpine, at the beginning of the novel, is a
robber and criminal who intends to get rich quickly in an inappropriate manner.
He is rescued from starvation by the grocer Morris, the very man whom he had
assaulted earlier. Frank continues stealing from the cash register without any
apparent reason. He also seduces the grocer’s daughter, Helen, whom he
considers only a lay. Gradually, though with great difficulty and thanks to the
grocer’s reformation deed, Frank is turned into a responsible man, and a
provider for the grocer’s family, following the latter’s death. Even his lust for
Helen, is replaced by true love.
The writer was particularly worried about the American materialism
which was destroying man’s human and moral side. In The Assistant, the grocer
Morris Bober would rather sacrifice himself and his family than give up altruism,
and honesty. In contrast to his Jewish neighbor, Julius Karp, a successful liquor
shop owner who thinks about nothing else but money, Bober is a model of
morality and humanism in the neighborhood, even credit even to people who
will never pay him back.
Likewise, in the first novel The Natural, the hero Roy Hobbs, a talented
baseball player, cares only about himself and not the team who pin all their
hopes on him of winning the long-awaited pennant. Instead, Roy’s mind is on
what most of the society appreciates: possessions, acquisitiveness, and money.
As a result of the greed for wealth, he sells out to the corrupted Judge
Banner, whose main objective is to make a huge profit out of baseball and his
position. Apparently, Roy, coming to understand the adverse effect of his deed on
him and the team in particular, and fans in general, throws the money into the
judge’s face and strikes him, but it is too late.
To test their humanity and love, Malamud often deprives the characters
in the extreme of material goods. Not always, however, do they remain human
for reasons they consider to be sound enough. Thus, in the short story The Loan,
Bessie, a baker and escapee of the Nazi camps, does not allow her husband Lieb
to lend some money to his friend Kobotsky, who will use it to buy a gravestone
for his dead wife. Lieb is willing to help his friend, despite the fact that the latter
had not paid off his earlier debt. But Bessie argues that her husband and she are
equally needy, and that they feel threatened from life’s insecurity and
hardships. Here, it is a bit difficult to say whether she is right or wrong, cruel or
just fair but one thing is sure that she has not become more humane and
compassionate through her past ordeals.
To be human, one has to show moral obligation to others and assume
responsibilities. In the story The Last of Mohicans, there is treated the issue of
moral responsibility to others. Fidelman, a Jewish failed artist, has come to Rome
to study the work of Giotto. Upon setting foot in Rome, Susskind, a poor Jewish
beggar, haunts him asking for one of the two suits. But, Fidelman says to his
compatriot:
writer” *…+ is to keep civilization from destroying itself” (qtd. in Lasher 7). His
last novel God’s Grace treats exactly this theme. The novel is centered on the
hero Calvin Cohen, a paleontologist by profession, who happens to be the only
human survivor of a nuclear war which has wiped out civilization and mankind.
On a deserted island – much similar to Robinson Crusoe’s – he tries to create a
new civilization with a group of chimpanzees and gorillas by teaching them
ethics, culture, and science. But, this goes against God’s will; as a result there
starts a heated debate between God and Calvin about whose fault it is as to
what happened. Calvin believes that God made man imperfect, and such
imperfection led to this destruction.
Cohn has gone too far. The chimps return to their animal instinct, and
destroy everything, killing Cohn as well. “The book asks, in a sense, a simple
question,” Malamud said to Helen Benedict, “Why does man treat himself so
badly? What is the key to sane existence?” (qtd. in Lasher 132)
Regarding the author’s concern about this, Philip Roth has written: “What
is to be human, to be humane, is his subject” (127). Thus, these concerns came
to be approached more closely in his later fiction – as in God’s Grace – as the
nuclear threat in the world became more serious than ever before.
Yet, Malamud kept his faith with the human spirit. Thus, in the story The
Bill, Panessa, though poor and old himself, gives credit to Willy, his poor janitor.
Panessa does this because by ‘credit’ he believes “that people were human
being, and if you were really a human being you gave credit to someone else
and he gave credit to you” (87). Willy, however, exploits the storekeeper’s kind-
heartedness by taking things on credit even though he has money. When the bill
gets to 81 dollars, the grocer smilingly asks the janitor to pay part of it. The
latter, instead, avoids the grocer and starts buying somewhere else. However,
Willy comes to feel guilty of the deed, and dreams of paying off all of his debt
but he has no money now. One day he receives a note from Mrs. Panessa telling
220 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
him that her husband is on his deathbed and requesting of him at least ten
dollars. Willy hides in the cellar all day but then pawns his coat for ten dollars
the next day, in a impulse to help. He runs out to return the ten-dollar bill but is
confronted with Mr. Panessa dead in a coffin being sent to the burial ground.
Willy feels extremely despaired. “He tried to say some sweet thing but his
tongue hung in his mouth like dead fruit on a tree, and his heart was a black –
painted window” (92). The bill remains unpaid. Thus, humanism is not always
appreciated – at least, not in good time.
While reading his short stories or novels, we are permeated by a special
emotion, and become one with the characters in everything they do or
experience. We cannot help asking ourselves questions such as: Which road
should we take in life? Should we help others or only think about ourselves?
Malamud ‘shows’ us the right direction, the moment he makes us aware of the
responsibilities we have as humans, as well as the internal positive strength
existing within each of us to do good. Joel Salzberg writes:
humane sensibility *…+ in The Natural (1952) and The Magic Barrel (1958),
as well as in The Assistant *…+, anchored in his use of the metaphorical
and moral dimensions of Jewish experience, and incorporated into a
laconic prose free of sentimentality, which brought Malamud to national
attention as an accomplished and, in his own way, a sophisticated writer
who somehow withstood the corrosive influences of modern life. (1)
Unlike many writers after World War II, who suffused their novels with
fragmented, sick, broken anti-heroes, Malamud is akin to the 19th century
literature in that he creates full characters who grow into mature, and
responsible people in society. He fills his work with love, beauty, and hope.
There is always a light at the end of the tunnel; the hero must go in that
direction, and bring it to others who cannot reach for it.
Redemptive Suffering
The suffering of the Jews is a distinct thing for me. I for one believe that not
enough has been made of the tragedy of the destruction of 6,000,000 Jews
*…+ “Somebody has to cry – even if it’s just a writer, 20 years later”, he told
Wershba. (qtd. in Lasher 5-6)
Folia linguistica et litteraria 221
around the clock to support his wife Ida and daughter Helen. Things go worse
for him when another grocery given for rent by Karp – the successful Jewish
liquor dealer – is to open in the neighborhood. Also, to make matters worse, he
is mistakenly held up and struck on the head by two guys who had intended to
rob the rich Karp, in the first place. “He fell without a cry. The end fitted the day.
It was his luck, others had better” (30; pt.1). Frank Alpine, one of the
protagonists in the novel, is a drifter who has come from the West to the East to
seek a new life. He is the accomplice in the hold-up, and returns to the grocery
to expiate his guilt. He becomes the grocer’s assistant. Seeing that Jews suffer a
lot, the assistant makes the following conversation with Morris:
Morris is against suffering but he knows that it is part of man’s life. The
best one can do is better oneself, and sympathize with others. Likewise, in an
interview, when asked about the question of suffering, Malamud said: “I’m
against it but when it occurs why waste the experience” (qtd. in Lasher 63).
Thus, Malamud also believes in the positive effect that suffering has on people
to help them grow morally. This belief is related to the Jewish history itself, of
which Grebstein writes:
It should be stressed that Morris suffers for the ‘Law’ – L capitalized – but
gives no religious connotation to his suffering. Morris is not an observant or
synagogue-goer. To him, the Law is equated with goodness, righteousness, and
honesty. He suffers for Frank; he suffers for Helen in not being able to provide a
Folia linguistica et litteraria 223
better life for her; he suffers for his dead son Ephraim. He also knows that “the
world suffers. He felt every schmerz” (5; pt.1).
Likewise, Frank suffers no less. He suffers for having robbed Morris, and
for stealing money from the cash register; for having spied on Helen showering,
and forcing himself on her later. However, his suffering is selfish and
unproductive because he will not easily admit having made a big mistake in
robbing a Jew, and stealing some money, which, after all, was increased thanks
to him. But by the end of the novel, this passive and individual suffering
becomes other-directed and meaningful, and Frank comes to fully comprehend
Morris’ words: “I suffer for you,” and “I mean you suffer for me.” Following the
grocer’s death, he takes over the store, and works day and night to support
Morris’ wife and daughter, and send the latter to university. Also, in the end, he
becomes a Jew. “One day in April Frank went to the hospital and had himself
circumcised. For a couple of days he dragged himself around with a pain
between his legs. The pain enraged and inspired him. After Passover he became
a Jew” (297; pt.10).
A great suffering is depicted in The Fixer, too. Yakov Bok, a 33year old
handyman leaves the suffocating shtetl, following the desertion by his unfaithful
wife. Being disgraced, he goes to Kiev, in the hope of improving his financial
situation. Saving a drunk Black Hundreds activist from stifling in snow, Bok is
offered by the latter the job of a brick factory overseer as a mark of gratitude.
Hiding his Jewishness and living in an area forbidden to Jews, Bok is soon falsely
accused of having murdered a 12 year old Russian boy for religious purposes.
He is immediately sent to prison where he sustains extreme suffering for two
and a half years.
The fixer was chained to the wall all day, and at night he lay on the
bedplank, his legs locked in the stocks. The leg holes were tight and
chafed his flesh if he tried to turn a little *…+ Now in chains, he thought
the searches of his body might end, but they were increased to six a
day, three in the morning and three in the afternoon. (236-7; pt.8; ch.1)
Apart from the physical pain, he has to cope with the mental suffering
while waiting for his trial, which seems to never be coming. His sufferings are
compared to those of Job and Jesus. Just like Job, Bok – as the name itself
suggests – has been chosen to be sacrificed for no apparent reason. But unlike
Job – who has talked to God, and who has never objected to Him –Yakov, having
lost his faith long ago, feels no attachment to God, and repudiates the latter for
allowing atrocities to happen to innocent people. Christ endures extreme pain
on the cross but he is suffering for others, and will find redemption in the
afterlife. Yakov, instead, seeks salvation in this life, and says that “nobody
224 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
suffers for him and he suffers for no one except himself” (217; pt.7; ch.3). At
this phase, his suffering is meaningless, and purposeless.
Later on, in his dream, he learns of Shmuel’s death, and offers to die for
him. However, he makes the moral choice to live, and to not die, even though
death would end his sufferings. In this way, by not taking his own life, he saves
millions of Jews from another massacre.
Yakov now suffers for Shmuel, for the oppressed Jews and Russians as
well, when his lawyer Ostrovsky – a former anti-Semite – says to him:
Conclusion
Bibliography:
erlösenden Leidens zu werfen, indem der Beitrag die bedeutenden Romane und
die kurzen Erzählungen des Autors zum Fokus macht.
UDK 811.111(73).09-2
Весна Братић
Универзитет Црне Гпре
75
I don’t think we can know. I think that if we knew we’d be dead.
76
...an American community where politicians tell the truth, friendship is sacred, simple customs
are cheri-shed, and men can be men.
230 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
77
Кпликп је рат бип „истински“, испитује Бпдријар у себи свпјственпм прпвпкативнпм стилу у
дјелу наслпвљенпм Рат у Заливу се није дпгпдип.
234 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
78
Шини се да ппстпји кпнсензус међу критишарима да су најбпље Меметпве драме Гленгери
и Амерички бизпн, али је за већину Олеана неисцрпан извпр критишке инспирације.
79
the assumption that a socially conditioned idiom ultimately shapes our patterns of social
behavior.
80
Political correctness is underlined by the utopian belief that by avoiding the use of
“confrontational” phrases [...] we will simultaneously smooth out the corresponding
confrontational aspects of our everyday realities.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 235
81
Un-fucking-believable, fucken...
236 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
82
I am become as sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal (King James Bible, Corinthians 13:1)
83
Since the elements of social and historical context were generally absent in Mamet’s work, the
plays or films might have left the impression that the rottenness on vivid display was nothing
more nor less than the rottenness of humanity itself.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 237
Надам се да, акп уппщте ишему гпвприм у прилпг, пнда тп шиним [...]
у прилпг [...] духпвнпсти, гпвпрећи ,хајде да пбратимп пажоу на
ствари кпје су кпнашнп битне: треба да смп впљени, треба да смп
сигурни, треба да ппмажемп једни другима, треба да радимп.‘ [...]
Накпн свега щтп је решенп и ушиоенп, ми смп људска бића и акп тп
заиста желимп мпжемп да нађемп нашин да се слажемп, акп ппсје-
дујемп велику, гптпвп немјерљиву храбрпст да будемп искрени у
вези са властитим жељама и да не институципнализујемп и апстра-
84
...even the reprehensible human beings were perceived to a certain extent as victims, helpless
or other-wise, of the society and its false ethos.
238 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
85
I hope that what I am arguing for, if I’m arguing for anything’ *...+ has been an a priori spirituality,
say-ing ‘let’s look at the things that finally matter: we need to be loved, we need to be secure, we
need to help each other, we need to work. *...+ After all is said and done we’re human beings and
if we really want to we can find a way to get on with each other, if we have the great, almost
immeasurable courage to be honest about our desires and to not institutionalize and abstract our
relationships to each other.
86
They may use a language that seems revealing, but if so, it’s just coincidence, because what
they’re try-ing to do is accomplish an objective.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 239
Библиографија:
Shepard, Sam. Plays:3, A Lie of the Mind, States of Shock, Simpatico. London:
Methuen Drama, 1996.
Walsh, David. “Writer David Mamet: Man Overboard”. World Socialist Web
Site.International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI). Mar. 31.
2008 http://www.wsws.org/category/world.shtmlSep. 12. 2009.
This paper deals with the poetics of one of the most important contemporary
American playwrights, David Mamet.It emphasizes the crucial importance of
language, of both what is said and what is omitted in Memet's plays, referring to
the existential and ontological questions raised by them and the interpersonal
relations in hierarchical structures established by the phallic order. Memet's plays
by general consensus considered best are recognizable by its aggressive machismo,
often "all-male" cast, "filthy language" and an implicit critique of liberal
capitalism. Susceptible to changes in the socio-cultural context from nineties
onwards Mamet has turned to writing plays featuring various versions of
"otherness" – gender, social, ethnic, racial, sexual, showing via this private
"affirmative action" that there are (at least) two sides to every story but choosing to
stay out of the story altogether, siding with none of the “perspectives”. The
common denominator of all Mamet's plays is the story of human need for others
(the Other?) and various forms of pathological deviations created in the split
between its articulation and the egoistic craving to satisfy selfish personal goals and
achieve superiority over others. The Darwinian logic of liberal capitalism has drawn
a hypocritical line between "business" and friendship discouraging any long-term
loyalty and supporting only temporary "strategic” alliances between people. The
deeply human value of Mamet's best plays, as shown in this paper, lies in
acknowledging and recognizing the need for truth, trust and humanity whose
absence is markedly noted within these human alpha male fighting grounds.
Mamet's drama of recent years, unfortunately, confirms in practice what might be
called the author's signifiant political deviation – from liberalism to conservatism.
Mamet – an honest critic of liberal-capitalist perversion of the modern self-satisfied
man – has turned into a simple provocateur who equalizes and thereby devalues
everything. “Ethical leveling” in Memet's recent dramas seems to have been
promoted at a huge expense of their very artistic quality.
UDK 791.4:17
UDK 791.633-051Николић Ж.
Traganje za istinom
filozofsko-etički i deontološki aspekt poetike Ţivka Nikolića
Dr Zoran Koprivica
Univerzitet Crne Gore
Ključne riječi: istina, filozofska dimenzija, etika, moral, ideološki obrasci, birokratsko
odlučivanje, umjetnički i moralni integritet, onostrano, deontologija, moralne vrijednosti,
crnogorska tradicija.
takođe, zamisliti film kojim reditelj ne želi da svoju polaznu ideju, svoj causa
efficiens, prenese na gledaoca. Tu bi se, nesumnjivo, moglo otvoriti i jedno znat-
no kompleksnije problemsko pitanje: ono koje se bavi njihovim smislom
/smislom postojanja takvih filmova!/, samim tim i i smislom i svrsishodnošdu
bavljenja umjetnošdu.
Odnos Živka Nikolida prema ovom problemu bio je u cjelosti jasan i
nedvosmislen. Film koji, po njemu, nema prepoznatljivu idejno-estetsku osnovu
i kojim se ne izražava decidan stav njegovog autora, ne zaslužuje da se nazove
filmom, samim tim ni umjetnošdu.87
Filozofsko-etička struktura Nikolidevih filmova vedim dijelom je prožeta
mitologemama i tradicionalno-običajnim normama koje su sa njima tijesno po-
vezane i, posredno se, u formi konceptualnih iteracija, reflektuju na njihov tok.
Bespogovorno prihvatanje autoritarnih receptura kojima se film svodi na vulgar-
ni ideološki erzac, a njegova idejna i filozofska koncepcija ruši, kojim se istovre-
meno potvrđuju vrijednosti birokratskog, kvazi-kulturnog postuliranja, a sve
ostalo dovodi u sumnju, ili poništava, po Nikolidu je, kao slobodoumnom umjet-
niku, bilo koliko neprihvatljivo toliko i neshvatljivo. Da bi iskazao svoju projekto-
vanu viziju svijeta i svoj filozofski i etički odnos spram njega, umjetnik, onako ka-
ko ga Nikolid vidi, mora da ima apsolutnu slobodu djelovanja, nekontrolisanu,
tačnije necenzurisanu i nesputanu misao. Njegovo umjetničko vjeruju mora da
se pretoči u kritičko sagledavanje stvarnosti, što apriorno isključuje svaku pomi-
sao na povlađivanje aktivnim i često dominantnim ideološkim obrascima, utili-
tarnim teleološkim projekcijama i pseudo-kodeksima sa širokom skalom apolo-
getskih i konformističkih adjektiva, a sve to u ime nekih viših, dalekosežnih i ne-
rijetko teško dokučivih ciljeva. Samo snažne umjetničke individualnosti, u koje, iz
više razloga, ubrajamo i Nikolida, koje mogu da se odupru modnim i smišljeno
orkestriranim ideološkim pritiscima i očuvaju svoj umjetnički i moralni integritet,
mogu da očekuju da de njihovo djelo i njihov pogled na svijet izdržati probu vre-
mena i u njemu otisnuti autentični trag.88 Nikolidev odnos spram pitanja smisla
čovjekovog postojanja i njegovoj stalnoj zapitanosti, što jeste suštinsko pitanje
filozofije, čemu sve to što jeste, i s kojim krajnjim ciljem?, najizrazitije se očituje
u njegovim otvorenim meditativno-esejističkim i metafizičkim slutnjama kojima
su prožeti njegovi rani dokumentarni filmovi i, posebno, dugometražni igrani
film Jovana Lukina.89 U njima Nikolid izražava duh jednog, iako naizgled dislocira-
nog i nikad do kraja određenog, pa ipak, po svojim suštinskim naznakama, pre-
87
Ovdje nećemo temeljno govoriti o brojnim preprekama koje vladajuće ideologije i njeni kontro-
lori, oličeni u zvaničnoj cenzuri, stavljaju pred reditelja. Ipak, podsjetimo da je Nikolić, kao reditelj
koji je imao decidan stav u odnosu na svoj stvaralački credo, često morao da se suočava sa takvim
problemima, ali nikada ne na uštrb djela koje stvara. Samo djelo, odnosno ideja prisutna u njemu,
nije smjela da trpi i bude izloţena toj vrsti provjere.
88
Upravo tako je naslovljen i prvi značajniji Nikolićev dokumentarni film: Trag.
89
JOVANA LUKINA, 35mm, kolor, 2700m. Proizvodnja: Avala film, Beograd, 1979.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 243
90
BEŠTIJE, 35mm, kolor, 2700m. Proizvodnja: Avala film, Beograd / Zeta film, Budva / Dunav
film, Beograd / Filmski studio, Titograd, 1977.
91
ŢDRIJELO, 35 mm, crno/bijeli, 350m – 12 minuta. Proizvodnja: Dunav film, 1972.
92
Takvom utisku u Nikolićevim filmovima značajno doprinosi i simboličko-alegorijska autentič-
nost filmske slike.
93
U IME NARODA, 35mm, kolor, 2517m. Proizvodnja: Zeta film, Budva / Avala pro film,
Beograd / Centar film, Beograd / Montex, Nikšić - 1987.
94
Seren Kjerkegor, Brevijar, Grafos, Beograd, 1979, str.29.
95
GRADITELJ, 35mm, kolor, 360m – 12 minuta. Proizvodnja: Dunav film, 1980.
96
LEPOTA POROKA, 35mm, kolor, 3050m. Proizvodnja: Centar film, Beograd, 1986.
244 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
da se Nikolid nije bavio sistemom vrlina i mana, ved ljudima onakvim kakvi jesu.
Njihov individualni moral polazište je njegovog svekolikog traganja za suštin-
skom etičnošdu, kolektivnom paradigmom koja bi mogla bliže da se odredi i kao:
društvena, patrijarhalna, tradicionalna, etatističko-birokratska, palanačka, medi-
okritetska, žoržijanska /po Žoržu, jednom od junaka filma Lepota poroka/, i slič-
no. S druge strane, ni moralni determinizam, niti, pak, aksiološko stepenovanje
moralnih vrlina i njihovo deontološko distingviranje u Nikolidevoj poetici nije
predominantno opredjeljenje, iako imanentno prisutno u crnogorskoj kulturnoj
tradiciji. Glorifikacija kulta čojstva i junaštva, posredno, i apoteoza moralnih vri-
jednosti sadržanih u njemu, kod Nikolida nijesu primarno zastupljeni i ne čine
etički nukleus, iako je njihovo implicitno prisustvo vidljivo u gotovo svakom nje-
govom filmu sub specie idejnih i tematskih opredjeljenja.97
Nikolid je u svojim filmovima istraživao ljepotu istine, kako je često znao
da kaže, a potreba za njenim otkrivanjem u njemu je budila stvaralački nagon. U
traganju za tom zlatnom žicom, mogudna su različita lutanja. “Svuda sam sretao,
u svako doba, jednog čovjeka koji šeta tamo amo kao da nekog ili nešto traži.
[…+ Taj čovjek sam, po svoj prilici – ja!”98 Svako vrijeme, po Nikolidu, ima svoj
pečat, trenutak koji treba zabilježiti, jer ako se to mimoiđe, onda nema više niče-
ga što bi moglo voditi ka istini. “Naravno, uvijek je uslovno pitanje šta je to istina
i u čijoj službi je ta istina.”99 S druge strane, sukob s nečijom istinom, pa i svo-
jom, javlja se kao potreba. “U trenutku kad ljudima otkrivaš i saopštavaš istinu o
njima samima, ogledalo u kojem ne žele da se vide *…+, naišao si na nepremosti-
vu prepreku.”100 Nasuprot istini je laž. Čovjek, po Nikolidu, osjeda potrebu za la-
žima upravo iz razloga što ne može da prihvati istinu, da se suoči sa svojom sli-
kom u ogledalu.
Kod Nikolida nije postojala želja da realni svijet prikaže ljepšim nego što je:
“Ja mislim da taj neki lijep i svijetao svijet i ne postoji; postoje samo trenuci bli-
stavi, čisti i rijetki. Čovjek je najčešde zvijer, zar je to teško dokazati?”101 I otuda,
čini se, ta tragična rezonanca kod Nikolidevih junaka. Toga u dokumentarnim fil-
movima, izuzev u Bauku102, i implicitno u Oglavu103, unutar alegorijskog okvira
97
Blisko Nikolićevom shvatanju tradicionalnih etičkih normi, Vukašin Pešić, izučavajući patrijar-
halni moral Crnogoraca, iznosi jednu uopštenu definiciju morala kao jedinstvene pojave, označava-
jući ga kao “sistem etičkog mišljenja i ponašanja, odnosno sistem vrlina”. Sledstveno tome, nemo-
ral je “skup mana”. /Vukašin Pešić, Patrijarhalni moral Crnogoraca. Unireks, Podgorica, 1996,
str.80./ Pešić, naime, razlikuje subjektivni (unutarnji, intimni) moral čovjekov i opšte moralne vri-
jednosti, “koje vaţe za ljudstvo u cjelini”, odnosno moral u pozitivnom smislu (vrlina, dobro, hu-
mane osobine čovjekove) i moral u negativnom smislu (amoral, zlo). “Svaki se moral kao sistem
sastoji iz sistema ovih vrijednosti. On je jasno došao do izraţaja u čojstvu i junaštvu kao
(posebnom) sistemu morala.” /Pešić, ibid., str.76./
98
„Pobjeda“, 20.08.2001.
99
„Duga“, 07.11.1998.
100
„Intervju“, 16.08.1985.
101
„Intervju“, 16.08.1985.
102
BAUK, 35mm, kolor, 400m – 14 minuta. Proizvodnja: Dunav film, 1974.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 245
103
OGLAV, 35mm, kolor, 297m – 11 minuta. Proizvodnja: Dunav film, 1977.
104
ČUDO NEVIĐENO, 35mm, kolor, 2516m Proizvodnja: Zeta film, Budva / Centar film,
Beograd – 1984.
105
SMRT GOSPODINA GOLUŢE, 35mm, kolor, 2423m. Proizvodnja: Avala film, Beograd /
Avala pro film, Beograd /Slovenska filmowa tvorba Koliba, Bratislava / Kemal i partner, Salcburg
– 1982.
106
ISKUŠAVANJE ĐAVOLA, 35mm, kolor, 3530m. Proizvodnja: Zeta film, Budva / Beograd
Film, Beograd / Aria films, Pariz – 1989.
107
Stoga, po Nikoliću, kovanica čovek, kako to gordo zvuči [ renesansna idiosinkrazija, prelomlje-
na kroz prizmu socrealističkog kazana i kulta ličnosti ] “jeste u stvari jedna patetika koja danas, re-
cimo, u ovom i ovakvom vremenu zvuči komično.” /„Intervju“, 06.01.1989./
108
„Intervju“, 06.01.1989.
109
„Danas“, 04.07.1986.
110
Upravo je takav bio i sâm Nikolić /buniti se, znači živjeti!/. Marinović, meĎutim, u njemu, čini
se s pravom, prepoznaje tihog pobunjenika, ali istovremeno beskompromisnog i oštrog.
111
Stoga se, po Nikoliću, čovjek veoma često naĎe u situaciji “da ne moţe jasno i precizno obrazlo-
ţiti: zašto je nešto napravio ovako a ne onako. [...] Kada analizira svoje vlastito djelo, čovjek ga
uvijek analizira iz perspektive svoga racia, što znači da u neku ruku isključuje udio iracionalnog u
samome djelu, a to je, htjeli mi to ili ne, ipak […] ono jedino što je u bîti, tačnije, nesvodivo na
običnu i svakodnevnu ljudsku riječ.” /„Sineast“ 71/72, 1986/1987./
112
„Pobjeda“, 20.08.2001.
246 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
interesima i htjenjima, što uzrokuje nova rješenja koja nikada ne idu dalje od
opsjene. “Samo se oblik i uloga mijenjaju. Učini nam se u trenutku – a istorijski
trenutak je dug – da je to otkride, neki pravi način života, a onda shvatimo da
suštinski odnos roba i robovlasnika nije izmijenjen.”113
Stoga su upravo kriza morala i u njenom središtu model čovjeka manipu-
lanta ili interesne grupe manipulanata, čest tematski okvir Nikolidevih filmova.
Kao egzemplaran u tom pogledu on izdvaja lik jednog od mnogih oriđinala iz nje-
govih filmova, Žorža iz Lepote Poroka, predstavnika moralne tiranije mediokrite-
ta.114 “Osrednjaci, koji su u vedini, teže da svedu na svoj nivo one sa izraženom
individualnošdu - moralnim kvalitetima i da sve poravnaju i pretvore u konfek-
ciju moralnog mišljenja i djelanja.”115 Kriza morala je, po Nikolidu, opasnija, pa
čak i pogubnija od političke ili ekonomske krize: “Šta redi kad amoralnost polako
pretvaramo u sposobnost. [...] U mom kraju neko, ko nikada nije odgovarao,
podigao je hidrocentralu na mjestu gdje nema vode. Niko nikada nije postavio
pitanje ko je mogao da napravi takav spomenik ljudskoj gluposti.”116 Na kraju je,
da apsurd bude još vedi, upravo Nikolid bio najodgovorniji zato što je o svemu
tome napravio film.117
Pitanje moralnosti se, po Milomiru Marinovidu, kao crvena nit provlači
kroz život Nikolidevih junaka. “Moral je pri tom obostrano prikazan i kao duhov-
ni skelet koji njegove junake drži uspravnim i daje im mogudnost da se uopšte
kredu ali i kao čvrsti konopci u nekom grand-marionetskom pozorištu koji to kre-
tanje i uspravno držanje samo u jednom, ponekad isključivo tragičnom pravcu
vode.”118
No, Nikolideva poetska faktura konačno je nezamisliva bez surove ljepote
crnogorskog kamena koji je u njoj višestruko i višeznačno prisutan. Njegova
opsjednutost mitskom prošlošdu Crne Gore, moralnim predilekcijama, običajima
i obredima, ritualnim inicijacijama, kojima se u teatru sazdanom od kamena pri-
113
„Intervju“, 16.08.1985.
114
“Kad kaţe: „Ti si moj kum, ja ću tebi sve srediti!‟ ”, on manipuliše, koristeći vjeru svoga kuma u
moralnost, običaj, odanost […]. Ta svojevrsna žoržijada kojoj se teško oduprijeti, danas je sve
prisutnija. I, što je najzanimljivije, mi više za takvog čovjeka ne kaţemo da je nečastan, nepošten,
nemoralan, već – sposoban čovjek!?” / „Borba“, 06.10.1987./ Tako čovjek, po Nikoliću, luta izgub-
ljen izmeĎu ta dva svijeta, dva moralna stava koji su u oštrom sukobu, jer jednom pripadaju oni
koji ţele lagodan ţivot po svaku cijenu /takav je upravo je Ţorţ/, a drugom oni koji preţivljavaju
dramu ţivota zbog vjere u moralno poštenje.
115
„Borba“, 06.10.1987.
116
„Politika Ekspres“, 14.11.1988.
117
IzgraĎeno je i postavljeno sve što je bilo potrebno: brana, tuneli, turbine. Trebalo je samo sveča-
no otvoriti. “Kad su vidjeli da tu uopšte nema vode, razišli su se, a hidrocentrala je ostala kao biljeg
ljudske gluposti. Ti isti ljudi su se onda brţe-bolje okupili na partijskom sastanku da vide šta sam to
snimio oko hidrocentrale. Ţestoko su me napali, ali se našao neko priseban da ih upita, 'pa ljudi, je'l
on napravio tu hidrocentralu, ili je samo snimio?!‟ ” /„Blic“, 08.03.1997./
118
Milomir Marinović: Tihi pobunjenik. Iz kataloga sačinjenog povodom retrospektive Nikolićevih
filmova odrţanoj u Prijepolju 1989. godine.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 247
kazuje drama pojedinca, duh i postojanost kamenštaka, njihov tegoban život i ti-
njajuda nada, slutnja smrti, riječju, efemernost naspram vječnosti, čini suštinsko
obilježje Nikolidevog poimanja filozofije života. I upravo se u tom njegovom
odnosu prema tradicionalnom nalazi jedan od ključeva za tumačenje filozofskog
i etičko-deontološkog aspekta njegove ukupne poetike. Dodajmo tome i njegove
crnohumorne priče o ljudima sa margina života, ispunjene apsurdnim situacija-
ma, kafkijanskom atmosferom, proročanskim i metafizičkim, tragičnim ljudskim
sudbinama, preplitanjem stvarnog i fantazmagoričnog, sujevjerjem i predrasu-
dama.
Opšta literatura:
Filmološka literatura:
Clifton, N. Roy: The Figure in Film. An Ontario Film Institute Book, 1983.
Dakovid, Nevena: Istinite laži, u: Dokumentarni film /studije, polemike, ogledi,
razgovori/. Milan Kneževi, red., Beograd, 1998.
Deuzlin, Norman: Images at Postmodern Society: Social Theory and
Contemporary Cinema. Sage publications, London,1991.
Dokumentarni film /studije, polemike, ogledi, razgovori/. Milan Kneževid, red.,
Beograd, 1998.
Ebervejn, Robert: Vodič kroz teoriju i kritiku filma. Filmske sveske 1/2, 1985.
Filmska enciklopedija. JLZ “Miroslav Krleža”, Zagreb, 1990.
Hendrikovski, Marek: Umetnost kratkog filma. Beograd, Clio, 2004.
Kalafatovid, Bogdan, red.: Politika autora. Institut za film, Beograd, 1981.
Lafe, Alber: Logika filma. Institut za film, Beograd, 1971.
Maccan, Richard Dyer, ed.: A Montage of Theories. Dutton, New York, 1966.
Mac Dougall, David: Prospects of the Ethnographic Film, in: Movies and
Methods, Bill Nichols, ed. Universuty of California Press, Berkeley and Los
Angeles, California, 1976.
Mast, Gerald, Marshall Cohen, eds.: Film Theory and Criticism. Oxford University
Press, New York, 1974.
Mec, Kristijan: Ogledi o značenju filma. Institut za film, Beograd, 1973.
Monaco, James: How to Read a Film: The Art, Technology, Language, History
and Theory of Film and Media. Oxford University Press, New York, 1979.
Moren, Edgar: Film ili čovek iz mašte. Institut za film, Beograd, 1967.
Nichols, Bill, ed.:Movies and Methods. California UP, 1976.
Peters, M. Jan: Slikovni znaci i jezik filma. Institut za film, Beograd,1987.
Rasprava o filmskoj režiji, Radoslav Lazid, red. JU FILM DANAS / KULTURA, 1991.
Stojanovid, Dušan, red.: Teorija žanra. Institut za film, Beograd, 1987.
Vilemen, Pol: O problemu žanra. Filmske sveske broj 2, prolede, 1986.
Volen, Piter: Znaci i značenje u filmu. Institut za film, Beograd, 1972.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 249
UDK 811.111(73).09-2
Nataša Bakid-Mirid
Medicinski fakultet Univerziteta u Nišu
Abstract: Effective health care delivery is dependent upon clear communication. Clear
communication is, still and all, an essential element in every field of health care between
all individuals who are involved: patients, pharmacists, physicians, nurses, and other
health care professionals. Nevertheless, when the participants in the health care setting
come from diverse cultural backgrounds, communication between health care providers
and patients can become unclear, the entire medical treatment process problematic, and
clear communication hindered.This paper will present why is introduction of the
intercultural communication concept at the University of Niš Medical School during
mandatory English language classes important for the future health care providers, and
how it evolves students into culturally competent communicators at the same time
reinforcing their comprehension of what happens when intercultural contacts and
interaction take place.
Key Words: intercultural communication, health care delivery, English language classes,
students, pharmacy, nursing.
all individuals involved: patients, physicians, pharmacists, and other health care
professionals. If, in any way, communication between health care providers and
patients is not clear, the entire medical treatment process can be problematic
and clear communication may be hindered when the participants come from
diverse cultural backgrounds. Thus, it is exactly the health care provider who is
responsible for communicating effectively with people from diverse cultural
backgrounds whereas a fundamental understanding of culture and
communication is a prerequisite for everyone involved in the health care
profession because it utilizes increasingly sophisticated, contextually appropriate
communication behaviors to engage with patients in complex intercultural
interactions. Moreover, theoretical and practical knowledge about intercultural
communication enables health care providers to learn how to coexist peacefully
with those who do not necessarily share their own life style or values that are
essential to guarantee successful intercultural communication. (Samovar and
authors 2007; Cooper and authors 2007; Gwyn 2007; Bakid-Mirid 2012)
119
Generally speaking, cultural and linguistic competence is a set of congruent behaviors,
knowledge, attitudes, and policies that come together in a system, organization, or among
professionals that enables effective work in cross-cultural situations. “Culture” refers to
integrated patterns of human behavior that include the language, thoughts, actions, customs,
beliefs, and institutions of racial, ethnic, social, or religious groups. “Competence”, on the other
hand, implies the capacity to function effectively as an individual or an organization within the
context of the cultural beliefs, practices, and needs presented by patients and their communities.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 255
example, the use of words such as rhinitis rather than hay fever, anosmia
instead of loss of smell and dementia rather than memory loss can be rather
confusing not only to native speakers of English, but to speakers of many other
languages. Again, this is to prove that their ability to communicate clearly and
effectively with patients impacts patient care and the patient’s perception of
care. Also, the possibility of miscommunication can increase when the health
care provider and patient speak different first languages. Idioms and frames of
reference can carry shades of meaning in one language that may not exist in
another. Mispronunciation or incorrect signing can also be misleading to both
the provider and/or patient.
Students are also made aware that an intercultural speaker apart from
cultural and linguistic awareness needs to learn skills, attitudes and values
involved in the process of intercultural communication such as cultural
understanding, cultural sensitivity and cultural competence especially, which
are all crucial to understand intercultural human relationships (Samovar and
authors 2007; Cooper and authors 2007; Ting-Toomey and Chung 2005; Lustig
and Koester 2006; Hofsteede 2002; Luckmann 2000). Still, when applied in
health care setting, competence must include and appropriate mix of the
following attributes (Samovar and authors 2007, 352):
1. A culturally diverse staff that reflects the cultures served.
2. Providers or interpreters who speak the patients’ language(s).
3. Training for health care providers about the culture and language of
the people they serve.
4. Signage and instructional literature in the patients’ language(s) and
consistent with their cultural norms.
5. Culturally specific health care settings.
In other words, healthcare providers must take a proactive stance and
develop sensitivity to the role culture plays in health care. It is essential,
therefore, that students not only learn about other cultures but, what is even
more important, know their own culture so that they can realize how it affects
their ability to look at, understand and appreciate other people for what they
are regardless of their cultural and ethnic background that will for sure enhance
their ability to communicate with patients from other cultures, and by all means
increase their intercultural competence. As a result, the students are drilled to
challenge themselves and simultaneously examine their own cultural biases (if
any) as they learn about cultures and patients from another culture in played-
out critical incidents of clinical (Example 1.) or OTC (Over the Counter)
encounters (Example 2.).
There are 5 questions in this quiz, and each question has one correct answer.
Students have only 1 minute for each question. At the end of the quiz, they
receive feedback from the teacher. If students experience any problems, they
are allowed to read the dialogue again.
Helping a Patient
Patient: Nurse, I think I might have a fever. It's so cold in here!
Nurse: Here, let me check your forehead.
Patient: What do you think?
Nurse: Your temperature seems raised. Let me get a thermometer to
check.
Patient: How do I raise my bed? I can't find the controls.
Nurse: Here you are. Is that better?
Patient: Could I have another pillow?
Nurse: Certainly, Here you are. Is there anything else I can do for you?
Patient: No, thank you.
Nurse: OK, I'll be right back with the thermometer.
Patient: Oh, just a moment. Can you bring me another bottle of water,
too?
Nurse: Certainly, I'll be back in a moment.
Key Vocabulary
fever
to check someone's forehead
raised temperature
thermometer
to raise / lower the bed
controls
pillow
Critical incident
Scenario: Ms. Chung is obviously distressed. She has just learned that she has
skin cancer.
The pharmacist steps from behind the counter and motions Ms. Chung to a more
private area. Ms. Chung indicates that the doctor was confusing when she talked about
the possible side effects of the medication.
258 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
The pharmacist goes over the possible side effects and explains what she should
do if they occur. The pharmacist observes that Ms. Chung looks confused. So, he stops
and asks her if she understands. She says she does. Even though she replies that she
understands, he provides a more thorough, detailed explanation. After this explanation,
Ms. Chung‘s facial expressions reveal that she understands.
At one point during the conversation, the pharmacist placed his hand on Ms.
Chung ‘s hand, looked into her eyes and said in a definitive tone, I want to help you
through this.
The pharmacist makes sure that his body movements and facial expressions are
congruent with his words. That is, when he says he is concerned he looks concerned.
During the conversation, the pharmacist varies his tone, rate and volume. For
example, the pharmacist noticed that Ms. Chung tended to whisper the word cancer.
Therefore, he also lowered his voice whenever he used the word. The pharmacist used a
soft, calm and even tone throughout the conversation as a means of comfort. (Bakid-
Mirid 2007, 141)
When the incident is acted out, the following questions are inferred: Was
the approach of the pharmacist proper? Was the approach too personal? How
did the pharmacist explain to Ms. Chung how to conduct the therapy? Did the
pharmacist monitor nonverbal signs? What were they? Was the placement of
his hand on Ms. Chung’s hand appropriate? How much emotion was involved?
Did he/she overdo with nonverbal expressions? Were his/her nonverbal
expressions congruent with his verbal ones? What about his voice patterns?
What intercultural lore has the pharmacist overlooked? In turn, the whole class
discusses and compares observations from intercultural communication vistas.
Finally, by the end of the compulsory English language course, students
should be able to understand the concept of intercultural communication as it
applies to medical/pharmaceutical care in culturally diverse populations,
understand how culture works to create differences in disease explanations,
and understand how culture molds beliefs about medical/pharmaceutical
treatment. Moreover, students should be able to realize the foundation of
intercultural competence: curiosity and openness, empathy, readiness to
suspend disbelief about other cultures and belief about one’s own. This means
not taking one’s own values, beliefs and behaviors for granted, avoid assuming
that they are the only possible and naturally correct ones and be able to see
how they might look from an outsider’s perspective who has different set of
values, beliefs and behaviors by showing the ability to de-center and think
outside the box. Finally, the future pharmacist, nurse and/or doctor should
realize that the knowledge of intercultural patient care has the potential to
improve communication between the health care provider and the patient,
increase patient satisfaction with the provider during the encounter, increase
patient cooperation with drug therapy plans, improve the quality of care and
enhance patient health.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 259
Conclusion
Bibliography:
UDK 811.111(73).09-2
Abstract: This paper presents the ways in which our conception of Standard Written
English can be challenged due to the increasing influx of non-native English speakers,
and the effects of globalization on Composition studies. My main line of inquiry will be
how the field of Rhetoric and Composition has responded, or eventually can respond to
the following research problem: How should participants in college Composition classes
handle the tension between the narrow and stable conception of Standard Written
English, and the increasing global diversification of the English language? Cameron
argues that the global spread of English has had a two-fold impact: It promoted English
language teaching globally, and influenced what is perceived as the ideal way of
communicating in one‟s native language (67). Consequently, my research problem arises
as a response to the increasing trend of the presence of the writers who speak English as a
second language (ESL) in the Composition classroom.
Globalization connects and disconnects the differences at the same time. Still,
Schneider explains that two seemingly contradictory perspectives we see still
have one attitudinal feature in common: They both look at English in an
idealized, homogeneous, standardized form (233). The conflux of influences
happens because globalization can be regarded as a force for the recombination
and redistribution of populations, while English can be seen a link between
differences. For example, English is the link between native English students and
non-native English students or teachers in the classroom. The question, of
course, is what the outcome of redistribution will be, and this may well be
determined by the versions of English that retain power.
English diversifies globally and challenges the standard norms of Written
English. Jenkins argues that English pluralization into various Englishes has
problematized treatment of any one set of conventions as posing a universal
definition of English (142). Because of the fact that globalization poses new
challenges to us, the paper pinpoints the need for colleges to reconsider the
implications of their institutional practices for students who come from various
ethnic, cultural, and linguistic backgrounds. This need is necessary due to
demographic and cultural shifts currently happening. Consequently, it is upon
the institutions to increase diversity-related awareness. Teachers will foster
better Composition education for students through the development of a
definition of the norms of Standard Written English which accounts for the
increasing globalization of the language. In order to address this research
problem, I relate to my own unique position as a non-native English speaker,
and the international graduate student who teaches first year Composition in a
U.S. English department.
The origin of the academic division between the two interrelated fields
And yet, even if we place ESL students into mainstream classes, we still
need to be careful about possible problems. Silva remarks that the unreflective
adoption of mainstream Composition materials may seriously disadvantage ESL
writers by assuming knowledge they do not possess (155). Because of the
complexity of the matter, various different factors need to be taken into
account. We cannot assume that the mere inclusion of the ESL learners into the
mainstream Composition classes resolves the problem on how ESL students
actually learn to write, and which norms they are to comply with. For example,
Silva says that ESL writers’ rhetorical differences may be manifestations of their
cultural backgrounds rather than cognitive or educational deficiencies (155).
Students’ errors can be attributed to differences in culture. If the students are
put in the mainstream Composition classroom without adequate methodology,
the effect may be counter-productive. The question of the standard norm
becomes debatable again. If we ask them to comply with the norm, we actually
ask them to silence. Lu stresses ESL students are forced to silence themselves
instead of speaking aloud: “Speakers lacking the legitimate competence are de
facto excluded from the social domains in which this competence is required, or
are condemned to silence” (438). They are told to imitate the ideal model,
which obviously some cannot.
People from all strata of the world are living under exponential pressure
to use English, and use it only with the kind of “demeanors” – accent,
lexicon, grammar, rhythm, pitch – that appeal to the few with the
cultural, political, and economic capital to dispense “job and educational
opportunities. (607)
language emphasis has been shifted in accordance to the broad world picture –
to produce the pure and ideal version of the language.
Instead of focusing on what we can do with the language, we concentrate
on asking the students to comply with the norms. Lu and Horner explain that
even students’ desires are to become more marketable by acquiring commodified
skills in producing Standard Written English (148). The Composition classroom
cannot be a site where a particular, standardized variety of English continues to
be reproduced because there are multi-cultural learners. We need to embrace a
radical shift from the static policy of mono-lingualism to an explicit policy that
embraces multilingual, cross-language and cultural varieties as the norm for our
teaching and research. This change in attitudes is time-consuming. But the field
of Rhetoric and Composition is at the forefront of that change because we work
with a huge majority of the college students.
Although international variations of English tended to be presented as
inferior compared to the native English, language variations still perform an
active role. It is primarily because of the language users who shape the
language. In his discussion of Englishes, Schneider argues that there have been
tendencies to regard and portray native English countries as the “centers” thus
entitled to establish the norms of correctness. Conversely,“New Englishes” were
presented as peripheral, deviating from these norms. Schneider says that
present day English as a predominant means of communication is being
appropriated by local speakers, diversifying and developing new dialects called
New Englishes (233). New Englishes are the logical result of communication and
contact between various speakers.
In the teaching process, we want to connect rather than disconnect the
differences via English. The differences are perpetuated by the ways in which
we employ the native and non-native labels that have separated diverse
students for a long time. Moreover, the labels change the ways in which we can
regard the current trends happening. For example, Lu says that we need to use
English as a way to connect or reconnect, rather than separate: “To use English
to blur the border protecting the division and hierarchy of competing languages,
Englishes and its discourses, borders that are actually patrolled by labels such as
foreign vs. native” (27). In one way – to bridge the differences that look difficult
to bridge. Users of Englishes erase the difference between foreign and native.
The labels like foreign and native have done a great harm to the students who
start learning the language across the globe. The difficulties arise because
students are taught to imitate the imposed standard model. For example, Lu
says that in the teaching process the students are taught to imitate the standard
written norms of English in order to imitate “native”: “The pressure to acquire
and use English is increasingly becoming a lived reality for peoples stratified by
labels such as native-speaking, educated, developed countries, or democracy
and their others” (20). Since there has been an imposed norm to write properly,
Folia linguistica et litteraria 267
it is incumbent upon the teachers to change the ways in which they treat the
norms of the Standard Written language.
The line between the native and non-native English becomes blurred, so
too does the line between second-language writing, and Composition
pedagogies. Additionally, Kachru reminds us that most users of English are in
fact non-native speakers of English (242). Lines and labels that separate the
speakers evaporate in the current environment. However, Chiad and Schmida
conclude that “categories like ESL, bilingual, and linguistic minority do indeed
serve to delineate some students, but these categories are inadequate when it
comes to capturing the literacy journey of students whose lived realities often
waver between cultural and linguistic borderlands” (94). We cannot use the
labels to assess students’ individual language performance. The labels align
students with complex cultural and linguistic realities they belong to, or they are
supposed to belong to. In that way, labels stigmatize students. Students can be
presented as being superior or subordinate to other students present in the
classroom. Spack has noted that the terms like foreign, international, and Other,
used to identify ESL students, assume specific socio-cultural identities for the
students and their languages and posit English, and English speakers, as “the
norm against which the other, the different is measured” (766). The categories
that have long separated the students have dominated the ways non-English
students are represented. Also, the categories influenced how the programs
were institutionalized in both ESL and mainstream Composition classes.
The labels that tended to separate the students cannot be divorced from
power relations in the classroom. Since the structure of the classroom has been
changing almost on a daily basis while constantly adapting to the emerging
needs of students, we can say that power relations played out are dynamic.
Cameron further argues that power relations are influenced by politics and
international relations of power, which construct discourses about which
language should be the model to emulate for effective communication (199).
We see that the question of the norms is a political issue. A teacher’s open and
tolerant attitude can largely influence how to negotiate the underlying power
relations in the classroom. The ways in which we treat differences in writing can
speak as well how we address the underlying power relations. Similarly, Purves
tries to explain the reasons why ESL students have different rhetorical patterns
from their native English counterparts, and how ESL students view what
Standard Written English is. His results show that “the fact that the
compositions come from good students suggests that these students have
learned and are applying the norms of their rhetorical community” (12). The
students tend to relate to the norms of their native communities.
If we require the students to comply with the standard norms of the
language, Composition may turn into colonization. At a certain point, instruction
in Composition becomes colonization:
268 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
Power relations are at played out in the classroom among the participants
because we require our students to share and reproduce in their writing
Western world view. Also, power relations call us to shift our pedagogy
emphasis in order to de-territorialize the institutional practices.
We want to use the classroom territory to de-territorialize ourselves and
our students. In this context, the resolution we want to adopt encompasses a
whole range of the social background the students bring into the classroom. By
the same token, Purves says that in demanding that ESL students write Standard
Written English, and use a deductive, linear argument, we are asking them to
situate themselves within a particular sociopolitical context (10). Moreover, we
respond to their writing according to how accurately they are able to do so. As
we see, the U.S. Composition classroom does reflect the ongoing political
implications of the English diffusion globally.
The current classroom does make us reconsider what we want to think
about the standard norms. Bourdieu observes that linguistic competency is a
political judgment about legitimacy (28). However, speakers lacking legitimate
competence are excluded from the social domains in which this competence is
required, or are condemned to silence. It is incumbent upon the teachers to be
aware of the ways in which position the students in the classroom. It means that
we want to evade positioning the social in monolithic terms, but always through
pluralistic and heterogeneous perspectives. We need the classroom in which, as
Pratt observes, “cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in
contexts of highly asymmetrical relations of power” (34). It is the classroom that
actively engages in the clash of cultures. Significant as cultural perception is, we
cannot align a-historical, fixed and simplistic definitions with it.
The model of the “division of labor” discussed above that clearly classified
the native and the non-native students has been changing the ways in which we
view ESL students. Matsuda further explains that during the 1990s, Composition
teachers considered themselves as first language composition teachers by
default regardless of the fact that international students were constantly finding
their way into mainstream Composition classrooms (15). Teachers assumed the
reality is homogeneous. Matsuda calls the labels “inaccurate.” I would call them
vague or even imprecise due to the fact that the structure of the current
American Composition classroom can serve me as the foundation to test the
validity of divisions and labels. The “CCCC Statement on Second Language
Writing and Writers” from January 2001, revised November 2009, officially
confirms the fact that ESL students are part and parcel of the mainstream
Folia linguistica et litteraria 269
Future directions
Many disciplinary shifts have been made, and many are still being made.
The integration of ESL students has arisen as a reaction to pedagogical concerns
of the time. Matsuda explains that second language writing issues are much
better suited in broader programs or departments, such as Composition studies,
or applied linguistics (15). Instead of placing second-language issues in specially
designed programs per se, the field can benefit more if seen as a symbiotic field.
We need to position the issues in various institutional contexts – to negotiate
the differences in theoretical, ideological, and methodological perspectives. We
cannot compartmentalize second-language writers and their issues in a separate
field. My understanding of the word symbiotic that pertains to my research
question encompasses different levels of integration: To integrate second-
language students and their linguistic issues with second-language teachers
teaching Composition classes within the English departments. And yet, the very
integration of the second-language students into the mainstream Composition
classes itself does not resolve the underlying issues still present in the
classroom. The model of division cannot be divorced from the tendencies to
270 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
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Folia linguistica et litteraria 273
UDK 811.111(73).09-2
Aleksandra Nikčevid-Batridevid
University of Montenegro
Susan S. Lanser, professor of English, Comparative Literature and Women‟s and Gender
Studies at Brandeis University is a scholar who has had a significant impact and has
motivated and inspired many others in the field of literary studies. Her scholarly interests
include European literature and culture, narrative theory and the novel, feminist theory,
women writers and women‟s studies, and the history of gender and sexuality. Within the
field of narrative theory, she is best known for her essay “Toward a Feminist
Narratology” (1986), the main initiative for advancing the project in which “she argued
for the mutually beneficial integration of narratology and feminism” and displayed “the
androcentric bias in the corpora upon which the classical models of narrative theory had
been founded.” Her books include The Narrative Act: Point of View in Prose Fiction and
Fictions of Authority: Women Writers and Narrative Voice.
She has also edited two volumes of work on eighteenth-century women writers and has
published essays on topics ranging the politics of color in Charlotte Perkins Gilman‟s
“The Yellow Wallpaper,” to the politics of incompetence as a subversive domestic
strategy to the “novel body politic” of the eighteenth-century. Her essay “Befriending the
Body: Female Intimacies as Class Acts” won the MLA‟s Crompton-Noll Award in 1999.
She is currently completing a book entitled The Sexuality of History that explores the
cultural significance of same-sex relations in early modern Europe and co-editing a
volume on feminist and queer narrative theory. Susan Lanser holds a PhD from the
University of Wisconsin and taught at Georgetown University and the University of
Maryland before joining the Brandeis faculty in 2001. A women‟s studies scholar,
teacher, and activist since the 1970s, she helped to found the women‟s studies program at
Georgetown, chaired the Brandeis program from 2001 to 2007, and served for ten years
on the editorial collective of the journal Feminist Studies. She was named a Distinguished
Scholar-Teacher at the University of Maryland and has received fellowships from the
Danforth Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the American Council of
Learned Societies, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Folger Institute, and
Harvard University‟s Radcliffe Institute. She currently serves on the executive council of
the International Society for the Study of Narrative.
S. L. Let me first note that except for the very basic and continuing
importance of Simone de Beauvoir’s Le Deuxième sexe, the influence of “French
feminism” is an academic influence restricted primarily to literature departments
and cultural studies programs. This does not deny its important challenges to
“Anglo-American” feminist thought. But there is a “French feminism” that is as
Folia linguistica et litteraria 279
empiricist as U.S. feminism is charged with being and that sets itself as well
against the feminisms of Cixous, Irigaray, Kristeva, and others – who also, of
course, cannot be lumped together as a unity. I would refer interested readers to
the important essay by the French historian Claire Moses, “Made in America:
‘French Feminism’ in the Academy,” that appeared first in the journal Feminist
Studies (Summer 1998) and has been widely translated and reprinted; it argues
persuasively for other “French feminisms,” with long histories, that are less
known outside of France.
A. N. B. What are the key issues that contemporary American feminists are
interested in?
S. L. I would say that the problem of life-work balance is perhaps the most
continuing issue for U.S. women and thus also for feminism. The emphasis on
individual(ist) solutions in the United States and the suspicion of government
intervention has made it very difficult within the U.S. to address the problems
faced by working women, and although young fathers today do much more than
their fathers did to share child-rearing and – to some degree – housework, the
burden still falls in most households on women whether they are married or
single parents. The Family Leave Act – hailed in the U.S. as a breakthrough –
merely provides for 12 weeks of unpaid leave for parents when a child enters the
family. Working families must find their own child care and must usually expend a
considerable amount of their income to pay for it. Because U.S. work life tends to
be excessive for both professional and working-class earners, and because part-
time careers are difficult to sustain in this society, women remain disadvantaged
in the workplace. While women have equal access to education and employment
in formal terms, the structures of power, whether in the academy, in the
government, or in business, remain heavily male-dominated. When we look at,
say, why there are still too few women in certain fields, we usually see not some
explicit discrimination but a subtler and more complex series of practices by
which white males tend more readily to accumulate assets that then enable other
assets: from the encouragement of professors to mentoring on the job to greater
credibility to not having to take off time for childbirth. The accumulation of
advantages and disadvantages that shapes these patterns has a heavy stake in
problems within the reproductive sphere.
corporate “greed” – which is arguably the issue of capitalism itself and not merely
of its excesses – is a rampant problem at the heart of the many inequalities that
structure American life and one that very few individuals and groups are willing to
address.
Academic feminism has its own issues, and I would identify three in
particular. First, the preservation of women‘s studies itself. While gender has been
integrated to some extent in all major academic fields within the U.S. academy,
and while it is no longer quite acceptable to refuse to take gender into account,
there is also a sense that we have moved “beyond” gender or at least beyond
women. The move from women’s studies to gender studies, for all its advantages
in encouraging us to theorize masculinity, to recognize the imbrication of male
and female in gender systems, and to challenge gender binaries, also risks the
illusion that there are no longer material problems and differences that can best
be addressed by studying women as such. Yet social problems from sex trafficking
to wage differences to literary characterization are deeply gendered, and will
arguably remain intractable unless we continue a commitment to justice for
women and girls as a primary feminist concern.
On the plus side, what the legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw calls
“intersectionality” has significantly advanced feminist theory and practice.
Crenshaw argues that multiple vectors (e.g., gender, race, ethnicity, class,
nationality, global position, age, ability, religion, language, historical moment)
interact to create (actual or perceived) social identities, positions, meanings, and
experiences. An intersectional analysis explores the locationally-specific practices
that together shape the subjectivities, opportunities, constraints and movements
of individuals by virtue of their (perceived) membership in specific groups.
Intersectional thinking has allowed us refine our theorizing to account for the
deep differences within both U.S. and global systems and practices and thus
better to address oppressions and privilege by pinpointing the barriers faced by
specific groups. Crenshaw’s work, for example, on the problem of immigrant
wives who suffer domestic violence has enabled the addressing of problems of
language, immigration status, cultural difference, and other particular
vulnerabilities that attach to immigrant survivors of domestic abuse.
If we move to the less pressing issues within feminist literary practice, I
would say that the major concerns are (a) maintaining the importance and value
both of studying women as women and of studying men and women together, in
both cases recognizing the intersectional differences I have been mentioning
rather than amalgamating all women or all men to universalized (and often de
facto white privileged-class) notions, and (b) continuing to expand our canon of
writings so that it incorporates the work of women around the globe rather than
only those writing in privileged countries and languages. The translation of works
in lesser-studied languages thus also remains a crucial feminist project.
Folia linguistica et litteraria 281
S. L. That is one way to think about feminist narratology and probably true
of the main stream. But at this moment, it’s worth considering the multiplicity of
feminist narratologies that intersection with other approaches from the psycho-
analytic to the cognitive. Not all feminist narrative theorists share my structuralist
bent.
girl in Sue Monk Kidd’s The Secret Life of Bees have to leave home and join an
independent community of African-American women even to have an
“adventure,” and how much such a narrative structure constitute an
appropriation of Black experience that continues the “mammy” traditions of the
Old South? I’ve also been asking us to explore ways to integrate narrative theory
into feminist scholarship across the disciplines. The “narrative turn” in humanist
studies has not been a “narratological turn,” and I believe that feminist scholars in
other fields could benefit from narrative analysis just as feminist narratologists
could benefit from studying non-literary narratives.
S. L. I would say that feminist practice both literary and material resembles
a kind of patchwork. But whether or not the pieces come together is a different
matter. Arguably, Warhol and Herndl’s language here is rather utopian: we all get
along, we all contribute to the whole. That stance might, however, constitute
what Biddy Martin once referred to as “premature unity.” Erasing our differences
may mean erasing possibilities for real change. I would welcome productive
tensions among those metaphoric pieces of the quilt.
284 Journal of Language and Literary Studies
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