Networks of Faith: Interpersonal Bonds and Recruitment to Cults and Sects

Author(s): Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge

Reviewed work(s):
Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 85, No. 6 (May, 1980), pp. 1376-1395
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2778383 .
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 Networksof Faith: Interpersonal
Bonds and
Recruitmentto Cultsand Sects'
RodneyStarkand WilliamSimsBainbridge
University
ofWashington

A longtradition in socialscienceexplainsrecruitment to religiouscults

and sectson thebasis ofa congruence betweentheideologyofa group
and the deprivationsof thosewho join. A morerecentapproachto
recruitment arguesthat interpersonal bonds betweenmembersand
potentialrecruitsare the essentialelement.In this paper we first
show that these are complementary, not competing,approaches.
Then, because the available evidentialbase forthe role of interper-
sonal bondsis limitedand qualitative,we presentquantitativedata
pertainingto threequite different radical religiousgroups.In each
case thereis overwhelming supportfor the crucialrole played by
socialnetworksin theformation and growthofsuchgroups.Next we
seek the boundariesof this phenomenon.Available studiessuggest
that not merelycult and sect recruitment, but commitment to con-
ventionalfaithsas well,is supportedby social networks.However,
networksdo not seem to play an importantrole in acceptanceof
mildlydeviantoccultbeliefs.Beliefin seances and tarotcards,for
example,seemsto spreadvia themassmediawithlittlemediationby
social networks.We discussthe implicationsof thesefindingsfora
theoryofcultand sect recruitment.

For decades,socialscientistshave paid modestbut steadyattentionto the

processby whichpersonsare recruitedinto exoticand unusualreligious
groups-thosecommonly designatedas sectsor cults.The resultis a cumu-
lative body of theorythat has been subjectedto a significantamountof
empiricaltesting.
This paper attemptsto synthesizebetterand to extendthis body of
knowledge.It beginsby tracingthe developmentof two competingbut
compatibleemphaseson thekey elementsin the recruitment process.The
olderof thesefocuseson the appeal of the ideologyof variouscults and
sectsand the needsof thosewho join them.It asks: What does thisfaith
promise,and to whomdo suchpromisesmostappeal? The morerecentline
of analysisputs interpersonal relationsat the centerof the recruitment
1A condensedversionof thispaper was read at the annual meetingsof the PacificSocio-
logicalAssociation,1979. We wish to thankJane Allen Piliavin (formerlyHardyck) and
Armand Mauss for data and advice. We also profitedfromthe thoughtfulcomments
made by two anonymousAJS reviewers.
?h)1980 by The Universityof Chicago. 0002-9602/80/8506-0005$01.65

1376 AJS Volume85 Number6

 Networksof Faith

process.It arguesthatfaithconstitutes conformity to thereligiousoutlook

ofone's intimates-thatmembership spreadsthroughsocialnetworks.
Firstwe reviewthelogicaland empiricalgroundsforacceptingbothlines
of analysisas necessaryto accountforrecruitment to cultsand sectsand
outlinehow theyfittogether.Subsequently, we give primaryattentionto
the role of social networks,showingthat interpersonal bonds betweena
religiousgroup'smembersand potentialrecruitsare essential.The reason
for this emphasisis the presentweaknessof the empiricalbasis forthe
networkcomponentof recruitment theories.To assess the role of inter-
personalbonds in recruiting members,we presentquantitativedata on
threeunusualreligiousgroups.
Havingevaluatedthesedata, we nextseektheboundariesofthenetwork
phenomenon. Firstwe attemptto see whetherit is uniqueto highlydeviant
religiousgroupsor whethersocialnetworks play a significant rolein under-
girdingevenhighlyconventional religiouscommitment. Next we assess the
importanceof interpersonal bonds foracceptanceof moderatelydeviant
supernatural beliefsthat are not anchoredin a deviantreligiousorganiza-
tion.That is, do networksplay any significant role in acceptanceof the
occult-are thosewhobelievein suchthingsas astrologyand flying saucers
morelikean audienceor morelikea sociallyintegrated subculture?
Finally,we reassesseach of theseissuesto pointtowarda morecompre-
hensiveexplanationofrecruitment to religiousmovements:
Elsewhere(Stark and Bainbridge1979)wehavedrawna sharpconceptual
distinction betweencultsand sects.Such a distinction is vital whenatten-
tionis givento theway in whichunusualor deviantreligiousgroupsform.
However,once sectsand cultsare goingoperationstheredo not appear to
be significant in how theygain membership.
differences Therefore,in this
paperwe willnot attemptto classifythe threegroupswe examineas cults
or sects.It is sufficient
thateach is an unusualgroupand thatmembership
in each is somewhatsociallystigmatizing.

DEPRIVATION-IDEOLOGICAL APPEAL

The long-established pointofviewon whypeoplejoin cultsand sectscom-

binesassessmentoftheparticularappealsoffered by a group'sideologywith
an analysisof thekindsofdeprivations forwhichthisideologyoffers relief
(Clark 1937; Linton 1943; Cohn 1957; Hobsbawm 1959; Wilson 1959;
Smelser1963; Glock and Stark 1965). Cults and sects,like otherdeviant
socialmovements, tendto recruitpeoplewitha grievance,peoplewhosuffer
fromsomevarietyofdeprivation.To understandwhoma particulargroup
recruits,it is necessaryto see to whomitsideologyoffers
themost.Although
it explainsmuch,thisline of analysiscan be carriedto extremes.And,by

1377
AmericanJournalof Sociology

the startof the 1960s,in combination withthe then-popular mass society

theories,it was carriedtoo far.
Mass societytheoriespostulatedthatmodernurbanlifewas inimicalto
human relations(Wirth1938, 1940; Kornhauser1959). While people in
earliertimeslived in intimaterelationsthat firmlybound them to the
moralorder,in modernurbansocietiespeoplewereadriftin a Durkheimian
sea of anomie.Lacking restraints,and seekingto belong,mass society
residentswereproneto respondimpulsively to propagandablitzesby social
movements suchas nazism,communism, or extremistreligiousmovements
whichoffereda pseudosenseof community(Brown 1943; Almond1954;
Arendt1958; Kornhauser1959).
Later,ofcourse,it was recognizedthatthisviewofurbanlifewas faulty.
Closerexaminations ofurbanlifefoundthatmanyand perhapsmostpeople
remaineddeeplyembeddedin primaryrelationships(Whyte 1943; Gans
1962a, 1962b;Lewis 1965). Also, studiesof the effects
of the mass media
discoveredthat theirmessagestypicallywere mediatedextensivelyby
social networksthrougha "two-stepflowof communications" (Lazersfeld
and Katz 1955).
As credibilityebbed for the notion that social movementsarouse a
followingby directideologicalappeals to atomizedmasses of people, it
becameobviousthatthedeprivation-ideological appeal explanationofcult
and sectrecruitment was incomplete.Grantedthatsomepeoplewillfinda
particularideologymoreappealingthanwill others.But what determines
whyonlysomeof theseideologicallysuitedpeople actuallyjoin a specific
group?

INTERPERSONAL BONDS

In the early 1960s,JohnLoflandand RodneyStark conducteda partici-

pant-observation study of the firstgroup of Americanmembersof the
Korean-basedcult of the ReverendSun MyungMoon-popularly known
today as the Moonies (Loflandand Stark 1965; Lofland 1966, 1977). A
closewatchon recruitment as it occurredrevealedtheessentialroleplayed
by interpersonalbondsbetweencultmembersand potentialrecruits.When
such bonds did not existand failedto develop,newcomersfailedto join.
Whensuchbondsdid existor develop(and whentheywerestrongerthan
bondsto otherswhoopposedtheindividual'srecruitment), peopledid join.
Indeed,personsweresometimes drawnby theirattachmentto groupmem-
bers to move into the Moonie communewhile still openly expressing
rejectionoftheMoon ideology.Acceptanceoftheideology,and thedecision
to becomefull-time cultists,oftencame onlyaftera longperiodof day-to-
day interactionwithcult members.Ratherthanbeingdrawnto thegroup
because of the appeal of its ideology,people weredrawnto the ideology

1378
 Networksof Faith

because of theirties to thegroup-"finalconversionwas comingto accept

theopinionsofone's friends"(Loflandand Stark1965,p. 871).2
This fieldstudyalso revealedthatrecruitment oftenmovedthroughpre-
existingsocialnetworks. The greatmajoritvofmembersofthecultat that
timehad been mutuallylinkedby long-standing relationships
priorto any
contactwithMoon's movement.In fact,onceMoon's missionary had made
herfirstAmericanconvert,all subsequentmembersweredrawnfromthis
firstrecruit'simmediatesocialnetworkuntilthegroupuprooteditselffrom
Eugene, Oregon,and moved to San Francisco.In San Franciscoit was
unableto growfora considerabletimebecauseits memberswerestrangers
lackingsocial tiesto potentialnewrecruits.Indeed,somenewrecruitscon-
tinuedto come out of the originalEugene network.Only when the cult
foundwaysto connectwithothernewcomers to San Franciscoand develop
seriousrelationships withthemdid recruitment resume.But in relyingon
befriending lonelynewcomers,the Moonies wereunable to growrapidly.
New membersdid not open new social networksthroughwhichthe cult
couldthenspread.Later in thispaperwe shallsee howmuchmoreeffective
is the Mormonapproach to recruitment, which producesrecruitswho
lead on to others.
Followingthe publicationof these findings,othersbegan to report
similarobservations. WhenBainbridgestudieda Sataniccult from1970to
1976,he foundthatinterpersonal bondsnot onlyplayedthecriticalrolein
recruitment assignedthemin the Loflandand Stark study,but also had
been essentialto the initialformationof the cult. This grouporiginated
withtwodefectors fromScientologywhoset up shopas psychotherapists in
London in 1963. To develop a clientele,the male memberof the couple
solicitedthroughhis upper-middle-class friendshipnetwork.Individual
therapysessionssoongave way to groupencounters. Participants'relations
2
Many readershave assumed that the Lofland-Starkfindingswerebased on observation
of only21 persons.However,thisfigurerefersonly to the total numberof active members
gainedby thecultby mid-1963.The data base includesalso a significant numberofpersons
who failed to join. A numberof these spent a substantialamount of time learningthe
Moonie messageand interactingwithmembers.It was possible,therefore, to obtain good
data upon them and to establish that they lacked one or more of the elementsin the
recruitmentmodel. Only with theirinclusiondoes the dependentvariable of the study
(recruitment)vary. It would be impossibleto test such a model on recruitsalone. HGw-
ever, a large numberof otherpersonswho ought to be in the data base made only one
fleetingvisit to the Moonies. It was not oftenpossible to learn much,if anything,about
them-often they came and went duringa time when no observerwas present.It was
obvious that some of themlacked elementspostulatedas necessaryforrecruitment. Some
were devout membersof anotherfaithwho leftas soon as they realized they had been
ensnaredto hear a religiousmessage. Othersthoughttheywere comingto pick up dates
having been invitedover "to our place" by femalemissionarieswho had not clarified
thesituation.In any event,theoriginalpaper shouldhave containeda numericalpresenta-
tion of the data in the fieldnotes; that would have clarifiedthe fact that severalhundred
cases were involved.

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AmericanJournalof Sociology

withone anotherbeganto takeon a depthand uniquenessfarbeyondtheir

relationswithothersoutsidethe therapygroup.Soon theywerespending
almost all their time in marathonsessions. This, of course, greatly
weakenedtheirtiesoutsidethegroup.The resultwas a "social implosion."
As ties withinthe groupstrengthened, externalties weakeneduntil the
groupsociallycollapsedinwardto engageexclusivelyin intragrouprela-
tions.It was in thisimplodednetworkthatthefirstreligiousideas beganto
grow.Soon thegroupleftfora remoteand unpopulatedstretchofbeachin
Mexico where,in total isolation,theyevolvedtheirnovel and exoticcult
doctrines.From Mexico, the group reenteredsocietyseekingto recruit
others.And,like the Moonies,theysucceededonlywiththosewithwhom
theyfirstdevelopedstrongpersonalties (Bainbridge1978).
From 1967 to 1971,thisSatanic cult wanderedover Europe and North
America,not stayinglongenoughin mostplaces to establishfirmconnec-
tionswithestablishedfriendship networks. The peoplerecruited werealmost
withoutexceptionsocial isolates,people whoseprimedeprivationwas pre-
ciselya lackofsocialties(cf.Phillips1967).Manyofthesepeopleapparently
suffered fromno otherseriousproblemsand were isolated social atoms
merelybecause theyweregeographically mobile.Severalwerestudentsin
universitiesor professionalschoolswhohad recentlylefthomeand had not
yet establisheda new set of social relationships.Otherswere recruited
whileon extendedworldtoursor whileattempting to set up residencein a
new land-Americansin France,forexample.Some recruitswereteenage
offspring of upper-class"jet-set" familieswho alternatedbetweentwo or
more residences,oftenin different countries,and were therefore low in
social attachmentsto peers. Bainbridgenoted that the crucial step in
joining was the developmentof strongsocial ties with membersand
arguedthat deprivationsand personalproblemswerefacilitating factors,
neithersufficient in themselves noralwaysnecessary.Theircontribution to
therecruitment processwas contingent upona varietyof conditionsin the
social environment and upontherecruitment strategiesof thecult.
Otherresearchalso has foundthatinterpersonal bondsplay an important
role in cult membership. Lynch (1977, 1980) foundsocial ties played an
important rolein providingconvertsforthe Churchof theSun, a new cult
movement in SouthernCalifornia.Indeed,he discoveredthatmembershad
virtuallyno social lifeapart fromcult activities,even thoughthiswas not
a communalgroupand membersdid not giveup theirregularjobs.
Several studieshave suggestedthat interpersonal bonds also play an
important rolein conversion to sects.Richardsonand Stewart(1977) found
social networkswerea criticalfactorin the JesusMovement.Supportive
quantitativefindings werereportedby Gaede (1976) in a studyof Menno-
nites,whichshowedthat interpersonal ties to other Mennonitesstrongly
influenced retention of theorthodoxtenetsof thatsect.

1380
 Networksof Faith

In 1966,BryanR. Roberts(1968) studiedtwosmallProtestantgroupsin

GuatemalaCity.At that timeless than5% of the Guatemalanpopulation
was Protestant,and thegroups'neighbors
treatedthemas strange,annoying
intrusionsin this overwhelminglyCatholiccountry.Priorto joining,the
membershad beenespeciallyweakin stablesocialties,comparedwiththeir
neighborswho remainedCatholic.Robertsreportedthattheact ofjoining
a Protestantgroupprovidedgratifyingrelationships,
and throughthemthe
membersacquiredand maintaineddeviantbeliefs.

CONVERGENCE

Acceptanceof the thesis that social relationsplay an essentialrole in

cult and sect recruitment does not implythat the deprivation-ideological
appeal thesiswas wrong.Indeed,recentresearchhas rejuvenatedinterest
in and supportforthisthesis(Balch and Taylor 1977;Anthonyet al. 1977;
Richardson and Stewart 1977; Lynch 1977, 1980). Moreover, when
Loflandand Stark firstintroducedthe interpersonal-bond componentin
recruitment theories,deprivationand ideologicalappeal componentswere
not onlyretainedbut givenconsiderablescope. Close observations of those
who did and thosewho did not convertaftera periodof exposureto the
Mooniesmadeit evidentthatpeopledid not join the cult unlesssomething
was bothering them.Loflandand Starkhypothesized thatpeoplemustexperi-
enceenduring and acutelyfelttensionsbeforetheywilljoin a cult.Those for
whomlifeis goingwellcontinueto do as theyhave done and are unlikely
to join. In addition,not everyoneis ideologically
suitedto join a cultor a
sect.Someminimalkindofideologicalpreparation orpredisposition is need-
ed. Hence,Loflandand Starkpostulatedthatpeoplewillnot join deviant
religious groupsunlesstheyaccepttheplausibility ofan activesupernatural.
Indeed,Moon'smissionary was so awareofthislack in somepotentialcan-
didatesforrecruitment thatshe sentthemto spiritualist meetingsin hopes
thattheretheywouldfindirrefutable proofoftheexistence ofan activespirit
world.She explainedthatoncepeoplecouldsee forthemselves theexistence
of "lowerspirits,"theywouldhave need of a doctrinethat could explain
this.Finally,manypeoplewhoacceptthesupernatural do notjoin cultsor
sectsbecause theypossessa satisfactory framework forthesebeliefsin an
establishedreligion.No matterwhatelse maybe requiredto producea cult
member,theprocessis greatlyfacilitatedifa personhas a problem,believes
in the possibilityof supernaturalinterpretations of that problem,and
essentiallyis unchurched(also see Catton 1957; Dohrman1958; De Santis
1927).
One importantqualification of thislineofargumentmustbe notedhere.
In our futureefforts to fashiona theoryof recruitment, we shall argue(as
Bainbridge[19781has alreadydone) that the importanceof deprivationis

1381
AmericanJournalof Sociology

variable.That is, deprivationwillbe of greatersignificance in the recruit-

mentprocessto the extentthat the societyin questionis hostiletoward
deviantreligiousgroupsand thusmakesit costlyto join one. In thedaysof
classicalpaganism,cultsand sectswerenot regardedas especiallydeviant
and it was not costly,in termsof social sanctions,to join one. At other
times-in medievalEurope,forexample-extremecosts wereincurredby
thosedetectedin cultor sect activities.We suggestthatthemorecostlyit
is to be religiously
deviant,thegreaterare thecountervailing pressures(or
deprivations)requiredto motivatejoining. However,in periods when
establishedfaithsare organizationallyweak and whenlittledisapprovalis
directedtoward novel religiousmovements,many people lacking any
noticeablyacute deprivationsmay well be attractedto cults and sects.
Indeed,one mightarguethatin somesectionsof the UnitedStates today
(e.g., SouthernCalifornia)the social environmentof radical religious
groupsis nearlyas benignas in pagan Rome.
There is nothingcontradictorybetweenthe deprivationand ideological
appeal line of analysisand that whichstressesthe importanceof social
networks.Both seem obvious requirements of any adequate theory.If
deprivationalone explainedrecruitment to cults and sects,millionsmore
people wouldbecomemembersthanactuallydo. Recruitsmustnot only
sufferrelevantdeprivationsand be open to a radical group'sideological
appeal; theymustalso be placed in a situationwheretheywill develop
socialbondswithexistingmembersofthecultor sect.
Untilnow,the available evidenceon the roleof interpersonal bondshas
been qualitativeand insufficient
to demonstrate theirimportance in deter-
miningwhichpotentialmemberswill,in fact,join. To remedythis defi-
ciency,the nextthreesectionsof thispaper presentquantitativedata on
threequitevariedunusualreligiousgroups.

THREE RELIGIOUS GROUPS

A DoomsdayGroup
In the early1960s,Hardyckand Braden (1962) studieda radicalreligious
group that retreatedinto underground sheltersto survivea prophesied
atomicArmageddon. As timepassed, a trickle
ofdefectorsbegan.But most
membersof the grouppersisteduntiltheyreceiveda new revelationthat
theyshouldcome out. God had been testingthem,and theyhad passed
the testwithflyingcolors.
Hardyckand Bradendid notattemptto explainrecruitment ordefection,
becausethesetopicswerebeyondthescopeoftheoriginalstudy.However,
duringa conversation withStark,Hardyck(now Piliavin) remarkedthat
the groupwas essentiallya large,extendedfamily.She consultedherfield
notesand identifiedeach of the 60 adult membersin termsof kinshipties

1382
 Networksof Faith

to thegroup'sleaderand hertwolieutenants.She computedthat45 out of

60 adults who went underground were membersof an extendedkinship
structurelinkingthemto the threeleaders.That is, 75% of the group
formeda singleand obvioussocial networkbased on kinship.And nearly
all the othermemberswerelongtimefriendsof thosein the kinshipnet-
work. Clearly, this group formedby spreadingalong well-established
interpersonal bonds.
In additionto furnishing us withthiskinshipcount,Hardyckgave us
table 1, whichoffersdramaticquantitativedata on the powerof inter-
personalbonds to shape religiousfaith.The obverse of recruitment is
defection.If social tiespull peopleintocultsand sects,it followsthat the
absenceof such tiesshouldinfluence defections.
In thiscase a veryunam-
biguousmeasureof defectionwas available: thosewho quit awaitingthe
holocaustand wentabove ground.All told, 18 of the 60 adult members
defectedin this fashion.Table 1 shows the percentagesof defectorsby
threedegreesofrelationship to thegroup'sleaders.
Amongmemberswhoweredirectkin of the leaders,only 14% quit. Of
thosewhowererelatedto kinoftheleaders,but not directlyto theleaders
(e.g.,in-laws),25% defected.But ofthosewhohad no relativesin thegroup,
two-thirds leftprematurely. For thosewho had to abandon theirfamilies
as well as theirfaith,defectionwas rare. But forthosewithoutfamilial
tiesto thegroup,defectionwas therule!
This doesnotsuggestthattheologyplayedno rolein therecruitment and
maintenanceof thisgroup.But it surelydoes suggestthatblood is thicker
thanattitudes.

Ananda: A MysticalCommune
Ananda, a rural communenear Nevada City, California,was studied
recentlyby Ted A. Nordquist(1978). It was foundedin 1967 by Swami
Kriyananda,an Americanwhohad beenbaptizedin theEpiscopalianfaith
as JamesDonald Walters.Whilelivingin Los Angeles,Waltersbecamea
followerof Swami ParamahansaYogananda, an Indian who attracteda

TABLE 1
KINSHIP BONDS AND DEFECTION FROM A DOOMSDAY CULT

Percent Total N
Who in Each
Degree of Kinship Defected Group

Related to cult leaders . .. .. ....... 14 29

Related to others,but not to leaders ... 25 16
Not relatedto anothergroup member... 67 15

SOURCE.-Data were given us by J. A. Hardyck.

1383
AmericanJournalof Sociology

followingin Californiaduringthe 1940s and 1950s. Having adopted an

Indian name, Kriyananda specialized in self-realization teaching and
gainedsufficient backingto opena commune,AnandaCooperativeVillage.
Nordquist(1978) administered a questionnaireto 28 Anandamembers.
A numberoftheitemsweremeantto disclosetheirsocialsituationspriorto
comingto thevillage.Overwhelmingly, theywerecharacterized by "social
withdrawalor introversion"prior to joining Ananda (Nordquist 1978,
p. 87). For example,82% reportedtheyneveror hardlyever attended
parties,socialgatherings,and thelike.
These findingsspeak to severalpoints about recruitment. First,these
people did not have social bonds that could have restrainedthem from
joininga cult. Second,suchpeoplewereveryopen to forming social bonds
withinthe Ananda group. Presumably,social isolationwas one of the
deprivationsthat caused these people to seek a religiousanswer.And,
indeed,whenasked by Nordquistwhat singlefactorwas mostimportant
in keepingthemin Ananda,61% chose "fellowship withotherdevotees,"
whilean additional25% chosetheirrelationship withSwamiKriyananda.
In expressing interpersonalbondsas the primefactorkeepingthemin the
cult,thesemembers noticeablyignoredthespecialqualitiesofthelife-style,
orideology.Nordquistnoted:"Undoubtedly,
thereligiousexercises, joining
Ananda providedthe individualwith companionshipunavailablein the
largesociety"(1978,p. 87).
These concernswithinterpersonal bondsalso showup clearlyin table 2.
Ananda membersweregivena list of 18 "instrumental values" developed
by Rokeach(1973). They wereasked to rankthesevalues in termsofper-
sonalpreferences. The table showsthetop sevenvalues in therankingsby
Anandamembers.For comparisonthe top sevenvalues in ratingsmade by
undergraduates at MichiganState University are shownon theleftof the

TABLE 2
ToP SEVEN CHOICES ON ROKEACH'S (1973) LIST OF
18 INSTRUMENTAL VALUES

Ranking
Ranking among
among Michigan
Ananda State
Michigan State Students Cultists Ananda Cultists Students

1. Honest........... 2 1. Loving........... 5
2. Responsible....... 8 2. Honest........... 1
3. Broadminded...... 7 3. Forgiving......... 11
4. Ambitious...... . 13 4. Helpful......... . 13
5. Loving........... 1 5. Cheerful .... ... . 14
6. Independent...... 10 6. Self-controlled ..... 8
7. Courageous....... 9 7. Broadminded...... 3

SOURCE.-Adapted fromNordquist (1978).

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 Networksof Faith

table. The differencesare clear and easily characterized.The Michigan

State studentsgave the highestratingsto values relatedto personalcom-
petency.In contrast,the Anandansgave the highestratingsto values
pertinentto stable interpersonalrelations.Over time manypersonswho
were preparedto accept mysticismdriftedthroughthe Ananda village.
Those whoremainedwerethosewhoformedinterpersonal ties.

The Mormons
The Churchof JesusChristof the Latter Day Saints is one of the oldest
and mostsuccessfulofnovelAmericanreligiousmovements. Indeed,in the
state of Utah, Mormonismis the dominantreligioustradition.However,
despitegrowthand success,thechurchremainsintenselyconversionist and
each year sends thousandsof youngmen on two-yearmissionaryforays
aroundtheworld(see table 3). Furthermore,in theareas wherethesemis-
sionariesworkand wherethe bulk of recruitsjoin, Mormonismremainsa
highlydeviantreligiousmovement.3
By now the Mormonshave been seekingrecruitsunderthese circum-
stancesforwellover100years.Theirmissionefforts are a modelofefficient
administrationbased on detailedrecordkeepingand thecarefulevaluation

TABLE 3
MORMON CHURCH GROWTH, 1900-1978

Numberof
Total Full-Time
Year Membership Missionaries

1900........... 268,331 796

1925........... 613,653 2,500
1947........... 1,016,170 4,132
1957........... 1,488,314 6,616
1967........... 2,614,340 13,147
1978........... 4,180,000 27,399

SOURCE.-Church News49 (January6, 1979): 5.

3Some mightarguethatMormonismno longerlaborsundera publicdefinition as a deviant

religion.Yet recentdata reportedby Gallup in 1977 showed that Americanswerefive
timesas proneto say theydislikedMormonsas theywereto indicatedislikeofMethodists,
Lutherans,and Presbyterians,and almost twice as likely to dislike Mormons as Jews.
It is trueenough that it is not deviant to be a Mormonin Utah. But it is also true that
one easily overhearsharsh stereotypesapplied to Mormons by non-Mormonsin Utah.
Indeed, the authorshave oftenheard professionalsociologistsin all parts of the country
freelyexpressdeeply held prejudicesagainst Mormons in remarksthat would have led
to scandal and ostracismhad theybeen directedagainst blacks or Jews. Furthermore, it
oughtto be keptin mindthatfewrecruitments to Mormonismtake place in Utah. Instead,
they occur in communitieswhereMormonsare a tiny minority.Recruitment,therefore,
takes place wheresubstantialstigmaattaches to Mormonismand wherepotentialrecruits
may encounterstrongpressuresfromfamilyand friendsnot to join.

1385
AmericanJournalof Sociology

of recruitment techniques.This wealthof experienceoffersdata virtually

ofthequalityofcarefully fieldexperiments.
controlled That is, theMormon
missionshave trieda varietyof methodsforgainingmembersand have
keptscrupulousaccountsof theresultsof each.
We were fortunateenoughto be providedthe data shownin table 4.
These statisticsare forall missionariesin tne state of Washingtonduring
theyear1976-77.We werereliablyinformed thatthesedata are typicalof
resultsreportedforotherstates as well as forforeignmissions.Whileno
frequencies wereavailable,competentsourcestold us that the numberof
cases in each cell was verylargeand thusthereare no groundsto suspect
any substantialamountofrandomfluctuation.
Mormonmissionariesseek recruitsthrougha varietyof means. The
churchhas longrecognizedthe immenseimportanceof social networksin
recruitment. Thereforetheyworkthroughsuch networkswheneverpos-
sible. Frequently,however,to fillthe timeof the manyavailable mission-
aries,approachesare made withlittle,if any, networksupport.Table 4
breaksdowncontactsbetweenMormonmissionaries and potentialrecruits
accordingto the degreeto whichtheyweremediatedor facilitatedby a
Mormonfriendor relative.The resultsofferdramatictestimonyforthe
role of interpersonal bonds. When Mormonmissionariesmerelygo from
doorto doorwithouttheaid ofsocial bonds,thesuccessrateis only0.1%.
At theotherextreme,ifa Mormonfriendor relativeprovideshis homeas
theplace wheremissionary contactoccurs,theodds ofsuccessreach50%.
Anotherwayoflookingat thesefindings is thatmissionaries do notserve

TABLE 4
INTERPERSONAL BONDS AND CONVERSION TO MORMONISM
(State of Washington,1976-77)

Percent
of All
Missionary
Contacts
That
Resultedin
Degree to Whicha MormonFriendor Relative Successful
Took Part in the Recruitment
Process Recruitment

None (door-to-doorcanvas by missionaries) ............ .1

Covert referral(name of Mormonwho suggested
contactis notused) .............................. 7
Overt referral(name of Mormonwho suggested
contactis used).................................. 8
Set up an appointmentwith missionaries .............. 34
Contact with missionariestook place in the home of
Mormonfriendor relative......................... 50

NOTE.-Entirelybycoincidence, in thistableadd up to approximately

thefigures
100%. That is notthecorrectway to readthem.Each figure reportsthepercentage
ofrecruitment attemptsin each categorywhich succeeded.

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 Networksof Faith

as the primaryinstrument of recruitment to the Mormonfaith.Instead,

recruitment is accomplished primarily by therankand fileofthechurchas
theyconstruct intimateinterpersonal tieswithnon-Mormons and thuslink
themintoa Mormonsocialnetwork.
Mormonleadersare acutelyawarethatthisis the case. In consequence,
theygiveconsiderable attentionto developingan explicitnetworkstrategy
amongrank-and-file members.All social scientistsinterestedin religious
recruitment could learnmuchfroma detailed,13-stepset of instructions
publishedin June1974 in the Ensign,an official churchmagazinewidely
circulatedamongmembers.Writtenby ErnestEberhard,presidentof the
Oregonmission,the articleconstitutesa practicalguide to enable church
membersto bringtheirfaithto theirneighborsand acquaintancesin order
to fulfill
thegoal thateach membershouldhelpbringone newpersoninto
the churcheach year.
The importantthingabout theinstructions is that theyare directedto-
wardbuildingclosepersonaltiesand at manypointsspecifically admonish
Mormonsto avoid or downplaydiscussionof religion.That is, fromexpe-
rience Mormonsratifythe point made by observationalstudies-that
interpersonal bondscomefirst,theologysubsequently, not thereverse.
The firststepin theinstructions advisesMormonshowto selecta family
forpotentialrecruitment. People who expressconcernsabout raisingtheir
childreneffectively in a modern,urbanenvironment mightbe a goodchoice
because of the centralityof strongfamiliesin Mormonism.Anotherideal
choicewouldbe a family"whohave just movedintotheneighborhood and
thushave no strongtiesof friendship in theneighborhood." Mormonsare
also candidlyadmonishedthat theirfriendship networkoughtto include
non-Mormons-"Don'tbe exclusive."
Step two discusses strategiesfor gettingacquainted. Mormons are
advised to be sure to learneach person'sname quickly,to be cheerful, to
be good listeners,to learn the interestsof the membersof the neighbor
familyand to focusinteraction on them.And theyare advised,"Do some-
thingforeach person.Is he just movingintohis house?Offerto helphim,
do hislaundry.... Is he plantingor weedinghislawn?Get youredger.You
can learna lot workingside by side. Does a coupleneed a baby sitter?Be
available. Are you drivingyour childrento school?Offerto take theirs
also.... .
Step three discusses effectiveways to invite potential recruitsinto
Mormonhomes.Step fourconcernsarrangingto "go out together."Only
in step fivedoes religionenterthepicture,and thento defuseratherthan
ignitethe subject-"Step Five: Informthemyou are a Mormon." Con-
siderable discussionand many examples are providedhere to advise
membershow to indicatein a casual fashionthat theyare Mormons.One
suggestionis to referto a letterjust receivedfroma nephewwho is doing

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AmericanJournalof Sociology

his missionary stintin Texas; anotheris to mentionvolunteerworkat the

churchwelfarefarm,orto makesomeotherreference thatwillconveyto the
neighbortheinformation thatone is a Mormon.But emphasisis placed on
keepingthisa verylow-keyinformation exchange."Avoid deep subjects.
Deep subjectsor intensepersonalspiritualexperiences, suchas theconcept
of the threestagesof gloryor storiesinvolvingvisions,shouldnot be dis-
cussedat thisearlystage .... .
In stepsixit is suggestedthattheneighbor mightnowbe givensomething
to read in theway ofchurchpublications.But theseare not to be religious
tracts.Perhapsthe neighborhas expressed"a desireto stop smoking,"in
whichcase it mightbe appropriateto providea WordofWisdompamphlet
publishedby the churchon that subject. Or it mightbe appropriateto
providethe pamphlet"These Are the Mormons,"whichis designedto
providea popularaccountof Mormonsand theirfaith.Again,greatdis-
cretionis advised.
In step seven,Mormonsare encouragedto invitetheneighborfamilyto
attenda sessionofone ofthemostsignificant Mormoncustoms-thefamily
homeevening.Oncea weekeachpracticing Mormonfamily gathersinitsown
livingroom.Togethertheystudya churchlesson and, moreimportant,
considerand attemptto resolveany familyproblemsaccordingto pro-
ceduresinstitutedby the church.It is suggestedthat theneighborfamily
not be invitedto theregularfamilyevening(whichis usuallyon Monday)
whena doctrinaldiscussionordinarilyoccurs.Instead, the familyshould
set up a specialeveningfocusedalmostwhollyon familyproblemsolving
as a demonstration forthepotentialrecruitfamily.Again,religionis down-
played and social relationsare played up. "Show thema strongfamily."
"Be considerate.""Let themtellyou about theirfamily."Finally,"Avoid
churchquestions"-those involvingdoctrine."Instead, let the lesson or
discussiondemonstrate a sound,basic principleof need and value to the
familyor to youngpeople."
In steps eightand nine,the potentialrecruitsare exposedto Mormon
groups,but not to religiousservices.They are to be invitedto someof the
many church-sponsored clubs and activitiessuch as scouts,homemaking
sessions,and thelike.It is also suggestedthattheadultcouplebe invitedto
share a "fireside"-a regularinformaldiscussiongatheringheld in the
ward'ssocialcenter.Again,care is to be takenagainstprematureexposure
to too much religion:"Check to make sure that no deep discussionsor
'gospeldebates'are likelyto occur.The fireside committee willprobablybe
happy to make the firesideespeciallyappropriateforyour non-member
guest,ifyou give themtimeto coordinateit."
In step tentheneighborfamilyis invitedto a Sundayservice.Since the
unique and more sacred ritual aspects of Mormonismoccur only in a

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 Networksof Faith

regionaltemple,Sundayservicesare quite informaland wouldnot strike

personswitha Christianbackgroundas particularly unusual.
In stepeleventhememberis advisedit is nowtimeto givepersonaltesti-
monyto faith."Your testimony is the climax.Your previousefforts have
beenbuildingtowardsharingyourown testimony. Do not fearit: it won't
be difficult,
becauseby thetimethe[potentialrecruit] familyhas progressed
thisfartheywill be eager to hear yourpersonalfeelings... " However,
restraintis still the rule. "Do not includedeeplyspiritualexperiencesor
manifestations. They are yoursand are not fortouchingtenderspiritsthat
are just learningabout thegospel."
Step twelvecoversraisingthe possibilitythat the personoughtto in-
vestigateMormonism moredeeply.Suggestedlead-insare: "Have you ever
wonderedwhywe use theBook ofMormonin ourchurch?"or "If youknew
therewas a livingpropheton the earthtoday,wouldyou be interestedin
finding out ifhe is a trueprophet?"
If the firstattemptdoes not producea sufficiently interestedresponse,
theMormonis advisedto "tryagain. If theydon'twishto learnabout the
Churchnow,keep theirfriendship alive and preservethe opportunity for
teachingagain,so longas any interestremains."
Wheninterestis shown,thefinalstephas beenreached.It is nowtimeto
arrangeforthe missionaries "to teach themin yourhome."And the data
in table 4 showthatif thisstep is achieved,successfulrecruitment is the
resulthalfof the time.
If we can assumetheMormonsknowwhat theyare doing-and thefact
that theyare the most rapidlygrowing,large religiousmovementin the
UnitedStates suggeststheysurelydo-there seemscompellingreasonfor
sociologiststo accept the theorythat interpersonal bonds are the funda-
mentalsupportforrecruitment.

NETWORKS AND CONVENTIONAL FAITHS

We have seen a considerablyexpandedempiricalbasis forclaimingthat

interpersonalbondsplay a vital rolein recruitment of cultsand sects.We
nowseektheboundariesofthisphenomenon. Must recruitmentbe sustained
by social relationsonly in orderto shield the individualfromsanctions
againstdeviantbehavior,whileno suchshieldis necessaryforcommitment
to conventional faiths?Or is theroleof interpersonal
influencemuchmore
general-is all religionsustainedby socialnetworks?
We can onlybegintoassesstheboundarieshere.But a varietyof evidence
suggeststhatall faithsreston networkinfluences. In a forthcoming paper,
Kevin Welchassessestheroleofinterpersonal bondsin sustainingcormmit-
mentto orthodoxbeliefsamongmembersof mainlineChristiandenomi-

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AmericanJournalof Sociology

nationsin the United States. He has foundstrongpositivecorrelations

betweenvariousmeasuresof orthodoxyand the proportionof one's best
friendswhoare membersof one's ownreligiouscongregation or parish.He
has also foundthat the greaterthe numberof memberships in nonchurch
organizationsand clubs, the lower the orthodoxy.These relationships
remainstrongdespitecontrolsfor education,occupation,denomination,
and age. It wouldappear that even in such low-tension faithsas Episco-
palianismand Methodism,beliefis firmest amongthosewhosesocial net-
workand religiousaffiliation are coterminous.
Similarly,Stark'sstudyof the effectsof social contextsupon religious
experience(momentswhen the individualbelieveshe or she has had a
personalencounterwith thesupernatural)foundthat in Christiangroups
rangingfromthelowest-tension denominations to thehighest-tension
sects,
such experienceswerehighlyconcentratedamongthose who chose their
closestfriendsfromamongtheircoreligionists (Stark 1965).
SeveralrecentstudiesofthespreadoftheCharismaticmovement among
AmericanRoman Catholics also have found that interpersonalbonds
playeda quitesignificant role.Harrison(1974) foundthisamonga sample
of studentsat two Catholic universities,as did Heirich (1977) among
studentsand otheradultsin theAnnArborarea. The studyby Heirichis
especiallyinterestingbecausehe carefully assessedtherelativesignificance
of deprivation,prior socialization,and social influencein determining
recruitment. Whilehe feelsthatotherfactorsnotidentified by any ofthese
approachesmay also be important, his detailedanalysisshowsthat social
ties had a powerfuleffect."It is clear that membersof the movement,
whenrecruiting, turnto previousfriendsand to personstheymeetat daily
Mass. It is also clear that introduction to CatholicPentecostalism by a
trustedperson,together withpositiveinputsfromotherswhileexploring its
claimsproducesfairlypositiveoutcomes"(Heirich1977,p. 667).

NETWORKS AND THE OCCULT MILIEU

Recentlytherehas been a considerableresurgencein the popularityof

occult and pseudosciencebeliefsin the United States. In 1977 Gallup
reportedthat 27%0of Americansbelieve in astrology.Millionsof others
dailyconsulttheirbiorhythm chartsin thedailypress.Othersmeditateor
attendlecturesby a wholehostof travelingmystics.This constellation of
mildlydeviantsupernatural beliefsand activitieshas beenidentified
as the
occultmilieu,and specificinterestgroupswithinit constitutewhatwe have
called "audience cults" (Stark and Bainbridge1979). Some studentsof
cult recruitment suspect that participationin the occult milieuplays a
vital preparatoryroleleadingto membership in organizedcultmovements
(Wuthnow1976, 1978; Balch and Taylor 1977; Lynch 1977). Since these

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 Networksof Faith

beliefsare mildlydeviant,experimentation with themmay help to dis-

connectpeople fromconventionalreligiousaffiliations while preparing
themto considernovelreligiousdoctrines.
However,althoughconsiderableresearchhas been conductedon how
peopleare recruitedintocults,littleor nothingis knownabout howpeople
enterthe occult milieu.On the one hand, personsmay take up occult
interestsas a resultofmembership in a socialnetworkwheresuchinterests
prevail. If so, the occult can be characterizedas a true subculture-a
distinctiveset of culturalelementsthat flourishas the propertyof a dis-
tinctivesocial group. On the otherhand, occult interestsmay reflecta
muchmoresuperficial phenomenon.Participationin such interestscould
be morelikebeinga memberof a theateraudience-a transitory and rela-
tivelyprivateamusementthat is not supportedby significant social rela-
tions.If theformer is thecase,entryintotheoccultmilieuis quiteplausibly
interpreted as a significantsymptomofpotentialrecruitment to a deviant
religiousgroup.If thelatter,consumption ofoccultteachingsmay be little
morethana minorexerciseof idiosyncratic tastehavinglittlemeaningfor
futurereligiousactions.
Recentlywe conductedresearchon theimportance ofsocialnetworksfor
the acceptanceof occult doctrines(Bainbridgeand Stark,forthcoming).
Our sampleconsistedof424 pairs ofclosefriendsselectedfromthestudent
body of the Universityof Washington.All studentscompletedidentical
questionnaires; thusit was possibleto examinethe degreeof concordance
betweenmembersofpairson a wholerangeofattitudes,preferences, tastes,
and activities.
High concordances betweenfriendswerefoundon conventional religious
beliefsand practices;theywereespeciallyhighamongevangelicalProtes-
tants.That is, "bornagain" studentswereverylikelyto have "bornagain"
friendsand both membersof such pairs werelikelyto exhibithighlevels
of religiousness.But among persons of liberal Protestantbackgrounds
concordanceson religiouscommitment werelow.
Whenwe examinedconcordanceson a numberof occultitems(beliefin
ESP, tarotcards,seances,psychichealing,and astrology,or a likingfor
occult literature),some low, but significant, concordanceswere found.
However, furtheranalysis revealed that these were produced almost
entirelyby high levels of mutual rejectionof these occult itemsby the
"bornagain" pairs. Amongotherstudentpairs onlyminutelevelsof con-
cordanceexistedon occultitems.
From these data we concludedthat religiousand mysticalbeliefsare
salientforinterpersonal relationsonly to the extentthat theyare under-
girdedby vigoroussocial organizations.Cults,sects,and strongchurches
can maketheirideologiesso salientthattheywillbe reflected in friendship
patterns.In the absenceof an organizationalbase such ideologiesdo not

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AmericanJournalof Sociology

shape friendships.Thus the occultmilieuresemblesa mass audiencemore

thana real subculturalphenomenon. It does not appear to spreadthrough
orbe sustainedbysocialnetworks. It maystillbe truethatcultmovements
findthe occultmilieua usefulsourceof recruits.But, sinceoccultbeliefs
seemnot to spreadthroughsocial networks, findinga recruiton the basis
of his or herpriordabblingin the occultdoes not give a cultgroupaccess
to a socialnetworkofpeoplesimilarly predisposed.

CONCLUSION

In thispaper we have attemptedto use a varietyof data to make firmer

theevidentialbase forthethesisthatsocialnetworks play an essentialrole
in recruitment to cultsand sects.The data on a doomsdaygrouprevealed
the centralityof kinshipin the structureof the groupand in preventing
defection.Data on the Ananda communerevealedthat interpersonal ties
werefarmoreeffective than ideologyin sustainingcommitment. Finally,
data on Mormonrecruitment showedthatit is lay membersbuildingbonds
of friendship and trustwithnon-Mormons that lies at the centerof the
greatsuccessin gainingnewadherentsto thechurch.
We have also seen that thereis evidencethatconventional religionstoo
dependheavilyon networks. On theotherhand,theevidencesuggeststhat
somepopularoccultbeliefsare not sustainedby a sociallyconnectedsub-
culture.To entertainsuch beliefsis not to take up membership in an
organizedreligion,deviantor otherwise.It appearsthat such beliefsstem
fromidiosyncratic responsesto mass communications ratherthan being
theresultof earlystagesin recruitment to a radicalreligiousmovement.
While the thrustof this paper has been to establishand chart more
adequatelytheimpactofinterpersonal bondson religiousrecruitment, that
processdoes not lead to rejectionofthecomplementary ideologicalappeal-
deprivationposition.Anycompletetheoryofrecruitment to cultsand sects
willneed to includetheseelements.
However,deprivationand ideologicalcompatibility seemunableto serve
as morethanverygeneralcontributory conditions in anysatisfactory theory
of recruitment. Althoughtheydo limitthe pool of personsavailable for
recruitment, theydo not limitit verymuchin relationto the relatively
smallnumbersofsuchpersonswhoactuallyjoin. That is, manypeopleare
deprivedand are ideologicallypredisposedto accept a cult or a sect's
message.But in explaining whyso fewofthemactuallyjoin,it is necessary
to examinea numberof situationalvariables.For one thing,limitednum-
bers of people actuallyencountermissionariesfromcults and sects. For
another,a group'seffectiveness in gainingrecruitsdependsheavilyon the
extentto whichits membersbelongto or can entersocial networksoutside
thegroup.Thus,groupswithproceduresthattend to recruitmemberswho

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 Networksof Faith

weresocialisolatespriorto forming bondswithgroupmemberswillhave a

veryslow growthrate. The new membersdo not providethe groupwith
entreeto new social networksthroughwhichthe groupmay thenspread.
On the otherhand, cults and sects that tend to recruitentirenuclear
families(as is oftenthe case in Mormonrecruitment) may make rapid
growthas theyspreadon through friendsand relativesofthenewmembers.
Interpersonalbonds appear to be a crucial situationalelementfor any
theoryofrecruitment.
This paperis but a preliminarystep towardsucha theory.Here we shall
concludeby drawingattentionto a major elementthat mustbe included
in sucha theoryand has been missingfrompreviouswork.Moreover,this
missingelementhelps to linkmorecloselythe deprivationaland network
elementsof recruitment discussedin thepaper.
This missingelementconsistsofthesignificant directrerwardsavailableto
membersofreligiousmovements. Previousdiscussionsoftheimportance of
deprivationsin creatingrecruitsforcults and sects have focusedon how
theideologiesofsuchgroupsfunctionto makedeprivations morebearable.
Thus,forexample,a doctrinethat thepoorwillstandfirstin heavenoffers
balm againstpresentpoverty,but it does not reducepoverty.However,as
ongoingsocial organizations,sectsand cultsgenerateand exchangea great
arrayofrewardswhichcan servedirectlyto reducevariouskindsofdepriva-
tions.WhileobservingtheMoonies,Starknotedquiteremarkable improve-
mentsin the abilityof some membersto manageinterpersonal relations.
They came to thegroupsuffering greatlyfromlow self-esteem and lack of
confidence that disruptedtheirinteractions withothers.For example,one
man routinelywhisperedand lookedonlyat his toes whenhe talkedwith
others.Forgingstrongaffective tiesto othergroupmembers quitenoticeably
raised the self-esteemof new recruits.Indeed, the man just described
"recovered"to theextentthathe was able to preachin thestreetsaftera
periodwiththegroup.
Moreover,directrewardsavailable to cult and sect membersare not
limitedto affection. Groupssuch as the Hare Krishnasand the Moonies
offer specificmaterialinducement-theyclothe,feedland shelteradherents.
Indeed, theyofferthema career that, at least withinthe group,enjoys
considerable prestige.Havingjoinedsucha group,members no longermust
wonderwhat to do in lifeor explainwhytheywerenot doingverywell.
Furthermore, thereis considerablescopeforambitionwithincultsand sects.
Some memberscan rise to positionsof considerablestatus and power.
Bainbridgefoundthat the originalcore membersof The Power lived in
considerableluxuryand exercisedgreat authorityover newermembers
(includingsexualaccess).
Indeed, examinationof the 13-stepMormonprogramforgainingnew
recruitsreveals the prioritygiven to showeringtangiblerewardsupon

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AmericanJournalof Sociology

potentialnew members.The notionof showingpeople howrewarding it is

to be a Mormonis notmeantmetaphorically or in onlya theologicalsense.
Religiousmovementsdo not relysolelyupon otherworldly solutionsto
people'sproblems.Whateverelse theymaybe, religiousorganizations also
are worldlyorganizationsand have,at theirdisposalresourcesto reward
manymembers.Indeed,theaffective bondsthatconstitute socialnetworks,
whichwe have featuredin thispaper,are directrewards.Humans desire
bonds,and theywill tryto protectthemfromruptureeven
interpersonal
ifthatmaymeanacceptinga newreligiousfaith.

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