Oxyrhynchus Papyri v2 Grenfell

ΤΗΕ
OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
PART 11
GRENFELL AND HUNT

PLATE Ι
Νο. CCXXIII
EGYPΤ EXPLORATION FUND
GRAECO-ROMAN BRANOH
ΤΗΕ
OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
PART 11
EDITED WITH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES

ΒΥ
BERNARD Ρ. GRENFELL, Μ.Α.

FEI.LOW OF QUEEN'S COLLEGE, OXFORD
AND
ARTHUR S. HUNT, Μ.Α.

SENIOR DEMY OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD; FORMERLY SCHOLAR OF QUEEN'S COLLEGE
WIΤH EIGHΤ PLAΤES
LONDON:
SOLD ΑΤ
ΤΗΕ OFFICES OF ΤΗΕ EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND, 37 GREAT RUSSELL ST., W.C.
AND 59 ΤΕΜΡΙ .. Ε STREET, BoSTON, MASS., U.S.A.
AND Βν
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRttBNER & CO., PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD, W.C.
BERNARD QUARITCH, Ιδ PICCADILLY, W.; ASHER & ~cO., 13 BEDFORD ST., COVENT GARDEN, W.C.
AND HENRY FROWDE, ΑΜΕΝ CORNER, E.C.
C,forb
HORACE HART, PRINTER ΤΟ ΤΗΕ U~IVERSITY
PREFACE
,.
ΙΝ the preface to Oxyrhynchus Pαpyri, Part Ι, we stated our
intention of adopting a chronological system ίη future volumes. The
present work is accordingly devoted to first century Β. c. or first
century Α. D. papyri, with the exception of the theological and some
of the classical fragments, and the 'Petition of Dionysia' (Νο.
ccxxxvii), which οη account of its great size and importance we
wished to pnblish as soon as possible.
The 193 selected texts ίη this volume do not by any means
exhaust the first century papyri found at Oxyrhynchus; but it is
probable that we have examined all the most important documents
of that period. The bnlk of the papyri of the second and third
centuries, and of the Byzantine period, has not yet been touched.
Ιη editing the new classicaI fragments (ccxi-ccxxiί), we have
once more to acknowledge our great obligations to Professor BLASS,
who again visited us last Easter. Το him we owe a Iarge part of
the restorations of the texts and many suggestions ίη the com-
mentaries. Some help which we have received ση special points
from other scholars is noted ίη connexion with the individual
papyrt.
νί PREFACE
The last year has been marked by the appearance of two works
of primary importance ίη the field of Greek papyri. Mr. KENYON'S
Pαlaeography of Greek Papyri
for the first time gathers together the
results ίη this department, especially from the point of view of the
British Mu,seum collection. Since that book will long rank as
the standard authority οη the subject, we have taken the opportunity
to notice some palaeographical questions respecting which we differ
from Mr. Kenyon, and οη which the Oxyrhynchus Papyri throw
fresh light. But our points of divergence from his views are of
course inconsiderable ίη comparison with our general agreement with
them. Professor WILCKEN'S Gr'/ech:/sche Ostraka-the elaborate intro-
duction to which is a comprehensive survey of all the evidence
bearing upon the economic and financial aspects of Ptolemaic and
Roman Egypt-reached us when this volume was already ίη type.
We have therefore been obliged to confine to occasional footnotes
our references to that most important work.
The plan of this volume is practically the same as that of its
predecessor, except that we have given more details ίη the descriptions
of the papyri not pubIished ίη fuIl, and have added a grammatical
index, and an index of subjects discussed ίη the introductions and
notes.
BERN~L\RD Ρ. GRENFELL.
ARTHUR S. HUNT.
QUEEN'S COLLEGE, OXFORD,
SejJt. ι ο, 1899.
CONTENTS
.,
PAGE
PREFACE v
Τ ABLE OF Ρ APYRI νίiί
ΝΟΤΕ ΟΝ ΤΗΕ MXTHOD OF PUBLICATION AND LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED • χί
TEXTS
Ι. THEOLOGICAL, CCVIII-X •
ΙΙ. NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS, CCXI-XXII Ι ι
111. FRAGMENTS OF ΕΧΤΑΝΤ CLASSICAL AUTHORS, CCXXIII-XXXIII • 96

IV. MISCELLANEOUS, CCXXXIV-VII 134
V. FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS, CCXXXVIII-CCC • 180
VI. DESCRIPTIONS OF FIRST CENTURY PAPYRI, CCCI-CCCC · 303
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS ΤΟ Oxyrhynckus PαpYYl~ PART Ι 317
INDICES
Ι. NEw CLASSICAL AND THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS . 321
ΙΙ. KINGS AND EMPERORS • . 328
111. MONTHS AND DAYS · 330
IV. PERSONAL NAMES 331
v. GEOGRAPHICAL • · 335
νι SYMBOLS 337
νιι. OFFICIALS. 337
νιιΙ. WEIGHTS, MEASURES ΑΝΏ COINS 339
ΙΧ. TAXES 339
Χ. GRAMMATICAL · 340
ΧΙ GENERAL INDEx, GREEK · 342
ΧΙΙ. SUBJECT INDEX . 356
LIST OF PLATES
Ι. Νο. CCXXIII (Col. 7) FRONTISPIECE
ΙΙ. Νο. CCIX Tofαce pαge 8
111. Νο. CCXI 13
IV. Nos. CCXIII, CCXXXII •
" " 25
ν. Nos. CCXVI, CCXXV, CCXXXVI (α) (b) (c) " "
33
νι. Nos. CCXX (Col. 7), CCXXI (Co1. 10)
" " 45
νιΙ. Nos. CCXLVI, CCLXXXII
" " 196
νιlΙ. Νο. CCLXX
" " 253
" "
TABLE OF PAPYRI
..
A.D. PAGE
CCVIII. St. John ί and χχ 3rd cent. ι
CCIX. Ερ. to Romans ί (Plate 11) 4th cent. 8
CCX. Early Christian fragment . . 3rd cent. 9
CCXI. Menandet·, ΠEpΙI<EIιPOμ€νη (Plate 111) 1st or 2lld cent. . ιι
CCXII. Aristophanes (?) 1st or 2nd cent. . 20
CCXIII. Tragic fragment (Plate IV) 2nd cent. 23
CCXIV. Epic fragment 3rd cent. 27
CCXV. Philosophical fragment 1st cent. B.C. or 1st A.D. 30
CCXVI. Rhetorical exercise (Plate V) ι 8! cent. Β. c. or ι 8t Α. D. 33
CCXVII. Letter to a King of Macedon 3rd cent. 34
CCXVIII. Historical fragment . . 3rd cent. 35
CCXIX. Lament for a pet 1st cent. 39
CCXX. Treatise ση Metres (Plate VI) . 1st or 2nd cent. . 4ι
CCXXI. Scholia ση Iliad χχί (Plate VI) • 2nd cent. 52
CCXXII. List of Olympian Victors . 3rd cent. 85
CCXXIII. Homer, Ill:αd v (Plate I,/ronlisp'iece) . 3rd cent. 96
CCXXIV. Euripides, Ρhoenzssae 3rd cent. 1 14
CCXXV. Thucydides ii (Plate V) 1st cent. 117
CCXXVI. Xenophon, Hellenica νί 1st or 2nd cent.. ι 18
CCXXVII. Xenophon, Oeconomzcus 1st cent. 120
CCXXVIII. Plato, Laches . 2nd cent. 123
CCXXIX. Plato, Phaedo . 2nd or 3rd cent. . 126
CCXXX. Demosthenes, De Corona . 2nd cent. 128
CCXXXI. Demosthenes, De Corona . 1st or 2nd cent. . 130
CCXXXII. Demosthenes, Conlra Timocrαlem (I)late IV) 2nd or 3rd cent. . 132
CCXXXIII. Demosthenes, Conlra Tl:mocralem 3rd cent. 133
TABLE OF PAPYRI ΙΧ
A.D. PAGE
CCXXXlY. Medical Prescriptions . 2nd or 3rd cent. . 134
CCXXXY. Horoscope . About 20 137
CCXXXVI (α), (b), (c). Ptolemaic fragments (Plate ν) B.C. 69-51 . 139
CCXXXVII. Petition of Dionysia A.D. 186 141
CCXXXVIII. Official Ν otice 72 180
CCXXXIX. Irregular Contributions 66 183
CCXL. Extortion by a Soldier 37 184
CCXLI. Registration of a Mortgage . About 98 185
CCXLII. Registration of a Sale . 77 186
CCXLIII. Registration of a Mortgage . 79 190
CCXLlY. Transfer of Cattle 23 193
CCXLV. Registration of Cattle . 26 194
CCXLVI. Registration of Cattle (Plate νιι) . 66 195
CCXLVII. Registration of Property 90 197
CCXLVIII. Registration of Property 80 198
CCXLIX. Registration of Property 80 200
CCL. Registration of Property 61 201
CCLI. Notice of Removal 44 203
CCLII. Notice of Removal 19-20 205
CCLIII. Ν otice of Removal 19 206
CCLIV. Census Return About 20 207
CCLV. Census Return 48 215
CCLVI. Census Return 6-35 216
CCLVII. Selection of Boys (έπΙl(pισ,,~) • 94-5 · 217
CCLVIII. Selection of Boys (έπΙl(pισι~) • 86-7 225
CCLIX. Bail for a Prisoner 23 227
CCLX. Promise of Attendance ίn Court 59 229
CCLXI. Appointment of a Representative . 55 230
CCLXII. Notice of Death . 61 232
CCLXIII. Sale of a Slave 77 232
CCLXIV. Sale of a Loom 54 234-
CCLXV. Marriage Contract 81-95 235
CCLXVI. Deed of Divorce 96 238
CCLXVII. Agreement of Marriage 36 243
CCLXVIII. Repayment of a Do,vry 58 247
CCLXIX. Loan of Money 57 250
CCLXX. Indemnification of a Surety.(Plate νιιι) 94 252
CCLXXI. Transfer of a Debt 56 254
CCLXXII. Tt·ansfer of a Debt 66 256
CCLXXIII. Cession of Land . 95 258
CCLXXlY. Register of PI·operty 89-97 259
χ
TABLE OF PAPYRI
A.D. PAGR
CCLXXV. Contract of Α pprenticeship . . 66 262
CCLXXVI. Transport of Corn 77 264
CCLXXVII. Lease of Land • B.C. 19 266
CCLXXVIII. Hire of a ΜίΙΙ " A.D. 17 267
CCLXXIX. Lease of Domain Land 44-5 · . 269
CCLXXX. Lease of Land · 88-9· 270
CCLXXXI. Complaint against a Husband 20-50 271
CCLXXXII. Complaint against a Wife (Plate νιι) . 30-35 272
CCLXXXIII. Petition to the Strategus 45 273
CCLXXXIV. Extortion by a Tax-Collector · About 50 275
CCLXXXV. Extortion by a Tax-Collector · About 50 276
CCLXXXVI. Claim of a Creditor 82 277
CCLXXXVII. Payment of Corn 23 279
CCLXXXVIII. Taxation Account 22-5 . 280
CCLXXXIX. Taxation Accounts · 65-83 284
CCXC. Work ση the Embankments . . 83-84 288
CCXCI. Letter of a Strategus . 25-6 290
CCXCII. Letter of Recommendation . . About 25 292
CCXCIII. Letter to a Sister • 27 293
CCXCIV. Lettel" fTom Alexandria 22 294
CCXCV. Letter of a daughter 1st cent. . 296
CCXCVI. Letter concerning Taxation . 1st cent. 296
CCXCVII. Letter concerning a Property Return · 54 297
CCXCVIII. Letter of a Tax-Col1ector 1st cent. 298
CCXCIX. Letter concerning a Mouse-Catcher 1st cent. . 300
CCC. Letter to a Relative 1st cent. • 301
CCCI. ~ίλλυβo~ 1st or 2nd cent. . 303
,CCCII-III. Literary fragments 1st cent. . 303
CCCIV-XXVI. Documents concerning Tryphon . 17-59 . 303
CCCXXVII-XLIX. Notices to the agoranomi 77-100 · 307
CCCL-LXI. )ΑΠΟΥραΦαί • 1st cent. 310
CCCLXII-LXXX. Contracts, Wills, Leases " 6-97 · · 31 Ι
CCCLXXXI-XCII. Taxation and Accounts 1st cent. · 3ι 3
CCCXCIII-CCCC. Petitions and Letters " 1st cent. . 315
ΝΟΤΕ ΟΝ ΤΗΕ METHOD OF PUBLICATION AND
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED
••
ΙΝ the present volume a few slight modifications of the method followed

ίη its predecessor have been introducecl. Of the new literary texts some are
given ίη a double form, an exact transcript of the original being accompanied
by a reconstruction ίη modern style. Ιη other cases, where this more elaborate
system appeared for various reasons to be unnecessary, and ίη the extant 1iterary
fragments, ordinary type alOl1e has been employed. Here words have been
separated from each other, and where possible, supplements of the lacunae
added; but ηο stops, breathings, or other Iection signs have been inserted
which are not found ίιι the original. Corrections, if written ίη a hand different
from that of the body of the papyrus, are printed ίn a smaller type; if not,
ίη the sanle type as the rest of the text.
The non-lίtet·ary texts are given ίη modern form with accents, breathings,
and stops. Abbreviations and symbols are resolved; an index of the Iatter
wi11 be found at the end of the book. Iota adscript is reproduced wherever
it was written; otherwise iota subscript is printed. Additions and corrections
are silnply incorporated into the t~xt, and their occurrence ίΒ recorded ϊη the
critical notes. Faults of orthography are col·rected ίη these notes wherever
they seemed likely to cause any difficulty. Square brackets [] indicate a
lacuna, round brackets ( ) the resolution of an abbreviation or symbol, angular
brackets <) the omission ίη the original of the letters enclosed; double square
brackets [] indicate that the Ietters within them~ have been erased ϊη the
original, braces f }, that the letters so enclosed, though standing ίn the original,
should be omitted. Dots placed inside brackets represent the approximate
numbet· of letters lost or erased. Dots outside bra~kets indicate ml1ti1ated
or otherwise illegible letters. Letters with dots under them are to be considered
uncertain.
xίi LIST OF ABBREVIA TIONS
Stnal1 Roman numerals refer to the texts of this and the preceding volume ;
large ditto to columns; Arabic numerals by themselves to lines.
Β. G. U = Agyptische U rkunden aus den Koniglichen' Μ useen zu Berlin,
Griechische U rkunden.
Brit. Mus. Pap. Cat.=Greek Papyri ίη the British Museum Catalogue, Vols. Ι
and 11, by F. G. Kenyon.
C. Ρ. R=Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, νοι Ι, by C. Wessely.
G. Ρ. 1= Greek Papyri, Series Ι. Απ Alexandrian Erotic Fragment and other
Greek Papyri, by Β. Ρ. GrenfelI.
G. Ρ. 11 = Greek Papyri, Series 11. New Classical Fragments and other Greek
and Latin Papyri, by Β. Ρ. Grenfell and Α. S. Hunt.
Gr. Ost.=Griechische Ostraka, by U. Wίlcken.
Ο. Ρ. I=The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part Ι, by Β. Ρ. Grenfel1 and Α. S. Hunt.
Pap. Par.=Les Papyrus Grecs du Musee du Louvre (Notices et Extraits, tome
xνίiί. 2), by W. Brunet de Presle et Ε. Egger.
Rev. Pap.=Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, by Β. Ρ. <;irenfell, with an
Introduction by the Rev. J. Ρ. Mahaffy.
Ι. THEOLOGICAL
CCVIII. ST. ]OHN'S GOSPEL, CHAPS. Ι AND ΧΧ.
21'2 χ 7·5 Cl1l.
ΤΗΕ following fragments of 5t. John's Gospel are contained upon a sheet οί
a papyrus codex. Ιn its original P05ition the sheet was folded down the middle,
thus forming two leaves, each of which had οη either side a single column of
writing. The outer edges of the two leaves have been broken away, so that
only the beginnings and ends of Iines remain. The left-hand leaf, wl1ich is the
more complete, having 105t btlt three entire lines at the bottom of either side,
contains verses 23-31 and 33-41 from the first chapter. The right-hand leaf,
which, besides being mot·e defective at the end, has a lacuna ίη the middle, gives
parts of verses 11-] 7 and 19-25 from chapter ΧΧ.
If, then, the original book contained the whole of the Gospel, which is
certainly the most natural supposition, our sheet was vet·y nearly the outermost
of a large quire, and within it were a number of other sheets sufficient to hold
the eighteen interνening chapters. Written upon the same scale as the surviving
fragments, these eighteen chaptet·s would fil1 twenty-two sheets. The whole
book would thus consist of a single quire of twenty-five sheet5, the first leaf
being probably left blank, or giving only the title. Such an arrangement
certainly seems rather awkward, particularly as the margin between the two
columns of writing ίη the flattened sheet ίΒ only about 2 cm. wide. This is not
much to be divided between two leaves at the outside of 50 thick a quire. But
as yet little is known about the composition of these early books; and it ί5 by
ηο means impt·obable that the simpler and more primitive form of a large
number of sheets gathered into a single quire was prevalent before the more
Β
2 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
convenient arrangement of several smal1 quil"es placed side by side came into
fashion.
And this sheet is ίη fact one of the earlίest fragments of a papyrus book
that has been preserνed. Like the Logia and St. Matthew fl"agments (ο. Ρ. Ι.
ί and ίί), it is of the third centnry. The handwriting is a round upright uncial
of medium size, better formed than that of the St. Matthew fl"agment, but, like
it, of an informal semi-literary type. It may ~e assigned with safety to the period
between 200 and 300, but it would be rash to attempt to place it within narrowet·
limits. Ιη two cases corrections, or perhaps alternative readings, have been
added above the line ίη a smaller hand, which, however, is to all appearances
that of the original scribe. The contractions nsual ίη theological MSS., ΘC,
IHC, χc, ΠΝΑ, occur; as these are regularly found ίη the third century, they
must date from a considerably earlίer pel"iod 1. Points are not used; a blank
space, of the width of one ΟΙ" two letters, commonly marks a pause occurring
,within the line. The rough breathing is found twice.
The text is a good one, and appeal"s to have affιnities with that of the
Codex Sinaiticus, with which the papyrus agrees ίη several readings not fonnd
elsewhere. This agreement is unfortunately obscured by lllutilation. But though
ίη the case of slighter νariants the reading of the papyrus, where defective,
sometimes remains donbtful, enough remains to render it possible for the most
part to reconstruct the text with considerabIe confidence. Τη the absence of
positiνe indications, our supplements of the lacunae are taken from Westcott
and Hort's text, with which the papyrus is' usually ίη harmony. Α collation
with Westcott and Hort is given below.
It is commonly asserted (e. g. Kenyon's Pαlαeogrαphy ο/ Greek Pαpyri,
ρ. 24) that the book form is characteristic of the close of the papyrus period,
and that the use of papyrus ίη cod-ices was an experiment which was soon given
up ίη favour of the more durable vellum. But the evidence now avai1able
does not justify either of these generalίzations. When the papyrus book
first made its appearance ίη Egypt it is impossible to say; but at any rate
it was ίη common t1se for theological literatur~ ίη the third century. Indeed
the theological fragments which can be placed ίη that centuryare almost without
exception derived from papyrus codz·ces, not from rol1s. This fact can scarcely
be due to accident; and it points to a prevalence of the book form at that early
date much greater than is frequently supposed. Moreoνer, papyrus ίη the
book form did not run 50 in5ignificant a course. It may fairly claim to have
1 We notice that Mr. Kenyon (Pαlαeogrαpky, ρ. 32) states that these compendia are confined to two
'weΙΙ-wήtten literarypapyri.' Our first Oxyrhynchus volume would alone have supplied four more
instances. Mr. Kenyon's remark (ibz·d. ρ. Ι54) that theyare found 'ίn late theological 'papyri' is therefore
somewhat misleading.
THEOLOGICAL 3
made a good fight, if not to haνe held its own; ίη Egypt against vel1um so long
as Greek MSS. continued to be written there. At OXYl"hynchus it was certainly
the material more general1y employed from the fifth to the seνenth century.
The 1iterary fragments of the Byzantine period which we haνe obtained from
other sources ίη Egypt during the last three or four years, and hope to publish
before long, have as often been papyrus as vellum. Only ίη Coptic MSS.
vellum, for some reason, seems to have been more commonly used.
We should therefore demur to Mr. Kenyon's dictum (Ραlαeogrαphy,
ρ. 112) that 'ίη the sphere of literary papYl"i there is ηο Byzantine period.'
Papyrus remained ίη use ίη Egypt, both for classical and theological 1iterature,
down to the end of that period ; and the types of handwriting w11ich appear upon
it have a continuous history of their own. Though ηο doubt the literary hand,
as practised tlpOn vellum, reacted upon the papyrus script, we should say that
the debt of papyrus to vel1um was unappreciable as compared with that of
vellum to papyrus. The prototype of the handwriting of the great biblical
codices is to be found ίη papyrus MSS. of the second and third centuries. The
broad heavy strokes, supposed to be characteristic of wl"iting υροη νellum, can
be shown ίη literary papyri considerably anterior to the vellum period. The
vellum hands, so far from affording any sure basis for determining the age of
literary papyri of the Byzantine epoch, are rather themselves to be referred to
the papyri for their explanation and date.
Fol. Ι, verso.
[εΥ]Ο> φων[ η J βο[ωIITO~ Εν τη ερημω
(ευ]θυιιατ[ Ε την 080v κυ Kαθω~ ΕΙ
[Π)ΕΙΙ ησα[ια~ ο πpoΦηTη~ και αΠΕσ
[τ)αλμΕΙΙΟΙ [ησαν ΕΚ των φαρισαι
5 ίωJν και ηρω[τησαιι αυτοιι τι συν βα
ΠTΙ(EΙ~ ΕΙ [συ ουκ ει ο x~ oυ8€ ηλια~
ου8ε ο πpo[φηTη~ αΠΕκριθη αυTOΙ~ ο
ϊωaIIII[η~ λΕΥωιι ΕΥω βαπτι(ω Εν υ
8ατι μ[Eσo~ υμιll στηΚΕΙ ον υμEΙ~
10 ουκ oι8α[τ€ ο οπισω μου ερχομΕΙΙΕ
(vJo~ (ο]υ ο(υκ Ειμι aξιo~ ινα λυσω αυ

του τον (ιμαllτa του υπo8ημαTO~
ταυτa ΕΙΙ β[ηθαιιια €YEIIETO 71'Ε
ραν του ϊο[ρ8αιιου οπου ηιι ο ία/αν
Β2
ι 5 [ν]η~ βαπτι[(ων τη επαυριον βλε

πει τον ιην [ερχομενον πpo~ αυτον
και λεΥει [ϊ8Ε ο αμllO~ του 'ihJ ο αιρω
την αμαρ[τιαν του κοσμου OVTOr
εστιν ϋπερ [ου εΥω ειπον οπισω μου
20 ερχεται α[νηρ o~ εμπροσθεν μου
ΥεΥον[εν οΤι ΠΡωτοr μου ην καΥω

ουκ η8[ειν αυτον αλλ ινα φανερω
θη [τω ισραηλ 8ια τουτο ηλθον ε
r[ro. · ·
Fol. ι, recto.
[ΙCαyω ουκ η8ειν αυτον] αλλ' ο π[εμ
(tar με βαπτι(ειν εν vJ8aT[t] ε[κει
[νΟΥ μοι Ειπεν εφ ον αν ι]8η~ το (πιια
[καταβαινον και μεν Jov επ αυ[τον
5 [ουΤΟΥ εστιν ο βαπτι(]ων εν π[νι α
[Υιω καΥω εωρακα και μεμ]αρτυρηκα ο
[τι OVTOr Εστιν ο εκλεκτο]r του θυ τη f
[παυριοll ιστηΚΕΙ ο Ια/ανν]η~ ιcαι εκ

[των μαθητων αυτου 8]υο και εμ
10 [βλεψαr τω ιηυ περιπατο]υllΤΙ λεΥε[ι
[ι8ε ο αμνΟΥ του θυ και η κοΊυσαν όι 8υο
[μαθηται λαλουνΤΟΥ και η]κολουθη
[σαν τω ιηυ σΤΡaφειr 8]ε ο ιη~ και θε
[ασαμενo~ αυToυ~ ακ]ολουθουνταΥ
οι 8ε
15 [λεΥει αυΤΟΙΥ τι (ητειJτε ειπαν άύ
[τώ ραββει ο λεΥεται ερ]μηνευομε
[νον 8ι8aσκαλε που μενJEl~ λεΥει
[αυTOΙ~ ΕΡ'χεσθε και οψε]σθε ηλθαν
[συν και ει8αν που μΕνει KJat παρ αυτω
20 [εμειναν την ημεραν] ~~~!r?7!' [&>]
[ρα. ην ror 8εκατη η ν av8Jpea~ ο α
THEOLOGICAL 5
[8ελΦo~ • . . . . . . . . . . 8]υο των

[ακovσαντων παρα ιωαννο]υ και α
[κσλουθησαντων
FoI. 2, 'I--ec!o.
μνημ[ ειω εξω κλαιουσα ω~ συν εκλαΙΕΊΙ

παρεκυ[ ψεν Elr το μνημειοll και θεω
P~Ι δυο [αΥΥελουr εν λεvκοιr καθΕ(ομε
ν[ OVS' ενα πpo~ τη κεφαλη και ενα πpo~
5 τ[ otS' ποσιν . . .
3 lίnes Ι OSt.
9 μου [και ουκ οι8α που εθηκαν αυτοΊΙ

10 ταυτα [ειπουσα εστραφη ει~ τα ΟΠΙ
σο> και [θεωρει τον ιην εστωτa και ου
κ ηδει [ΟΤΙ ιηS' εστιν λεy€ι αυτη ιηS'
Υυναι [τι κλαιειS' τινα (ητειr εκεινη
δοκου(σα ΟΤΙ ο κηπουροS' εστιν λεΥει
15 αυτω (κε ει συ εβαστασαr αυτον fιπε
μοι π[ου εθηKα~ αυτοιι καΥω αυτοll
αρω (λεΥει αυτη ιηS' μαριαμ στραφει
[σα εκεινη λεΥει aυτω εβραιστι ραβ

β[ουνι • . . • . • . . • . • λεΎει αυτη ιη~
20 μ[η μου απτου ουπφ Υαρ α'ιιαβεβηκα ΠPO~
:[Oll πρα •
'.
F01. Ζ, verso~
ηλθ]~!, [ο
και
[ιηr και εστη EtS' το μεσο]ν λεϊ'Ε!
[αυTOΙ~ ειρηνη υμιν και rJovr' ειπω

[ε8ειξεν Tar xeLpar και την πλε]υ
5 [ραν αυTOΙ~ εχαρησαν ουν οι μαθητ]αι ϊ
[8oVTEr . . .
3 or 4 lines lost.
9 λαβετε πΊνα α
10 [Ύιον αν τινων αφητε Tα~ αμlαpTια~
[αφεωνται αυTOΙ~ αν τινων] κρατητε

[κεκρατηνται θωμα~ 8ε ει~ εκ: τω]ν 800
[8εκα ο λεyoμEνo~ 8ι8υμo~ ουJK ην
[μετ αυτων οτε ουν ηλθ]εν ιη~
15 [ελεΥον αυτω οι μαθηται εω]ρακα
[μεν τον Κϊi ο 8ε ειπεν αυTOΙ]~ εαν
[μη ι8ω εν Tαι~ χερσι.ν τον τυ]πον
FoI. ι, verso. 3. Either αΠΕσταλμΕΙΙΟΙ (W(estcott)-H(ort) with ~ABCL) or οι αΠΕ-

σταλμΕνοι (T(extus) R(eceptus) with later hands ίn ~AC and other MSS.) may have
been the reading of the papyrus. The length of the line is rather ίn favour of the
omission of οι.
5. There is evidentlΥ πο room ίn this line for και Ειπαιι (or ΕΙΠΟΙΙ) αυτω, which is read
befot-e τι ουν by all MSS. 1t is noticeable that ~ omits και ηρωτησαν αυτον. The papyrus
variant is the correlative of this, and suggests that the common reading is the result of
conflation.
6. ηλιar (~AC, &c., T.R.) is slightly more probable than ηλEια~ (W-H., with BL) ίn
consideration of the length of the line.
8. ιωαvv[ηr: 'Ιωάvηr W-H., with Β.
10. There can be ΏΟ doubt that thc papyrus agreed with ~BCL ίη omitting αυTO~
Εστιν after οι8αΤΕ. The longer reading would make a line of thirty-four letters, which is
clearly much too long. 1t is more difficult to decide between ο οπισω and οπισω
(~B, W -Η.). The omission of the article reduces the line to twenty-three letters, two of
them being iotas, which is abnormally short. The first line of this column consists of
twenty-three letters only, but ϊι includes four omegas and ηο iota. But, of course,
considerations of space a~e inconclusive for a single letter.
11. ΕΥω was certainly not read by the papyrus before ουκ (so Α and other MSS., T.R.),
and probably not after Ειμι (so Β, &c.), for its insertion would make the line longer than any
other ίη this column. ΕΥω is omitted ίη ~CL, &c., and bracketed by W-H.
17. The first of the two dots over the ι of ϊ~E is visible.
24. The letter at the beginning of this line appears to be 'Υ; the vestiges are ηοΙ
consistent with τ or v. If f\Y[ ω is right here, ισραηλ ίn the previous line must have been
written ίη the uncontracted form.
Reclo. 6. The first α of μΕμαρτυρηκα falls under ω of βαπτιζων; the supplement is
therefore a trifle long, nineteen letters as against seventeen ίη the previous 1ine.
THEOLOGICAL 7
7. Ο Ε κλf/(ΤΟ ]S'. The lacuna here iS larger by the space of one letter than ίη the two
lines preceding. 1t would therefore be hardly filled Up by reading ο υιοJS-. Moreover, ίη
thjs MS., vtOS- would natural1y have been written ίη the shortened form w. There iS indeed
apparent above and rather to the left of the S- a spot of ink which might represent the end
of a stroke of contraction. But ίη other cases of contraction ίη the papyrus the horizontal
stroke projects beyond the letters over which it iS p]aced, which the spot above S- here does
not do. Οη the other hand ο fιcλfΚΤΟS- ~ would be too long for the lacuna, besides being
open to the objection already stated to reading vs: here. ο fκλε/(τοS' has the support of Ν,
and is printed ίη the margin by W-H., who give δ vMS' ίη the text.
8. ιστη/(fΙ (~AF, &c., W-H.) suits the lacuna better than ειστηΙCfΙ (BCE, &c.); cf. ηλιαS'
fo1. ι, verso 6, note.
12. αυτου which is read before οι ~υo μαθηται by Α and other MSS., after ~υo by
CL, &c., and after μαθητaι by ΝΒ, was apparently omitted altogether ίη the papyrus. It
certainly did not stand ίη the first position; and it is impossible to get t\venty-five letters
into the ]acuna of this line, which would be the result of assigning the word to either of
the Iatter positions. Το suppos~ that λαλσvvτοs- was omitted V\'ould make the line too short.
ι 5. σι ~ε, which has been added above the line by the original scribe, is read byall
MSS.; cf. fo1. 2, verso 2. αυ[τω has been cancelled by dots placed over the letters. The
omission of the pronoun has ηο support from other MSS.
16. I~ as is at least probable, τω was written at the beginning of this line, there would
scarcely be room enough for μεθΕρμηνευομενοιι, even supposing that ραββι (ACFGL, &c.)
and not ραββΕΙ (~BE, &c.) stood here. μεθερμηVfvόμΕVΟV is read by W-H. with ABCL and
other MSS.; fΡμ.ηVfvομεvοv ~P, &c.
19. 1t seems οη the whole more pl"obable that the papyrus agreed with the majority
of l\ιISS. ϊn having ουν bere. The size of the lacuna is practically the same as ίη the t\VO
lίnes preceding.
20. The reading is very uncertain. At the end of the line is a mark which resembles
the rough breathing ίη 1. ι ι ; aήd the other vestiges are consistent with fΚfινηv. But the line
ίΒ then abnormally shol"t.
2 Ι. Considerations of space are slightly ίη favour of the addition of 8f after ωρα, but are
insufficient to justify its insertion. There is a strong consensus of manuscript authority
against ίι
22. lt is evident that the ordinar}' text ά~EλΦo~ ~ίμωνo~ Πέτρου EI~ JI( των ~ύo (W-H., T.R.)
is considerably too long for the space ~ere available. The question ίΒ whether this reading
would be sufficiently shortened by the omission (with Ν and C) of των, or whether it is
necessary to suppose a variant peculiar to the papyrus, e. g. the omission of πετρου. The v of
~υo stands slightly to the right of the V of ιωαvvοv ίη the next line, and therefore twenty-two
letters should approximately fill the lacuna ίn 1. 22. This is the number produced by
omitting πετρου; whi1e if ΠΕτρου be retained, and των omitted, the number of letters will
be twenty...five. Probably the latter alternative is the safer.
Fol. 2, reclo. 18. The omission of ε~pa"στι with AEGK, &C., T.R., would make the
line considerably too short.
19. The ordinary reading (Ρα$βσυJlΙ, Α λfΥΕται ~ι~άσl(αλE. λέΥΙΙ αύτΥ [ό1 'Iησoϋ~ produces
a line of at least thil'ty-four lettel"S, which is obviously too long. D has κυριε ~ι~ασKaλε, which
Iooks rather like a conflation of two variants, and suggests that ϊ« alone may have stood here
ίη the papyrus; cf. note οη [01. Ι, verso 5. IJomine is found ίn α (Vercellensis).
Verso. 2. Tbere is ηο authol"ity for the omission of /(αι, which is added above the
lίne by the first hand. The l"eading of the pap)'rus here perhaps points to UTar, with a
variant εστη, ϊη the lacuna.
3. τουτ : τουτο J.\ιISS., W.. H.
Ι
4. και Ta~ xειpα~ W-H., with ΑΒ, and this may have been the reading of the papyrus.
aVTotr Tar xειρα~ .•. πλευρaν aVTOV (EGKL, &c., Τ .R.) is excluded.
5 ff. There is a difficulty as to the number of lines l08t after 1. 5. The corresponding
lacuna ίη the reclo consists of three lines, but there would certainly be room for four οη
this side of the leaf if that number seemed more convenient. If all the longer variants are
assigned to the papyrus, namely, ο ιησοvr before παλιν (ΑΒ, &c.) and αποσΤΕλλω in8tead of
πεμπω (DL, one of the later hands ίn Ν, &c.), four lines will be produced, consisting of
twenty-five, twenty-seven, twenty-five, and twenty...four letters respectively. Οη the other
hand the Iacuna can be satisfactot·ily reduced to three lines by keeping the shorter version
of verse 2 Ι and following ίn verse 22 the reading of Ν, which omits the \vords και τουτο
ειπων. Τη view of the general agreement of the papyrus with ~, the latter is slightly the
more probable hypothesis.
12. The letters ίn the lacuna must have been rather cramped if the papyrus had the
ordinary reading here. Perhaps ~E was written above the line, like ι<αι ίn 1. 2 ; it is omitted
ίη a and e.
14, 15. 1t is clear that the papyrus agreed with Ν ίn placing συν before ηλθεν, and
omitting αλλοι before μαθηται. The ordinary reading οlJι< ην μετ) αlJTilJv 8T€ ηλθΙ1J [ό] Ίησοϋr.
1λΕΥον o~ν αύτφ οΙ άλλοι μαθηταΙ would make 1. 14 considerably too short, and Ι. 15 impossibly
long.
17. Here again there can be little doubt of the agreement of the papyrus with Ν ίη the
omission of αυτου, which is read by W-H. after χερσιν with the rest of the MSS. The
Ιacι;ιna of this line and the preceding one are of the same size; and even when aυτον is
omitted the numher of letters 10st ίn this line will be one more than ϊη 1. 16.
CCIX. ST. PAUL'S EPIStLE Το ΤΗΕ ROMANS, CHAP. Ι.
Plate 11. 25· ι χ 19·9 cm.
The first seven verses of the first chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, written
ίη a large rude uncial-no doubt a schoolboy's exercise. There are several
mistakes ίη spel1ing, and part of verse 6 is omitted. Below are two lines ία
,a cursive hand which have ηα apparent sense or connexion with what precedes.
The cursive writing can be assigned with certainty to the first half of the fourth
century A.D., and the fact that the papyrus was fonnd tied up with a contract
dated ϊn 316 Α. D., and other documents of the same period, tends to fix the date
more precisely. There is ηο reason to think that the uncial writing is appreci-
ably earlier than the cursive. The contractions usual ίn theological MSS. occur.
ΠΑΥΛΟC· ΔΟΥΛΟC χΡΥ IΗγ KAHTOC ΑΠΟCΤΟΛΟC' ΑφωΡIC

M€NOC €IC €YAΓ'Γ€ΛION ΘΥ Ο ΠPO€ΠHΓ)Γ€IΛATO ΔΙΑ τ[ω]Ν πρω
ΦΗτωΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ €N ΓΡ[Α]ΦΑΙC ΑΓΈΙΑΙC Π€PI ΤΟΥ Υγ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΤΟΥ
r€NOM€NOY €K Cn[€]PMAΤOC ΔAYΔ~ ΚΑΤΑ CAPKA ΤΟΥ OPICe€N
S TOC ΥΥ θΥ €N ΔYNAM€I ΚΑΤΑ ΤΊΝΑ ΑΓιωCCΥΝΗC €Ξ ANAC
PLATE 11
Να. CCIX
THEOLOGICAL 9
ΤΑcεωc N€KPΙuN ΙΗΥ ΧΡΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΥ ΗΜωΝ ΔΙ ΟΥ €[Λ]A[B]O

M€N ΧΑΡΙΝ ΚΑΙ Α[Π]ΟCΤΟΛωΝ
€IC ΥΠΑκωΟΝ nICΤ€OC ΕΝ
ΠΑCΙ ΤOIC €eN€C[I] YΠ€P ΤΟΥ ONOMATOC ΙΗΥ ΧΡΥ ΠΑCΙΝ
ΤOYC OYCIN €N [ρ]ωΜΗ ArAnHΤOIC ΘΥ KAHTOIC [A]rIOIC
Ίο XAPIC ΗΜΙΝ ΚΑΙ €[ΙP]HNH ΑΠΟ θΥ nPOC ΗΜωΝ ΚΑΙ ΚΥ ΧΡΥ
ΙΗΥ
2nd hand. ΑίιΡήλιοr Παυλο[S' . .]ιιυΙΙΙιΤιου των παρα Υ€νήματοr

Π€PΙ τωJl Y€JlημάTων [•• •]ου έπι του λΟΥε[αr •• [.] των
χ aι
Οη the verso.
15 ~ '![. · ·~ιT'!1 άπ6στολοr
1st hand. Α
The only variant of any importance is Χριστου Ίησου ίη 10-11, where the
MSS. all have the reverse order; cf. ι, where the papyrus has the same order,
and the MSS. are divided ση the point.
ccx. EARLY CHRISTIAN FRAGMENT.
I7'3x8a7 cm.
Fragment of a leaf from a papyrus book containing a theological work, the
nature of which, whether historical Or homiletic, is doubtful. Lines 14-17 of the
verso have an obvious connexion with Matthew νΗ. 17-19 and Luke νί. 43-4,
the saying that a tree is known by its fruits. Ιη the parallel passage ίη the
papyrus the words are also put into the mouth of onr Lord, as ίβ shown by
the following sentence, ίΥώ (Ιμι . . . εΙμΙ εΙκώυ; and this points to the work
having been an apocryphal gospeI, possibly the 'Gospel according to the
Egyptians.) Bnt the passage may of course only be a quotation from such
a work, and the writing ση the recto contains ηο indication that the book
was of a narrative character. Ιη lίne 19 of the verso there is perhaps a reference
to Phil. iί. 6 &s- €υ μορφΉ θεου ύπάρχωυ. Lines ι ι sqq. of the recto begin a little
further out than the preceding four (the beginnings of the first six lines are lost),
an arrangement which, if it is not a mere accident, suggests that the longer 1ines
are a quotation; cf. ccxx and introd. to ccxxi (ρ. 53).
The handwriting is a good-sized, rather irregular uncial, that οη the recto
being somewhat larger than that οη the verso, and may be assigned to the third
century of our et·a. The ordinary compendia for θεό~, 'Iησoυ~, and πατήρ occur,
as is usual ία theological papyri of this period (cf. introd. to ccviίi); lιυθρωπo~ is
contracted by the omission of the ω, and there is another contraction ση line 21
of the verso, of which the meaning is obscure.
Recto. Verso.
[. •]αρτη[. . •]~~ [ ]ll[

[.] • egEL ϊ[ . . .Jva~[ ]ιι[
[• .]ρσιιι ου 8υιιατα[ι ]~,!ελ[
[υ]πομειιιαι ~ε πο[ ] αΎαθο[
5 (.]ταξε αΥΥελοS' πα[ 5 ] ελεΥΕ ~[
[ πε ]eL αΥΥελου λεχ[ ]'! ΠΡS' ϋ[
T![.]r :ιμ~~ν T~ αβ( ]ιι αΎα[ θ
ναται συ[ ]το[
OVTOS' τα[ ]~poι[
10 ΕΤΙ εξει ~[ Ιο αΎα]θοιι το[
τιαπ[ ] ΕνΕΥ'κ?[
80υ[ ] θS' 0[• ••] αλλα [
οπε( ]α ϊη[. K]t:t' ερει τ[
Ζ lines lost. αΎα ]OovS' [εν]εΎ' ΚΕΙ ρ[
16 l!Etr:r[ 15 ε]νεΥ[Κ • α:yaOoS' [
Kap]~OS' 8[εν]8ρου αΥαθου
]υπο[ . . αΊΎαθον εΎω ειμι
]:0 ειμι εικων τηS'
]?S' εν μορφη θυ
20 ]8ια ror εικων αυ
]ι.:ιθω θω τω
Jv του ειιιαι
]ειται ορατα
]ιιτα του α![.
25 ] ϊ8εν ΟΤΙ
]σαν ϊ8ειι
]~vor επ[.
] αvθΡΠl}[.
NEW CLASS/CAL FRAGMENTS 11
11. NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS
CCXI. MENANDER, πεPΙKεΙPOM€NH.
Plate 111 1. 33·4 χ 13·2 cm.
ΤΗΕ following fragment of a Ισst comedy contains one tolerably well pre-
served column of ηο less than fifty-one lines and the ends of a few lίnes from the
preceding column, written ίη a ronnd uncial hand. The papyrus was found together
with a large number of documents dated ίη the reigns of Vespasian, Domitian,
and Trajan, e.g. ο. Ρ. Ι. xlv, xcvii, clxxiv, and ccclxxίii; and this fact, combined
with the strong resemblance of the handwriting of the papyrus to thaf of many
of the documents of that period, leaves ηο doubt that it dates from the end of
the first or the early part of the second century of onr era.
The elision marks and (with two exceptions) the paragraphi denoting
changes of speakel"s are by the first· hand. There is a tendency to separate
words, and panses are generally indicated by' a short space. The MS. has
been carefully revised by a second person, probably a contemporary, whose
handwriting is general1y cnrsive, and who nses lighter ink. He is responsible
for (ι) the punctuation by dots, of which three sorts are found: the high dot
(στιγμή) denoting a long pause, the low dot (ύποστιγμή, see 32 and 47, and cf.
introd. to ccxxvi) denoting a short pause, and the donble dots denoting a
change of speaker (cf. ccxii and ο. Ρ. Ι. Χί); (2) seνeral corrections and various
readings, together with the occasional addition of letters originally elided, and
frequent alterations ίη the arrangement of speakers indicated by the first hand ;
(3) occasional insertions of the speakers' names (cf. ccxii and ο. Ρ. Ι. Χί);
(4) a few stage directions, for the occurrence of which ίη MSS. of so early
a period there is ηο parallel. The restl1t is a fairly good and carefully arranged
text, though a few mis-spellings, e. g. €YAΓ€ΛIA ίη 18 and the wrong insertion
of two iotas adscript ίη 45, are not corrected. The occurrence of the Attic
forms ποεϊυ (2 and 14) and ύό~ (50) ίη a MS. of the Roma'n period is remarkable.
Concerning the authorship of the fragment there can be ηο doubt, since
lίnes 11-12 of the papyrus coincide with the quotation ό δ' &λάστωρ ~yω και
1 The correct position of the two small fragments photographed ίο the bottom rigbt-hand corner of the
plate was found after the facsimile had been made. The larger of the two joins Col. 11. 29-34, the smaller
goes at the top of CoΙ Ι.
ζηλότυπο!; l1υθρωπο!; ascribed ίη the Etymologicum Magnum and elsewhere to

Menander (l\tlen. ed. Meineke, ρ. 137=Kock, Fr. Inc. 86Ζ). The name of the
play is not given, but Meineke assigned the quotation to the ΠΕΡΙΚΕιρομlυη (' The
Shorn Lady'). The certainly known fragments of that playare of the scantiest ;
Meineke could only cite one, and Kock (who puts the &.λάστωρ quotation among
the unidentified fragments) has but two, neither of which gives any clue to the
plot. This, however, is ΡartΊΥ known from an epigram of Agathias (A1Zth. Ρα!.
v. ZI7):-
Του σΟ,Βαρου Πολlμωυα, του ~υ θυμlλrισι Μευάυδρου
Κε(ραυτa ΥλυΚΕρου!; Tη~ αλ6χου πλοκάμου!;,
COπλόTEΡO~ Πολ'μωυ μιμήσατο, Kα~ τα CPoδάυθη~
Βόστρυχα παυTόλμoι~ χερσιυ fληiσατο·
'Αλλ' lμπη~ ΤΕλlθΕΙ ΜισούμΕυο!;· αυτaρ lΥωΥΙ

ΔύσKoλo~ ουχ όρόωυ τηυ ΠΕρικειρομ'υηυ.
(Ιη 1ine 2. there is a variant yλυKερά~ for yλυKεpoύ~, from which Scaliger
conjectured ΓλυκΙρα!;, which was accepted by Jacobs but not by Stadtmtiller.)
From this epigram it appears that the principal character ίη the play was
Pole~o) a soldier of a violent disposition, who ίη a jealous mood went so far
as to cut off the hair of his mistress, and that she, if ~e accept the emendation of
Scaliger, was called Glycera. Some more details are supplίed by Philostratus,
Ερ. χχνί. ρ. 924 ofιδε- δ του Μευάυδρου ΠολΙμωυ καλου μειράκιου περιέκειρευ, ιlλλ'
αΙχμαλωτου με-υ Epωμέυη~ κατετ6λμησευ 6pyισθE'~, ηυ ουδε (ιυTO~ a'ΠOKείpα~ ηνέσχετο.
κλαίει Υουυ καταπεσωυ και μεταΥΙΥυώσκει τφ φόυφ T~υ τριχωυ. From this we gathet
that Polemo's mistress was a captive, and that he subsequently repented of
his rash deed.
The discovery of the present fragment completelyestablishes tbe correctness
of Meineke's acute conjecture, as well as the emendation of Scaliger ίη the
epigram. Ιη our papyrus we have Polemo, the rude and jealous soIdier who
has been deserted by his mistress Glycera οη account of his ίll treatment of
her, and now wishes to be reconci1ed, together with several references (13 and
47) to a πάροιυου or act of drunken violence committed by Polemo, i. e, the
cutting of Glycera's hair. As Blass remarks, there can be πο doubt that our
fragment belongs to the closing scene of the play, the plot of which can now
to a considerable extent be l·econstructed. Besides Polemo and Glycera, the
characters include Glycera's brother (11 and 50), her father Pataecus (37 sqq.),
Doris, a female slave of Polemo (2, 8, 15), Philinus and his daughter (51).
Glycera, a captive (Philostr. l. c.) living with Polemo the soldier presumably
PLATE 111
'.
"ί
~
~- \.~
. '
,
.~
υ
.i..,
,ι
}-
Νο. CCXI
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS
at Athens, js visited by a man whom Polemo suspects of being her lover but
who is real1y het- brother (10-1 ι). Ιη a fit of violent jealousy Polemo cuts off
Glycera's hair, whereupon she deserts him, and ίη some unexpected manner
comes across her father, Pataecus, presumably a ε'υo~, with whorn she takes
refuge (46-47, note). Polemo οη finding out his error ίΒ fil1ed with remorse,
which is ηο doubt heightened by the discovery that Glycera comes of honourable
pal-entage, and ardently desires to receive her back. This leads to the cIimax
of the play which is fortunately preserved ίη our fi-agment. Polemo and Doris
are engaged ίn dialogue before the house of Pataecus, which \vas οη one side
of the stage, that of Polemo probably being οη the other (cf. note οη 49). Polemo
is ίη the depths of despair and threatens to commit suicide, whi1e Doris comforts
him by offering to go and bring Glycera back. Polemo is overjoyed at this
suggestion and dismisses her (1-8). During Doris' absence, Polemo makes
a short soliloquy οη his mistake and the rashness of his conduct (9-14). Doris
then returns with the good news that Glycera is coming, and suggests that
Polemo should propitiate her by offering a sacrifice to the gods. Polemo is
delighted with the idea and orders hasty preparations to be made (15-26).
Doris then announces that Pataecus also is coming, at which prospect Polemo is
much alarmed and runs off into his own house, followed by Doris (27-30).
Pataecus and Glycera then come out, and Pataecus congratulates his daughter
ση her approaching reconcilίation. Polemo is brought back, and ίη 37 sqq.
Pataecus formally offers him Glycera ίη marriage, accompanying his offer with
some sound advice. Polemo joyful1y accepts Glycera as his wife and ίΒ forgiven
by her (43-48). The fragment closes with the announcement by Pataecus
of the betrothal of his son to Philinus' daughter, whose love affairs ηο doubt
formed a secondary intrigue ία the play. It is improbable that the end of the
comedy was more than twenty or thirty lines off.
Col. Ι. Col. 11.

]Ν : IN€MAYΤONAΠOΠNIΞAIMI: ΜΗΔΗ[
]",01 ΑΛΛΑΤI[.]ΟΗcωΔωΡΙ· πωCΒlω[
]ςM€NO[.] OTPIC ΚΑΚΟΔΑIΜωΝχωρι cω[
]ι)QΓΟΥC ΑΠ€ΙCΙΝωcc€: ΠΡΟCΘ€ωΝ· ΟΙ(
5 €ANnPOeYMHeHC ΑΚ[..]ωc[
]A€r€lc OYK€NΛIΠOιWANOYΘ€N €YΤOY[
Ε
]ωΝ yn€P€YA€r€lc· BAΔIZ€· rωCΈ~[

ΑγΡIΟΝΑΦΗcωΔωΡI· AΛΛOΔ~[
AKOYCON · €IC€ΛΗΛγΘ· OIMOI[
ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS ΡAPYRI
10 ωCΚ[.]ΤΑΚΡΑΤΟCΜ'€IΛΗΦΑC€[
AΔ€ΛΦONOYXΙMOΙXON·ΟΔ[
ΚΑIΖΗΛΟΤΥΠΟCΑΝΘ[.]ωποc·~[
€ΥΘΥC€ΠΑΡωΝΟΥ~ ΤΟΙΓΑΡΟΥ[
ΚΑΛωcποωΝ· TI€<;Τ_!ΔωPΙΦΙΛ[
15 ~~ε:ι.~ ΑΓΑΘΑ· ΠΟΡ€Υ<;:~Θωcc€: KAT€Γ€Λ[

MAΤHNAΦPOΔ[.]TI:I~AΛΛ€N€ΔY€Τ[
ΟΠΑΤΗ P€Π€~[ •• ]~Z€XPHNC€NYNlJ~[
€YAΓ€ΛIATιμ[·]Γ~ΓONOTωNΠOΘ[
~ .]€K[•. ]ΝΗC€ΥΤΥΧΗΚΥlηC[
20 ~I:ITONΔlα· ΟΡΘωCΓΑΡΛ€Γ€IC ΟΔ[
ε--1
ΜΑΓ€ΙΡΟC€ΝΔΟΝ€CΤΙ• THNYN~[
δω KANOYNΔ€ΠOY· KAΙTAΛΛAΔ€Ι: [C]KA[
ΥCΤ€ΡΟΝ€ΝΑΡΞ€Τ)·ΑΛΛΑΤΑΥΤΗΝCΦ[
MAΛΛONΔ€KAΓωT€ΦANO~~ΠOBω[
25 ΑΦ€ΛωΝ€ΠΙΘ€CΘΑIΒΟΥΛΟιγ\J:\[.]ΠΙΘΑ[
ν ηs
ΠOΛΛωΦAN€IΓOYN: AΓ€T€[ ••• ]~[

ν
]! ΚΑΙΜΗ N€M€ΛΛ€€ΞΙ€NAΙΔ[
ΕιaΕΡΧ.[
AYTOC· TIrAPnAeHTIC: ωΤΑ[
ν
~). • AKOr:JTQ<;~. l[.]Η N~[.]FAt:J[

30 ΕιC€ΙΜIΚΑΥΤΗC[.]ι)'\ΠΟΗCΟΥC)[
~CΟΥΦΙΛωΤΟ[.]Υ~L;\!~f':.ΛΑΧ[
OT€YΤYXH ΚΑC.ΤΟΤ€Δ~[••••]J:'ITtI ΝΔΙ [
T€KMHPIONTOYT€CT[.••••]HNOCTP[
]---~
A~[•.••• ]J:'~€ ι τωτι CJ:'[•••••] ΝΑΥΤ[
35 ]~,ι:ι €[.••••••• ]ΛΛ)€ΘYON[.]Π€P€Y[
[••••••• ~ .]~p~YPtI~[·]IANOYC[
παταικ
U[... ]M~[•.]C : ΟΡΘωCΓΑΡΛ€Γ€1 C[

]~ [.]~ι)ΛωΛ€Γ€ΙNAKOY€· ΤΑΥΤΗΝΓΝ[
ΠΑIΔωΝ€ΠΑΡοτωICΟIΔΙΔωΜΙ: Λ[
40 ΚΑΙΠΡΟΙΚΑΤΡΙΑΤΑΛΑΝΤΑ: ΚΑIΚΑΛω[
ΤΟΛΟ ΙΠΟ N€nIAAeOYCT ΡΑΤΙ ωΤΗ C[
Ε
ΠΡοπ€τ[ω]CΠΟΙΗCηCΜ[.]Δ€€Ν[
'Π9~' ΑΠΟΛΛΟΝΟCΚΑΙΝΥΝΑΠ[.]ΛωΛΑΠΑ[
]~ ΠΑΛΙ ΝΤIΠΡΑΞωΠΡΟΠ€Τ[.]CΟΥ
Δ €M[
]ωc 45 ΓΛYK€PAI· ΔΙΑΛΛΑΓΗΘΙΦΙΛΤΑΤΗΙΜΟ[
]ΤΑ [••• ]ιcCf NYNM€N ΓΑΡΗΜΙ Ν Γ€ΓON€NAPXH[
NEW CLASS1CAL FRAGMENTS
ΑrΑΘωΝ.ΤΟCΟΝΠΑΡΟIΝΟΝ:ΟΡΘω[
ΔIΑΤΟΥΤΟCΥrrΝωΜΗ CT€TYX Η ΚΑ[
-- 11'ολeΕισισι11'ΟιΤΟιΙIC[
CΥΝΘΥ€ΔΗΠΑΤΑΙK€: €TEPOYCZH[
]---) '"
50 €CΤIΝrΑΜΟΥCΜοlτωrΑΡγωΛΑΜΒΑ[
ε---[
THNTOYΦIΛ€INOYΘYΓAT~P·· ωrΗ[
For the following restoration we are ίn the main indebted to Professor

Blass.
(ΠΟλ.) ιν' έμαυτον dποπνlξαιμι. (Δω.) μη 8η [Φληνάφα.
(ΠΟλ.) άλλα τί [π]οήσω', Δωρί; πα/~ βιώ(σομαι
οt ~ ,
τρισκακοοαιμων, '~[
xωρι~ ro:v Tη~
'" '
Φ ι λ TαTη~;
(Δω.) IiTrELatJI ώ~ σέ. (ΠΟλ.) πpo~ θεων οί[ον λέyει~.

(Δω.) έαν πpoθυμηθυ~, άK[6π]ω~ (ιiξω τάχα. 5
(ΠΟλ.) ουκ , 'λ'
εν ()'
ιπο ι μ ~
αν , '
ου θ εν, ευ ';" του τ "'[' ",ισσ.
Δ' (Δ)'
ω. ~
ιοου. ,
(ΠΟλ.) ('
υπερευ λ'
εyει~· , 1\?
β α(}ι~· ' \
εΥΟ> 1\'
ο ε'λ[ ευ θ'
εραν
αγριον άφήσω, Δωρί, (σ')· άλΧ 8 8ε[ι λέγειν

~I
ακουσον. ,
εισε λ'λ
η V θ' • ~
οιμοι [Γλ"
υκεριον
ώ~ κ[α]τα KpάTO~ μ' εfληφα~. ε(Ζ8έναι παρην 10

'8ε λΦ'ον,
α "
ουχι μοιχον· , ο(8[' α'λ'
αστωρ , ,
εΥα/
και (ηλ6Tυπo~ ιlνθ[p]ωπo~, α[~ - v -

'θ'"
ευ υ~ επαρφνουν. ΤΟΙΥαρου ν "'[ , λ'ομηll,
απω
lfΙρχε(ται.) Δωρίι Kαλω~ ποων. Tl έστι, Δωρι φιλ(τάτη;

(Δω.) άΥαθά· πορεύσεθ' ώ~ σΙ (ΠΟλ.) κατεΥέλ[α Υέ σου. 15
(Δω.) μα την Άφρ08[ί]την, άλλ' ένε8ύετ[ο στατ6ν,
δ πατηρ έπεξ[ ήτ]α(ε· χρην σε νυν πά(λαι
ευαΥ(Υ)Ελια τω[ν) ΥεΥον6των ποθ[ουμένων
[θύειν], έκ[εt]νη~ εύΤυχη I(υία~ [τ68ε.
(ΠΟλ.) νη τον Δί', όpθω~ Υαρ λέyει~· δ 8[- v - 20
,
μαyειpo~ "
εν 8 '"
ον εστι· τηll υν
"f' θ['
υετω.
Δω(ΡIC) κανουν 8Ε που, και τιiλλ' a

8ει; (ΠΟλ.) κα[νουν μΕν ου"
ιl , , t ' α'λλα' ταυτην
υσrεpoν εναΡ6ΕΤ·
, σ
φ['
αΤΤΕτω.
μαλλον 8Ε κάΥα/ (σ)τέφανον άπα βω[μου ποθΕν

άΦΕλα/ν Επιθέσθαι βούλομα[ι]. (Δω.) πιθα[νώτεΡΟΥ
πολλφ φανΕΊ Υουν. ,(ΠΟλ.) dYETE [- ~ - v -
Δ)
(ω. και , μην , JI
εμε λλ
εν 'l. '
Ef;tElIat 1\( "
ο η χω πατηρ. ,
είσέρχ( ετΟιΙ) [Πολέμων
(ΠΟλ.) αύTό~; τί Υαρ πάθυ TΙ~; (Δω.) α/ τάίλαιν' €yώ.
Ε • • • • • αKOllTO~ . . . lIηll θ(ύ]ραν [
"
εισειμι καυτη" []
σ υ μποησουσ, , , ["ει τι δ"ει.
(n~Τ~IKOC) πάνυ σου φιλω το "[σ]υllδιαλλαχ[θήσομαι."

lJT' εvτύχηκαr, τότε δε[ δέχθJαι TrJlI δί[ κηll
τεκμήριον TOVT' ~σT[ ΙlI ι/Ελλ ]ηllO~ τρ[ 6που.
dλ[λ' έκκ]αλείτω Tlr α[ . ... . ]11 αύτ[ον u-
ΠO]λ€M(ωN) ε[ί'μ' ένθάδ', ά]λλ' ~θυoll (ύJπερ εύ[πραξίαr, 35

[Γλυκεραll ()πJap Εύρηκ[ υ ]ί'αll oύ~ [ούδ' ειδ' γllαρ
π[υθ6]με[νο]r. Πά,ταιιc(οs) ,όΡθωr Υαρ λεΥειr. [a. δ' ουν έΥα/
[μ]ελλω λεΥειν, dKOve· ταύτην Υν[ ησίων
παίδων έπ' άρ6τφ σοι δίδωμι. (ΠΟλ.) λ( α#βάllω.
(ΠΑΤ.) και προΊκα τρία τάλαντα. (ΠΟλ.) και καλω[r Υ' ~XEΙ.
(Π ~τ. ) 'λ οιπον
το ' ,
επι λ α θ ου ,.. σTpαTιωTη~ , ["ων, ιl
ΟΠα/r
πpoπεTε~ πoιήσυ~ μ[η]δε ~ν [~- u -
ΠOλ€(MωN.) ~πoλλoν, 8~ και νυν άπ[ 6Jλωλα πα[ρ' όλίΥον,

πάλιν τι πράξω πpoπεT[ε]~; ούδε μ[ήποτε,
ΓλυK€pα· διαλλάΥηθι, φιλτάτη, μ6[νον. 45
[rλγ]Κ€(ΡG\.) νυν μεν Ύαρ ήμιlΙ ΥεΥονεν άρχη [πραΥμάτων
άΥαθωll το σον πάΡΟΙ1l0ν. (ΠΟλ.) όρθω[~, νη Δ{α.
(Γλγ.) δια τούτο συΥΥllώμηr τετvχηκα[~ έξ έμοΟ.
(ΠΟλ) σVlΙθυ€ δή, Πάταιχ'. Πολέ(μων) είσ(ε)ισι., llάoTOιLΙC(OS) έTεpoυ~ (η[τητεον
έστιν Ύάμoυ~ μοι· Τψ yb.p ύψ λαμβά[να/ 50

την του' ·Φιλί1l0υ θυΥατερ· (ΓλΥ.) a> Υη [και θεοί.
Polemo. ' •.. that Ι might drown myse]f.

Dorzs. Don't talk nonsense.
Ρο!. But what shall Ι do, Doris? How can Ι, unlucky wretch, live without my
darling?
Dor. She will come back to you.
Ρο!. Good heavens Ι Do you reaIIy mean it?
Dor. If you are set οη it, Ι wiIl bring her at once
without any trouble.
Ρο!. There is ηο feal" of my being backward, be sure of that.
Dor. I'm off.
Ρο!. Excellent! Go, Ι will give you your freedom to-morrow, Doris. But listen Ιο
what Ι want you to say. (Dorzs enlers Ihe house if Pαtαecus.) She has gone ίn. Ah me,
little Glycera, how you have taken me by storm! Ι might have known it was a brother, not
NEW CLASS/CAL FRAGMENTS
a paramour. Ι was the wretch and a jealous [001 ••. ίη a fit of drunken violence. That
was my destruction-and it served me right. (Re-enter Doris from ιΜ house.) What
news, dear Dol·is?
Dor. Good news; she will come to you.
Pol. She was only mocking you.
Dor. Νο, by Aphrodite. She was putting οη a gown, and her father was superνising.
Υ ou onght long ago to have been lllaking a thankoffering [or the attainment ο[ your
desires, since she has had this good fortune.
Ρο!. ΒΥ Zeus, you are right ... the cook is within. Let him sacrifice the sow.
Dor. But where are the basket and the other necessaries ?
Ρο!. Oh, as [or the basket, he can begin the saCΓίfice with that afterwards, but let him
kill the sow now. Ν ay, Ι too want to filch a cro,vn from an altal· sODlewhere and
put it οη.
Dor. You will appear much mot·e persuasive 80.
Ρο!. Come ...
Dor. ΒΥ the way, her father, too, was οη the point of coming ουΙ
Pol. Himself? What will happen Ιο me? (Polemo enlers his house.)
Dor. AJas! . .. l, too, will enter and assist if Ι am ,,,anted. (.Doris jόllows
Po/emo znIo his house. En!er PaIaecus and GlYt~era.)
Ρα!aecus. Ι thank you very much [οι· that word 'reconciled.' When you have been
fortunate, then to be satisfied with the revenge-that is a mark of the Greek character. But
let some one call him out.
Ρο!. (re-eniering). Η ere Ι am; I was only sacrificing for good fortune, having learnt
that Glycera had found ίη reality those of whom she had nοέ even dreamed.
Ρα!. True. But please 1isten to what Ι have to say. This woman Ι give to you [οτ
the procreation of children ίη wedlock-
Ρο!. Ι take her.
Ρα!. With a dowry of three talents.
Ρο!. That is splendid.
Ρα!. Ιη future forget that you are a soldier, and don't ever commit a ι·eckΙeβs
deed again.
Ρο!. ΑροlΙο, Ι, who was but now so appalIingly near destruction, shall Ι do another
reckless act? Never again, Glycera, if only you will make it up, dearest.
G/ycera. Υes; for now your drunken violence has proved a source of blessing to us.
Ρο!. ΒΥ Zeus, it has.
G!y. That is why Ι have pardoned you.
Ρο!. Come, join the sacrifice, Pataecus. (Polemo enIers hzs house.)
Ρα!. Ι have another marriage to arrange; Ι am marrying my son to Philinus' daughter.
G(y. Gracious heavens J '
6. Ί"'he t\"O paragrαphz' above and below this line were inserted by the corrector, being
thicker, shorter, and ίρ lighter ink than the othel·s. Their omission must have been a simple
error ση the part of the first hand. Without them both ]}. 5 and 6 would belong to Polemo,
and ίη that case ύπέp€υ λέγιι~ ίη 7 would have ηο meaning. There is a spot of ink, pel·haps
meant for a dot, under the Ν of OYΘ€N, and ίι is possible that a dot is 10st above the Ν
where the papyrus is rubbed. If so a change of speaker was indfcated after OYΘ€N. But
since there is a space left between the Ν and the € following, we should have expected the
two dots to have been placed after the Ν, as else,vhere, instead of above and below the
letter; and even if the ink spot under Ν means anything, it may be merely a υποσΤΙΥμή.
If, }10wever, the change of speaker took place aftel' OYΘ€N and not ίη the lacuna at the
4Α C
end of ,the line, supply (Δω.) εδ τοϋ[τ' ίσθι υυν, TOVTO referring to Doris' promise ίη 1. 5 ιο
bring the gir1.
8. The reading of the papyrus Δα/ΡΙ· ΑΛΛ involves an impossible hi~tus, which is
removed by the insertion (suggested by Blass) of σ' after Δωρ! and the alteration of σ' to ~'
ίη the previous line.
10. ι<ατα ι<pάTO~ μι' είληΦα~: Polemo's metaphors are natural1y military.
11. For the ~upplement see Menander Fr. 862 (Kock), quoted above.
12. The tip of a letter at the end of the line can only belong to Α or ω, and is much
more like Α.
14~ For ι<αλω~ ποιων with the passive, cf. Ar. Eccl. 804 atαppαyEJ ••• ι<αλωr ποιήσειr.
16. lνεaύετ[ ο στατόν: σTαTό~=XΙTων όρθοσ'fά~ιοr. The meaning appears to be that
Glycera was preparing Ιο come ουΙ
17. ΠΑ[ΛΑΙ is extremely doubtful. The first letter may be τ. The vestiges οί the
second letter suit Α, Δ, or Λ better than anything else.
. 18. The two letters after εΥΑΓεΛIΑ might be read as Π and Ρ instead of Τ and ω, but
Ί)Ρ[οJr~rΟΝοτωΝwould not fi11 the lacuna. The two doubtful gammas might be C or Τ,
and the doubtful € might be ο.
19. The first hand wrote EYTYXHKYIAC, the termination being altered to HC by the
corrector. The form ίη -η~ was the common one ίη the Roman period, e. g. ίη the New
Testament. ΒΥ έ#(είιιη~ is meant Glycera, and εύT1Ixη#(υ{α~ apparently refers to her discovery
of ber father, cf. 32, 46-47 aηd introd.
20. The traces of the paragraphus above this line, though slight owing to the damaged
surface of the papyrus, are clearly discernible. Between 20 and 2 ι there is also a ΡαΥα
grαphus which has been enclosed by the corrector between two comma-shaped signs.
Apparently the first hand considered that a change of speal"er took place either ίη ΟΤ at the
end of 20 (probablyafter Λ€Γειc, where he leaves a blank space), indicating the change
by the parαgrαphus between 20 aηd 21. The corrector,011 the other haηd, assigned both
20 and 2 Ι to the same speaker (Polemo), and the comma-shaped signs enclosing the
paragrαphus are brackets indicating its removal; while ίη Ol"der ιο make matters clearer, he
added the name of the speaker agaiηst 1. 22. Τη four other cases, betweeη 29-30, 31-32,
33-34, and 49-50, the corrector has insel·ted a similar comma-shaped sign at the conclusioη
of the parαgrαphus, and once (50-5 ι) at t11e beginning of it; bnt as ίη each of these cases
the other end of the paragrαphus is 10st or effaced, it is impossible to be certain that they
were parallel to the bracketing of the parαgraphus between 20 and 21. The probability,
however, that ίn these five instances also the corrector intended to cancel the paragraphz" is
very strong. Whether he was right ίη doing .so, is of course a different question, which
must be decided ϊη each passage separately; but he appears to be, or may be, right except ίη
one instance (49-50), where the bracketed pαragraphus seems certaiηly to be required.
This case might perhaps suggest that our explanation of the comma-shaped signs as
brackets is wrong, and that the corrector did nol meaη to signify by them the omission of
a paragraphus. But the insertion of these signs must have meant something, and if the
corrector wanted to omit a parαgraphus-seeing that he has inserted two (above and
below 6) it is only to be expected that he should wish to do so-the method of enclosing it
ίη small brackets would be the mo~t ηatural course to follow. MOl"eover, the hypothesis that
the pαragraphz" enclosed by the small bl"acl{ets \vere not intended by the corrector to be
removed prevents any satisfactory explanatioη of 20, 2 ι. As we have explained this
passage, the corrector assigned both lines to Polemo; but the first haηd, by inserting
a pαragrαphus between these two lines, intended the division of speaker"s to be as folIows :
(Πσλ.) ιιη ΤΟIl Δί', όpθω~ -γαρ λέΥειr. (Δω.) ό δ'[.••. 1 μάΥfΙΡΟ~ ;ν~oν έστΙ. (ΠΟλ.) την -Ον θ[υέτω.
The second change of speaker is necessitated by the first, for some part at least of 2ι
· NEW CLASS/CAL FRAGMENTS
must be spoken by Polemo, since there is a pαrαgrαphus between 2 Ι and 22 which ίΒ

spoken by Doris. This ίΒ a less satisfactory arrangement than that gained by assigning
both lines to Polemo, though it is perhaps tenable. But if we suppose that the brackets
enclosing the parαgrαphus between 20 and 2 Ι are meaningless, and that the corrector
did not intend any change ίη the arrangement of speakers, we have to suppose that he
t\vice omitted to insert ίη 20 and 2 r the double points which he regalarly uses eIsewhere
to denote a change of speaker. Such an omission is very improbable; and since the
hypothesis that the brackets enclosing the pαrαgrαphus between 20 and 2 Ι indicate its
omission by the corrector is the οηΙΥ legitimate explanation of that passage, we are justified
ίη explaining the other cases whel"e the brackets occur ίη the same way, though, as has
been said, it does not fol1ow that the bracketing was ίn all cases correct.
22. καιιουν: the first ceremony ίη offering a sacrifice was to fill the baskets with sacred
barley whic11 was sprinkled ση the head of the victim and ση the altar. But Polemo
is ίn such a hurry that he ,vishes to proceed to the sacrifice at once and have the
prelίminaries afterwards (ϋσT~ρoν ;νάρξεται). Cf. Eur" Ι. Α. 1471 κανα ~ι Eναρx€σθω TΙ~.
26. The reading of the correctol·, πολλων δν ε'{η~ instead of πολλφ Φαιιει Υουν, is probably
not a cOITection but a variant fl"Om another MS. Cf. ο. Ρ. Τ. introd. to xvi.
28. For ιΙσΕρ)(εται ίη the sense of going into the house off the stage cf. 9 ~lσfλήλvl!.
Polemo must be the subject. Tt is clear that he enters his Ο\Υη house, not that ofPataecus;
cf. 2 Ι and the adscript Πολέ(μων) ~Ίσ(~)ισι ίn 49. Since Pataecus' house ,yas οη the stage
too (cf. 9-15), two houses weIe represented, as ίη the Γεωp'Y6~ (cf. ρ. 19.of our edition).
The correct arrangement of the speakers ίη the next six lines is very difficult to unravel
owing to the Iacunae and the number of aIterations ίη the arrangement made by the
corrector, while any adscripts which he may have made ίn the margin of 29 to 34 are lost.
Ιη any case 30 must belong to Doris, 32 and 33 to Pataecus; and we have fo}]owed what
appears to be the view of the corrector (cf. note οη 20) ίη assigning 29 to Doris, 3 ι and 34
to Pataecus. If however the brackets enclosing the pαrαgrαphz' between 29-30, 31-2, 33-4,
are disregarded, and the arrangement indicated by the first hand is retained, 29 belongs
presumably to Polemo, 31 and 34 certainly to Glycera.
29. The first letter can be € or C; the third is like Η or Ν, the fourth like €, Θ, Ο,
or C; the fifth resembles Ν or Μ, and the sixth Γ, Τ, or Ι. The supposed Ν of AKONTOC
is rather more 1ike Μ; the three letters following ΑΚΟΝΤ can each of them be €, Θ, or C.
The letter erased is perhaps τ. The letter following ΗΝ rnight be ο.
30. ~tCEIMI is corrected from ωC€IΜI.
31. το " [σ]υν~ιαλλαx[θήσομαι ~': Pataecus is repeating a word which Glycera has just
spoken within the house. Cf. το "Υιιωθι σαυτόν" Menand. Fr. 240 (Kock).
32. The dot after EYTYXHKAC here and after ΑΓΑΘωΝ ίη 47 repl"esents a ύποστι.Υμή,
not an illegible letter. ~εδέxθaι την l)ίκηll means 'not to seek for any further revenge.'
35. The adscript at the side cannot be read as Δω(ρίr).
36. ~p might be read ΛΟ, but ηοΙ as ΑΘ or €P.
38. The top of the pαragrαphus above this line is visible before the lacuna.
')'v[ ησΙων] παί~ων Επ' άρότφ: this was the usual formula ίη Athenian mal"riage contracts,
cf. Menander Fr. inc. 185 (Meineke) παί()ων σΠ6ρφ τών Υνησίων ~Ι~ωμι σοί y~ τη" lμαυτου
θνΥατΕρα.
46-47. The (πράyμαrα) άΥaθά ηο doubt refer to Glyτcel"a's discovery of her father.
Cf. also note οη 32. .
49. εΤεΡΟΥC is corrected from €TAIPOYC. Tt is very difficult to see why the
pαragraphus bet~'een this Hne and the 1ine following should have been deleted, for
a change of person is indicated ίη 49 by the double dots aftel" ΠΑΤΑΙ K€, and the
corrector e]se,vhere (between 22 and 23) aJlo,,,s a paragrαphus Ιο stand where there
C Ζ
is a change of speaker ίη the middle and none at the end of the line. The adscript
πολέ(μων) Είσ(Ε)ισι means that Polemo goes into his own house to sacrifice; cf. note οη 28.
50, 5 ι. The removal of the paragraphus bet\veen these two lίnes by the corrector
seems to be an improvement. If the reading of the first hand is retained, the speaker ίη
5 ι (? Glycera) is made to anticipate ίη a remarkable ,vay the news which Pataecus is
giving. 1t is much more satisfactory ιο assign (with the corrector) την 'Του Φιλίνου θυΥατέρ'
to Pataecus, and suppose that a change of speaker was made after θυΥατέρ'. There may
have been two dots after θυΥατέρ', since the place which would have been occupied by the
lower one is lost. The absence of a paragraphus after 51 may indeed be regarded as an
argument against the supposition that the corrector introduced a change of speaker into
51, for he sometimes inserts pαragrαphi besides removing them (note οη 6). But seeing
that the corl"ector has carefully denoted the changes of speaker by the system of dots, he
may have been inconsistent ίn his use of the inferiol- system of paragraphi which
was employed by the first hand. How inadequately changes of speaker could be indicated
ίη drama by the system of Ρ aragraphz' is sufficiently proved by the present fragment.
CCXII. ARISTOPHANES?
21·9 χ 11·6 cm.
Three fragments from a comedy. The use of ηυ (Fr. (α) 11. 2) indicates
that they belong to the Old Comedy (Menander always preferred av
or iάv);
and Fr. (b) 6 ]ΤΑrΑΘω[ coincides, so far as it goes, with a line quoted by
Athenaeus 15, 701 b (Kock, Fr. 599) from Aristophanes, iKΙP'pETE 'ΠεύKα~ κατ'
)ΑΥάθωυα φωσφόpov~. The accentuation makes the reference to Agathon ίη the
fragment certain; and the previous line θυραζ[' υvυ τάxo~ (?) connects very wel1
with the line given by Athenaeus. It is not known from what play of
Aristophanes Athenaeus was qnoting, nor, unfortunately, do these fragments
give any clue to its title. The expression κατ' ΆΥιίθωυα also occurs (but at
the beginning, not, as ίη the papyrus, towards the end of a verse) ίη a line from
Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae Secundae (Kock, Fr. 326), and it has been
suggested that the line €KΦ'pεTE 7TεύKα~ κ.τ.λ. was also derived from that play.
This, however, is quite hypothetical; though it is worth noticing that the only
speakers which can be distinguished ίη our fragments are women. Fr. (α)
contains parts of two rather short columns, of the first of which there remain
only the ends of about half the lines. The second column is complete at the
top and bottom, but the ends of the lines are rnissing. Both these columns
are occupied with a dialogue, the speakers ίη which are probably women (cf: Ι. 6
γύοαι, 11. 1 ύβριζ6μευαι); but the subject of their 'conversation is extremely
obscure. Fr. (b) is fronl tl1e bottom of a column, but it cannot be the bottom of
(α) Ι, since the last two lines are Iyrics and belong to the chorus, and will ηοΙ
therefore cotnbine with (α) ΤΙ. Ι. For the same reason this fragment cannot be
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 21
from the column preceding (α) Ι. (c) is also a detached fragment, the position
of which is quite uncertain. The script is a large round upright unciaI, not
very regular, but bold and handsotne ίη appearance. It is remarkabIe for the
use of the archaic form of Ζ (ι) which is occasionally found ίη Roman papyri
(cf. G. Ρ. Ι. ίί). The date of the MS. can hardly be later than the middle of
the second century, and it may go back to the end of the first. The hands
of two correctors may be distinguished; cf. note οη 11. 6. The division of
a line between two speakers is marked by a blank space ίη which the usual
double dots are inserted; these, like the marginal paragrαphi which also
denote the alternations of the dialogue, are ηο doubt by the first hand.
High and middle points occur at the' ends of the lines of Col. Ι; and ίη Col. 11
pauses ίη the sense are marked by points placed above the line. ΑΙΙ these
stops have probably been added later, perhaps by the first corrector. The
other occasionaI lection signs are also un1ikely to be originaI]"
Fr. (α).
Col. Ι. Co1. 11,
αλλ'
]ΙΟΜΑΙ YBPIIOM€NAΙ : MAΔI€Γω{
]€PX€ΤAI. ΗΝΝΟΥΝ€χωΜ€ΝCΚ€Ψ[
]~NAICXOAH' ~€ΝΠΛ€ΟΝΤΟΥτογc~[
]ΠAΓ€ ΤΙOYNΓ€NOIΤAN : €XA. [
5 ]XMAC· 5 ΤΙ€CΤΙΤΟΥΘΟΛ€ΓΟΥCΙΤ[
]rYNAI. αι
ΠΑΙ I€I N€XOYCANTI ΒΟΛφ[

]ΑΤΙ
ΦΛΥΑΡΙΑΚΑΙΛΗ ΡΟCΥΒΡ€ω[
]
λ
].ΟΜΑΙ
ΚΑΛωCΟΝ€ΙΔΟCΚΑΙΚΑΤ[
10 ]Δ€CΟΙ
ΤQ[. .]ωIΓΑΡωcπ€ΡΤΟICI •[
]~€Γω·
10 Τ[.•.]AN€MIAfOICOTIN€OT[
~y[•• ]Δ€ΚΑΙΤΟΥΤ€CΤΙΝ· €Y[
€C[...]TOXPHC€I· ΚΑΙΠΟΝΟ[
ΚΑ[.• ]Η NΛ€Γ€ΤAIΓωC€Cθ[
ΑΛΗ[.]IΝωικ[.•.]ΟΥΤΟ: ΝΗΔ[
15 χ ωCΠ€Ρ[.]€ΛΗΝΗΓΗΛιωι· ΤHNM€[
ΙΔ€I NOMOfON€CΤI' ΘAΛΠ€IΔOY[
ΟΥΚΑΞΙΟΝrAP€CTIΝ : ΔΙΑΤΟΥΠΟΝ[
Φ'€ίV €l[.]€ΤΟΙCΘ€ΡΑΠΟΥCIΚΟΙΝω<;[
ΤΟΠΡ[.]ΓΜΑ· ΤΙAN€IH· ΛAΘPAΙΤ~Π!~[
~o €ΓωM[.]NOYΤ€ΠIOΤ€PONAYΤH~[
Fr. (b). Fr. (c)•

... ..
] .. [ ]~KAM€τ:r[
]ΤΡΑΓικω[ ]-ΟΙΔΑΓΑ[
]ΙΝΘγΡΑΙ[ ]N€ιχO~[
]ΤΑΓΑΘω[ ]ΦΙΛΗΚΟ[
5 ]€CΤΙΝΑCΦ[ 5 ]CΙΠΛ€Q[
]ΤΑΠΑlcω'[[ ]γ~I[
]TONθ€ωN
ο .......
]€Ν€ΝωΙΔΑIC
Fr. (α) Ι. 9. The letter Ο is joined to the previous letter by a low curved stroke which
may very well belong to Λ, Ρ, or C.
. 11. 3. The last letter may be €.
4. The last letter had a vertical stroke; γ, Τ, or Ν, e. g. would suit.
6. Above the C ίη the middle of the line α~ has been written ίη a minute and
probably contemporary haηd. Qver this the missing syllable has been written a second
time ίη larger letters by another hand, which is probably also responsible for the addition
ίη Ι. The insertioη of λ ίη 8 and of χ ίn the margin opposite 15, aηd the additioη of ο as
a variant above the line in (b) 7 seem to be due Ιο the first corrector.
ι ι. The first letter is either € or C; the secoηd is probably Τ or γ; but Ν or Π are
also just possible.
15. The small χ ίη the margin may be the initial of the speaker's name, or the
critical sign known as χι. -
19. €ΠIA: the letter traηscribed as € may equally well be ο. If the third letter is Ι,
as is most probable, the fourth may be Α, Λ, or Δ; but they could perhaps be read as
a single letter, ω. .
20. ΠΙΟΤΕΡΟΝ: or ΠPOT€PON. C at the end of the line is very doubtful; Ρ would
suit the traces rathel· well.
Fr. (b) 6. The doubtful Γ may be Π.
7, 8. These ]yric verses, the ends of which are preserved, are shorter than the pre-
ceding iambic lines by about four syllables.
Fr. (c) Ι. The doubtful Π may be Γ.
5. Ο before the lacuηa may be C.
6. Λ might perhaps be read as Χ.
The suggested restorations ίη the following transcription are for the most
part due to Professor Blass.
Col. 11. 1-20.
Λ. όβρι(6μεναι. Β. μα ΔΙ' άλλ' ΕΎα/ [~- u -

ην νουν ~xωμεν, σκεψ[6μεθα ~-- Hπω~
μη8εν πλέον τούτου σθ(ένωσιll - u -
Λ . τι' l'
αυll
,
ΎεJlΟΙΤ
,~
αν;
Β
• ~/,
ΕΧ,
'['
α ποκριιιαι
, μαι
, 1\
ΤοοΕ·
5 τί έστι τοϋθ' 8 λεΥουσι T[aS' ~ - v -

παΕ(ειν EXOVua~, dντιβολω, [το - v -;
Λ. Φλυαρία και ληρo~ (,βρ€ω[~ ~I<yoνo~ (?)
"λλ ω~
κα ,Ι {\
oνειoo~ ,
και κατ[α'Ίε
' λ ω~ - v -
' ] 'tl "" [ ,,, ,
το[ υτ φ Υαρ ωσπερ τοισι ν φoι~ χρηστεον
10 .... ] '
Τ[ oι~
,
ανεμιαιoι~, ΟΤΙ
ιl νεοτ τι
( "ουκ
" !ενι.
ευ[χη] 8ε και τουτ' ~σTιν· ευ[~ - v -
έ~ (TovJTO χρήσει· και πoνo(~ - v -
Β• κα[ ι' ]
μ'ην λ'
εΥεται" 'Ί 'θ'
Q)S' εσ
rf [t'ομοιον - u -
άλη[θ]ΙΥφ K[at τ]οΟτο. Λ. νη Δ(ί', ώ φίλη, (?)

15 ιZσπ€ρ [σ]ελήνη Υ' ήλίφ· την με[ν χρόαν
'8....
ι
ιl "
ειrι ομοιον εστι,
Δ 'λ Ι? ου'[ oαμω~.
σα πει ο
{\ ,..
" 'αfilOlI
Β · ουκ l " εστι. A.f\
Υαρ • οια, το,,?πον
" [v -
Β. φέρ', εΙ [8Ίε TOΙ~ θεράπουσι κοινωσ[aίμεθα
το πρ[a]Ύμα,- τί ι1ν εfη; λάθΡff ~ - v -
Λ. 20 έ'Ία/ μ[ε]ν οδτε πι6τερον aύTη~ [v-
CCXIII. TRAGIC FRAGMENT.
Plate IV. Fr. (α) 8 χ 11·3, Fr. (δ) 7·8 χ 8 cm.

Part of a speech out of a tragedy, written ίη several columns ση the verso
of an account. The rough unformed hand and the corrupt Greek indicate
that the writer was a schoolboy. The subject of the better preserved portion
is very clearly the fate of Niobe. The scene is laid ίη Lydia, and it is probable
that the speaker both here and throughout the fragments is Niobe's father
'tantalus, who, after lamenting oνer his daughter's petrified form, bewaίIs (fr. δ)
the 10ss of his kingdom and the fickleness of fortune. It is an obvious al1d
tempting supposition that the author is either Aeschylus or Sophocles, both
ο{ whom are recorded to have written tragedies upon the subject of Niobe.
Tantalus certainly figured among the dramatis personae ίη the Niobe of Aeschylus,
and a few fragments are preserved of a speech made by him after the catastrophe
had taken place. Less is known of Sophocles' play; but according to Eustathius
(ρ. 1367, 21: cf. G. Hermann, 0pltSC. 3. 38; Welcker, Griech. Trag. 286 sqq.
takes a different view) he made Niohe herself go to Lydia, while her chίldrert
ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
were slain at Thebes. The question therefore as between the two dramatists
becomes one of style; and Professor Blass, to whom we are to a large extent
indebted for the restoration of the fragment, considers that its diction is
decidedly Sophoclean. The chief grounds for this conclusion are :-Fr. (α) Ι. 2.
ιπεί ίη Aeschylus is never placed ,late ίn the sentence; οη the other hand
this is a favourite construction of Sophocles, e.g. Phl:l. 1343, Tr. 1174 (Επειδή)
ο. R. 801 (δτε). 3. λιθoυpyή~ is only known from l~ter authors ; but compounds
of λίθo~ do not occur ίη Aeschylus, whereas from Sophocles we have λιθOKόλληTO~,
λιθόλευσTO~, λιθoσπαδή~, and λιθ6σTpωTO~. 8. σθΕυειυ with the ίnΕ. is Sophoclean
(A1'tt. 1044, &c.), bnt is not found ίη Aeschylus. 9. ΤΟΙΥαρουυ occurs four
times ίο Sophocles, ίn Aeschylus not at all. Fr. (δ) Ι. 7. σφόδρα is used twice
by Sophocles (ΕΙ. 1053, Ai. 150), never by Aeschylns. 10. κυκλειυ is Sophoclean
(Ai. 19, Ant. 226, &-e.), but does not occur ίη Aeschylus. These considerations
certainly outweigh the few instances of the use of Aeschylean words which
are not found ίη the extant plays of Sophocles :-Fr. (α) Ι. 6. ? δί]υγpo~ (Sept. c.
Th. 985), Fr. (δ) Ι. 3. σκηπτουχία (Pers. 297). There is also to be noted the
occurrence of several words not hitherto included ίη the tragic νocabulary,
εΙκόυισμα (cf. Phalaec. Anth. Ρα!. xiii. 6), είκελος, τειχί(ειυ, and άKάpδιo~ and λιθουυ,
if those words are to be restored ίη Fr. (α) Ι. 8, 9.
The papyrus upon which the piece is wl·itten is ία two separate fragment5,
each containing the ends of ιiήes of bne column and the beginnings of lines of
another. Ιη both cases the bottoms of the columns are preserved; it is therefore
evident that the fragments cannot be placed one above the other 50 as to
form only two columns. If they are to be united at all either the second
cοlμmn of frag. (α) must be combined with the first of frag. (δ), or the second
of frag. (b) with the first of frag. (α). The latter possibility is precluded by
the occurrence ίη the last line of (δ) 11 of the word Kεpαυ[υό~ which cannot be
the beginning of the last line of (α) Ι, where only one foot and a half is
wanting. Οη the other hand there is nothing to invalίdate the combination of
(α) 11 with (δ) Ι. The aspect of the papyrus at the right edge of (α) and th,e
left edge of (δ) 'is νery similar; and the writing ση the recto, of which there
are also three columns, is ίn favoul of this position of the two fragments. The
4
speech wiIl then have extended over three columns at least; bllt they may
have, been short ones, and the whole speech need not have contained a number
of 1ines greater than is frequently found ίη the pήσει~ of extant tragedies.
With regard to the date of the MS., the docnment ση the recto-a lίst of
names accompanied by amounts ίη money-is decidedly early, and probably
fal1s within the first century. The writing οη the verso is unlίkely to be divided
from that οη the recto by a very wide interval; and though it is difficult to date
PLATE ιν
ό
Ζ
hands of this uncultivated type, the present example appears to belong to the
earlier rather tl1an to the latter part of the second century.
Fr. (α).
CoΙ Ι. Co1. Ι Ι.
]~HPωNΠAY[ 12 letters.
]Ίj€τωΝΔ€ΠΙΜωΝΟCΦΟΒωΝ
]eOYPr€CH ΚΟΝ ΙCΜΑ€ΙΔΗΤ€ΡΑ
]ΑlκωΦΑICIΝϊΚ€ΛΟΝΠ€ΤΡΟIC
5 ]€ΙΝΗCΟIΔΑΚΑIΜΑrΟΥCΠΑrΑC
]ΥΓρωι ΚΑΛΑΒΙ KOIMHeHC€TAI
]CχONeAMBOCHrAPnN€YM€eA ~ [.]~[
]~!o ΙCΠ€ΤΡΟι C Ι ΝΥ ΜΠΑΛΙ NCe€N€1 [. ·]Τ€[
]ωCΑΙΤΟΙ ΓΑΡΟΥΝ Θ[.. ]P€ΙΤΑΙΜΟ Ι • ΤΗ[
10 ]€NOI ΚΤΡΑCΥΜΦΟΡΑΔΑΠΤ€ΙΦΡ€ΝΑC [.]~IΠ[
]NAIMOAON<7€KOYCIOYCM[.]~AC 5 CT· [
]MorpωNANTΙ~AZON[
.•.•.. ]ΤΟΙ J:lrQ(
Fr. (b).
Co1. Ι. Col. 11.
]~[.]ΡΦΑΝΙCΜ€ΘΑ nr·]tI[
lΙ:Ι Π PAΠOYΔOMωN€ΔH ..
[ ];[
]~TOMONCKHnPOvχIAI [
]YN€PHMIAΙ [
s ]9ΝΤ€CΑIΑΝΙ:Ι[.]~€rωl s [
]€ιχΙCΜΑΙΚΑκωΝ [
]ΦOΔPA€YΤYXHKPAΤ€I Ν γ[
]CTYXHC ΗΔΙ·· [
]~ΓAPΤP€XOYΔΙ Ι$Η Ν €Ι;O~· [
10 ]. T!CKYKA€ITYX[•.] 10 K€PAY[
(α). Ι. 2. The first letter is probably Π; it could perhaps be read as Υ, hardly as Μ.

5· €INHC: Η has been corrected from Ο or C.
6. The dot above the supposed Υ may represent a diaeresis.
8. The traces of the first letter seem to suit nothing but Δ.
ι ι. There is room for one letter between the Θ (which appears fairly certain) and the
following €.
12. ΑΝΤΙΑΑΖΟΝ[: ΑΝΤΙΛΑΖΟΝ[ΤΑΙ could also be read.
(b). Ι. 9. The nrst letter might be €.
10. The vestiges before TIC would suit Ι or Ν. Υ ίη KYKΛ€I was corrected from Ι.
The letters ΥΧ at the end of this line do not appear ίn the facsimile owing to the -fact
that the small piece of papyrus containing them was turned over when the photograph was
taken.
11. Ι. The third letter may be γ.
Fr. (α). Col. Ι. 2-12.
2 [~- v -]πε των8' επει μ6νo~ φ6βων.

[και, μην
, λ]θ
ι
' "
OυpYE~ εικονισμ
,\ ΙaΕιν
'1\ ,... ,
παρa,
[Tfi μ~ν xp6]~ Kωφα'tσιν ε(ιcελoν πεTpαι~,

5 [μορφην 8' έκJε[νη~ οί8α KώμμαToσTαyεΊ~
[πηyά~· 8ι]ύΥρφ κάλυβι κοιμηθήσεται.
[μεΥιστον ~Juxov θάμβοg· ή Υαρ πνεϋμ' ~νι
[? άκαρ ]8ίoι~ πετροισιν, η 'μπαλιll σθένει
[OeoS' λιθ]ωσαι. ΤΟΙΥαρουν θ(εω]ρουντί μοι
10 [παι8οS' μ]Εν οικτρα συμφορα 8άπτει φρεναS',
,
[ το 1\'
ο
('J
ιστα ναι μο
λ' θ'
ον
( ,
εκουσιοvS'
,
paxaS'
[θεοισι] Μοιρων άντ[' &(οιι[ται βρο]τοί.
Fr. (6). CoΙ Ι.
[~ - v- ~ - υ]~ [ώ]ρφανίσμεθα.
[που μοι τύραννα σκη]πτρα; που 8όμω1l g8η;
[~ ...;. u - ~ σύ]ντομον σκηπτουχί".
[~ - v - ~ - v ν]iίν ερημ['!ι
5 [~- v - ~ ]ovrES' αΙανη[ν] λΕΥα/
[~ - v - ~ - τετ]εΕχισμαι κακων
[~ - v - ~ - σ]φ68ρ' εύτυχη κρατειν
[~ - \.οι - ~ - u - u 8υ] στvχήS'
[~ - v - ~ πdντ]α Υαρ TPOXOV 8(κη1l
10 ήΥο[υμενη TlS' 8εσπ]6TΙ~ κυκΛεΊ τύχ{η.
(α). Ι. 3-12. 'Lo, there 1nay be seen the stone-wroug'ht image, ίn colour like tQ the
dumb rocks, but with the farniIiar sbape and founts of ,velling tears; a dark abode shall
be -her resting-place. Ι am stricken with amazement Ι Either there is breath ίη the lifeless
stones, ΟΤ. the god has power to ,petrify. Thus as Ι gaze my heart is wrung by my
child's piteous lot; yet to go forth and engage ίn wilful contests with the gods ίn despite
of Fate-that mortals dare not.'
(α). Ι. 2 sqq. Cf. Sophocles, Ant. 823-833-
4. ιcωΦαΙσιιι πέTpaι~; cf. Homer, Ιl. χχίν. 54 KωΦrι" ΥαΙaν.

5· Κ6>μμαToσTαyιί~: the compound is new. ιctfJμ.ματο~ σ1'ά')'α~ is another possible
emendation which would be s1ightly nearer to the original; the form στάΥιr (for στα"όvιr)
is found ίη ΔρσΙ!. Rhod. 4. 626. If this is preferred the next line may begin [8θεν 8ι]ύ"ρφ.
6. κάλυβι: an unknown metapIasm for ιcαλύβy. .
(b). Ι. 2. που 8όμωυ ;~η: the capital of Tantalus was at Μι Sipylus, where a city
called Tanta1is is said to have been destroyed by an earthquake; cf. Arist. Meleor. ίί. 8
"fVOpι;vov σιισμου τα πιρΙ ΣΙπυλον άνιτράπη. The region was known as ή καταιcικαυμίνη, to
which ηο d~ubt 'ρημ,ΙΥ. ίη 4 refers.
9, IQ. For the wheel ofFortune, cf: Sophocles Fr. 713-
άλλ' ούμόr άι1 πότμοr έν πυκνφ θιου
ΤΡΟΧΨ κυκλιίται κα1 μιταλλάσσΕι φύσιν.
CCX IV. EPIC FRAGMENT.
11 χ 7·9 cm.
Parts of forty-three hexameter lines, inscribed upon the two sides of a small
fragment of papyrus, presumably a leaf out of a book. What remains of the
lines οη the verso, which is mnch rnbbed and difficult to decipher, is indeter-
minate ίη character, the topic being the dangers of travel by sea. The recto
is occupied with a speech relating to Ί:eΙeΡhus. According to the legends
Telephus was king of Mysia at the time of the Greek expedition against
Troy. He opposed the land'ing of the Greek army ση the Mysian coast, but
was wounded by Achilles. He was then pressed to join the expedition, but
declined οη the ground that his wife was the sister of Priam. Achilles subse-
quently cured~ the wound with the rust of the spear which had infl.icted it;
and ίη return for this service Telephus pointed out to the Greeks their route.
The first five lίnes of the recto clearly refer to the initial stage of the story, and
describe μhο\v narrowly the Greek bost e'scaped destruction at Telephus' hands : -
'The Achaeans would not have come yet alίve to Ilium, but there would have
Menelaus fal1en, and there Agamemnol1 perished, and Telephus would have
slain Achilles, the best warrior among the Argives, before he met HectOl (Ζ-5). 4
'
The situation is therefore posterior to that ίη the /tl:αd. What follows is obscure.
The speaker, who is a Trojan woman (cf. 11 Δaροάυου ήμεT~POΙO, 14 αtιτή),'cοn
tinues, and prays for a treaty between "Greeks and Trojans; and a further
reference to Telephus is introduced (16). Α satisfactory hypothesis which will
at once explain the situation disclosed ίη, the recto and correlate this with the
contents of the vers(J (where the speaker is perhaps the same, cf. 5 €TOΙμη) is not
easy to discover. The allusions to Telephus may be accounted for by supposing
that the speaker ίΒ his wife Astyoche; and Prof. Robert, to whom several
restorations ίη the text are due, suggests that the scene is Italy, and that
Astyoche, who with her sisters Aethylla and Medesicaste was among the captive
Trojan women, is exhorting her fellow-slaves to set fire to the Greek ships;
c( Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 921, 1075. This is attractive, if rath_er difficult to
reconcile with recto 12-15. The style indicates the Alexandrian origin of the
poem.
The papyrus is written ίη a small, sloping uncial hand which may be referred
with Iittle hesitation to the third century, to which also belong a number of
cursive documents with which this fragment was found. The handwriting is
very similar to that of ccxxxiiί, which is of tl1e same period. Νο stops or
Iection signs occur, with the exception of the diaeresis.
Recto.
[ε]ΕαπινηS' επε8ησεν ανωϊστρ[ισι κλa80ισι
(ου] /f.EV ΕΤΙ (ωOΙΙl'ε~ ε~ ϊλιον ηλθον (αχaιοι
[ε]νθα δε κεν μενελαo~ εκεκλιτο ε}'[θ αΥαμεμJlfJJV
[ω]λετο και Τ01l αριστον εν aPYELoLS' [αχιληa
5 τηλeφοS' εξεναριξε πριν εκτορ[o~ αντιον ελθειν
αλλ οποσον μοι και τ[ ο] αμυνεμεν ~[
χραισμησαι δε μοι α[ • .. iI .] • α( .
η και απ αΡΥειοι(ο) λαΧΕν YE!,[O~] ηραJCληo~
[τ]ηλεφον Εν θαλαμοιS' πoλ~μων απαν~[υθε
1ό (κλ]!-',.ε μοι αθανaτοι ((]Eυ~ 8[ε Π]~Eoν ον ΥΕνετηρa
8αρ8ανου ημετεροιο και ?7[Ρα]κλ?Ί~S- ακovω
και 'Τουτων φρασσασθε μ[αχω]ν λυσιll ίσα 8ε /fvθοιr
[σ]υνθεσιη τρωεσσι και α[ρί']ειοισι Υε[ν]εσθω
[ο]υ8ε αpyειoυ~ θαν~[ eJfJl [• •]ησομαι αυτη
t 5 ξανθου φoινιEανT~~ ~[. • •. ]ι:ι ε • • x~"!μα /(αι/(ου
τηλεφου ~!φι T~[. ••••••. ου]ΚΕΤΙ θωρηχθεllτεr
[. • .] Τ?7 λ ε~~υετ[· •• ~ ••••.] Ifl!'! • • ρον aχ aιων
(.•••• •]υσ~! εΧΕιν ~[ ••••• •](εσκοll αχaιοι'
[ ••••• iI .]εται μεσσ[• •••••] ~υ~[κ]!o!, ελ~(
20 [ • • • • • • • • • ]roS' μ~ . [ • π]ολvS' ει 8ε με[••.] • (
[••••••• .- •••••• •]0 συ μοl. παρa μη[
Verso.
[12 letters ] ~tOTOvιrav[.J~~ •• ~~ν ωpαι~

.[ " " ]. ~ "!οντον χθονα Τ rι8 ενοησε
[13 " ]~~ '!ι • J!-a πολυπλαΥΚΤΟΙΟ θαλασ[σηr
[" " ] • Τ[.] • • ~εTO !'?]ϊ θαλασση
5 [ι 7 " ]~αι και ποσσιν ετοιμη
[ι 3 " ]. . επι XBOlIOS' ειθυσαιμι
[ " " ]σ'!ι[ • ••••• ]!' ES' τινα χωρον
[. • • • • • .) • • • •• [. • • • .] . [•• ]~[ • •]T0S' ηχηll
[•••••••] ••• !J •• ν[.] ••• [.]vql![•• ]α ποντου
ΙΟ [.] • [.]ινο • [.]!' .. ~f[ • •] • [. ]TO~ • [.] roK~q.':'OtO
νηπιοS' O[S' .]ελα~[ •..] . [. KJaT( α] ~E[ • •]qv q8evEl
80υρασι π[ον]ΤΟΠΟ[Ρ]qf[ σ]! τ[ ]~[.]. q~ [οJ!Jr~~alIOLU!
πη νυν. [.]~! . [ J/f ρ.Ι i. >:-Ο!, ελοιτq θαλασσα('{
•.• ~[.•]
εμπε80S' [.] •••• ν?][.] • ϊ[. •. •]'!ι[.]~~ • •]. ~~ΙKTo~
15 ιχθυβοτο[S'] If.TCf •••• 8 •• ( •••••• ] peeBf!ov
ποσσιν α[ • .] ••.• [.•••••• 8 • • • • ]Τ l!-JfE~ro/!'
TtS' με8~[ω]!, ••• [••••••.•••.••] ~l!-λασσαll
lIα!ειll του[ • •8]!/f[. π]qλυ [•••• .]rov αllθρωποι[σιν 8
κ[.• ]ΤΙ[.)• [. 8]r!r Eστ~!" [••••• 8]'!18ε!" ~ρ[ηJ'?,ε[ι

20 [8 8] • [••• 8 • 8]~VEllf8 • 8 [••• 8 •]εΙ~E~[ e
[ι ι letters ]σα. • τα[
[ " " ]υθ[.]φ • 8 [
Rec/o. ι. The allusion ίΒ to the vine over which Dion'ysus caused Telephus to stumble
while ,pursuing the Greeks.
10. κλυΤΕ μοι: cf. ccxxiii. 115.
14. The metre may be restored by the insertion of KEV after OVbf.
18. Jvuat: or υσον ~
2 ι. Robert suggests Μη[δΕιΤικάσΤη; cf. introd.
Verso8 Ι. The doubtful σ may be Υ οι· 'Γ. Of the letters transcribed as ~e •• ν~ν, 3 may
be α and the first v may be μ ΟΙ· possibly λι; there may also be only one letter between the
supposed δΕ and 11.
3. The traces between the doubtful α and μ would suit λ. It does not seem possible
to read ι<ϋμα. αι may be read instead of μ.
ccxv. PIIILOSOPI-IICAL FI{AGMENT.
Parts of three coltlmns from a phίlosophical work, apparent1y couched

ίη the form of a letter, see Ι. 16-17 συ δ' 6) αυθρωπε and Ι Ι. 12 6) np6f) Διό~.
The handwriting is an irregular uncial, the letters varying much ία size;
€ especially tends .to be very large. Ξ is written with three separate strokes
of equal length. Ιη its genet·al appearance the papyrus bears considerable
resemblance to the semi-litet·al"Y hands of the second century Β. C., e. g. that
of the first three columns ίη the papyrus Didot of Euripides (ed. Weil). But
it is a distinctly later example, and was found with documents of the ROfi1an
period, so that it. is not at all likely to have been written before the reign of
Augustus. Οη the other hand it can hardly be later than the middle of the first
century Α. D. Thet·e are a few corrections, some by the original scribe, others
ίη a probably different bnt contemporary hand. 1"he pαrαgrαphi are original,
but the other marks of punctuation with one exception (see note ση 11. 19) have
been added later.,
The principal topic discussed ίη the fragment is the popular idea of reIigion
and especially fear of the gods, which is severely criticized by the writer. The
style and vocabulary (which includes stlch words as συμπεριφορά and σέμυωμα)
are post-classical, but οη accotlnt of the age of the papyrus the work must
have been composed not later than the first century Β. c. The author was
probablyan Epicurean phi1osopher, possibly Epicurus himself who wrote 'Πεp~
θεωυ and 7Tfpl όσι6τητο!» (Diog. Laert. Χ. 27).
Col. Ι. Col. 11.
[. • · · · · ·Jv(. •J!T~[. · . · [ • •JVTlKOV και κεχα[ρισ]με

[.]α Υιν[εJ~[θ]αι ~TlfV κατ[ .. νον εαν ευκαιρηι τι/!-[ω]ν
[..]! Tη~ φυσεω~ ω~. ελεΥΟll αυτην την θεωιριαν σεαυ
[οι JKElov μ η8 οταν Υε του Tαι~ συΎΥενεσιν κατα
,5 [ν]η 8ια ουτωι λεΥηται πα π

5 σαρκα η80ναι[ ~] αι οτ αν
υχ τ καθηκωσιν αλλα ΠΟΤΕ

[λιΊν υπο των τ[π]ον[λ]ων και τη των νομων συμπε
[8]ε80[ι]κα TOVr OEOVS' παν s

[Tar Κ Jf:tL σε(βο ]μαι [κ Jf:tL του ριφορaι χρωμεJlΟ[υ] uov 8EOf
[TOt]S' βο[ υ]λ[ οJμαι παντα κα 8ε μη προσα[Υε] ενταυθα
Ι ο [τJ~OVElJI και TOVTOLS' 10 μη8 υποληψ![ν] χαριστωινει
[αν]ατιθεναι χαριεστε ar θεοι!; ΟΤΙ ταυτα πpaTTει~
[ρο Jv μεν 'γαρ Luror ποτε τι Υαρ ω ΠΡοg 8ιo~ το 8η λε
[ο T]OLOVTOS' αλλων ι8ιω 'γομενον δ[ε]80ΙKα~ πο
[τω]ν εστιν ομωr 8ε ου τερα α8ικει[ιι] EKELvovr
15 [8ε] ταυ1"η πωι το βεβαιον 15 ιιομι(ων' ουκουν 8ηλον

[ευ]σεβειαS' υπαρχει συ ror ελαττο,:,ιι' πωr ου[ ν
[8 ω] ανθρωπε μακαριω ου ταπεινον τι το 8αιμ[ ο
[τα]τον μεν τι νομι(ε το νιον 80ξα(ε[ι]~ ειπερ ~(λαT
[8ιε]ιληφεναι Kαλω~ ο το το[υ]ται πρo~ ~ε: η και χ[ ...
20 [παν]αρισ1"ον εν TOΙ~ ουσι 20 α8[•..•.•• •]~ VΠΕιλ[ηφαr
[8ια]νοηθηναι 8υναμε εα[ν .•••..•] πραΤΤ?Ί[• ••

[θα] κα(ι θ]αυμα(ε ταυτην ~!I
!1!'(••••. • •••] • ToνT~[• .•
[τη)ν 8[ι]αληψιν και σεβού
λογ[ ]r!OLaV!1[• ••
[..Je[.]. ι TO[VJTO εΠ~[Ι]Tα
βλ[ ] ανθΡωfπ ••
25 [•••• ~ ••••••••• •]αυτ[••
25 ~ία]ι Υαρ ο![ον]τ αι 8ειν α(υτου"
[•..••••••...] . (.]ωσπ[ •• 8e80LKEJIlf! [και] τιμαν τ[• .•
[•••] • [.• .]ιιτ[•. ]qTav σε ινα κaτεχο[μειι]οι T~~ φ[οβω
ν
(•• •]80[•• ]~q~tJI αλλα μονο

μη επιτιθίων]ται αυτοι1Υ •.
ειτ opOoor τ[ OV1"JO οιομε[νοι
[•••Jo~[ •. ] ορων τηλικου
30 [του) σεμνωμαTO~ κατα 30 κaθολου μ:η] ~~~βησεσ[θαι
[τη)ν θ[ε]ωριαν ΠΡοr την

[ει)1" ουκ ορθ[ ooS'] το 8υνα[ ..
[εαυ JTOV EV[ 8αιμ Ίονιαν κ[ .. [•.•.• •]ων • [• .~~ν των [
ιcα.ι [ ] . ν8ε[ ]ιιων![ • ••
[.••] 8ια '~~[•.. •]την τη[ιι
[..• ]rE!J~e[•• .]ραν ωσ[ ••
Col. 111.
τaψ[. •Ί~! .. a( TE~ πpo~ το Tη~ βλα[(3ηr υπο

ΊCΟιιη πτευμα και την T[αυTη~

ται το Υαρ κατα[
προΦυλακην ΕΥΙ[
βλαβην εφερεν α!-'[
15 [. .]~Tεoν προσπο[
προσε80κα το ε~[
[.•..] τουτων πρ[
5 και xωpι~ τουτ[
[•.. ,,]ντων υΠΕ![
τουμενοι μη παρ[
[.••] μ[ aJKaplav [
σημεια Tη~ xαpΙT[O~ νομι
[... ] και ου παλι~ [
(oνTε~ αυToυ~ pα[8ιω~ καθ
20 [ ••• • ]ων ο παρα(
EαυToυ~ και ΠΡq?"[
[.•• •]σα 8ηπου [
Ι Ο αΦΙΚΕσθαι και κ[
[•.•. .]rl!TO[
οσουσ8ηποτε Tpo~[oυ~ ....
Ι. 2. γιι{EJu[OJαt: 'γιιιη[τJαt iS aIso possible.

4 sqq. 'Nor, indeed, even when this further statement is made by the ordinary man,
" Ι fear all the gods and worship them, aηd to them Ι wish to make every sacrifice and
offering." lt may perhaps imply more taste οη his part than the average, nevertheless by
this formula he has not γet reached the tl"ustworthy priηciple of religion. But do you, sir,
coηsider that the most blessed state lies ίη the formation of a just conception concerning
the best thing that we can possibly imagine to exist; aηd revereηce and worship this idea.'
6. τυχοντων is cOITected by the first haηd from πολλων.
Ι Ι-Ι 2. χαριιστι[ροJv must be a mistake for χαριέστιΡΟS.
30. σέμνωμα is used by Epicurus αρ. Diog. Laert. ίΧ. 77.
32. Α small fragmeηt with Jαt at the eηd of a line perhaps belongs to the end of this
line, and another fragment with ]ΕΡ to 34, i. e. ωσ[π JfP. .
11. 1-8. Blass coηsiders the meaning of this ObSCUl"e passage to be that the ideal
of the Supreme Being is to be honoured with feastiηg and pleasures like those commonly
enjoyed at the festi vals of the gods, but the wise maη \νίΙΙ also sotnetimes do homage to
received opinions and the established laws relating to the worship of the gods; cf. Plutarch,
conlrα Epicur. beαf. 2 Ι. ρ. Ι 102 b. 1η 8 eithel" xpώμιJl()~ simply or χρωμΕνου σου must be read.
xpώμιιιo~ ου gives ηο satisfactory sense.
8-19. 'But let there be ηο question of fear ίη this, nor any assumption that your
action wj)) buy the favour of the gods. For why, "by Zeus," to use the vulgar
phrase, do you fear them? Is it because you think that you do them an injury?
18 it not plaiη ίn that case that you are making them inferior ? Are you not then regardiηg
the divine power as something mean, if it is infel'ior to you ?'
10. The reading υποληψι[νJ is very doubtful; the termination is more 1ike -Ψη.
χaριστωνία is a new wol·d meaning 'buying of thaηks.' τaυτα πPάTTEΙ~ must refer to
somethiηg 10st at the top of the column, probably fear of the gods, which was the subject
of the first column and to which the speakel' now reverts.
ι 9. σι: the ]ower stop is by the first hand, the higher was added by the person who
inserted the others.
2 ο. There is not room for υπιιλ[η<Ρεναι. .
25-28. The seηse of this passage seems to be that men think it necessaIY to fear aηd
honour the gods ίn ordel· that other men may be restrained by the feal" of the gods
PLATE V
Νο. CCXVI
No~ CCXXXVI (b)

Να. CCXXXVI (c)
Ν ο. CCXXXVI (α)
'NEW CLASS/CAL FRAGMENTS 33
from doing them \Vrong. μήΤΕ βλάΠΤΕΙlI μήΤΕ βλάΠΤΕσθαι was the Epicurean forn1ula of justice
(Diog. Laert. Χ. 150). Something like 01. ίlλλoι is wanted as the subject of Επιτίθωπαι, but there
is ηοΙ room for that at the end of 28. The number of letters lost at the ends of 19 to 3 ι
ought not Ιο exceed 3 or 4. των ίn 32 seems to be the end of the line.
CCXVI.' RHETORICAL EXERCISE.
Plate V. 17·5.χ 19·4 cm.
I>arts of two columns from a speech by an anti-Macedonian orator upon a

letter of Philip. The florid, Asiatic style of the fragment points to its being
a rhetorical composition.
Palaeographically, the papyrus, which is written ίη a large handsome uncial,
is of considet·able value, since its date can be fixed within narrow limits. 1t was
found with a number of documents dated ίη the reigns of Tiberins and Claudius
(e. g. cc1iii, cclxxxv, ccxcίii) ίη a mound which produced nothing later than about
Α. D. 50. Οη the verso is a letter written ίn a cursive hand of the first half of
the first century, mostly covered up by another document of the same period,
which was gummed over it ίη order to strengtl1en the rol!. The writing οη
the recto, therefore, can hardly be later than Tibel'ius' reign; whi1e the great
scarcity of papyri at Oxyrhynchus before the reign of Augustns, combined with
the resemblance of the handwriting to that of early fitAst century hands which
approximate to a 1iterary type, makes it very improbable that the papyrus
goes back to the Ptolemaic period. Cf. cclxxxii and ccxlvi (both οη Plate νιι),
the former of which presents many points of resen1blance, whi1e the general
appearance of the other is slightly l~ter.
The corrections are appal"ently by the fil"st hand.
Co1. Ι. Co1. 11.

!Τ.
απ-ο μια~ επισToλ[η~ α]πει [..]!' απoλω~~ κα[ .
λην 80υλειαν αντ ε(λ]ευ [τα] τειχηι τηS' πο[λεωS' πε
θερια~ αντικαταλλ[ ασJσε "!τωκεν TlS' αιxμ[αλωTO~
σθαι και που το ΠΕριμαχη ημων ΎΕΎονεν [που] πε(ο
5 τον οιχεται φΡΟllημα) 5 μαχοvντεS' η ιιαυμ[αxo]υντε~
Tη~ η[ΎJεμονια~ επι(ηΤα/Ι λελεΙ/fμεθα εντ(αυ]θα Ύαρ
γαρ ε[ι) μη τι 8ιαμαρτανωι αιιθρωποι πεΡΙΎεΥ[Ρα]μμε
Ι)
τω λΟ[Ύι]σμωι φησιν ημειν νοι πασα~ Tα~ Eλπι[8α]~ τωι

πολεμ[η]σειν και ημει~ τηr αναΎκηr καιρ[ωι] 80υλευ
10 εκ[εινω •.•..••] •• ων 8
10 σουσιν ημειν [τ] απopθηTO~
[ 13 letters ]l;tY?7 l;t~
εστιν η 8ημοκρατια ομον[ο
[ 13 letters ]8ενει
ουμεν πpo~ αλληλoυ~ TOΙ~ ν[ο
[ 12 letters ] και υπερ
μoι~ Ενμενομεν καρτερει[ν
[ 17 letters ]~ι
ε(ν] TOΙ~ 8εινoι~ επισταμε
2 lίnes lost.
17 17 letters ]ι.ι ε
15 [θ]α την τη r ελευθεpια~ τα
gtv ουκ ενκατ[α]λειπομεν
εν TOtr oπλoι~ νΙKησα~
ε κ
νανιευεσθωι Tαι~ 8 απο
των επιστολων απειλαιr
20 TOυ~ βα[pβ]αρoυ~ εξαπατατω(ι

η 8ε των αθηναιων πoλι~
επιταττειν ουχ υπ[ακ]ουειν
[ ] .. ι<α~ 8[ΙKα]ζ~[ιν
'(Are we) at a threat ίη a single letter to exchange freedom for slavery? Whither
has it vanished, that pride of empire for which we fought? 1 am considering whether
my reasoning is at fault. He says that he will declare war upon us; and so shall we υροη
him ... Have the walls of the city fallen? what Athenian has been taken prisonel'? where
~ither οη land or sea have we fai1ed ίη battle? If men have had all their hopes crushed
ίη ,var, they will be slaves to the necessity of the moment; but our democracy's strong-
hold has not been violated, we live ίn harmony with each other, we abide by the ]aws,
we know how to be steadfast ίη times of peril, we never desert the banner of Freedom.
When his arms are victorious, then let him triumph. Let the threats ίη his letters deceive
barbarians; but the city of Athens is wont to give commands, not to receive them.... '
11. 6. There is often not much difference between η and μ ίn this hand, but the first
word is more like λελειημεθα than λελειμμεθα.
CCXVII. LETTER ΤΟ Α KING OF MACEDON.
13'1 χ 7·3 cm.
Fragment of a letter addressed to a king, Ωσ doubt Philip or Alexander,

concerning the principles of government. Aristotle \vrote a treatise ση -βασιλεία
for Alexander (Ar. Fr. ed. Rose ρ. 1489), and it is possible that the fragment
beIongs to that or to the simiIar treatise of Theopompus (Cic. Ερ. αd Αιι. ΙΖ, 40).
The papyrus is written ίη an uncial hand resembling that of the Plato
papyrus facsimiled ίη ο. Ρ. Ι. plate VI, and may be ascribed with lίttle hesitation
to the third century Α. D. There is a remarkably high mal·gin (7·2 cm.) at
the top.
κατεχει τα πραΥμα[τα 10 πολι!, αρχουσιν χιρο
πολυ αμεινα/ν απα To[νη]Tα~ αpxα~ «?!~[.

σα/ν των πωποτε ) ϋπο[
Υενομενων η ση βα φωr[
5 σιλεια τον TαυTη~ ΤΡΟ νασ. [
πον και το Τα/ν και ) 15 πομ.[
ρων τουτων ϊ8ιον) των(
νομον ειναι 8ει και σιa(.J" [
μαλιστα TOΙ~ ου κατα ηθ(
'(Since) the rule of your monarchy is far superior to that of all monarcbies that have
ever existed, its system and the characteristic feature of the present times ought to be law,
especially among those who do not enjoy elective offices ίη an organized state.'
ι Ι. οιω[.: οι· possibIy 'Πω[~.
CCXVIII. HISTORICAL FRAGMENT.

13·6 χ 12·4 cm. (Fr. α).
Parts of three columns from a prose work, apparently a coIlection of Παράοοξα,

or marvello tlS stories. This species of composition was popular at AIexandria ;
cf. Susemihl, Alexαndr. Lz·tterαtur-Gesch. ι. 463 sqq. The upper part of the
second column of the fragment is fairly weIl preserved, and gives a descrip-
tion of two curious local usages. The precise nature of the first is obscured
by the Ioss of the context, but it was a punishment for some kind of con-
jugal infidelity; and for the truth of the story given is cited the authority
of Zopyrtls and Cleitarchus. This is followed by an account of a trial by
ordeal, which, οη the death of a priest of Ares, the person chosen to succeed
him had to undergo. The trial consisted ίη holding the swot·d of the god
underneath the bnrnirtg corpse, and from the manner ίη which this was done
the innocence or guilt of the nominated successor became evident. It is not
stated where these customs obtained. The barbarous nature of the first
Ι) 2
ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI-
suggests a non-Hellenic background; whίle the mention of the priest of Are;;

shows that the localίty was at least undel· Hellenic inflnence. Combining
the internal evidence of the usages described with the citation of Zopyrus and
Cleitarchus, it may perhaps be inferred that the scene is Asia Minor. Cleitarchus
is presumably the historian of Alexander's Asiatic expedition, whose veracity
was called ία question by Cicero and Quinti1ian, and whose style displeased the
author of the treatise De Sublimitate (§ 3). The identification of Zopyrus
is more difficult. Several scattered references to a writer or writers of this nalue
are found. Α Zopyrus of Colophon or Clazomenae, who was a historian and
geographer, is placed ίη the third century Β. c. (cf. Susemihl, 0/. cit. 11.467 sqq.).
Whether or ηο this is the Zopyrtls quoted ίη our fragment remains a matter of
doubt. The position of his name ίη front of that of Cleitarchus perhaps
imp1ies that he preceded Cleitarchus either ίη date or ίη point of anthot·ity. lt
is possible that two other anthors are quoted ίη connexion with the account of
the trial by ordeal (see note οη Fr. (c), but this is not sufficiently certain to make
their identity worth discussion.
The papyrus is written ίη a small, rather delίcate, sIoping uncial hand, which
may probably be referred to the thilAd century. Αη addition ίη cursive has
be_en _Inade at- the top of Col. 111. Ν ο stops, paragrαphi, or other lection signs
occur.· v at the end of a line is rather frequently written as a stroke above
the pt·eceding νowel. The common )-shaped sign is tlsed to ίΊ11 tιp short lines.
}i~r. (α).
Col. Ι. CoI. 11.

}την ovl[~ [κατ]α φυσιν μ[ο]ρφη παραμενΕΙ
]τρα![.] • [yvv]aLKOS' αλλ?Ί~ πειραν μη λαμ
]ε~~~ •.• [βα]νων εαν 8ε φωραθη των [σΊΡ
]τησιν ~ψ ΟΤΟ> 8
5 ] • K€Ι[ • •. J9 [.. .]!ων παραβαινων αποτεμνε
αν]αμνη σιν 5 [ται] τα μορια αυτου και παρα TOVY
] παΡ?ΊΎΥΕιλ[ε TαΦoυ~ αυτηS' κατακαΙΕται ισ
μ]η προκρινη Τ'!f!C!!Jσι (ωπυpo~ και KλεΙTαρxo~
]oS' oPyισθ€ι~ Tα~ εαν ΙEpευ~ αποθανη του αpεω~ ΠΕ
10 ]λαS' ενεποησΈ ριστελλ(εταJι EVKOuptooS' υπο τώ
]T1]S' xρoνo~ v 10 εΥχωριων και ElS' τηνα τοπον )
] κατα!<~!Jσμω φερεται 8ημοσιον μετα την ΤΡΙ
1. · ~ a1f~KT€lJI~ την ημεραν καιοντων 8€ τώ
]Ktt L μ'!J f!~f!ι · [σ:!JΎΎ~ιιωιι ο χεΙΡΟΤΟllηθεΙΥ υπο

]l! ΠΟΤΕ (TJOV 8ημου (αΚΟΡΟΥ υποτιθη
J~ p~ιιιa[ 15 [σι] τω ιιεκρω το του θεου ξιφo~
λ]EΎOPΤf!ι~ και i!!rηΥ ΥΕιιομΕιιηΥ βff~~ια~
]τατο ~αιι η ιιομιμωΥ λαμβαllΕΙ τάι
Y€ΙllOμE!,~!, εαll 8ε εΥκλημα
;ΟΥ τινΟΥ εχη συlIΕι8ησιιι ~1!!
20 τω τ[ο]ν σ[ι]8ηρον υποβληθη
[lIJat α[ • •.. •JETat και αυTO~ ε(•••]
(. ]~? κα(τηΥ]~pEΙ~~ α Πf!-Ρ ειιομ [ησε]
EΙ~ ΤΟΙΙ ~[εo]!' 8ιηyoυμειιo~ ?..
ε~~ιι8( •• ]ν λΟΥα/ΙΙ [τΊων ι;ιμ[• •]
25 τη κατ[.] .. [.]ροιι![. ..] • ~[•••)
ραν r[
ρπερ Τ[
αpxε~[
[
30 (~!J[
Col. 111. Fr. (b).

αΦ[
μεχ[ πω μEΡ~[ ](ω[ • •.
λωτ[ τησειιε[. Jιr( ]χωσασκ[.]
τω[ 15 την θυΥα(τερa ]11 λοπι(ει την
JI€![ θουΥ αιι~[ ]!' εστι ~ ~rTO

5 πασα[ συμφο[ρ 5 Υ]~r~f.LEVOS' )
λασι~![ ΤΟιια σf!ι [ ]ι.ι~!' T'!J 1!αρ
/(αΙΡ?Ί[ Υιαν. ασ[ ]τοιστο[ • •~ν
αρχ ο{ 20 8 ακουσα[ ]0!Jl.?at T~ΙY
συιιβα( κατηr[ ] ιrΙK~~α/ν και
10 θεα~ r( φιλοτιμ[ 10 ]0. [.•••.••
/(a/(φ[ μ€yε~~[ι ] επει8αν ΤΕ
(ητουσα[ • [·]ΦO~[ 'T]~ 7!Ε8ιω 'T~!,
]If~
Fr. (c). Fr. (d).
[•••••• •]εΡΕΙ[ ]ω[

[. • •••• •]O~!1σ[ ]q~[
[•.••••]s- και (ην[ ]?7 Τ [
[•••••.] περιηιΦΟ!l[ ]κτ[
5 [.. •. ]μητιν βιασαIf[ 5 ]σσαι α[
K[α]~EΙ9[η] σίυ]ν Κ'!ι!!' • [ ]μωll[
ΠΙ>f.,ΕΙΡΟ!Jιrf ενκατα!'[
[. • · • .]. • [·]!l!'~X~ • • ![
!'!ιρ! • [• •]ιιτί . .J~ • ••[ Fr. (ε).
10 κρ .•. ~[.] . T!~'!ι[
τω ϊ8[. . ~E •• ~μιllι • [ [.]οτ[
αυτα[. μJETPLOlI Kσλ~~![1I ραν ρ[
'!ιιωs- 8€KTη[ . •]~ οπω[ Εισφ[
[.]!1[. • •Jταθ~[. • .J!'r

15 [.••. . ]σακ[
Col. 11. '. . . so long as the natural form [emains, if he does not intrigue with another
woman. If, howevel", he is caught transgressing [these ordinances], he is mutilated, and the
members are burnt at her tomb. Such is the account of Zopyrus and Cleitarchus. If a
priest of Ares dies he is decently laid out by the natives and carried after the third day
to a public place. While the corpse is being burnt by the relatives, the temple-attendant
who has been elected by the people places beneath it the sword of the god. Α deep
silence is maintained; and if it is rightly done, he receives the customary privίleges. But
if he has any crime υροη his conscience, οη the steel being held under the body ... and
he [is Iiable toJ accusations for his offence against the god ... '
Fr. (α). Ι. Ι Ι. χ"όvοS' could be read ίη place of χρόvοS'. If χρόvοS' is right, τηs- may be
the termination of a \vord like ΤΕτρα~τήS'.
12. ι<ατακλυσμω: the letter after the second α is rather more like ρ than 1<, .and the
traces following could be read as μ; the letter before σ rnaΥ be η.
11. 4. The letter written (by the first hand) over ω at the beginning of this line most
resembles ~, but might be read as α. Possibly the scribe intended to record a variant
τήν •••. ιαν instead of T6>V •••• ιων, but then he ought to have written η above των. Or
uvv Ι [Υ€v]lδωv may be read, with the insertion of (ύπο) before τωv.
5. τα μορια: i. e. τα αE~oΙα.
10. τηvq: Ι 'Γινα.
13. [σ]VΎΥΕvων: [Υ]Ειτονων is a possible alternative..
21. Perhaps ά[μβλύν]Εται or α[ύaΙυ]ιται, sc. τό ΦάσΥaνον. But the corpse or the
operator may also be regarded as the sub.lect of the mutilated verb.
22. The first α of KαTηYOPιια~ and the beginnings of the following lines (23-30), with the
exception of the top of τ of τον ίn 23, are contalned υροη a detached fragment, which
could be placed here with ηο hesitation if it were not for 24 ; there, however, the reading
is not certain.
The doubtful ΕΙ at the beginning of the line may equally well be v, and it is tempting to
read αύτό!ί έ[αυl",Jov κατηΥ()ΡΙΙ ίJσα. But the letter before σα seems clearly to be α and not ο.
πaΡΕυομ[ησΕν: the doubtful α ί8 more like Ε.
28. Possibly there may be an ι 10st between f and λ["
Fr. (δ). 4. εντο: the Ietter transcribed as v may be ω.
Fr. (c). The appearance of the papyrus suggests that this fragment belongs to Co). 11 ;
and ίι could well be placed so tl1at the fiIst line joins 11. 26. 28 might then I"un αΡΧΕλ[ αo]~
και ζην[oδOTO~?, preceded ίη 27 by ιστορουσι; cf. 11. 6, 7. Archelaus could be the xωpoypάΦo~
τη, υπΌ 'Αλεξάνδρου παTηθιίση~ γηςο (Diog. Laert. iί. 4. 17), or the author of the ΊδιοΦυη, who is
included by Susemihl among the Παραδοξογράφοι.
4. τυφου[: ί t does not seem possible to read the second letter as a.
13. δ may be read ίη place of α at the beginning of the line.
Fr. (e). 3. This line was the last of a column.
CCXIX. LAMENT FOR Α ΡΕΤ.
12'2 χ 18'4 cm. (Fr. α).

Fragment from the end of a lament, apparently for the 1055 of a fighting-
cock. The speaker is a man or YOutll, who professes to be quite disconsolate
ίη hi5 affliction, and intimates his intention of suicide. Whether there is some
allegorical signification nnderlying all this ίΒ doubtful. Of course &λΕκτωρ can
have the wider sense of 'consort J; and 1. 22 is not easy to explain οη the
supposition that the 10ss of a bird is the only allusion. Οη the other hand,
it hardly seerns possibIe Ιο start from the more general meaning of &λ'κτωρ, and
to give tlle lamentation a merely erotic motive. The date of composition is
probably not much earJiet- than that of the actnal papyrus. The piece was of
some length, for there are traces ίη the left-hand margin of the papyrus of a
previons column. lt is written ίη rather flowery and poetical language, and
recalls the 'Alexandrian Erotic Fragment' of G. Ρ. Ι. Perhaps an attempt
will be made to rednce the present composition Ιο a metrical scheme, as has
been effected by some critics ίη the case of the 'Erotic Fragment.' lt is
noticeable that the ends of the lίnes so far as they are preserved correspond
with pauses ίη the sense, and that they are accordingly not quite nniform ίη
length; and that ίη each 1ine the pennltimate syllable is, or may be, short.
Hiatus is freqHent.
The papyrus is written ίn a rough and rather difficult cursive hand of the
earlίel- part of the first century. It was fonnd with a number of documents
dating from the earlίer part of the century (e. g. cclίx, cclxxxv); and though
perhaps scarcely 50 old as the oldest of these it is not lίkely to have been
separated from them by any considerable interval. ι adscript is frequently
added where not reqnired, as is common at this period; and thel·e are two
or three other mis~spellings.
Fr. (α).
[ 1.5 letters J~. ρ[

[ 15 " ]~ ανα[. ..••...] •. [....] . η
[ 13 " ]. ετων νρ[• •] . ~ί.}ι.ι[..•• ]!'
[ 12 " ] • ατην ι8ιω~.] ~αλλoνην
5 [ 12 " J~ ..]. εχ ων εν τrι[ι 0]8ωι

[ 15 " J'!τωσι[ . .Ί~Ύ[. •.] • ~
[ 16 " ]των ~μην ί .. .]ν
[ 17" ]ν και 1fολλα [.•• ~eω!,
[••... ] . σ • [.]!~[.•.....] αλεκτορα μο,! [8]!lvαμεθα
10 [••• • ]τη .. σασ~[•• ]l!?"ω εκ περιπατου
[.•.•..•J • ιθο[• •.. Ίσα! 1fCff? f!ι'>;.!8poσoι~

[•..... .]κουσ[ . •] • [• .]νησα[.]-rlf τον βαΒ[• •• •]~ηι
[•.•.•. π]αι80~ ε[φ]υλασσεν ο φιλo~ μου τρυφων
[ τε]κνον τηίρ]ων εν Taι~ αΎKαλαι~
15 [αΠΟΡΟ]!JJ.!αι που βα8ισω η ναυ~ μου εραΥη
- [τον K]α[T]α[θ]υμι~!, απoλεσα~ ορνιθα μου κλαιωι
[... Φ]ερε το ~P!,lq[v] τροφην αυτου περιλαβωι
'Του μ[αχ]!μου 'Του ε!!~Bασ'Toυ 'Του~ ελληνικου
~αp[ιν τ]ουτου εκαλουμη,;, peyar εν τω βιωι
[ο]
20 και [ελJεΥομην ι:ιαKαpι[o]~ αν8p~~ εν ΤΟΙ$ φιλοτροφι
ψυχομαχωι ο Ύαρ α[λ]εκτωρ ηστοχηκε μου .
και θαKαθαλπα80~ εpασθει~ εμεν ενκατελιπε
~~~ επιθεΙ$ λιθόν EIf~TOV επι την καρ8ιαν
καθ( η]συχασομαι pμε[ι]~ 8 υΥιαινετε φιλοι
Fr. (b).
].Ιfμ[
]υσυμ[
]LS' vor~[
5 ]!'αν[
]πολι. [
]τεμ[
KaJTa ψυχ[ην
Fr. (α). 15 sqq. ' ... Ι am at a 10ss where to go. ΜΥ ship is shattel"ed. Ι weep for
the 108s of my sweet bird. Come,let me take the chick he nurtures (?), he, my warrior,
my beauty, my Greek cock. For his 8ake was Ι called great ίη my life, and deemed happy,
comrades, ίη my breeding cares. Ι am distraught, for my cock has failed me; he fell ίη
Iove \vith Thacathalpas (?) and deserted me. But Ι shall find rest, having set a stone upon
my heart; so fare ye well, my friends.'
Fr. (α). 2. The last letter of the 1ine may be ", ίη which case the preceding letter
is α or~.
8. ]ρων: 7J might be read ίη place of Ρ, and [στέ]vωv restored.
10. Perhaps Tηpήσa~.
Ι ι. The letters between Jua and ~poσoι~ are very doubtful. Instead of παρ, σ( or Υ or
T)EV or σ(Υ, τ,)ελο might be read. The vestiges follo\ving suit ~ rather better than α. ~a"
or 80υ would be just possible.
15. Ι 'ρράΥη.
17. Possibly there is a reference to some relic of the cock.
20. Ε ίη αιι8PE~ is strangely formed and may be intended for ο. There is a hole ίη the
papyrus above the final ι of ΦιλοτροΦι, where the ο would have been if it was written;
1. φ"λοτροφί[ ο( tS').
2 2. θαι<aθaλπά~ iS conceivably the name of a hen. Or perhaps, as Blass suggests,
θαι<α is for τάχα. Οη 'μιέιι for 'μέ cf. Dieterich, Unlersuch. Ζ. Gesch. d. Gr. Sprαche, 190.
23. εματου is a later form of έμαυτον frequent ίn papyri.
24. vμειS': v is badly formed, and may be meant for η.
Fr. (b). There is a blank space below the remains of the last line οί this fragment.
Either, therefore, the fragment comes from the bottom of a previous column; or, since the
liries ίn Fr. (α) are irregular ίn length, the bl~nk space after line 7 may be accounted for
by supposing that a short line succeeded, ίη which case Fr. (δ) gives the ends of some
lines from the upper part of the column preserved οη Fr. (α). But it is not possible to
combine (α) 2 and (δ) 8.
CCXX. TREATISE ΟΝ METRES.

Plate νι (Col. νιι). Height 16·6 cm.
This papyrus contains ση
the recto fragments of a work οη Prosody, οη the
verso Homeric Scholia (ccxxi). The hand ση the recto is a round well-formed
upright uncial of good size, which may be assigned to the end of the first or
(more probably) the early part of the second century. Some additions and
corrections ϊn the MS. have been made bya different second century hand. The
corrector is aIso responsible for the high points marking a pause which have
been inserted rather plentiful1y, and probably for the single accent that occurs
(νιι. 8). The paragraphz· are by the original scribe, who may also have
inserted the solitary rough breathing ίn ΧΙΙΙ. 5. The scholίa οη the verso
seem to have been written before the end of the second century. Before being
utilized for this second purpose the papyrus, Wllich had ηο doubt become worn,
was cut down, 50 that of the metrical treatise οηlΥ the upper parts of the
columns-perhaps not more than one half of what they original1y were-are
preset·ved.
The MS. is a good deal broken, but the approximate position of all but tl1e
smallest fragments can fortnnate1y be determined from the scholίa. The
numbet· of lines of Homer covered by a single co]umn of scholia varies from one
to fourteen, and ίι is therefore impossible to teIl exactly how many columns
a given number o(lίnes may have occnpied. For the purpose of placing the
fragments nine or ten 1ines of Homer at most may be taken as the average
anlount treated ίη a column. Three columns of scholia occupY the same space
ίη the papyrus as two and a half columns of the metrical treatise. With these
premises the gaps between the various colnmns of the latter may be roughly
estilnated. Between Ι and 11, and between ΙΙ and 111, corresponding to ι, 11,
,and 111 ίη _the scholia, as much as four or five colnmns may be missing. ιιι-ιν
(= Schol. ΙΙΙ and IV), and ν-νι (= Schol. V-VII), are continuous, and 1V-V
may be 50. VII-X (= Schol. VIII-XIII) are also continuous, but between
νι and νιι at least one column has been Iost, 'and very possibly more, thongh
measurements indicate that the number missing cannot be two. Between Χ and
ΧΙ two columns probably are wanting; ΧΙ-ΧΙΙ (= Schol. XIV-XV) are
continuous. ΧΙΙ-ΧΙΙΙ are continuous if there is οηlΥ one' column of scholia
lost between χν and XVI; if the gap there extended to two columns, one
column between ΧΙΙ and ΧΙΙΙ is missing. Between ΧΙΙΙ and χιν (= Schol.
χνι and XVII) there is another lacuna of at least a colnmn.
The metres treated of are the Nicarchean (Col. 111), which is not otherwise
known; the Anacreontean, which 1S regarded as an Ionic metre (Col. νιι) and
considered successively ίη its relations to the Phalaecean (Col. νιιι) and
Praxillean metres (Col. ΙΧ), and the iambic dimeter (Col. Χ); the Parthenean,
which is apparently discussed first ίη connexion witl1 the Anacreontean and
derived from the Cyrenaic (CoI. χι), and secon~ly as a logaoedic form (CoI.
ΧΙ Ι) ; and the Asclepiadean metre (Col. XIV), which was about to be discussed
when the papyrus finalIy breaks off. The 5Y5tem expounded ίη connexion with
these different ffietres, though not ίη itself noνel, is here presented ίη a noνel
form. It is that of the 1netra derl:vata (μέτρα παραγωγά), and its essence is the
derivation of all metres either from the dactylίc hexameter or the iambic
trimeter, the two metra prz'ncipαliα (άΡΧ'Υουα), by various forms of manipulation
(αdiectio, detractΖΌ, concz'nnatt:o, permutαtz·o); cf. Rossbach and Westphal, Metrz·k
der Griechen, i. ρ. 119 sqq. Thus, for' example, our author derives the
Anacreontean verse from the Phalaecean by cutting off the :first syllables. This
metrical theory has been hitherto known to us exclusively from Latin writers,
though, as indicated by the use of Greek technical terms, it had certainly
a Greek origin. Westphal traces it back to Varro, and postulates (ορ. cit.
ρ. 173) the existence of a Greek treatise π€p" μ{τρωυ presenting this theory of
derivation. Of such a treatise the following fragments formed part, and they
thus fill up a gap ίη the history of the ars metrica. It may be noted that the
papyrus does not satisfy all the conditions which Westphal considered that
the Greek original would fulfil. One of these was an ignorance of the 'Anti-
spastic' scheme of division, which is certainly to be found ίη our author; cf.
notes οη νιιι. ι, XIV. 13.
The metrical system nροη which this work is founded is of course separated
by a wide interval from the more scientific metrical theory represented by
Aristoxenus and the early metricists, although some survivals of the old and
genuine tradition mayeven here be recognized (cf. notes ση VII!. 9 sqq., ΙΧ. 2).
The period at which this particular treatise was written cannot be very
accurately fixed. The date of composition may have been Β. C., but it must
have been considerably later than Callimacht1s, fl·om whom a quotation is made.
Οη the other hand it cannot have been later than the end of the first
century Α. D. οη the ground of the date of the papyrus. The style is fair,
and shows care ίn the avoidance of hiatus. The treatise ίΒ addressed to a friend
(cf. Ι. 10, 111. 17), who is perhaps also a pupil (cf. χι. 16); and some rather
naive autobiographical details occur (V, VI).
Ν ot the least interesting feature of this MS. are the fragments contained
ίη it of unknown lyric poems which are quoted rather frequently ίη illustration
of the various metres discussed. The poets, citations from whom can be
identified, are Sappho, Anacl'"eon, Aeschylus, Callimachns, and Sotades. Alc-
man, Simonides, and Pindar are also mentioned by name. Of the unknown
quotations one or two are quite possibly from Sappho. Ιη the papyrus, qnotations
are always so written that they project slightly into the left-hand margin.
We are indebted to Professor Blass for much assistance ία the recon-
struction of this text, as well as for a number of valuable suggestions and
criticisms.
Co1. Ι. Col. Ι Ι Ι.
]~[ [π]εφυκοτω(ν ΎΊεινεσθα[ι

(κ)ατα προσθ[εσι]ν και κα
)ρ[. ]~( [τJa αφαιρεσιν [ου]τω 8η )
]TEee[lJ~ Τ[ [λΊον οΤι· και π(ο]σι και σχη
5 ]ι.ι •. ~ν • [ 5 μασι TOΙ~ αυTOΙ~ αμΦθ
]ον TLS' Xa![ [τ]ερa χρηται· 8ιο [και] κallων

]τον ιαμβο[ν [ο J αυTO~ εσται· κ[αι Τ)ουτου
] και τον 8ιβραχ[υν [κΊαι του φαλαικε[ ιο]υ· μο)
] χαριεν εστι [ [ν]η τη τελευταια συλλαβηι
10 ω] φιλτατε 8ια π( 10 [βρ]aχvτεΡΟS'· και Ύαρ κατα
]'!ατων 8ι8aχ[ [τηΊν πρωτην χωραν και
8]ειξω σοι παρα[ (το]υτο το μετροιι ΤΟΙΥ
] επομενην [ [8ισvJλλαβοιS' εναλλασ
τ]ην Χα/ραν τε[ [σεται)- και παντων με
15 ε]ν TOVTOlS'· 15 [τεχει] των τροπων ο
].ιεσ[.] θaκa( [POlroS'] και το νικαρχειοll·
[8ιοπερ] ω φιλτατε και συλ
[λαβ]ι.;t!~ ου Tαι~ 8εκ[α] J1:q
[vat]r χρη σεται [αλλα και
Co1. 11.
20 [πλ]εf[ο]σιιι· ω~ 1<[••1~~[..
] .
]~!
Co1. IV.
about 9 letters ]lIαιορ[
" " ]λοvr[

" " ]8εκ[
Co1. v. Col. νι.

'Ι' Jy ,l,O'UTO'U τον αλκμανα ιcα...
1TPO,l"EPO
ιτον σιμω ]νι8η ιcαιτω
[ωο]μην Ύαρ ποτε πρωτοS' παιιτελωS' ϊιια 80ξ(αιμι τω

[ε]ξευρηκεναι τ08ε το οιιτι τηι πολει κεχα[ρισθαι
PLATE νι
Να. CCXX
Να. CCXXI
J.VEW CLASS/CAL FRAGMENTS 47
τρι
μει(ονων εν(. . . .. . .
10 [TO]V πρωτον [8ι]συλλαβον
Ι Ο λαβων ευλΟ'γον [δε παρα
[π]08α' και το καταλειπο )
λαβειν κανονα με [και κα
[μ]ενον πpoφεpoμενo~
ταθεσθαι τουτου ~[pOTε
[πο]ιησει~ τ08ε το μ[εΊ)
ρον τοιουτον·
[TPoJv oυTω~'
15 [.•..] παρθενον κορην·
[ει μ]εν ω φιλτατε σαφεΥ
-τ-
[σοι] τ08ε το κωλον κα ι 5 το παρθενειο[ν καλου
[ταλ]ειπε· και μη 8ια πλε[ ι μεν ον μετρ[ον.....
[ονΊων σκοπει· μεταβα[ ι πιν8αpo~ κα[. .•.•...
20 [νε 8] ~~[ι] . ε . [. .]τιχον ) την πεμπτ(ην . • . . . . .
Col. ΧΙΙ!. Col. XIV.

] τουτο Ι!.[ . 8 (. .] . ν το 8ω8ε[ κ • . . . . .
τελευτ]αιαν συλλαβ(ην [ ] . . ιν~ . [ .
τ]ωι ΠΡΟΚΕιμ[ενωι [..•.. ~ .]α Toυ~ [..•...
JTl 80μoι~
[ [...•.] τριμετρο[ • •..•.
5 ]μετρωι' b[ 5 [ .•.••• •]qv τουτ[ • ..••.
]τ ο 8[ [.•••. .]α στυ')'εω[ • . . . . .
T]?7~ 'γαρ βρ[ αxεια~ (..... ]~
]~!!,q[ [ ••• ]Eω~ μεν ουν [.•....
~ ]~!Jr ~[ [περι τ]ου ασκληπια8[ειου
10 Ί(εν[ Ι ο [λεΥα/Ίμεν· τον 8ε (κανονα
]•• ωv( [.•• . ]ν η8η τουτο[ν κα
3 lines lost. τq.ΥRαφωμεv·
15 συλλα]βην ω[
]Rav ποιου(
TVJ--V Ι v--v Ι V[ - v-j
βραχεια]ν αντι μα[Kpα~ -1-
ι 4 [του ασ]Kληπ[ια]8~(ιoυ •.
Jf' σθεν κα[ι
4 1ines lost.
J 1!ροε ιεται ιf1ι. ωνη v
19 [.]ω[
20 ]00 8ε λεΥε[
] .. [
48 ΤΗΕ ΟΧ YRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Frs. (α) and (b). Fr. (c)" Fr. (/).
σ[
κ[
JEpov YVOVf [ ]~l![
(η[
]ιι~[
τεσ[ ]?7 Π [
Fr. (d). ]οχ[
5 τουί ]'!"ει·
8cο[ 5 ]ωί
]wυεεσσ[
σιιιί ]νειoι~ [
με[ .
Fr. (g)
ελω[
Fr. (e)
JE
]f
Fr. (h).
]ιο
]ν
The recto of Frs. (i) to (n) is b1ank.
Ι. There is πο
clue to the subject of this column.
, 10. Φιλτατε: cf. 111. 17, &c. Φιλία τε might be read.
ι ι. The first letter ma Υ be λ 01' μ.
16. T11is is a quotation ίn illustl'ation of what has preceded.
111. '. . . which are naturallJT produced by addition and by subtraction. 1t is thus
evident that both metres employ the same feet and arrangement. Accordingly the scheme
of this rnetre is the same as that of the Phalaecean, only shorter by the last syllable. Fol"
ίπ that metre also the feet of two syllables are interchangable at the beginning of the verse,
and all the variations open to the Nicarchean metre are shared by it. I-Ience, deal' fl"iend,
it ,νίΙΙ employ not only the regular ten syllables, but also a larger nUlnber.'
The Nicarchean metre, which is the subject of discussion ίn this column, is unkno\vn
from any other source. 1t is, ho,vever, Cleal" from the compal"ison with the Phalaecean
(cf. VIIl) that the scheφ.e was ~ v (also u u - ) - - u u - u - u - .
4. The punctuato1' read οvτω ~ηλoνόTΙ, which he took \vith what precedes. 1n the
absence of the context it is impossible to say that this may not be right; but, as the passage
stands, the punctuation fo11owed in the translation seems pl"eferable.
6. [και]: there is bal"ely l"oom for this supplement, but [ό] is not enough.
17. [διοπερ J: the supplement is a 1ittle long fo1' the lacuna, which five letters would
sufficiently fill.
20. [πλJEL[ο]σιν: i.e. eleven, by the resolution of the fi1'st long s)'llable into two short
ones: cf. 10 sqq.
v. 1-7. 'Ι once thought that Ι had been the first to discover this metre, and Ι prided
mγseΙf upon the discovery of a new metre. Ι suhsequently found that it had been used by
Aeschylus, and still earlier by Alcman and Simonides.'
Α t the top of this column an omission ϊn the text has been supplied by the corrector.
The place where the omission had occurred is mal·ked by the sign ίη the right margin
opposite 1ine 8, and the word ανω (' see above ') was ηο doubt written aboνe the line at the
precise point \νhere the additional wOl"ds were to be inserted, corresponding to the κάτω
\vith which they are concluded. This is the regular method ίη such cases; cf. ccxxiii. 83,
note and 126, Ο. Ρ. 1. χνΙ 111. 3"
ι sqq. 1t is impossible to tell what this metre was that the writer supposed himself to
have discovered. For the language cf. the lines of Phel"eCrates οη the invention of the
metre calIed after his name (Hephaest. χ and xv) tfνδριr, πρόσχιτι τδν Jιοϋν Ι Εξιυρήματι καινφ, Ι
συμπτύl<τοιr άναπαίστοιr.
νι. ' ... completely, ίη order to appeal" real1y to have conferred a faνour οη the city,
and to be an innovator as well. As it is, let my good ,,'ίΙΙ be made known ... '
τηι πολιι: Ιe. the town ίη which the ,vriter lived and which expected some noνelties
from its professors and teachel"s.
3. καιυ[οσσ]Φοr? cf. V. The compound is πο! found elsewhere.
νιΙ. 3-17. 'Of the Anacreontean metre this is a specimen : -
ν", - ν - ν - -
"Water bring and wine \vithal, boy."
, Μ any term this Parionic, because it appears to border οη the class of Ionic metres,
especial1y when it has the anapaest standing first and the trochee next, similarly to such
parts of Ionic νerses as these : -
vv - -vv--
"Unto Zeus, wielder of thunder.'"
2. Ιη the metrical scheme there are some slight traces of ink above and below a hole
ϊη the papyrus between the t,vo trochees. But they do not appear to represent a line of
division, \vhich ought to have been carried down to meet the horizontalline below. It may
then be assumed that the writer deriνed the Anacreontean νerse f1"Om the Ionicus α mαΖΌre
(cf. 7 sqq.), by cutting off the first and last two syllables from a series of three feet:
- - Ι u u, - ~ v v, - - Ι v v. For the admissibility of - u instead of v - ίn the
middle of the νerse cf. 12.
5. The quotation is from Anacreon (Bergk, Fr. 62. ι).
10. There is ησΙ room for [Εφ]άΠΤfσθαι.
17. Tbis is the latter part of a Sotadean verse (one of the forms of the Ionicus α mαΖΌre)
quoted by Hephaest. c. χι The complete line is «'Ήρην 'Ποτε φασιv ΔΙα τον τιρπιl<Ιραυνον.
νιιΙ. 'If from the first two feet all the component parts are removed, and on]y a
short syllable and the rest of the verse are left, this dimeter will be effected. For example,
these are Phalaecean verses : -
- - -- v v - v - v
"Lemnos, foremost, ίη olden time, of cities."
"Th~s ~ntr~at~d Ί ail th~ g~ds ~f he~v;n."
Η Fr~m Er~s wings Aphr~dit~ h-οιΎ g~dd;ss."
, Cut off the :first syllabIes from these Phalaecean verses, and the Anacreontean measure
\vill result, thus : -
"m~st, ~ld~n time, ~f cities.'"
in
'fhe Anacreontean metre, \vhich is the topic of the preceding co]umn, as well as of the
two co]umns fo]]owing, is here considered ίη relation to the Phalaecean..
Ε
Ι. Tη~ πρωτη~ διπo~ιας: the division of the Phalaecean verse here indicated is the same
as that of Hephaest. (c. Χ.) who describes the Phalaecean verse as a catalectic trimeter
,
μονην
\ ,
τη" πρωτην
(SC. συ~υΎιαν
)-.'):Ι ,~, \ ~ \ ιξ.... ~'λλ α~ ιαμ
αντισπαστικη" εχον, Tα~ υΕ Ε η~ α
~ β , l.e.
LKar, . -v -v - V,
V - V -, V - -. .
3. The metaphorical sense of πρΙσαι is curious. There is ηο alternative to the reading.

9-14. The source of none of these three quotations is known. The fact that the
third of them, which has twelve instead of eleven syllables, is given as an instance of the
Phalaecean metre, is remarkable. This is possibly due to confusion, which some suppose
to be the explanation of the statement (e. g. Caes. Bass. ρ. 258) that Sappho used the
Phalaecean metre, though ηο example is quoted from her poems. But the citation is rather
to be regarded as a confirmation of the view of Wilamowitz-Mollendorff, who considers
the Phalaecean to be an Ionic metre, and the forms - ~ -, v v - v, - v - - and
v v - -, v v - v, - u - . to be equivalent (MIlanges Wez'l, ρ. 449 sqq.). According to
Caes. Bass. ρ. 261 Varro called the Phalaecean verse Ionzcum /rzmetrum; and Synesius'
sixth Hymn offers an example of the mixture of Phalaecean and Ionic trimeters. Οη the
other hand this analysis does not agree with the scheme given by our author (cf. note οη
νιιΙ. ι), \vho makes ~ σ - v, nοΙ ~ v -, the firβt foot. But the inclusion of the
dodecasyllabic v v - - v v - v - v - - under the Phalaecean metre may be a survival
of older tradition similar to that noticed ίη ΙΧ. 2, note.
12. The. papyrus is damaged where a stop aftel' απασι would have been if it were
written.
ΙΧ. 'Ιη an analogous and similar mannet· if from the Praxillean verse the first two
syllables are cut off, the Anacreontean metre will result; or to make a genel'al rule for this
case also, if all the sylIables of the first foot are removed except one short sylIable, the
metre will be produced ίη the same way. Take these lines, of which the first syllables
have been left behind : -
'" u - u - u-_
"Then appeared the moon uprising."
u u- u _ u-_
"From distress, and health's enjoyment."
uu- u-u - -
"May Ι fly, my comrades; youth's bloom." ,
, lt may be thought that catalectic iambic dimeters produce the same result ... '
Ι. Probably έπομέ]vωr.
2. πραξιλλειου: the scheme of the ΡraχίΙΙean metre is ~ - u v - v - u - - .
Hephaestion describes it (c. χΙ) as τρΙμετρα βραχυκατάληκτα, &τη" μΕν πρώτηυ ΙΧΕΙ ίωνικη" τη" ~E
~flJT;pav τροχαικήυ, and quotes as an example the verse of Sappho πλήΡηr μΕν έΦaΙΡΕΤ' ά σΕλάνα
which is also used as an illustration here (1. 14). Hephaestion's division of the metre is
therefore - - v u, - v - v, - - . Our author divides differently. Ιι is evident from his
description of the way ίη which the Anacreontean verse may be derived from the Praxillean
(11. 7-10) that he regarded the first foot not as ~ - v v, but as ~ - v. His division
therefore is ~ - v, u - v -, v - -. This Blass considers to be the true analysis of the
metre, and a remnant of the older metrical tι-adίtίοn. The same scheme may be applied to
such analogous metres as the προσοδιακόν: ~ - v, u - u - (~ - v v, - v - Hephaest.).
14. The quotation is from Sappho (Bergl\:, Fr. 53). The correct form έΦαίνετ' is found
ίn the better MSS. of Hephaestion (c. χί).
ι 5, 16. The source of these two quotations is unknown; they seem to bc from the
same poem, and are very possibly, like that ίn 14, from Sappho. Ιn 15 κύγίιιαιι must of
course be read for και VYEtaV. Blass suggests that this 1ine maΥ be completed :
[Ε"ρυκ'] &ιιίa" ΤΕ, κύΥίΕια"
Ιόπαζε],
NEW CLASSICAI.. FRAGMENTS
and the next; [Υηρα"

[θανοίJσα φύΎοιμι πα'i8~r' ήβα
[κάλλιστον J.
18. ιαμβικων ~ιμεTpων ιcαTαληI<T.: the discussion of the relation of this metre (which is
also called Anacl"eontean, Hephaest. c. ν) to the Anacreontean is continued ίn the next
column.
'-Ι- '" - V - -
Χ. 2-15. ' "Whoever is for fighting."
, If the first foot is made an anapaest the metre will be as folIows ;--
v \φι - ,",- V --
"80 the Lyctian Meneites."

\φι '-Ι- \φι - V - -
"But whoever is for fighting."
, For with an anapaest at the beginning these are equiνaIent to Anacreontean verses; but
when a spondee οτ rather an iambus is placed ίη the first foot they diverge mOI'e from
them ..• '
Ι. ΑΙΙ that remalns οΕ the fil"st letter of the line is a νertical stroke which may belong
Ιο Η 1 Ν ΟΤ Ρ. 1t may be infelTed from what foHo\vs that the quotation fl"om Callimachus,
ό Λύκτιοr Μevείτηr, had just pl'eceded; and ν[ειrηr] might be read here, though it is rather
long for the space. But ο λvκτιο!: μ~ would not fill a line, and it is the practice ίη this MS.
to begin a fresh line for each quotation. η [T6~ε] rnay be conjectured. .
2. The same quotation from Anacreon (Bergk, Fl.. 92. ι) is made by Hephaest. c. v.
6. Quoted from Callim. Epigr. 37, ι (Wilarnowitz, who reads Μεvοίταr). ~; is of
course inserted ίη order to make the first foot an anapaest.
14. πα[λι: the vestiges after π, which resemble a nearly hOl'izontal stroke, may be
the bottom οΕ a smaJl α, but this is quite uncertain.
ΧΙ 'Such as : -
"" '" - - \φι -
"Το endure this you are Eain,"
just as ΑeschγΙus ag-ain has itίn the Prometheus, thus;-
-v \φι _
evilly tongued."
" v v -
, If you would still like to have the case put briefly, cut off from the Cyrenaic measure
the 6rst foot of t,,,o syllables. Βγ producing the remainder you will construct this
metre, thus:-
- "" - v -
maiden still un,ved."
" v u
'lf now, dear friend, you understand this verse leave it and consider it ηο further; but
pass οη ••. '
The metre discussed ίη this column is v v - V ~ v -, which ίn col. ΧΙΙ is called
Parthenean, and is there treated as akin to the ΛOΎαOΙ~ΙKά (cf. Hephaest. c. νϊίί), the
scheme being u v -, \; ~, u -. Ιη this 11th column the same form is apparently con-
sidered under a different aspect, namely as a modification of the Anacreontean metre.
Here then the division wiB be different, v \..ι, - V ~ v, - ; this is the scheme of the
Anacreontean verse minus the final syllable.
ι. 1. TotJoVro.
2. It may be inferred from 3 sqq. that the author of this quotation, as of the next,
was Aeschylus.
3, 4· Εν τω προμηθεl. • . . αισxι{λo~: the quotation is not to be found ίη the Προμ. Δ~σμ.,
and therefore must come from one of the other plays οη Prometheus, the π. Πvρφόρο!:
(ΠVΡκuεύr) or Π. Αv6μενο~.
9. του KVpTJvaLI<OV: the scheme of the Cyl"enaic metre, it may be gathered from this
Ε 2
description, was u u - u v - v - v - ΟΙ" ~ - u v - v - u -, according as the τρισύλ

λαβου of the corrector or the ~ισύλλαβoν of the first hand is accepted as the correct reading.
This metre is only known from the present passage.
15. u v J παρθενου κορην: this is apparently the latter part of a verse which had already
been quoted as an example of the Cyrenaic, metI-e. The author is not known. The
phrase παρθ;υo~ κ6ρα is used by Euripides of t11e Sphinx, Phoen. 1730 πaρθ'νου Kόpα~ αΊνΙΥμ.'
ασύνετον εύρών.
2 ο. There is not sufficient space for Επ' (Εφ') [lJTfp[ ον σ]τΙχον. The letter before Ε
is probably 'Υ, κ, π, σ, or τ.
ΧΙΙ. 'Α feature common to logaoedic verse. But we must now pass over the
characteristics common to 10gaoedic metres and to this, as they will be explained ίη the
following tl'eatise. Ι ,,"ίΙΙ now l'ather speak of the more important ... Ι may reasonably
first adopt and lay down as the formu1a of this metre the foll0wing: u u -, ~ v, u .~.. The
Parthenean verse as it is cal1ed is used by Pindar ...'
Οη the subject of this column and its relation to what has preceded cf. note οη ΧΙ
ι. 1. KOLJV&V.
XIV. 2. The traces suggest that the scribe wrote ]ωιvaηd then inserted a small σ
between ω and ι.
3. After Ja π was originally written, but the second vertical stroke seems to have
been subsequently crossed out.
6. This line apparently contained a quotation which was ended ίn 1. 7.
10. [κανονα: cf. ΧΙ!. ι Ι.
13. The scheme of the Asclepiadeus here given corresponds with that of Hephaestion
(c. Χ), who classes it under the 'Antispastic' metres, ί. e. those which employ the dipody
ofwhich the pure form IS u - - u. Cf. introd. and note οη VI!I. ι.
Frs. (α) and (6). The combination of these two fragments of which (α) contains
only the letters σ[ and ιc[, is rendered probable by the appearaηce of the papyrus.
Fr. (d), 2. This seems to be part of a quotation.
CCXXI. SCHOLIA ΟΝ Ilz'αd ΧΧΙ.
Plate νι (Col. Χ).
The following scholia οη the twenty-first book of the Ilz·ad are written οη
the verso of the preceding papyrus ίη a small, cratnped, informal uncial hand.
The date of the metrical treatise οη the recto, which is late first or early second
century, gives about Α. D. 100 as the terminus α qtto for the date of the scholia.
Οη the other hand we should not assign them to a later period than the end of
the second century. The writiηg presents much resemblance to that of the
Herondas MS. (Brit. Mus. Pap. CXXXV). Mr. Kenyon now (Palaeography,
ρρ. 94, 95) ascribes that papyrus to the first century or first half of the second.
We, however, are inclined to think a first century date improbable ίη the case
of the Herondas MS. Both it and the scholia are very like some of the semi-
uncial documents of the period from Trajan to Marct1s. The ιι -shaped η which
occurs ίη a correction upon the Herondas MS. (ορ. cit. ρ. 94) does not prove
much, for that form is quite common up to Α. D. 200, e. g. ίη ccxxxvii.
Points, breathings, and accents are sparingly used. Paragraphi (either the
διπλη or a straight line) often mark the conclnsion of a note. ι and V sometimes
have the diaeresis. Qnotations frequently project by the width of one letter
from the beginnings of the lίnes. There are a large number of corrections, many of
which are certainly by the original scribe, some not less ceι-taίnΙΥ are by a second
and probably contemporary hand, whiIe others cannot clearly be distinguished.
Despite these, several blunders (chiefly d ue to the confnsiOl1 of similar letters,
e. g. Η and Π) have been allowed to remain. Α note ίη cursive was added ίη
the margin above Col. XVII; the remarkable signature ίη a semi-cursive hand
between Cols. Χ and ΧΙ wi11 be discussed later.
Excluding the unplaced fragments, there are parts of seventeen columns, of
which four are practically complete while four others are fairly well preserved.
The papyrus is a portion of a ύπόμυημα or con1mentary οη Book χχί, perhaps
ση the whole Iliαd. Instances of a commentary upon a single book are
rare) thot1gh συγγράμματα οη special subjects are known. But considering the
Iength which this commentary οη Book χχί, if it had been complete, would
have reached, it is improbable that this roll at any rate included notes οη
another book besides; and there is, as wil1 be shown) some ι-easοn for supposing
that this commentary did not extend to other books of the Iliαd.
The first question which arises ίη connexion with these scholia) the date
of their compositionJ admits of a fairly definite answer. The date of the MS.
itse]f shows that they cannot have been compiled later than the second century
of our era. Οη the other hand, besides referring to the Alexandrian critics,
such as Aristal"chus, Aristophanes, Zenodotus, and others, our authot· quotes
Didymus and Aristonicus, who were Augustan, and Seleucns; who was probably
contemporary with Tiberius (see note οη XV. 16). But the great Homeric
critic of the second century, Herodian, who lived ίη the time of Marcus Aurelius,
is not mentioned, and it is a fair inference that these scholia are anterior to him.
The last half of tl1e first century Α. D. is therefore the period to wl1ich their
composition can with the greatest probability be ascribed.
The question of authorship is more difficult. It depends ίn the first
instance upon the view taken of the mysterious signature written at right angles
between Cols. Χ and ΧΙ, 'Aμμώυιo~ ' Αμμωυίου γpαμμαTΙKO~ έσημειωσάμην. The
natural meaning of this remal"k nndoubtedly is, ' Ι, Ammonius, son of Ammonius,
grammarian, made these notes'; cf. lVlarcell. vit. Thttcydz·d. § 47 άφ' ου δ
'Πο'λ εμo~ ηρςατο,
~ t ' ""
εσημειουτο \ λ'
τα εγομευα απαυτα
r! και
" τα πραττομευα
, • e. he pu t
( ι. th em
· h·lS
d own ιη ησ tes),"
ου μηυ κα'λλ ου) ε
'Φρουτισε
Ι τηυ
" ι
αρχηυ, l.λλ'''\
α η "ι
του μουου "
σωσαι '"
ττι
σημειώσει τα πράγματα. f)στεροv οε ... συυ'ταξε μετα κάλλου) δι ~ξ ltpxfjs μόυου

~σημειoυ~o οια τηυ μυήμηυ, and the use of ύποσημειουσθαι ίη the same sense ία
Diog. ,Laert. ii. 48. If then Ammonius, son of Ammonius, was the author or
compiler of these scholia, can he be identified with any of the known grammarians
called Ammonius? The most famous of these was Ammonius, son of Ammonius,
the head of the university at Alexandria. He wrote a commentary ση the Iliad,
to which several references are made ία Schol. Α, and Snidas states διεο'ξaτο
τηυ σχοληυ 'Αριστ&.ρχου προ του μουαρχησαι του Αvγουστου; cf. Didymus οη IZ,iad Χ.
397. oιεo€ξατo ought to mean that Ammonius directly succeeded Aristarchus, who
died abont 146 Β. C., and thougl1 the phrase προ του μουαρχησαι του Avyovσrov
rather suggests that he may have lived ίη the first century Β. C., it is impossible
to identify him Witll the com?iler of our scholίa, who quot es grammarians
of the Augnstan age. Αη Ammonius who wrote scholίa οη Homer before the
end of the first century Α. D. is also known from the Brit. Mus. Odyssey
papyrus (CCLXXI), where some notes of his are adcled ίη the margin. It is possible
that he is identical with our author (but even the reading of his nam e, which ίΒ
always abbreviated αΡ, 'is not certain), or he may be identical with the successor
of Aristarchus. Α third Ammonius ίΒ the author of the extant lexicon Πεp~
οιαφορα) όμοΙωυ ρημάτωυ, the date of which is nncertain. Valckenaer assigned it
to the first century Α. D., but later critics suppose it to be a wol'"k of the Byzantine
age based οη first centul'"y materials (Cohn αΡ. Pauly E1ZCYCl. s. υ.). Both the
lexicon and our scholia quote the same grammarians, and it is conceivable that
the Ammonius whose name was given to the lexicon was the author of the
scholίa; but this too is the merest conjecture. It ίΒ moreover by ησ means
certain that the anthor of these scholia was called Ammonius. The occurrence
of a signature ίη the middle of a long book has ηο parallel, and ΩΟ obvious
explanation stlggests itself. The use of the first person ~σημειωσάμηυ would lead
us to think that the ιnanuscript, if not the original MS. of Ammonius hin1self, was
at least a copy made directly from the original. Bnt the existence at an Egyptian
country town of such a MS. of a work which, as will be shown, appears to have
played an important part ίη the history of Homeric criticism, would be most
remarkable. Moreover, not only is the signature ίη a style of a handwriting so
different from that of the body of the MS. that, though we are not prepared to deny
the possibility of their having been wl'"itten by one and the same person, appear-
ances are all against that supposition ; but the signature may have been added as
mucl1 as a century later, so far as palaeographical considerations are concel'"ned,
a fact which makes the insertion of a copy of the author's signature still more
inexplicable. One is tempted, therefore, to suppose that the meaning of
NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS 5S
ισημειωσάμηυ proposed above is incorrect, and that the explanation of the term
is to be fonnd not ίη literary works or grammarians bnt ίη Egyptian documents.
σημειουυ is frequently found ίη Greek papyri; ίη Byzantine contracts it is "-
sometimes used ίη the signature of the scribe as a mere eqnivalent of iypJιprι
(cf. Β. G. U. 303, 310), but since the signature here is not apparently ίn the hand
of the body of the scholia, Alnmonius cannot be identified with the copyist.
Ιη the Roman period σημειουσθαι is commonly used (nearly al\vays ία the form
σεσημείωμαι, rarely εσημειωσάμηυ) for an official signature signifying appl-oval ; and
if εσημειωσάμηυ here does not mean 'made (these) notes,' it must mean ' signed,'
i. e. 'approved.' There is, ho,veνer, ηο pat-allel for such an imprimatur as
distinct from the signature of a corrector. There wonld be nothing strange
ίη Ammonius stating that he had revised the MS., cf. Reνenne Papyrus
Col. XXXVIII. 2 διωρθωσάμεθα έυ TOί.'~ 'Άπολλωυίου του διοικητου; bnt σημειουσθαι
can hardly be a mere variant for διορθουσθαι, and the identity of handwriting,
which we should expect οη this theory between the signature and the cot-rections
that are not due to the original scribe, is not appat-ent, though owing to the
paucity of the material for' forming a judgetnent it is impossible to speak
definitely. And eνen if ισημειωσάμηυ, means tl1at the mannscl-ipt had been
approved by Ammonius, it is still νery strange that the fact was recorded ίη
the middle of the papyrus.
We have now discussed the possibilities of Ammonius having been the
compiler, the scribe, or the ' approvet-' of the scholia. None ofthese explanations
is altogether satisfactory. There remains the heroic alternative of supposing
that he had nothing to do with it at al1, and that the signature is a mere scribble
without any connexion with the body of the papyrus, like the two lines which
fol1ow the extract from the Epistle to the Romans ίη ccix. Such a theory,
however, is unwarrantable, since fσημειωσάμηυ admits of at any rate two
explanations; and the accidental occurrence of a grammarian's signature ίη
a Homeric commentary, yet withont any reference to it, is very un1ikely. The
choice lies between Ammonius the compiler and Ammonius the approver, and
ίn spite of the difficulties which arise we prefer to suppose that Ammonius was
the compiler. That εσημειωσάμηυ can mean C made (these) notes' is certain, and
seeing that the term would apply to only very few literary compositions, whίle
the approνal of a grammarian might just as well be appended, if it eνer was, to
a manusςrίΡt containing verse or a συγγραμμ.α, the occurrence of ισημειωσάμηυ
ίη the sense of 'approνed' ίη connexion with a lllanuscript itself containing
notes implies an accidental coincidence which is hardly credible.
What is the relation of Ammonius (as we shal1 now call him) to the extant
scholia of the Iliad? These are diνided into two classes :-( J) the more
S6 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
important, the scholia of the Venetus Α, which, according to the subscriptions,

were compiled from the commentaries of Didymus, Aristonicus, Herodian, and
Nicanor; (2) those of Schol. Β (Ven. 453), Schol. Τ (the Townley, i. e. Brit. Mus.
Burney 86), and Schol. Gen. (Genaνensis 44, edited by Nicole ίη 1891), which
haνe ηο subscriptions and differ material1y from Schol.. Α, especial1y ίη paying
less attention than the latter to qt1estions of reading and more to questions of
exegesis. Ammonius' scholia are earlier than the date of the composition of
Schol. Α, for they do not include, 80 far as we can judge, two out of the four
ingredients of those scholίa, νίΖ. Herodian and Nicanor. They' coincide with
Schol. Α οη some points, especially οη qllestions of reading; bHt this is natural,
since the other two ingredients of Schol. Α, Didymus and Aristonicus, were
known to Ammonius. That An1monius' scholia were a source of the νen. Α
scholia is rendered unlikely by the subscriptions of the Ven. Α; and though
Ammonius, so far as his scholia are complete, seems to have included notices of
the readings which ίη Schol. Α are excerpted from Didymus and Aristoniclls
as Aristarchean, there is not snfficient evidence to show that he was as full as
the compίler of the Ven. Α scholia οη pul·ely critical points. It is, therefore,
extremely improbable that Ammonitls' scholia are either a source or an earliet·
stage of the ν en. Α scholia.
The case is otherwise \vith tl1e second class of scho1ia, Scholl. Β, Τ, and Gen.
These coincide ίn a marked way with Ammonius, and the notes of Β and Τ often
seem to be an abbreviated νersion of our author. The agreement of Ammonius
with Schol. Gen. is even more conspicuous, because it is only ίη the twenty-first
book that the Geneνa scholia are clearly distinguishable, by much new and
valuable information, from Scholl. Β and Τ. Several remarkable notes ίη Schol.
Gen. ση Book χχί, e. g. those οη 195, 256, 282, 363, largely repl·oduce the scholia
of Ammonius. 1t is indeed a question whether the coincidence between Schol.
Gen. and Ammonius is not best explained by the hypothesis that Ammonius'
commentary was confined to Book xxi. Of the second class of scholίa, there-
fore, Ammonius seems to be a real source, though it is curious that he is not
referred to ίη them by name. But we must leaνe the discussion of this topic, as
well as that of the sources of those scholia which our author giνes οη his own
authority: to specialists; and we conclude with a brief summary of the most
important features of the papyrus.
We haνe here for the first time an almost contemporat·y specimen of a first
century commentary οη the Jlz"ad. The MS. of the ν en. Α scholia is eight
centuries later than the matel·ials from which ίι professes to haνe been compiled,
and it is impossible to be certain ho\v far corruptions and interpolations haνe
crept ία. The present papyrus can claim to be exempt at any rate from the
latter, and the statements which it makes concerning Homeric critics do not
admit of controversy.
Secondly, though, as has been said, owing to the elaborateness of the Geneva
scholia, our information concerning Book χχί is fuller than ίη the case of any
other book, and Ammonius' scholia therefore contain fewer novelties than
would have probably been tlle case if a commentary by him οη some other
book had been discovered, there are still a nUlllber of points ίη which he gives us
fresh information about the views of ancient critics and grammarians, or, what
is hardly less important, assigns a definite source to statements which were
previously anonymous. Alllongst these may be mentioned the excerpts from
Hermapias (ΙΙΙ. 17), Didymns (Χ. 12, XVII. 27), Dionysius Sidonius (ΧΙ. ι),
Protagoras (ΧΙΙ. 20), Seleucus (XV. 16), Crates (XVII. 30), the attribution of the
known variant ΠEλάσα~ for Υ' έλάσα~ to Aristophanes (Χ. 36), the notice of the
omission of v. 290 by the Cretan edition (XV. 27), and the new verse after
Book ίi. 848 which was found, if we accept the ingenious conjecture of Blass, ίη
the edition of Euripides (VI. 17).
Thirdly, our author frequently uses illustrations drawn from classical Greek
literature, some of which are new, e. g. the quotations from Hesiod (?) (111. 3), an
unknown epic upon Heracles (ΙΧ. 8), Pindar (VII. 6, ΙΧ. 11), Alcaeus (χι. 9),
Sophocles (ΧΙ. 13), and Aristotle's 'Απορήματα CΟμηΡικd (XIV. 30).
. Lastly, whatever view be taken of the precise relation of Ammonius to the
class of scholia t·epresented by Scholl. Β, Τ, and Gen., the authority of that class
is greatly increased by the pl~esent discovery. Hitherto those scho1ia have been
at a disadvantage compared to Schol. Α, owing to the absence of subscriptions
and the consequent nncertainty attaching to theil· materials and their date. It
is now clear that they are to a considerable extent based upon a compiler, who,
whether he was cal1ed Ammonius or not, lived as early as the first century Α. D.
and had an intimate knowledge of his predecessors ίη Homeric criticism and of
Greek literature ία general. For such statements as they make Scholl. Β Τ Gen.
are henceforth entitled to as much authority as Schol. Α.
The text of the scholia is printed after our nsnal tnethod except that, ior the
sake of clearness, the words or passages commented οη are printed· ίη capitals,
with the number of the line referred to ίη brackets at the side; capitals are also
used for the initialletters of proper names, ,vhich are here particularly frequent.
Owing to the unevenness of the hand, the number of lettet·s lost ίη the lacunae
cannot be gauged so closely as ίη most literary papyri. The schΌιia cover the
first 363 lίnes of the book. There are gaps sometimes extending to several
columns between 1-11, 11-111, VII-VIII, XIII-XIV, XV-XVI, χνι-χνιι.
We have followed ίη the notes the customary practice of referrjng to books
of the Ilt·ad and Odyssey by the Ietters of the Greek alphabet. Ιη the restoration
of the text we have once more to acknowledge our great indebtedness to
Professor Blass. Mr. Allen has also given us help οη various points.
Col. Ι.
].T~.[
]Τ~.ι?!lτ~e[. .'. ]t!~~OO[ (ι)
αναΥ]ινωσκειν Tινα~ οτΕ[8η
λε]ΥονταΥ TO~ δη ΕΠΙ[φερομενον
5 ] τω ·ο.τε χρονικω επι(
ε]rκλεινειν αυτον α[Υνοουσι δε
οτι το] δη ουκ εστιν αλλοιω[ σαι τον τονον
τινaΥ] των προηΥουμενω[ν ΠΟΡΟΝ οι (ι)
μεν τη]ν διαβασιll oμoιω~ τ[ω εν β και
10 Θρυον] Λλφειοιο πορον καθ(
]~ και ΠΟΡευτοr ο Λλφ[ EloS'
Ε
]αι Tar 8ί.)l!Τ~~ oιrαι l;t~[

Jev τω Ι!- οικτιστον [δη κε ινο ε
c
μοιS' ι 80] 11 οΦθαλμοισι παν[ των οσ

σ εμΟΥη Ίσα ΠΟΡουr αλΟΥ εξερε[ εινων
ΟΙ δε το Ρ]ευμα απο του εισ(
]. διαρρουν τουτ?[
ΠτοJλεμαιοr Λριστο[ φανηr ροον
]ρη ν δια του ij Υρα[ φε ι
20 ευρ]ηΟΥ ιν' fj απο ΟΡθηr [
]~y αΥνοει 8' οτι απ.[ Col. 11.
J<r~r και το ανεπτ[ υΥμενον
]ν μεν Υαρ συλλα[ ]σι[ (63)
ε]πι καθαρου του ?7[~ φυσι](ωοr [
] επι ΎΕvικηS' πα( ].eolS' α[
] δΙOTPEφεo~ θυμ[ oS' δε μεΥ(J,S' φυσΊι(ωον ετ[
Εστι 8ιοτρε ]φεοS' βασιληοr [ 5 Δ H]Θ€Λ€ ΘΥΜω [ (65)
περιεσ]πασμενη 8ε( παρατατι JK[ Ο JV ηυξηκ[ ε

]~ων τα 8ε απ[ ]ιν' ευλOϊ'ω~ [
]ενα ευφωνια[ ] και αλλω~ 8Ε(
]ον παρα το ηρ[ JTES' τελΕυται[
8]!0 φησιν ϊφ![ 10 ]τον Ύε χρονο(ν
]8ε το Kλεo~ ~ ] ΣrησΙXOpω [
Col. 111.
[...••. .8ει]λην μεν ώS' οι Λττι[κ]οι

[. . . . . . . . . •].σελαν οθεν 8ΙE~[ο]ν ιkη
[σιν Hσιo80~ εν] ϊ' Mαpε~ οσοι ναιουσι πελα~
[ΠΟΤΙ 8ειελ]ον aVTOS' δΕ 8ειελ~1( Φρυ
5 [vtx0S' ο Tpay]tKOS' εν ΦοινισσαιS' 8ειλη
[. . • . . . . . .]roT1JTL 8εειλην ~~λειo
[. • • • . • . . .]!ων av8per εΚΤΕινοντο
[.••.••.. .]ην ES' 8ιελην TαυTη~ δε
[το μετα μεση]μβριαν καταστημα 8ει
10 [λην πρωια]ν λεΎουσι οι Αττικοι το 8ε
[περι 8υσι]ν ηλιου 8ειλην οψιαν αυTO~
[8ε και 8ειε]~~S' ει~ ο κεν ελθη δειελo~ οψε
[8υων σκιασ]η 8 εριβωλον αρουραν Ι:O~ τήν
[εσπεραν] εσπερον τρισι 8ε 8ια[σ]τημασιν
15 [την ημερΊαν περιωΡΙΚΕ[ν] ηοι μεση ημε
η
[ρα 8ειλη] ΑΡΗ τω σι8ηρω [οι] 8ε τω !'f!'!U

[.•. .ΕΡμα]πιαS' 8Ε περισπαι ϊν [ηι] #λα
[βη βελουr] η 8opaTor Η Or€ ΔΟΥΡ[Ι ΒΑΛ]ωΝ
[Η ΑΠΟ N€YP]HΦΙN οί'ίcτω πεπεισ[ται Υαρ]
20 [ΟΤΙ συστ]α8ην αυτον oυ8ει~ α[νελε]ι
[€NTAγΘOΙ] ΝΥΝ HCO M€T IXeYCIN [το εν
[ταυθοι Ο epJαtE βαρυτονει το Υαρ [π]ερισπαν
[Tη~ νεωTε]ρα~ Ϊα80~ οι ,δε δια το(υ] ~εK'
[ •• ι ••• • J.TO ΕΚ του εllταυθα [πα]l?α
25 [•••••• •]τηS' ΕΚ του ειιταυθ[ι • •]. την

[••. .πεΡιJσπωμενην ΎΕΎ[ . • .].α!α
β
[. • • • • • •Ί~ δε Λ ττικον φη[. . . •Ίστον
[.••. ησο] 8ιατριβε εαν δ~ [•••• ]!] εισ (ι 22)
[.•.••...] μεταφραστεο[ν . .•. .]q

30 [. • . • • . . . ]σο Λριστονεικ[οS' ... tJ~Ov
[σι • .. ΙΧΘ]ΥCΙΝ ΟΙ C ωΤ€IΛH[N ••••• ].
[••••••• •J~tS' ΑΙΜ' ΑΠ[Ο]Λ[ΙΧΜΗCΟΝΤΑΙ
[..•.••• α]πολειχε[ιν. .......•.
[••••••• Α]ΚΗΔ€€[C • • • • • • • • • • • •
35 [. . . . . μη Φ]Ροντι(ο[ντεS' •.....•.
Col. IV.
Τ[
~[
λέ[
/ σω[ ΘΡωcκωΝ TIC

5 ΚΑ[ΤΑ ΚΥΜΑ M€ΛAΙNAN ΦΡΙΧ YΠAIΞ€I
ΙΧ[ΘΥC OC K€ ΦΑΓΗCΙ ] ~αι
Ae[tUTapX0S' υπο την φρικα αιξε)! των
!χ[θυων TtS' κατα το κυμα κολυμ]βων
[OS' φαΎΟΙ αν τον AVKaOJIOS' δημον π]αν
10 τ[ωS' Ύαρ ε8ει τον μελλοιιτa του υΊπο
φε[ρομενου νεκρου απτεσθαι ι]χθυν
α~[ω μετεωρον •.. υπο την φρικ]α ελ
θε![ν 22 letters ]τΙ

ι.[ 23 " Ί~πa
15 '[l![ 23" ]r δια
το[ 23" ]ειον
κε[. . .J'Ta[ ]Η " ]πωS'
καθαπερ ε[ 17 " ].l!!
οπισθεν ω[ 17 " Ία
20 τρια λoυT~[ 14 ." εν τ]η 8
τηΥ 08υσσ[ειαΥ ΟΥ κεν ΤΟΙ 8ειξησιν 080Jr

και μετρα [κελευθου εν 8ε Tαι~ Αρισταρ
χεΙΟΙΥ υπ( αϊξει 12 letters ΕΥΕΎρα
πτο και τ[ 20" υπα
25 ϊξει αιcoυί ει 20"
ποτνια [α]ί 13 " ΦιληταΥ
8ε υ(παλυξει . •.•..•.• •φησιιι οτι
ίχθ[υΥ Ο ΦαΥων τον ΛυκιιονΟΥ 8ημον
πεΙJ!{ελωδηΥ Ύειιoμενo~ το ι<ρυ
ο
30 [ε]Υ φε[υξεται αΥιιοει δε οτι το 8ια

νεστ[ηΚ'ΟΥ τηΥ θαλαττηΥ ΕπιποληΥ
ου το κ[ρυΟΥ Φησιν ΟμηΡΟΥ φρικα
ωΥ δ ο[θ υπο φpικo~ βορεου ανα
παλλ(εται ιχθυΥ τηΥ επιτρεχου
35 σηΥ κα[τα την θαλατταν προ τηΥ
του Χ[ ΕιμωνΟΥ εμβοληΥ
Col. v.
] • • • lf,!~f
]!1! [ωc] ΑΡ €ΦH (J3 6) ]. τουτου
ΚΗ]ΡΟ[θΙ] ΜΑΛΛΟΝ 10 ]νaυ8η
]κι[.] μαλι ]KafOY
5 ]~~ ανf!ι~ ]εκα
] ανηρη ]8 η8η
] ιστορου ]αρ
]φανον 15 ] πολ
Col. νι.
[•••••••••••••] • ΙPf[. • • • · • • • • • • •
[. • • . • . • . .]~[. •]ειπη~![. • . . • . . . .
[•••••• ]ι;t ΙΠΠΕυ$ εν τω [.••..•.•
[.. ιστορ]ησεν οτι οι Tα~ r[ .

5 [••....] λεΥου[<!ι]ν αυτο[ν] κα! [ .
[. . . . oπ]~α αυτου 8εικνυουσ[Ι .
[•••• •]f.lero~ απο Tη~ υλη~ τη[. ~ •.•
ω
[.•... .]~!Jnησοv προσω κ[..]η[. •...

[••••• Ο) Δ€ ANTIOC €K ΠΟΤΑΜ[ΟIΟ
10 [€CTH €X]ωN ΔΥΟ Δ[O]YP€ 8ιειλη[πται
[. • • • • •]?1 τα . . rqVOy ωΥ φη[ σι
[••••• €π]€1 K[€]XOΛ[ω]TO ΔΑΙ K[TAM€ (146)
[ΝωΝ ΟΤΙ ε]λλει[π]ει η περι και rι[ . •.•
[•••..• α]νηρημενων ο μεσΟΥ [..•.
15 [. . . . .] ΔΟΛιχ€[r]Χ€ΑC ~ελευKO~ [προπα (155)
[poξυν]~! HΔ€ Δ€ ΜΟΙ ΝΥΝ Ηωc €NΔ[€KATH (ι 55-6)
[ΟΤ €C ΙΛΙΟ]Ν [1:f]€IAHAOyeA εν τη κατ Ε[υρι
Εν
[πι8ην και] εν τισιν αλλαι~ και 8ια[κοJιrJ!ιo/ lf

[.•..• A]σTεpOπαιO~ OVTroS' αυ[τα]ρ Πυρaι
20 [χμηΥ] αΥε ΠαιονaΥ αΥκυλοτοξου(Υ] Πηλε
[yovo]5' θ υιo~ ΠΕρι8εξι[ OS'] Αστεροπ[ αι ]05'
[... .]ro~ Υαρ αυΤΟΥ απο του 8ιακ[οσμ]ου
δΕ
[και ΕΙ] μ'!l παρα8εχοιτο ΤΙΥ τον [8] [ε]ν Βια
[κοσμ]ω περι αυτου στιχ[ον] ου8εν K~~υει
25 [ενα !ω]ν επι μερουΥ ηΥεμονων αυτ[ ον] ~I'
τ
[τα μη] ωνομασ[θ]αι καθαπερ ~[x]txL[oJν %χε

[8ιον ΦοJιvικα Πατροκλον Αρτιλοχον
Τ( ευκρο ]1" ΟΥ και υπ αυτου του Α Υαμεμνο
vo[s' π]ροσηΥορευται καθα κα(ι] lσTpo~
30 φη[σι] ΤευΚΡΕ φιλη /(εφαλη ΤελαμωνΙΕ
Co1. νιι.
[. · · · · · · ~ · · · · · · · · · · · · .Jar[. • · · · ·
[••••••••••. •]~~ι • [•••] • ar[. .. .' ..
J.VEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS
[. · . · ...• αμφο]τερα[ ]~ χεο[ .

[••••••••••] • σT~~[ .•J?va[• .•..•
5 το 80ρυ Ovq-[. ]~~! • t;t[. ]~να~[. . . . . .
ε!' Παρθενειοι, πα[ιr 8] Αστερ[οπαιου 'Υε
e v
Υενημαι or π~[.] : ια • [.. ]aS' αμ[φοτεραι
Χ
σι [~]εpσι ριπτεν και [• .]~If[ • .•.•..•
f! 8ε χαλκεΟΙΥ ~paU!-'[ . . . . . • . . . . . . . .
Υ
10 "!εη[r] χωμοπτqλι[. . , . . . . . . . . . . •
μαχαι θαυμαιιιετ. [. • . . • . . . . • . . . .
λεα/ν ϊεντα ρομ[βον βαλλει 8 αμα αμφο
τεραΙΥ την 8 ασπι[8α απεβαλεν ο
τι 8υσχρησΤΟΥ εν [υ8ασιν . . ... •. . . .
ι 5 και Tαξ~ •• ν ~'!ι! ~[••••••••.•.•••
οθεν και εν τω αΥω[νι . • . . . . το τε
ΙιΦο[r] αυτου τιθησι[ν] [ο ΑχιλλευΥ ....
καλ[ο Jv θρηκιον κ[ αι τον θωρακa . . .
ω π( ε]ρι χευμα φα[ εινου κασσιτεροιο
20 αμφ(ι]8ε8ε[ι]νη[ται .
Col. νιιι.
]~ 5 ]l!! ]
] ]!'ν 10 ]ε
]rvv ]r ]
). ].σ ]
]ιr
Col. ΙΧ.
"
σαν τα![ • •.]. ~~[..]. 7!αιr[• •] [.] κατελεξα
Λxε~ω[ιoυ] αΡΥυροδ[ι]νεω ε, ου πασα.
θαλασ[σα κ]αι ΜεΥακλει8ηΥ 8 [eJv ii πε
ρι Ομη[ρο]υ Υραφει ποιον ρειθρο[ν] μει(ον
64 ΤΗΕ OXYRHY1VCHUS PAPYRI
5 Α χελω[ ι ]ου εξ ουπερ πανTε~ ποτ( α]μοι ο

μεντ[οι Υ] Apισταpxo~ Ομηρικον avr[oJv
αποφ[ αιν]ει τα Υαρ ρευματα ε-ξ ωκεαν[ ο Jv
ειναι [~ελ ]eVKOS' δ εν ε [Ηρ ]ακλειαS' π~[ S'
δ επορ[ ευθ]?7S' ρευμα Α[χ ελω JLOV αΡΥυ[ρο 1
10 8ινα ωκεανου ποταμο[ ιο δι J eVpEOS' υΥ[ρ]α
κελευθα τουτο δε εμφαι[ νει Jv και Πιν
δαρον λεΥοντα τον αυλητικον κ[ α]λα
μον Α χελωιου κ[ρα Jvav τ[ ο Jv υ8ατο[ S'
προσθα μεν !σ Α χελωιου [τ Jov αοιδ[ οτα
15 τον ευρωπια κραναν ελ[ lKO]S' τε π[ οτ]α
μου ροαι τρεφον καλαμ[ ον ε JreproS'
Υουν λεΥειν ωκεανου πε[ δ]~ κρανα[ν
πολλουS' τε προ ΔημητΡΟ[S'] θυειν Α
χελωιωι οτι παντων πο[ τα ]μων ονο
20 μα ο Α χελωιοS' κα[ ι] εξ υδα[ TO]S' καρποS'
ΕφοΡΟS' δ' εν β [φησι] το εν Δωδωνηι μίαν
τιον σχεδον εν απασι ,.,OtS' ΧΡησμοιr
προσταττε[ ι Ίν Α χελ[ ωι Jrot θυειν οθε[ν
TOVS' ΕλληναS' παr[τ]~[.J Πf!r~l!ον
25 νομι(ειν Αχελωιον ΚΑΙ ΦP€IATA ΜΑ (197)
ΚΡΑ NAOYCI Ν ΟΤΙ αντι του ναει ρει μα
κρα δε αντι του βαθεα ΤΟΝ M€N [ΑΡ €Γ (203)

Χ€ΛΥ€C T€ ΚΑΙ ϊΧΘΥ€C ισωS' οτι [μαλι
στα σαρκοφαΥουσιν αι εΥχελvεS' [κατ] ε
30 ξοχην ειρηνται και ελλειπε[ ι J το α[λ

λοι ϊν' ηι και ο[ι] αλλοι ϊχθυ[ eJS' ομοι[ ω]S'
τω τη μεν τ ουδε ποτητα [πα ]ρερχ[ ε
ται ου8ε πε[λ ]εια[ ι] τρη[ρω ]ν[ ES' ισωS'
δ' ΟΤΙ εll ί-λ!J! ε[ι]σι και σαΡΚΟ[S' ανθρωπει
35 ου λιχνευονται η κεχω[ρικεν απο
τ[ω Jv ιχθυων οτ[ ι οJVTE [εξ 0XELaS' Υινον

τα[ι] καθα Φησιν ΑΡ[ι]στ[οτεληS' ουτε
(ωοτοκουσιν ουτε [OopLKovS' ΠΟΡΟVS'
Co1. Χ.
ουτε υσTεPΙKoυ~ εχουσιν αλλ' εκ των

καλουμενων Ύη~ ενTερ[!~]ων η~ α[υ)'το
μαται συνιστανται εν τω πηλω και εν
τη γη τ(η J ενικμωι (ωσι δ[ε κ]αι τρεφον

5 τ[ αι] ομβ[ριω] υ8ατι εν [T]aLS' γουν τελματω
8εσι λιμ[ναι JS' του τε [υ ]aaTOS' παντοS' Ε
~αναλω[θε]νTO~ και του πηλου εξυσθεν
r[O]S' Ύεινονται παλιν οταν υδωρ γενη
α.
ται ομβριον εν TOLS' [λ]υχμοιS' ου Ύει

ι ο 1Ι0ντaι ουδ εν TaLS' atapevovuaLS' λι
μllαιr Εν δε τω ( φησιν αυτον λε
γειν Δ~9!lμοs apaprvpror οτι και αλ
ληλοφαΥΟll εστιν και ΟΤΙ (η ""( και η
ε( τΊη- εστ! δε και μoνoyενε~ παλιν
15 ου το μεν αρσεν το δε θηλυ και εν τω
αΥορανομικω δε νομω Αθηναιων
διεσταλται εΎχελυων τελη και ίχθυ
ων A[M]Φ€Π€N[O]NTO περι αυτον εΥΙ
-r-
vo(vJTO evePOYOVVTES' προαllαπεφω
20 lΙηκε δε το τριτη ημερα εσομε1l01l
οτε εμελλεν επιπλειν η τοτε εκει
το εν TatS' appolS' αι εΎχελvεS' ηδη αυ
του ησθιον ενδυουσαι ΔΗΜΟΝ €P€
Ο
ΠTOM€NAI €ΠIN€ΦPIΔION K€IPONT€C
25 οτι η ΠΕΙ ι]μελη [πε Jpt rovS' νεφροvS' εστι
το 8 ερεπίτ]ομε[νο]ι σ Kληρω~ επι των
ιχ θυων κειται επει γαρ τ[η]ων τη
γλωσση λαμβανοντων απο τηS' epaS'
το ερεπτεσθαι K~LPOlITES' δαπανων
30 TES' M€TA nAIONAC· επι llalovaS' AN€
ρ[ι] €ΙΔΟΜ€ΝΟC κ[αι A]ptUTαpxoS' 8txroS'
F
Eιδoμενo~ κ[ αι] εισαμε[v]οS' Π€P[I] M€N

KPAT€€IC πεΡ[ι]σσα/S' 8ε [ισ]χυροS' ~? ΑΙ
CΥΛΑ av(oJpa· και π(αρα) καθηκον
35 ~~ [€]M€Θ€N Γ €Λ~CΑ[C συν] Τα/ Ύ· παρα
[8]ε APΙ~Toφανει πελί ασαr] Π€ΔION
[Κ]ΑΤΑ M€PM€PA P€[Z€ τα] μεΡιμνηr
Ιη the margin between Cols. Χ and ΧΙ at right angles

AI+μ.ωp~o~ Αμμωυιου ypαμμαTΙKO~ εσημΕιωσαμηι'
·'Co1. ΧΙ.
αξια κακα €PAT€INA [P€]€ΘPA ο ~L8rovtor (218)

-/-
φησιν οτ[ι] Ο πο[Ι ]ητηr εξε[ΠΕΊσεν ELr την
8ιηΥη[μ ]ατικην κατασκ( ευ]ην μι μη
ΤΙΚα/ν OνT~': Τα/ν λΟΥω[ν οι] 8ε τα φυ
5 σει [κα]ι προ Tη~ παpαΠOTαμια~ μαxη~
ερατεινα OYΔ€ ΤΙ ΠΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΑΙ π[ρ]ο
X€€IN ΡΟΟΝ €IC ΑΛΑ ΔΙΑΝ CT€[I]NOM€NOC
N€[ K]Y€CC Ι στενοχωρουμ[ evo]S' παρα
[τ]Ι:!lΤ[ α] ΑλκαιοS' στενω /f[ αν] 'Ειανθα/ ρ[ ο
ιΟ [OS'] ε~ θαλασσαν ικανε και εν 08υσσεια
α[ ι Jta κε τοι τα θυρετρa και ευρεα περ
μαλ εοντa ΦΕυΎονΤΕS' στεινοιτο ου
Χ roS' ~οφοκληS' στενα(οι νεκυεσσιν υ
πα νεκυων ΑΙΔΗΛω[.]c αφανισΤΙΚα/S'·
15 €ACON αι Αριστaρχιοι ovrroS' ινα Το συ
νηθεS' ημιν ηι οι δε αντι του χορτα
ιr~?ΊTΙ παρα το αιμαrοS' ασαι Αρηα ου
Ι( ~υ αση πλησμονη €KTOPΙ Π€IPH (225)
ΘΗΝΑΙ αντι του EKTOPOS' €Γω Eror περα (226)
20 [α]TOS' εξ evaVTlαS' πολεμησαι ω ΠοΠοl (229-32)
APΓYPOTOΞ€ ΔΙΟC T€KOC ΟΥ (Υ Γ€ BOYAAC
€ΦΡΑCΑΟ ΚΡΟΝlωΝΟC Ο 'TOI ΜΑΛΑ ΠΟΛΛ ε
πεΤ€ΛΛ€ τρωcι nAP€CΤAM€NAI ΚΑΙ Α
NEW CLASS/C4L FRAGMENTS
MYN€ΙN €IC Ο K€N €ΛΘH Δ€Ι€ΛΟC OΨ€ ΔΥωΝ
2.1 αποτεινεται επι τα Koινα/~ ειρημε
να πpo~ πανTα~ αμφοτεροισι 8 αρη

Υεθ' οπη νoo~ εστιν εκαστου ει Υαρ Α
χιλλευr oιo~ επι ΤΡα/εσσι μαχειται
ουδε μινυνθ' εξοvσι π08ωκεα Πη
3") λεία/να [(8ει8ω μη και Tειxo~ υπερ)]
αυξηTΙKω~ συν ειρηκεll σ ΠOTαμo~
η κατα το σΙα/Πα/μενσν σιητεσν
τηίll] ε[.]lΙτί οJληv ΥεΥενησθαι οθεν

/και αυταρ Απολλα/ν OLOs εδυσετο
35 (Ιλ)ιον ιρην βεμβλετο Υαρ οι TEΙXO~
λ
ευ8μητοιο π[οΙ[8]ηοr ειρυσαο πpo~ σε
-1-
αυτον εποιη[σ Jw εφυλαgα~' σ~ς' τοι o~
-/-
σοι· δειελο!: οψε 8υων 8 ο[ τι αν JTL του
Col. ΧΙΙ.
8ε(ιλη apueVlKroS' roJ~ θυρεον μεΎαν αν

![ ι του θυραν. . . . . J'ro δε ο δειελοr κατα
[. . . . . . . . . • .απο ] Tη~ ( ωpα~ εκεινη
(μ]εχ[ρι της .. δεκα}rης' αυτη δε οψια ΚΡΗ
5 ΜΝΟ[Υ ΑΠΑΙΞΑC αφ]opμησα~ (aJ7TO του κρη
[μΊν(ου Ο Δ €nECCY]TO ΟIΔΜΑΤI ΘΥιωΝ δυ
.[• • 8 ••• , •• Axι]λλευ~ εφορμησαι
-r[ • •••• • , •• •ποJταμου ενθουσιων
~[ •••••••• AAIC αJeporor χεΡCΟΝΔ€ Tovr
Ι ο ~~[. ].!'.ί. .V€KpovrJ ELr το πε8ιον ε
KTOr !αίυτου εξεβ]q,λλεν: ΖωΙΟΥC Δε (Α
/ ω ΚΑΤΑ [ΚΑΛΑ P€€ΘP]A ΚΡΥπτωΝ ΕΝ ΔΙ

NHCI ΒΑ[Θ]€[ΙΗCΙ οιοΊν εν κολπω τ!νι υ8α
TO~ ror επι τ( fJr Τυρ ]oυ~· πορφυρεον 8 α
ι 5 ρα κυμα πε(ριστaθ)η ουρει ϊσον κυρτω
F2
θεν κρυψε[ν 8ε θεον] θνητηll τε Υυναι

κα τρια H~[Ι (011 η κατ α]ν8ρa Toυ~ νεKpoυ~
Εκβαλλει τ[ ovs- (ωνJTa~ σω(ει πpo~ Λ
χιλλεα [μαχεται] Δ€ΙNON Δ Α[Μ]Φ ΑΧΙΛ
20/ΛΗΑ ΚΥκ[ωΜΕΝΟΝ] ϊCTATO KY[MJA· Πρω

Tαyopα~ φησ( ιιι πpo]~ το 8ιαλαβειν την
μαχην το ε(πεισο J8tov ΥεΥονεναι το Ε
ξ?1~ T!Jf Ξα[νθου κα Jt θνητου μαxη~ Ι 11'
ELS' την θεομ[ αχια]ν μεταβη ταχα 8ε
25 ίνα και T~!, [Axιλ]~ε[α] αυξηση και ΠΡf?
κατα των ?1[. • . • • • • .] TOΙ~ κιν8υ
1I0Ι~ τωι ησ~[ . . ~ . . . . ]s- καταλαμ
βανοντα το(. . . . . . επ]η8α 8ε ου
Ε
/( εν τω ριθρω [ετι αλλ εν τ]ω πε8ιωι· Ο
30 / Δ ΑΡ €K Δ€ΙΝ[ΗC ANOPOYC]AC HIΞ€N Π€

ΔIONΔ€ nOCI K[PAlnNOICI] Π€Τ€CθΑI ΤΟ>
8Ε αρματι ο!'[ /( ην χρησθαι] Μη καθαπερ
Ρ
Εν ικτηι τω [αρματι ΚΙll8]υνευση υπο
συρεντων τω(ν ιππων . . . . ]~ /(αι του πο
Ε
35 ταμου θασσ[ ον . . . • ] ηφανι([ον]

το η αΥω!,[ια JEl κιν8υ
νου ο ~y~[ν ] ~II 8ε τω το
-/-
νωι ~[• . . . . . . . . . . •]εστησε τον
Col. ΧΙΙΙ.
The first five lines begin ή, ,[, 0[, 8[, ~~. τη~ r(
6 8ε[.]πη~[ αllΕ
8υσετο λι[μνηS' Ε8υ
[ι]σετο πελ(
α/r Ε/( λιμ!'[ ηS'
10 τaι ωr εll .[
η[ Ι]~Eιι ΠΕδ[ΙΟΙΟ ΟΤΙ ΕλλΕΙΠΕΙ η 8ια ποσι
/ κραΙΠJιοισ[Ι ΠΕτεσθαι
ΦΕΡΕσθαι AK[POK€ΛAINIOωN μΕλαιιιο
μEΙΙO~ κατα τα [ακρα
15 τ[ • ••] τα Υαρ Υα[

Εαλ • σι αφ[ε]α[
s
τυΦλο[ν] ΕΚ YE[ΙΙETη~
V8αTqf [.] ••• [
[ΙΝ]Α Μ[ΙΝ ΠΑΥC€Ι€ ΠΟΝΟΙΟ ΔΙΟΝ ΑΧΙΛΛΗΑ
20 του κα[τα TOV πολΕμοιι ΕΡΥου Αριστοφα
νηr 8[ Ε ΦΟΙΙΟΙΟ •••••••.• OCON Τ επι
ΔΟΥΡΟ[C €PωH ΑΙ
εΤΟΥ Ο[ΙΜΑΤ εχωΝ M€AANOCCOY ΘΗΡΗ
THPOC [ μΕλαναr οφθαλ
25 μoυ~ [ExovTor
σωμι;t[
αΙΕΤΟ[
[.]αισΕ[
8~ι o~[
30 ηται κ[ AρισTOTEλη~
ισΤΟΡ'!l]σε
ροιι Φ(
Tι;tιι[
και Ke[ αTισTO~
35 κη K~[. . • . . . . . . καλΕιται 8ε με
λαιι~[ ETOr και λαΥωφονοr εΚΤρΕ
ΦΕΙ 8ε[ μoνo~ τα ΤΕκνα OυTO~ και Εξα
ΎΕΙ Ε[ στι 8ε ωKυβoλo~ και Ευθημων
και α[ φθονοr και αφoβo~ και μαχιμοr.
Col. XIV.
[..•.•••] §ιηρησθαι καθ οιι λΟΥΟΙΙ TQ
[. • • • το μ]~!' Ε 8ασυντεον το 8ε α
[ψιλωτεοJl] απο ταυτου 8' ειρηκεν
[ον ρα τ ειια]υλοr αποερση χειμωιι[or]t

Υα
5 [περωντα] και Ηρη 8ε[ι] με αϋσε περι
[8εισασ Αχι ]λληι μη μιιι απορσειε με
[yaS' ΠΟταμΟ]r βαθυ8ινηr και ερσαιι
[καλει 8ροσ]ον και xroptr 8 αυθ' ερσαι ει
[σι Υαρ αι α]παλαι και 8poσω8ει~ ΚρατηS'
10 [8ε ειλθε]ντα ϊιι' ηι ερχθειιτα και την
[εξουληS'] 8ικηιι ειιτευθεν εκτιθη
[σι 8ε και ~]ολωιιοS' εκ € agOlIOS' εξου
[ληS' εαν Tt]S' εξει!λλπι ων εαν 8ικην
[νικηση οσ JOU εαll αξιοll η EtS' 8η μοσι
J5 [ον οΦλε J!lI και τω ϊ8ιωτη εκατερω
[ισον €NAYAJOYC xtpappOVS' roS' Αρισταρ
[X0S' ρεων] ~ιι παραμηκεσι ΤΟΠΟΙS'·
[. • • • • • • • • •]VES' αι εν ΤΟΙS' αυλωσιν
[. . • . . . . . . .] αvλωνεS' οι σΤΕνοι και ε
20 [πιμηκειS' ποτα]μοι ο 8ε Θραιξ τα κοιλω
[ματα εξ ων α]ι EK[.]p[O]VUEtS' των πα
[ταμων πεπλ ]?Ίνται και εμπινπλη
[θι ρεεθ]ρα v8[a]TOr [ ..] εκ πηΥαιων
εν
[παν ]raS' 8 ,οροθυιιειι αυλοvr a!J

25 [λοS'] παν το στΕινον εισ~ ουν '!1
[. . . . . ]εισlf~ ατε στεΙΙ~!Jμεν[.] T'!1f
[••• ].ροισμα χεlρι Δ€ χεlΡΑ [Λ]ΑΒΟΝ (286)
[Τ€C] €πιcτωCΑΝΤ' En€ECI 8ια 8ε
[ξιαS'] πιστιν εποιησαντο τω!' λα
30 [Υω]ν ΛριστοτεληS' 8ε μη βοηθη
[σαι] avrovS' Αχιλλει οτι ΗφαιστοS'
[αντ]εΤΕτακτο τω Ξανθω aτοπον
[•.••] Λινεaν σευεσ~,!-~ προσητ'!1.
[•• •]ν TOICI Δ€ ΜΥΘωΝ Ηρχε πο
35 [C€IΔ]ΑωΝ €[Ν]οclχeωΝ στι Ποσει
ΙYEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS
Col. XV.
[8Jro[vo~] κa(ι) Aθηνa~ κa[ι] α~[λων
~[η] οντων TOΙ~ ειπεν ω~ K~[ ι
Εν 08υσσΕια ΕΠΙ Kαλυψoυ~ κ( αι
08vuueror τοισι δΕ μυθων η[ΡΧΕ
5 Κaλυψω δια θεαων ΜΗ Τ ΑΡ ΤΙ Λ(Ι
--r-
ΗΝ TP€€· μη υποχωρει ZHNOC €ΠA[I
NHCANTOC €Γω ΚΑΙ ΠΑΛΛΑC ΑΘΗ
Ν Η αθεΤΕιται ΟΤΙ ονομα ουκ ει
ρηΚΕν ονομα του θεου αλλ ΕΥα/
10 μεTaβεβληKω~ την ϊδεαν
ει~ αν8ρa [κ]αι Υ[α]Ι? ουί<ά8ε κα,τα
την αφο80ν σημεΙα/ επιφaνει
ΤΟIl Λχιλλεa ΕθαρσυνΕν ου8ε '$κα
μαll8po~ εληΥΕ το 011 μΕvοr αλλ ε
-/-
15 τι μαλλοll χωετο ΠηλΕιωνι
πpo~ τaυτα λέΥΕΙ '$EλευKO~ εν τω Υ
κατα των Λρισταρχου σημειων ΟΤΙ
αν8ρασιν ωμοιομΕIΙΟΙ oμω~ κατ α
ή ο σι ]ωπωμενοll δια τη r 8εξ ιωσε
20 ω[ r] ΙΧllη του θεου εΙlΙαι παρεχοll
[τ]aι [ε ]πει πωr ειρηκασι r[ οι]ω Υαρ ΤΟΙ
ιιωι θΕωll Επιταρροθω (Ειμ]εν
και (υ)πο Διo~ 8ε κατα το σ(ιω]Πα/με
1Ι0ν επεμφθησαν εν [8]ε τω ~
ω
25 των 8ιορθ[ ε]ΤΙ/(α/ΙΙ ο αυTO~ [α]θετε[ ι

συν Totr Ε~ηr β (or πεpισσ~[ V]f ου
J( Ειναι 8ε ου8 εν τη Κρητικη πα
ΤΑΜω ΤΕ υπο του ποτaμου ΛωΦΗ
CEI εll8ωσει απο των τουΥ λοφουr .

30 TOυ~ Tpαxηλoυ~ υποτιθεντων
(ωΙα/ν TEror Υαρ (υyoμaχoυrι
'Τα Εν8ι8ωσιν (ευχθεντα και

ο Kαλλιμαxo~ ηλθεν. ο βoυ~
ΥΚΙ
v[π α]ροτρον εKoυσιo[ν]~ π[... ]Νωc
Co1. XVI.
καθηρει κα[τεβαλλε και 8aσυνεται
ο
OPC€ KYΛΛOΠO[Δ€ION €MON T€KOC
ΠToλεμαιo~ [την παρατελευ'Τον περι
σπαι ΟΤΙ παν[τα τα ει~ ων ληΥοντα
5 ΕΠΙ παρεσχα[τ
~oν φασιν ΟΤ[ ε
τακται το ϊ κ[
κον νυν αλλ[
[.]o~ αυτου ~α[
10 το eιrxa[To1r [. . . . . . . •ορσεο κυλλο
πo8ειo~ βελ[τιον αθετειν 'Τον στιχο"
ου8ετερω Υα[ρ πpεπoνTω~ αλλα
ρ
ακ[. .]atroS' τ[ο επιθετον κειται

πpo~ την φι[λανθρωπευομεν7]ν
15 ΟΤΙ υπο μεν [
!,[.]ν χειρουτ[αι
τοιουτο ουν ε[ '$κα
μαν8ρωι θ~[ HICKOM€N ω
μο[ι Ίουμεν ε(νομι(ομεν οτε εσ
2 ο τι [υ8ω]ρ πυρ! [Εναντιον
1!. ?,~~ν πο[
ε ΑΥΤΑΡ €[Γω Z€ΦYPOIO
Εν β περι Τ[ων
μενων φη[ σιν ΟΤΙ (εφυΡοr απο εσπε
25 paS' και [η] ~~[ ο 8υσεω~. . . . . . . . κα

λειται παρα [Ομηρω (oφo~ ο 8ε αΡΥε
στηr ΟΤΙ Elr [Τροιαν απο των περι Πε
λοποννησ[ ον τοπων πνει εν olr το
Ap'YO~ ΤΟ 8 εξ [ανεμων δυο κεκραμενον

30 θυελλα €ICO[MAI πορευσομαι καλουσα
αυToυ~ αλλο[ν αλλαχοθεν Ζην080
Tor δε 'Υραφει [ορσασα ωστε το εισομαι
'Υνω[σ]ομαι aV[Tovr Η K€N ΑΠΟ τρωωΝ K€ΦA
ΛAC Tovr Τρω[ ar ΦΛ€ΓMA• • • • • • . • . •
35 ξιν την ΦλΟ[Υα ,καθωr Hσι080~ καυ
μα 8ε θεσπ( εσιον κaτεχεν XaoS'
Col. XVII.
[. . . • • . . . . ]ομ[
[. • ••••• ] HΔ~ ~[YΠ€IPON αι εκ των πο
[λεων η8ε ] ~υπα[ ι]ρ[ον
[••••••• ] '!ΤΙ τα ~[
5 [. . . . . . •] εξηλθq,! [Τ€IPO]N[Τ €]Γx[€
[AY€C T€ K]~I ϊΧΘΥ€C [ο]τι κεχωρισ
[μενοι εΥχ]ελvεr και ϊχθυεr ΠΝΟ[Ι
(Η T€IPOM]€NOI τη αποφορα του π(υ
[por κατα ]πονουμενοι ριπη δε η ~[ ..
10 [ • • • • • • K]AI€TO Δ IC ΠΟΤΑΜΟΙΟ η ϊ[σ
[xvr ο ποτ)αμοr ο[ ι] δε τον και συν
[δεσμον . ]να . • Τ?Ί" δε Ε aντωνυ
[μιαν ιν η] κα[ ι] ~!1Toν τουτο προσει
[πεν Lr πο ]ταμ[ οιο α]ντιμαρτυρει δε
15 [το Φη πυρι] κα[ ιομ ]ElIor και το αυταρ
(επει SavO]q!O 8αμη μενοr 8ια Ύαρ
r
[. • • • • • •]~qv [ ]Ι!απτεον ΑΝ Α Δ €ΦΛΥ
[€ ΚΑΛΑ P€€]~[P]A η ιΜλ]tιητιr ανα(εσιS'
[. . . • . • . ]Tof [o]~ δ(!] επληθυε KN€I
20 [CHN Μ€ΛΔ]ΟΜ€ΝΟC ΑρισταΡχοr και
[η Καλλιστ]ρaτο!, συν τω jί κνισην

[ιν η συo~] την κιιισaν τηκωιι ομοι
[mS- τωι κ]ιιισην 8 εκ πε8ιου αll€
[μοι ιpepoJv Κllιση 8ε ου μονον ο Ε
25 [πιπλου]S' αλλα παν λιπo~ τα κιιε[ι
[ση 8ε ο]υ8εποτε ειρηκεν ΟμηΡΟ(S
[KvptroS'] 8 εστι μελ8ειν ror Δι8υ
[μοS' τ]α μΕλη [ε]8ειν ωμοιωσε 8[ε
[την με]ν υπο τω υ8ατι Υην τω λ~
30 (βητι T]~ 8' ϋ8ωρ τω λΙΠΕΙ ΚΡατη[r
[8 Εν • 8]ιορθωτικων Υραφομε
[νου μεJλ80V φησιν αντι του με[λ
[80με]νου 8ια ΤΟ TOvr αpxatovr
[τω Ο Τ]Ο ii μη προστιθεναι αί'ν[ο
Frs. (α) and (b). Fr. (d). Fr. (/).
]![ ]αρ σου κ( ]~[

]S': τι~[ ]ιrιων α~[ ]p~[
]aυτω[ ]~pεTαι ~!ω[ ]!,Ι~(
)εΙI?Εa[ ]Jlι~ ET~ΙH[ ]οτι[
5 ] ί'αρ ο αθη.[ 5 ]υΎεT~ιή 5 ]aι:[
]rανaπαλ[ ]~~.[ •]!'~[ ]V!>~[
]rTt!,a~[ ]τ[ ]r[
]0 αpl(ι~[ ]~[ ]ω!'[
8]!,σχ ερω[ r ]ιr~[
10 ]ησει[
]ισινα[ Fr. (e).
]Jιεν[ Fr. (g).
]ΟΟ"![ ]~~[
]!καν[ ].λε~.[
]~μι(~[ ]ευo~[ ]στακρη[
15 J~ETOtr[ ]ο!, λεr[ ].[.]εν τη[
]~ ί'αρ μ( 5 ]αVΗι[ ]~ι 8ε8υ[
]!ωσ[ ]p~ΙTp[ 5 ].σειΙΤ[
Ίι:ρχιλ [ ]~ιια μεΎαΑί

]τησ.[ ]~'.'ωσyo[
]ρε!'[ ]!,α~ι'!2ί
Fr. (c) blank.
Fr. (k). Fr. (Ζ). Fr. (k).
]~νT[ ]q-fJr[· ] q-( ]r[

]~εΙTαι[ ]~ιξε 8~ r[ ]~![
]υσιa~ eq-[ ]εpι~ και a[ ]ε~
] προσωπ[ ]tKCOS- Ε( ]~[
5 ]Εινεν[ 5 ]λητο 5 εξ[ 5 ]ε~ί
]αμ[ .[ ]ε[
)τωνε[ Jt[
]αρaΦ( ]!l[
]~TOΎ[ •]J!( Ίιτ α[
10 ]~[
]?1[
Fr. (Ι). Fr. (m). Fr. (n).
n
]?1(. • J ο]υτο[ ]·tf~[ ]~
]~~p!.[. ι]στοροΥ[ ]tf!n ]αι[
]~μ~[ ]0 εν(
]ΠO~' Ελ( Jαπ[
5 ]αι και (C[ 5 ]σασ(
]~αι ανΕ[ ]ταή
πε Jet TOυ'T~
Ι. Though the beginnings and ends of lines ίη this column are lost, the size of
the lacunae between the end of one line and the beginning of the next can be approxi-
mately determined by the quotations which occur ίη 13-15 and 26-27 and have from
25-30 letters in·a line. Ιη 2-13 about 10-13 letters are 108t between the lines, between
13 and 16, 12-15 letters; ίη ll. 16 to 27, 14-181etters, and ίn 11. 27 to 33,16-20 letters
are required for the lacunae.
1-8. Α scholium οη the accentuation of οτε ~ή ίη v. ι, the general sense of which is

clear. 'Some read όTE~ή, saying that when ~η is added to οτε ίι causes οτε to lose its
accent. But they ignore the fact that ~η cannot change the accent of a \vord preceding.'
Cf: Herodian οη Α 493 ΆpίσTαpxo~ όTε~ή ώ, ~ηλα~ή παpαλόyω~ άναΥΙlIώσκει. Ιη ι ] οτε ~[η
may be read.
3. Of the grave accent over Ε οηlΥ the tip is preserved, but it must have been written.
Oxytone words of three syllables were accentuated at this period either with grave accents
οη the first t\VO syllables (e. g. ίη the Bacchylides papyrus) or with a grave accent οη the
penultimate οηlΥ (e. g. ίη ccxxiii).
5. The meaning, if any, of the dots above and below the ο of ΟΤΕ is not clear. Blass
8uggests Επι[ρρήμaτι.
6. αυτον: ί. e. τον τόllον. Blass suggest8 τφ τ&νψ after OTε[~η ίη 3.
8-18. Οη the different interpretations of πόρον ίη v. Ι. Cf. Schol. Α πόρον [ξον, '1'0"
πορευτοll αύτου τόπον· "και θρύον t Αλφειοίο πόροv." οί ~ε TOll ρουν, οί δε πόρον :εάνθου ιcαTα περί
φρaσιι ι τον ~άνθoν. ' ΑριστοΦάvη~ γράφει Ρόον. Schol. Β omits the quotation and the reading of
Aristophanes, Schol. Τ omits the quotation. The papyrus was 80mewhat fuller than any
of them. Ιn 8- ι Ι we have the view that π&ρo~ meant a ford, illustrated by the quotation
given ίη Schol. Α (Β 592); ίη 16-18 the view that it meant 'flow,' which is apparently
ascribed to Ptolemaeus (ό 'AσKαλωνίTη~, 'AρισTάρxειo~), and ίn 18 the reading of Aristophanes.
The ροίηι of the quotation, οίκτιστον κ.τ.λ. (μ 258, 259), ίη 13-15 is nοΙ clear owing Ιο
the mutilation of the previous line. It cannot be intended to illustrate the view that πόpo~
meant ford; probably ίι was cited ίη support of the theory that ~άνθoυ πόρον was equivalent
to ~άνθoν.
19-27. Οη the reading and derivation of ~ύρηo~ or εύppείo~ ίη v. Σ. This scholium
is very obscure. If the supplement of 18 is, 80 far as it goes, correct, which hardly
admits of doubt, not more than six letters are 10st before the beginning of 19, and we
should there expect the terminatlon of ευρηo~ or ευρρEιO~ as being the word to be commented
on. Instead of that however, we have quite clearly ίn 19 ]ρην. Perhaps the 8cribe
wrote ευ]ρην for ευJρηο~ because Υράφιι follows. Apparently (ι 9-2 ι) 80me critic wished to
read έϋρηo~, which is found ίη one 1\IS. (L) and ίη a quotation from Strabo ίη place of the
usual εύΡΡΕίοr, deriving it from a nominative εύpεύ~; cf. Schol. Τ εύppείo~, απο του εύpεύ~
(corrected by Maass into εύpύ~) καΙ κατ' έπένθισιν του ι, η άπό του EύPEή~ εύρε(έ)o~ και κράσει.
Το this derivation Ammonius objected ίn 2 Ι sqq., but his objection and his own
theory are nοι clear, owing to the lacunae.
2 Σ. The doubtful v at the beginning of the line (? ευρε]υ~) could equal1y well be read
as η.
24. επι καθαρου του ~: i.e. η~ pl·eceded by a vowel. Ammonius is now discussing
εύpEή~.
26. θυμo~ κ.τ.λ.: Β 196. The quotation apparently il1ustrates the form 8ΙOTpεφ;o~,
nοΙ βασιληo~.
28-33. These lines are apparently concerned with the accentuation of ευρριιo~ or εVΡηοr.
32 and 33 look like a quotation from Homer, but we have nοΙ been able Ιο identify it.
11. 1-4. Α note ση Υη Φυσί'oo~ ίη 63' perhaps objecting to the epithet as inappro-
priate. Cf. SchoI. Τ.
5-7. Α note οη the form ήθελε. Blass suggests του μέτρου χάρJtv for the lacuna
ίη 6-7. The rest of the column is obscure.
111.· Ι-Ι 6. The first half of this note οη ~ι:Ιλη ίη v. Ι Ι Σ presents many difficulties.
~Eίλ'1ν μΕν ίη Ι corresponds to TαύTη~ ~έ ίη 8, and we should expect ίη ι sqq. an explanation
of the general term ~είλη as equivalent to evening, which would balance 8-1 Σ where ~είλη
is said to be subdivided into ~είλη πρωία and lJΕίλη όψία. Jσελαv ίη 2 seems to be corrupt.
Possibly καλιί τηιι ίσπεραιι should be read, but though an interchange of λ and ρ is easy,
the σ cannot be read as the second half of a π. Or, conceiνably, ελαν οθειι κ.τ.λ. may haνe
something to do with the ancient derivation of ~Elλη, 8ΤΕ ένδεί ή TOV ήλΙου ίλη ( Schol. Α).
3-4. The quotation ίη these lines is assigned with much probability by Blass to Hesiod.
Ιη the third book (των καταλόγων, which is sometimes omitted ίη quoting) that poet treated
of the story of the Argonauts, and the Mares were a tribe οη the shores of the Black Sea
near Colchis (Hdt. νίί. 79).
4. aVTOS': sc. Homer. This remark is repeated ίη ι ι seqq., where the instance
(Φ 232) is quoted. The quotation from Phrynichus is quite obscure and seems to be
corrupt. The form δεεΙλη which occurs ίη it (line 6) is acknowledged by the Etymologicum
Magnum beside the forms ~Eίλη and δείEλo~. .
7. Blass suggests δη]ιωιι and οψι]ηΥι ίη the next line, and thinks that these two lines
are not from Phrynichus but belong to another quotation from an Ιοnίc poet.
8. For the Attic distinction between lJεlλη πρωία and δείλη dtla and the division of
the day into three parts (ι 3-1 6) cf. Schol. Τ, whose language is very close to that
of the papyrus.
13-14. Cf. Scho1. Α οη 232 ή δείλη δεΙελo~ ε1ρηται ώs- ή έσπΕρα ίσ'Πεpo~.
16. On~Apy ίn v. 112. Cf. Scholl. Β Τ, both ofwhich record the variant άρΥ and
its explanation, but without mentioning Hermapias. Ν either of them throws any light
οη what the reading of "01 8έ" ίη 16 was. Α COfl"ector has written an η over the η of
Αρη, apparently being dissatisfied with the form of the letter as written by the first hand,
which resembles 1(.
19, 20. Cf. SchoI. Τ which is verbally the same; Schol. Β is also practically
identical.
21-27. Α scholium οη the accentuation of έvταυθoι, which Dionysius Thrax wished
to make properispome οη the ground that the accentuation of ίι as perispome belonged
Ιο the later period of the 10nic dialect. Cf. Cramer, Anecd. ΡαΥ. 111. 291, where it is
stated that Dionysius accented it properispome, and Schol. 1\. το έιιταυθοί περισπαστέον·
[στ! γαρ άπα του έvταϋθα )AΤTΙΙCOυ. The latter part of the scholium is obscure owing to
the lacunae; perhaps the discussion tul"ned οη the rival derivations, ένταυθα and έυταυθΙ.
lt is noteworthy that Ammonius like the other scholiasts gives ησο as the reading
ίη v. 122, though ΚΕισο is found ίη all the MSS. Whether he mentioned the other I"eading
is doubtful. The last word ίη 23 cannot be read as κεισο, though it may well be a
corruption of it; cf. XIV. 13, note. There Is what looks like an acute accent over the
final /(, \vhich is followed by a sign like a maι-k of elision.
26. The letter before α~α ίθ not τ, so ΥεΥ[ραπ]ται cannot be read.
27. The JI of τον is corrected, perhaps from s-. We cannot guess the meaning of the
β written above the line.
32-5. Cf. Schol. Β άπολιxμήσovται, κaταφάγωσιν' άπδ τού λιίΧfLν ~ε εΊληπται τδ λι,χμα".
άισιδέε~ δε ΟΙ μη ι<ηl3όμευοί τινων.
IV. 4. Perhaps a scholium οη εΊσω άλόs- ίη v. 125, €ι]\cω [ΑΛΟC αντι του fLs- αλo~;
cf. Schol. Β.
The rest of this column is taken up with a note οη the various readings ίη vv. 126
and 127. From 27 onwards, the explanation of ύπαλύξΕΙ given by Philetas, the papyrus
agrees with Schol. Β. 7-13 also agree, so far as we can judge, almost verbally with the
exp1anation of the reading V7fαtE~' ascι-ίbed to οί'Αριστάρχιιοι by Schol. Β ίη the sentence
immediately preceding the explanation of Philetas; cf. also Schol. Α, which ascribes the
reading vπαtξει to Aristarchus, and gives the same explanation ίn slightly different terms.
There is, howeνer, the difficulty that another writer ίη Scholl. Β and Τ asserts that
Aristarchus read έπαtξει, and the description of his explanation, ίn 80 far as it runs parallel
with 7-13 of the papyrus and the other note ίη SchoI. Β, differs only by the substitution of
Επι την Φρϊκα for ύπο την Φρiκα, and a few other verbal changes. ΙΙ would, therefore, be
possible to maintain that ϊn 7-13 Ammonius ascribed the reading 'παtξΗ, not vπαtξιι, to
Aristarchus. But such a view is very improbabIe, for ίn 23 he seems to ascribe the reading
vπαtξει to the Aristarchean copies, and the remains of 7- 13 agree with SchoI. Β (2) more
closely than with Scholl. Β Τ ( ι).
6. Possibly AρισToΦανη~] και. Porphyry states that Aristophanes read Vπαtξει.
2 ι. The quotation (~ 389) clearly illustrates the reading 8~ κε ΦάΥΏσι, where Aristo-
phanes read 6,s-. Probably J~ ίη 17 is part of ~ used as an explanation of ώsι.
22. For αί ' Αριστάρχειοι (sc. 'ιcδόσει~) cf. ΧΙ 15.
f, ν. 5. avatf, if correct, recalls Schol: Τ ΙΙλλα 8ια τό τους ,πΙ Υη$ άναιpoυμEνoυ~ εI~ αvrό"
ριπτεσθαι.
νι. 3. ΙππεvS': better ~ΙππυS', of Rhegium, perhaps a really old writer, but the works
which ίη the Alexandl'jclll age went under his name were not genuine; see Wilamowitz-
Mollendorff ίη Hermes χίχ. ρρ. 442-53.
13. Cf. Schol. Α ;)ΤΙ λfίπει ή περ'ι πρόθεσιS'. αllΙΙΡημέvωv ίη the next line explains
κτaμένων, which is probably 10st ίn the lacuna.
14. Blass suggests ό μέσΟ$ (sc. άόρισTO~) [άιιτι παθητικού].
15. προπaροξυνει: ί. e. ~ολιχέΥΧfαS', cf. Schol. Α ώsι εύει~/α~' παραιτητέοv yap TOVS' 3.λλω~
άναyιυώσKOΙΙTαsι •
16-30. There was an ancient difficulty here that Asteropaeus was not mentioned ίn
the Catalogue, though he states that he has been at Troy eleven days and the Catalogue was
made five days pl"eviously. Ammonius Offel"S two solutions, first, that the edition of
Euripides and others contained after Β 848 (αύτaρ Πυραίχμης κ.τ.λ.) a new verse (ΠηλεΥ&ν()S'
κ.τ.λ.) mentioning Asteropaeus; and secondly, if this new verse be rejected, that Astero-
paeus may have been one of the subordinate leaders, and therefore was omitted ίn the
Catalogue like Stichius, Schedius, Phoenix, Patroclus, Antilochus, and Teucer, who is
addressed by Agamemnon as a leader ίn the verse TEVKpf ΦΙλη ιcεφαλη Tελαμώνι~ [κοίριιιιι
λαων] (θ 281). Cf. Schol. Τ ση v. 140, where the same two explanations are given ίη
different language, and without mentioning by name the authority for the new verse.
Schol. Β gives οη ly the second explanation.
17. τη κατ ε[Ι'Pιπι~ην: besides the addiHon after Β 848 \vhich, if the conjecture is ήght,
is al1uded to here, Eustathius says that after Β 866 there was ίη that edition another new
'V
verse, Τμώλφ -υπό νιφόιντι "Y8η~ πΙονι 8ήμφ. T4e edition of Euripides was pre-Alexandrian.
24. ιcωλυfι: this word must have been intended, but the scribe apparently wrote ~ ίη
place of λ, and over v there are traces resembling σ, or a circumflex accent.
26. The scribe apparently first wrote σχιδιον, altering it Ιο στιχιον.
29. For~IurpoS", the fol1ower of Callimachus, see Susemihl, Alex. Lil. Gesch. i. 622.
He maintain~d that only kings were called ήρωf~, see Schol. Α ση Β ι ι ο (Aristonicus) and
ση τ 34.' Ί'he objection that Teucer is caIled ηpω~ ίη θ 268 Istrus met by referring to the
verse (TfVKpE Φίλη, κ.τ.λ.) quoted here, which showed that Teucer was a ιcoίpανo~ λαών, i.e.
a βασιλεύς. For Ammonius' use of Istrus' argument see note οη 16.
νιΙ. 6. εν ΠapθευHOΙ~: the ν of ε" appears to have been \vritten over something else.
The quotation which fol1ows is probably from the Παpθ€νεια of Pindar, cf. 12 ίέπα ρόμ[βο"
with ΟΙ. xiii. 94 fμε δΙ εύθυ" άΙCόIITων ίέπα Ρι}μβον. Ιη Ι. ι ι Blass suggests ~oύpων άCaJrλέων.
10. Apparently the first hand wrote YfVfJV, which has been altered by the corrector to
πινη. χωμοπτολι[ is for και όμόΠToλι[~ or -ν.
13-14. For the supplements cf. Schol. Β. Ιn 16 Blass suggests ΙΙθλοll στ μόιιο" before το.
18. καλοv θρη(ι)"ιον: Ψ 808. The quotation ίn the next line is from ψ 561-2.
ΙΧ. 1-25. Α discusslon of the question \vhether v. 195 OlJ~f βαθυρρείταο μίΥα σθίνο,;
'Ωκεανοίο
....
was to be retained. lt was rejected by Zefl8aotus accol'ding to Schol1. Α Gen.
The consequence of omitting the νerse was to make v. 196, ίξ o~περ πάVΤιt ποταμοΙ, κ..τ.λ.,
dependent upon Άχελώίοs- ίη v. 194, instead of οη 'Ωκεανοϊό; cf. Schol. Gen. ylve'fa, δι
t ΑχελφοS' πηΥη των /;λλων πάντ~ν.
1-3 contain a quotation, obviously imitating the passage under discussion, from some
poet who clearly did not know the doubtful verse since he makes ίξ o~πεp depend οη
'Αχελωtοv.
3-5. Α second argument ίn favour of rejecting v. 195, that it was η~ read by
l\'1egac1ides; cf. Scho1. Gen. which also quotes Megaclides.
5-8. Ammonius next gives the contrary view. 'Aristarchus, however, shows th~t it
(sc. τον στίχον) is Homeric, οη the ground that the source of streams is the ocean.' ~
8-1 ι. Ammonius now brings forward quotations ίη support of the explanation given
by those who rejected v. 195, namely, that Άχελώίοs- was used as a general name for water.
Cf. Schol. Τ τον γαρ αύτον )Ωκεaνφ Άχελφόν φασιν. The first of these is a quotation from an
unknown epic poem οη Heracles by (? Sel)eucus, ίη which t Αχελφοs- appears tQ be used as
equivalent Ιο 'QKEαvdS-. But there are several difficulties. επορ[ευθ]ης ίη 9 is not satisfactory;
we should expect επερησus-, and though the third letter can be read as ε, the letter before the
final ς- cannot be α or ε, or indeed any vowel except η, 80 that a passive aorist seems
inevitable. aΡΥυροδινα, too, is curious ;,~P'Ύυpoδινεω would be expected.
11-17. 'This (i.e. the identity οfΆχιλφΩS' with 'Ωκεανόs-) is also shown by Pindar, who
says that the flute player's reed (comes from?) the springs of Acheloius, that is to say of
water. "Thee, the most musicaI, afor'etime the broad surface of the springs of Acheloius
and the winding river's streams nι;>urίshed, a reed" (ί. e. once you were reed, now you are
a flute). EIsewhere, however, he says " Child of the springs of ocean." , Here, too, we are
beset by difficulties. lt is not clear why τουτο δι έμφαίνιιν and the following verbs should be
ίn oralzo oblzquα if they represent remarks of Ammonius himself. 1t ίΒ tempting at first
sight to make this a continuation of the ορίηίοn of Aristarchus ίη 5-8, but the argumen ts
ίη 18-25 are certainly directed against the vie\v of Aristarchus, and the quotations from
Seleucus and Pindar, though the point is ίη neiLher case very obvious, appear to support
the same view as 18-25.
14. ισ, if correctly read, is a corruption of σ', but ίι is possible that the supposed Ι
is a stroke crossing out a letter wrongly \\Iritten.
15. ευρωπια: ιυρωπός- as opposed to στενωπό~ is found, but not the abstract substantive
, breadth '; here moreover the sense is very difficult, but there is ηο doubt about the
reading. There is a spot of ink above the ω, which we are unable to explain.
16. For έT'pω~ ίn the sense of ίν έTέpoι~ cf. Schol. Gen. οη Υ. 169, where dλλωs- appears
to be, equivalent to Εν αλλσις-.
17. Πfδα is most probably [or παί~α. The argument drawn from the comparison of
the two passages ίη Pindar seems rather far fetched .
.. 18-20. 'And many sacrifice to Acheloius befol'e Detllt'tel" because Acheloius is a
name of all rivers, and water is the source of fruit.'
21-25. Cf. Macrob. Sal. v. 18 where the quotation fΓοm Ephorus is given more ful1y.
24. Ιn l\Iacrob. l. c. the passage runs ώστε πολλοl νομί'οιιτις- ού τον Π'οταμοιι τοιι l}ta της
~ιcαρvαvί(lS- βέσπα, αλλα το σύνολον ϋ~ωp 'Αχιλρον ύπο του χρησμου ιcαλιΊυθαι. .Ι t is not easy
to recover the precise reading of 24. The scribe perhaps wrote πaνταs- ιzroTαμoν for παντα
ποταμOl', the mistake being due to the acc. plur. preceding. ποτaμ(Jvr cannot be read.
26-7. Cf. Schol. Β μακρά, (jaeia ώς- το f'vavrlov, κ.τ.λ.
27-Χ. 18. Cf. Schol1. Α Β Τ which together give the substance of this note, but not
80 ful1y. Ammonius suggests three explanations for the conjunction of eels and fishes.
(Ι) 28-33, eeIs are selected as a tγΡe of fishes because they were specialJy fond of eating
flesh, and lxθύε~ is equivalent to ίlλ'oι Ιχθύεr, just as ποτητά ίn μι 62 is equivalent to ιΙλλα
ποτητά: cf. Schol. Α and (for 28-9) Scholl. Β Τ αd fin. (2) eels are selected because they
live ίη mud and eat human flesh; (3) there is a real distinction between eels and fishes,
a view which Ammonius supports by two quotations from Aristotle (the second given οη
the authority of Didymus), and by the distinction made at Athens between taxes οη eels
and those ση :fishes; cf. ScholΙ Β Τ, which give the substance of the quotations from
Aristotle without mentioning 11is name, and Schol. Α w hich briefly alludes to this view.
~
33. 4(ror υ: "ξ , ~,
SC. κατ ε οχην eιpηνται.
37. καθα Φησιν Αριστοτεληr: Hisl. An. Ζ 16, ρ. 57oa. The quotation varies the order
of the sentences.
38. ζωοτοκουσιν: ψοτοκουσιν Ar.
Χ. 2. γη, έντ'ρων Δ αύτόματα Ar. The second word was corrupt as written by the
first hand; the second hand apparently read εντερων, though it is possible that the stroke
which he drew through the letter before ω is intended for an iota; cf. ΙΧ. 14. The
superfluous η' (ηr?) is, however, not erased.
6, 7. εξαvαλω[θε]vτοs-: έξavτληθέντοr Ar., which is better. εξυσθεντο, = έκξvσθέντοs-.
Most MSS. of Aristotle have ξυσθέντo~, but there is a variant έξοσθ'ντοr or έξοισθ'ντοr, i.e.
IKEvuBEvros.
ΙΙ. εν ~ε τω ζ: Hzst. An. θ 592a. άμαρτύρωS'='wίthοut quoting him ίη full.' The
passage ίη Aristotle runs ζωσι ~' 1νιαι έΥχέλυS' και ~πτα και όιcτω 1τη. τροΦο ~E και οΙ ποτάμιοι'
χρωνται άλλήλοvr τ' έσθίοvτεr και βOTάνα~ και Ρίζαr, κ.τ.λ. Cf. Scholl. Β Τ φασΙ ~ε &λληλοΦάΥΟVS
αύτα, είναι και ζην έπτο. η όκτω 1τη. SchoΙ Α does not mention this.
14. Cf. Ar. De Gen. An. Β 74 Ia ουτε ~E θήλεα ουτε /J.PPfvα και έν τφ των Ιχθύων 'ΥένΕΙ
έστΙν, οΙον αϊ τ' έΥχέλειS' και YEVoS' τι κεστρ'ων, κ.τ.λ.
Ι 5. και εν τω αΥορανομικω, κ.τ.λ.: So Schol. Τ.
19-23. 'He (sc. the poet) has anticipated what would take place ση the third day
when he (the corpse) would float, or while (τοτε must be cOITected to οτε) he was lying οη
the sand, the eels were alreadΥ pressing ίη to devour him.'
25. Cf. Scholl. Α Β Τ ΠΕρΙ Υαρ Tovr υεΦρotι~ πολλή έστιν ή πιμελή.
26-29. The derivation of 'ρ;πτεσθαι from 1ρα is found ίn Scholl. Α Β Τ, but not the
criticism of the word as inapposite.
31-2. The reading εlσ4μενo~ is found ίn most MSS. Ammonius preferred fΙ~όμιενο~.
Aristarchus, as this passage shows, left the question open. Cf. Schol. Α εlσάμενοS', γράφεται
και εl~όμεvοS' (Didymus).
33. περισσωS': cf. Scholl. Α Β Τ ούκ άνασΤΡfπτέοv ~E την" περί." 1στι Υο.ρ άντι του περισσωs.
35. Cf. Schol. Α (2) OVTroS' ~ια του F έμέθεν "/ JλάσαS'. The variant Πfλάσαr iS known
from SchoI. Τ, where however Aristophanes) name was not given; Mr. Allen iells us that
πελάσα~ is actually found ίη one MS. (Vat. 26, sαec. χίίί).
ΧΙ 1-6. Α discussion of the appositeness οί the epithet έρατειυά ίη v. 2 18. ' The
Sidonjan says that the poet has lapsed ίnιο the narrative form, although the speech is
imitative; but others say that the epithet refers to what was beautiful by nature, before tlle
battle by the river.' ο Iι~ωνιoς is ΔιοvvσιοS' ό Σι~ώνιo~, see Susemihl,op. cz'!. ίί. 176. The point
of his criticism was that the epithet έρατεινά was out of place here ίη a speech ίn which the
poet ought to have imitated the character of the speaker, and described things from the
speaker's point of view, whereas ίη a mere narrative ΕραΤΕινά like any other epithet might be
employed; c( Ar. Poetzcs, c. 3. With the view of Dionysius Sidonius cf. Schol. Α ΟΤΙ.
αΙCαιpOιι το Επίθετον (Aristonicus), and with the other theory cf. Scholl. Β Τ Kaλω~ το έπΙθετον εί~
ιν~ειξιν του οτι το. τοιαυτα ρεύματα μεμίανται.
4. δε: the scribe first wrote τα and then ~ε over ίι
8. σΤfvοχωρουμfνοS': cf. Schol. Α στενοχωρούμενος ••• οί, στενάζων.
9. The σ of ΟΤΕνω has been corrected. The quotation from Alcaeus στέιιω μ[αν] :rάvθω
ρ[όοS'] '~ θάλασσαν ίκανε is new. If Ίκανε is scanned ίκανε, the metre is the same as that of
frag. 15 (Bergk).
11-13. 1. ΦεύΥΟΙΙΤΙ. The quotation is from σ 385-6. Sophocles must have paraphrased
that passage, very likely ϊη the 'Αχαιών ~ύνδειπνoν, and taken στείνοιτο in the sense of σΤΕνάζοι.
15-18. The ancient critics were divided as to the meaning of εασον, .βοme taking it to
be from έάω, 'cease,' others fl-om αω, 'take your- fill,' ίη which case several critics preferred to
read εασον; cf. Scholl. Α Β Τ, and SchoI. Α οη Ω 557, \vhere it is stated that Didymus and
Hermapias wished to read Eασα~ instead of [auar. Ammonius' note is rather obscure;
apparently according to him the Aristarchean copies read ειlσOν "'ith a smooth breathing
(οvτω~, i.e. ψιλωr) as being from έάω (ίνα τΟ σύνηθε~ ήμΊIl n), ,vhile others took lauov (or εασον)
as equivalent to ' take your fill' (χορτάσθητι, is vu]gar Greek for lcορέσθητι), comparing αtματοr
όσαι #fΑρηα (Ε 289, αΙ).
18. Ιί ούκ ε~ is correct, ίι must be a criticism of Ammonius upon the view that
εασον=χορτάσθητι; but then the addition of the t-emark that tlση means πλησμονή seems
very unnecessary.
19, 20. άιιτι του ~E/(Topor is a remark ση the dative ~Eκτopι, but what is ε/,ω? If it is
a quotation of lΥώ ίη v. 226, the note Ιωr πέΡατοr, κ.τ.λ. does not seem very relevant, being
more like an explanation of πειρηθηναι άvτιβlηv. The οηlΥ alternative is to suppose that l/'ώ
I-efers to Ammonius himself. But Ammonius does not elsewhere capeak of himself ίη the
first person, and the construction έΥώ, Ιωr Π€Ρατοr έξ f1lavT{ar πολεμησαι would be very abrupt.
Probably there is a corruption somewhel-e. άντι{3ίην, which ,νe should have expected to be
quoted since /ξ /1IαvTlar explains it, may have been omitted by , homoioarchon' before άντΙ
του ~EKTopor. The scribe does not seem to have understood the passage, for his division
~ωσΠEP Ι aTor (corrected by the second hand to ~ωσπεpα Ι 'Tor) suggests that he was thinking
of l1>σπεΡ.
22. €ΦΡΑCΑΟ: our texts all have ΕΙρύσαο, and ,so Ammonius ίn 36; hence έΦράσαο
seems to be merely a blunder.
25-36. C( Schol. Β, which mentions the first of the two explanations suggested by
Ammonius for v. 230 (that it refel'red to the advice given by Zeus Ιο the gods ίη Υ 25 sqq.
άμφοτΕροισι, κιτ.λ.), and quotes Υ 25-6.
30. The erased words (which have also been bracketed) are the beginning of Υ 30,
vv. 28 and 29 being omitted, though there is ηο tr-ace of their ever having been obelίzed.
Β ut as the line is erased, ηο importance need be attached to the omjssion.
32-36. The second explanation ofv. 230 suggested by Ammonil1s (that the command
to help the Trojans had been given, though not mentioned by Homer, cf. αύτάρ 'Απόλλων,
κιτ.λ., Φ'5Ι5-6) is new.
34ι otor: our texts all have Φο'ί{jοr ίη Φ 5 15, but olor is the better reading.
35. βεμβλετο: i.e. μέμβλετο. Hesychius mentions the form βέμλετο (i.e. βέμβλετο), and
even the infinitives β'βλΕΙ1Ι and β;βλ~σθαι. Cf. the form βάρναμαι for μάρναμαι, Kίihner-Blass
Ι. 13. 155, 259, 5.
36. The η of -ηοr ίΒ corrected, perhaps from π. εtpυσαo: see note ση 22 above.
37. orr ΤοΙ: there is not the least doubt about the reading, Wllich must be a mere
blunder for ο τοι, a quotation from v. 230.
ΧΙΙ. ι. Cf. Scholl. Α Gen. θυρεον μέΥαν is from ι 240.
3. Εκείνη is ή πρωία δείλη; cf. 111. 9-11. The seventh hour is about ι p.m.
4. E"VαJT1JS- or aEKaJTfJr alone ar-e too short for the lacuna, which suits εv8εκατηr or
δωδ~/(ατηr.
6. ΘΥιωΝ: this spelling, ,νhίch is found ίη one MS. (Α), is the right one ϊη
Homer.
G
10. The first ,vord ίη the line could perhaps be read as 1ΙΕΚΡΟVr, but the vestiges do not
suit very welI, and more pl"obably it is an adjective.
J 4-17. πορφυρΕον, κ.τ.λ.: λ 243-4.
17. μf[ιζ01l η κατ αJ1I~pa: cf. Schol. Τ Bflar f1lEpYElαr Το μι~ όpμfι ToiJr μεν VΕΚΡοvr Ικβάλλειν,
Tovr ~ε ζω1lταr fΎκρύΠΤft1l κολπου1lτα έαυτ&1Ι, τ611 ~ε 'Αχιλλέα ΠΕριίστασθαι. κολπου1Ιτα there recalls
Ot01l 111 κόλπφ ΤΙ1Ιί ίη 13.
19-20. ΑΧΙΛΛΗΑ is mis-spelled as ίn XIV. 6.
20-25. 'Pl"otagoras says that the following episode of the fight between Xanthus and
a mortal ,vas intended to divide the battle, ίη ΟΓder that the poet might make the transition
to the battle of the gods; but perhaps it was also ίη order that he might exalt Achil1es ... '
30-1. Π€ΔIONΔ€: our texts have ΠE~ίoιo, which ,vas the reading of Aristarchus. The
variant πε~ίoνδε is recorded by Scho1. Α. Cf. ΧΙΙΙ. ι ι.
31-34. Cf. Schol. Gen. ση v. 256, whence it appears that Zoi1us had criticized this
passage because Achilles did not use his chariot. Ammonius' note is an answer to this
objection. 'Achilles could not use his chariot lest he should endanger himself, being as it
Wel"e ίη a prison if the horses were tripped up.'
37. The διπλη between this line and the next shows that a change of subject took
place, and we should expect a quotation of the particular word or words ίη vv. 246-7 to be
commented upon. 1t is therefore tempting to read ΠΕδιJοv~ε, but the remains of the letter
before 11 do not suit ο so well as ~ or η.
ΧΙΙ!. 6-7. a1lfJ~VUETO λι[μvηr: cf. SchoI. Τ, where these words (from Ε 337) are quoted
ίη support of λίμvηr, \vhich was an ancient variant for δί1lηr ίn v. 246.
ι Ι. For the restoration cf. Schol. Α (Aristonicus).
13. φέρεσθαι was an ancient variant for πέτεσθαι. Cf. Schol. Α 'πΕτεσθαι, Ιν ίJλλφ φέρεσθαι.
15-18. Thel"e must have been a remark to the effect that I-Iomer could not have
described nature so well if he had been blind from birth. Cf. ScholI. Β Τ άκριβ/στατα ~ε έπ1
τω1l ποτaμων πaΡΕφύλαξεν, κ.τ.λ.
20. Cf. Schol. Τ 'Αριστοφάvηr φ6110ΙΟ, ό ()€ ' AplUTapxor π6110ΙΟ, του κ.ατα Τ611 πόλΕμον Ιργου.
22. Probably μεθ' δΡμηr βοή ίη the lacuna; cf. SchoI. Τ.
25. οφθαλ]μοιιr [εxoνTO~: cf. Scholl. Β Τ Gen. This is clearly an explanation of
the reading μελαν&σσου, which we have therefore proposed ίη 23. There were three other
readings, μελαν&στου, 'black boned,' which is ascribed to Aristotle by Scholl. Β Τ Gen.,
cf. 30 sqq. below; μέλαvόr του, the reading of Aristal"chus; and μfλανοr του, the ordinary
reading.
30-39. The quotation from Aristotle is from Hz·st. An. Ι. 618 b § 32. The first five
lines, however, are 110t a verbal quotation; cf. the similar inexactness ίη 1Χ. 37 sqq.
35. Perhaps αΥJκη κa[ι λιμ1lαr, cf. Ar. l. c., 1. 24, but these words do not occur ίn the
description of the black eagle with which the quotation iS particularly cOhcerned.
XIV. 1-16. Α note οη Ερχθέντα ίn v. 282; cf. Schol. Gen., which to a large extent
agrees with this passage. The first nine lines here give the second view of Alexion
ό χωλ6r, who read Ερθlντα or έρθέ1Ιτα, giving νarious examples.
2. Alexion was referring to Ζ 348, 11lθά μ~ ι<υμ' άΠ&Ερσε, which he says ought to be
W'ritten άποέρσε. The pl"actice of retaining the rough breathing of a verb, even when
compounded with a preposition, is common ίn 1iterary papyri; cf. ccxxiii. 164, note.
4-7. These two parallels, 8ν ρά τ' εvαvλοr, κ.τ.λ. (Φ 283) and rΉρη δΕ μέγα, κ.τ.λ. (Φ 328)
are also found ίη Schol. Gen., but as il1ustrations of έρθέ1Ιτα, not, as here, of έρθέντα.
6. απορσΗΕ: a mistake for αποερσειε. .
7. Cf. Schol. Gen. [νιοι ~ασύvοvσι1l έρθΕντα παρα (την Ερσην τουτΕστι) TiJ1l ~p&σoν. There
iS not room for καλει τη1l δροσ J01l ίη 8. Perhaps Ερσαν Ι δε την ~ρoσJ01l should be read.
8. χωΡ'ιr δ' alJB' Ερσαι is from ι 222, where Ιρσαι means the young lambs and kids.
The argument is 'He calls Ιρσα "dew," quoting xωpί~ δ) αδfl Ιρσαι, since the tender are also
de,vy.' ΙΙ ΙΥ ιισι αι α]παλαι might be read, but there is not sufficient space [or ιιΙπιρ ιισι αι
α]παλαι. C:f. Etym. Μ. s. v. Ιρσαι, .•• αί άπαλαι και τιλιΙω~ νίαι μιτaΦopΙKω~, ώs- Άριστόvιl<οs- /1)
Σημιίoι~. [ρση γαρ έστΊν ή ~ρόσοS'. Tlle subject of καλιί, if correct, is presumably Alexion.
9-15. Cf. Schol. Gen., where the reading of Crates ιΙλθίντα and the quotation from
Solon's law are given.
12. ιl< ε αξoνo~: Schol. Gen. has /νJlfάξοvι, clearly a corruption of Εν i llξονι, besides
numerous other mistakes.
13. ιξιι!λλπι: ιξΗλληι is of COUl"se meant; but the scribe has quite clearly written a π
instead of an η, and there is a Ietter which looks like an iota between the fil·st ι and the
first λ.
ων ιαν: Εάν here and ίη the next line ίΒ vuIgar Greek for ίiv.
16-27. Α note οη εναvλοs- ίn ν. 283, which is obscured by the lacunae and the frequent
corrections. Aristarchus (followed by Ammonius) explained it as a torrent I"Unning ίη
a 10ng and narrow channel; cf. Scholl. Β Τ ειιaυλo~, χιιμάρροvS' ~ια στινου τόπου και πιpιμήKoυ~
ποιούμΙlJΟ~ την ρύσιν (but with ηο mention of Aristarchus).
ι 8. σι is corrected from ΟΙ.
19, 20. ι[πιμηKΙΙ~: cf. Schol. Α έναύλoυ~ τoυ~ ΠOTαμoυ~ Toυ~ έπιμήκιιr.
20-24. Dionysius Thrax οη the other hand explained Ινaυλοι as the cavities from
which rivers take their rise, comparing Εμπίμπληθι, κ.τ.λ. (Φ 3 ι ι).
23~ πηΥαιων: a mistake for πηΥΕων.
28-29. Cf. Scholl. Β Τ.
30. sqq. Probably a quotation from Aristotle's 10st book )Απορήματα ΙΟμηρικιί. The
difficulty here 'vvas that Poseidon and Athena did not actively help Achilles, the explanation
of Aristotle being that Hephaestus was the god opposed Ιο Xal1thus. Cf. Scholl. Β Τ οη
v. 288 [καvαι αΙ προσθηκαι ύΠfΡ του θαρσησαι 'Αχιλλέα ..• πpo~ δε Toυ~ (ηToυνTα~ πω~ διαλEyovται
μεν αύτψ ΟΙ θιoί~ ούκ Επιβοηθουσι δi, ρητέον 8τι ;TΙPO~ ην ό τρ 'Σ#(αμάιι~ρφ άνTΙTιταyμEνo~.
32. ίίτοπον apparently refers οηlΥ to ,vhat fol1ows, not to what precedes. If it governed
βοηθησαι as well as σιύfσθαι it \\'ould better account for the μή (which however often supplants
ού at this period); but we should then expect t1τοπον at the beginning of the sentence, and
a comparison of Ammonius' note with the parallel passage ίη SchoIl. Β Τ quoted above
shows that 8τι "HΦαισTO~ άντιτέτακτο is the explanation of the difficulty and an argument
ίη defence of the passage, not a reason for objecting to it.
33. Α reference to Υ 325 Αίllιίαν δ) ίσσιυιν (scil. ό Ποσιιδων), the point of which
is not Cleal". Perhaps' the absurdity of Aeneas being carried off ...' is Aristotle's
criticism of that passage.
34-XV. 5. Α note ση the loose use of τοισι, Achilles being the only person present
besides Poseidon and Athena. The passage of the Odyssey referred to ίn XV. 3 τοισι ~ε
μύθων, κ. τ.λ. is ι 202 (where our texts have TOΙ~ ΙΙριι). Ιη that passage οηΙΥ Calypso and
Odysseus were present. Cf. also η 47, whel"e a simiJal"l)' inexact use of τοισι δε μύθων ηρχι
is found. Ιn fact Homer never uses the dative singular ίη this p11rase.
XV. 6. μη υποχωΡΗ: cf. Scholl. ΒΤ rpff, VποχώΡfΙ.
6-27. Α discussion of the reasons fol' omitting 01· retaining v. 290. Cf. ScholI. Α Τ,
where the question is much more bl"iefly alluded to. The points ίη Ammonius' argument
are (ι) 8- ι ι, Poseidon does not mention his own name, but calls himself έΥώ, though he
had changed his form to that of man, and Achilles would not know who he was (cf.
Schol. Τ); (2) Ι Ι-Ι 5, Poseidon does ηο! οη 1eaving give any clear sign who he was, and
Scamandel· does not abate his anger (ν. 305-6) as he would llave done if he had known
that t\VO such mighty gods as Poseidon and Athena were speaking; (3) 16-22, Seleucus
ίη the third book of ~is \\Iork ι<ατα των Άριστάρχου σημ,εΙων argued ίn defence of the verse
G2
that although Poseidon and Athena had assumed human shape they had already implied
κατα το σιωπώμενον the fact that they were gods, by greeting Achilles as they had done,
especially ίn the line το[ω γάρ τοι,"Κ. Τ. λ. (ν. 289); (4) 23-4, Seleucus met the difficulty that
there was nothing ίη the booI{ to justify Zηνo~ 'παινήσανTO~, which implies that they were sent
by Zeus, by the argument that this too could be explained κατα το σιω7Tώμ~νoν; (5) 24-26,
nevertheless, ίη the fifth book of his Διορθωτικά Seleucus athetized vv. 290-292 as superfluous;
(6) 26-27, those verses were not ίn the Cretan edition. .
8, 9. ονομα is by mistake written twice.
10. Perhaps μETαβEβληxω~. Κ and χ are often hardly distinguishabl~ ίn this MS.
ι ι. The dots over κα signify that these letters were to be omitted, cf. ccviii. 1. oύδ€ κατά.
16. Seleucus was nearly contemporary with Didymus and Aristonicus. He was
probably put to deatl1 by Tiberius; see Maass, de btogrαphis Graecis, and Max Muller, de
Seleuco Homerlco, Gottingen 189 Ι.
2 ο. θεου: 1. θΕΟί.
23. και vπο Διo~: cf. Schol. Τ.
26. Eξη~: η ίθ convel"ted from some othet· letter.
28. T€ is a mistake for Γ€.
29-33. Cf. Schol. Τ, which has briefly λωΦήσΕΙ, κοπ( L )άσΕΙ· ΚUΡlω~ 8ε των VτrΟ(VΥlων.
32. Ενδι8ωσιν: Ι ένδι~όασιν.
33. ηλθεν ο βoυ~ Κ. Τ. λ.: Callim. Epigr. 55, 3.
χνι ι. Cf. Schol. Τ κατα ~' fiρεε, καθπρει, καίέβαλλεν, and Schol. Β κατέβαλλε •••• και
δασύνεται.
2- Ι ο. Α discussion of the accentuation of Kυλλoπo8ιoiι, which Aristarchus made
proparoxytone (Schol. Α), while Hermapias and Alexion ό xωλό~ made it properispome
(Schol. Gen.). Ptolemaeus (ό Άσκαλωvίτηr),-as this passage shows, was of the same ορίnίοη
as HeImapias, and fOl-mulated the rule about substantives ίn -ων which is ascribed ίn
s1ightly different language to Alexion ίn Schol. Gen. τα εί~ ων λήγοντα όνόμaτa καΙ την πaΡΕσχάτην
ιχοιιτα μακραν ;;ταν κατα κλητικην lκφέρηται πτωσιν ΠΕρισπαται κατ' αύτήν.
10-18. Cf. Schol. Α άθΕΤΕϊται ;;ΓΙ ίf.KαΙpOν το lπΙθετον. ή γαρ φιλανθρωπεvομέvη καΙ λέγοvσα
" 'μον TEKOS " ούκ tJφειλεv άπο του lλασσώμαTO~ προσφωνε'ίν. Schol. Gen., however, has the same
note with the substitution of ' ApισTόνΙKO~ fOl" άθετειται, implying that Aristonicus only blamed
v. 33 ι, which indeed cannot be spared; and Cobet had supposed that the άθετείται of Schol. Α
was due to a mistake of the sCl"ibe.
12. ουδετερω: i. e. neither Hel'a nor Hephaestus.
19-20. Cf. Schol. Τ ήtσκομεv, εΙκόTω~ νομΙ(ομεν ;;ΤΙ EvaVTlov ΕστΊ το ύδωρ τφ πυρΙ
24-26. Cf. SchoΙ Τ (έφυpo~ παρα τον ζόφον, ΕΠΕΙ άπο ~ύσ~ω~ ην (όΦον καλεΙ. As we have
restored the lacunae, ή ίn 25 would refel" to some \vord like μεpί~ or χώρα. But Schol. Β is
slightly diffel"ent, παρα τον (ι)φον, ιcαι ή άπο ~ύσεω!; πνοη ζοφόπνοια καλεΙται. If, starting from this,
we read ή άπ(ο ~ύσ~ω~ πνοή ίn 25, we must supply ζοφόπνοια ίn 26, with some other name ίn
place of CΟμήρφ. (οΦόπνοια is not found ίn any ex tant classical author, and the word ζόΦo~
ought to be introduced somewhere ίn this scholium; the remains ιοο of 27 to 30 are
nearer to Scho1. Τ than to Schol. Β.
27-30. Cf. Schol. Τ άΡΥεστην τον νότον, έπει άπο"Apyoυ~ εί~ την ΤροΙαν πνΕί. χαλΕπήν
θύελλαν, φησ'ι την ΕΙ( β κεκραμένην άvΕμωv.
30-33. Cf. Schol. Α ;;ΤΙ ZηνόδOTO~ ϊ'ράΦει 8ρσασα. ,Κ ~ε τούτου ΦανEρό~ έστι ~E~εyμένo~ τι)
~1σoμαι Υνώσομαι • • . ου βούλfται δε Υνωναι, άλλα 1Τορευθηνaι παρασΚΕυάσοvσα.
33-4. Toυ~ Τρω[α~: cf. ScholJ. Β Τ.
34-6. Cf. Schol. Τ ΦλΕΥμα, τήν φλόΥα 6>~ "καυμα ••• θεσπέσιον" aVTl του K(ιϋσι~. The
quotation is from Hes. Theog. 700.
χνιΙ. The note added ίn the margin at the top is 'ίη cursive; sf. introd. ρ. 53.
2-3. Cf. Scholl. Α Τ.

6-7. Cf. Scholl. Α Τ and ΙΧ. 27, sqq.
9. Possibly η [κρη]τικη. Cf. XV. 27. Schol. Α l" τισι δε pιπiι.
11-14. Cf. Schol. Τ ΠToλεμαίo~ ό Πιν~αpίων το" κω σύ"~εσμo,, καΙ την "i ι1ιιτωvυμίαιι ένόμιζεν.
ι1λλωs-: ΤΙV€S-" καΙ έ Tό~ε " 1,,' U" και αυτοιι Tό~ε εΙπεν t, ποταμοίο."
14-16. The two quotations adduced against the view of Ptolemaeus are from Φ 361
and 383.
18. Cf: Scholl. Β Τ άνa ~) ;Φλυε, άνέζη· tJJefV και 1'0 έκ θερμότητο, άνάστημα φλυκτί" from
which it becomes nearly certain that Φ[λ]υητι, is a corruption of Φλvl<τlS'; cf. XIV. 13, \vhere
an η is corrupted into '/Τ. There is not room for ΕΚ θεΡμοτη]τοS' at the beginning of 19.
. 19-26. The difficulties connected with κιιίσην μελaόμεvοs- are discussed at length ία
all the scholiasts, e4cept Α which is brief; our text, so far as it goes, is nearest to Schol.
Gen. Up to 26 the question is of the reading κνίσην. This Ammonius attributes to
Aristarchus (so SchoI. Α Β Τ) and to Cal1istratus (so Schol. Gen.), and he mentions the
variant κνίση which he rejects as un-Homeric (so ScholI. Β Τ), but he does not refer (so
far as the note is preserved) to the other ancient readings κνίσΥ and κvlσηS'. The quotation
ίη 23-4 κνίσηιι ~) έκ, 1<. 1'. λ. (θ 549) is also found ίη a scholium attributed to POl"phyrius ίη
Schol. Β.
27-8. Cf. Scholl. Β Τ, where ho\:vever Didymus is not mentioned. Schol. Α omits
this remark.
28-30. ωμοιωσε • •• λιπει: this part of the note is new.
30. ΚΡaτη[S': cf. Schol. Gen., where tl1is explanation of the reading μελ~όμflJΟS' as a
corruption of the archaic spelling μελ~oμενo, ί. e. μελaομέvοv, js given at somewhat greater
length, but οη the authority not of Crates but of Pisistratus the Ephesiaη and Hermogenes,
w ho ηο doubt copied their infol·mation from Crates.
32. με]λ~oν is corrupt. 1. μEλ~oμEνo as ίn Schol. Gen.
34. The seηtence may be finished άΥνο[ήσαvτάr TtVaS- προσθείναι 1'0 σ.
From the junctioη of t\VO sel/des and the writing οη the recto of Frs. (α) and (δ) it is
certain that (δ) is to be placed directly underηeath (α), but the extent of the gap between
them, if any, is uncertain.
CCXXII. LIST OF OLYIν.l:PIAN VICTORS.
18 χ 9·5 cm.
THIS fragment from a list of Olympian victors, covering the years Β. C. 480
to 468 and 456 to 448, is written ίη a small semicursive hand upon the verso
of a money account. The latter document, the handwl"iting of which is an
ordinary cursiνe of the latter part of the second or of the beginning of the third
cel1tury, mentions the tenth and fourteenth years of an emperor who is probably
either Marcus Aurelius or Septimius Severus. The list upon the verso does not
appear to have been written very much later; and we can hardly be wrong
ίη assigning it approximately to the middle of the third century.
The names of the winners ίn thirteen events are given for each year, ία
a regulat: order :-στάδιου, δίαvλοs, δ6λιχοs, π'υταθλου, πάλη, πυξ, παΥκράτιου, παίδωυ
,στάδιου, παίδωυ πάλη, παίδωυ πυξ, δπλίτηs, τέθριππου, κ'ληs. This series follows
86 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS ΡAPYRI
the traditional order of the date of foundation as given by Pausanias (ν. 8) and
Eusebius, except. that the two races for horses are transferred from their
chl'"onological position between the 'Πύ, and 'ΠαΥκράτιου to the last place. The
explanation of this may perhaps be found ίη the statelnent of Pausanias (ν. 9· 5)
that sincc tlle seventy-seventh Olympiad the hol·se rac~s had been run οη one of
the Iater days of the festival. Τη placing them at the end, therefore, the compiler
of the list reflects this later practice. Precisel Υ the same order is found ίη a list
of victors for the I77th Olympiad derived from Phlegon of Tralles (MHller,
Frαg. Hzst. iiί. ρ. 606), who wrote a work ίη sixteen books οη' the Olympian
festival, and lived ίη the time of Hadrian (Snidas s. v.). The only variation
is that the ό'ΠλίTη~ is mentioned along with the στ&.διου and δίαυλo~, but the
reason of this is that these three races were all won by the same runner; and
the fact that he won the δπλίTη~ is repeated ίη its proper position after the
name of the victor ίη the παΥκράτιου. Hence we may conclude that the order of
the contests ίη the papyrus was the regular order foIlowed ίη such lists of
victors. Tt is noticeable that the απήυη or mule-chariot race, although it was
run during the pet·iod covered by the papyrus (Pans. Υ. 9, Polemo αρ. Scholia
οη Pindar ΟΙ. v. αd Ζ·1ΖίΙ.), and victories ίη it were regarded as a worthy theme
for Pindar's Epinician odes, is not included among the events here recorded.
The identity of the authol'" of the particular compi1ation of which this
fragment formed a part must remain quite uncertain. Ultimately it may be
based upon the work of Hippias of Elίs, who accol'"ding to Plutarch (Numα, c. ι)
was the first to edit the Olympian register, and who, at least for the period to
which the papyrus refers, had the authority of the official lίsts preserved at
Olympia. Α treatise called Όλυμπιάδ€~ is attributed to Phίlochorus, and
Όλυμπιουικαι as wel1 as Πυθιουικαι figure an10ng the titles of Aristotle's works.
The similarity ίη plan to the ft·agment of Phlegon already alluded Ιο is striking.
The lίst might very well be del·ived from any one of these three writers. Its
general trustworthiness is α -prz'orz' probable from its very completeness;. and
its facts are corroborated, wherever they can be tested, by Pausanias. Α few
corruptions ίη the names may be traced, but they are not sufficiently important
to affect the credibi1ity of the list as a whole.
The number of interesting points upon which the papyrus throws new lίght
is very considerable. ΒΥ a fortunate chance its information relates to a period
where it is particularly valuable, the period namely of the composition of the
Odes of Pindar and Bacchylides. The computation of tl1e Pythiads from
Β. c. 582, "'hich is followed by the scholiasts οη Pindal'" ίη dating his poems, is
confil·med (cf. note οη Ι. 37). The dates of three of Pindar's odes (ΟΙ. ίχ, Χ, χί)
which have hitherto been a matter of doubt, and comlnonly, as it now tl1rns qut',
wrongly fixed (see notes ση Ι. 16 and 37), are defίnitely determined. The
chronology of the three victories at Olympia of Hieron of Syracuse, upon which
depends the date of the first Olympian ode of Pindar and the fίfth ode of
Bacchylides, is at length settled (Ι. 19 note). Fresh lίght is thrown upon
a difficulty ίη connexion with the occasion of Pindar 01. ίν and ν, as to which
the testimony of the ancient scholia has been discredited, though again the
solution to which the papyrus points is not ίη favoul'· of modern critics (11. 22
note). The traditional date of Pindar 01. χίν is proved to be erl·oneous
(Ι. 14 note), though we are nοΙ enabled to correct it. The latest definite date
ίη the life of Bacchylides previously known was Β. C. 468,' when the victory
celebrated ίη Ode ίίί was gained; it is now certain that the poet flourished
as late as Β. C. 452 (note οη 11. 18). Hardly less important is the evidence
supplίed by the papyrus for the history of Gl eek plastic art ίη the fifth centUΙ'Ύ.
4
Polycletus of Argos and Pythagoras of Rheginm are both shown to have been
flourishing ίη the middle of this century. Polycletus can therefore be certainly
placed somewhat earlier, and Pythagoras somewhat later, than was before
possible (notes οη 11. 2, 14, 16). This affects the date of Myron, who οη
one occasion, according to ΡΙίηΥ, was a rival of Pythagoras, and is also described
by the same author as the aequalz"s atque condiscipulus of Polycletus (Ν. Η.
ΧΧχίν. 9). Naucydes of Argos is proved to have been a younger brother of
the elder Polycletus (11. 28 note); and one or two statues of which the pedestals
have been discovered can now be assigned to the latter artist, instead of to his
less famous namesake (notes οη 11. 14, ι6). FinalIy, a long disputed point with
regard to the interpretation of a well.known passage ίn Aristotle's Ethics
(Eth. Nzc. νίί. 4. 2) is cleared up, and the σρίηίοη of ancient commentators is
entirely vindicated against the prevailίng view of modern critics (11. 3 note).
But the νalue of this discovery lies not merely ίη the actual additions made
to our knowledge, the more salient features of which we have summarized. It
has also an important bearing upon the wider question of the credibi1ity of early
scholiasts and commentators upon matters of fact simίlar ίη kind to those
contained ίη this papyrus. The existence during the third century at a some-
what remote and unimportant centre of Hel1enic culture lίke Oxyrhynchus of
so complete and detailed a record indicates how widely diffused and easίly
accessible such information. was. Invention under these circumstances would
be ridiculous. People do not invent when not οηlΥ are they able to tell the
trnth, but failnre to do 50 can easily be recognized. lt follo\vs that when
definite statements υροη qnestions of this character al-e found ίη ancient com-
mentators, they at-e at least entitled to the utmost considet-ation and t-espect.
They are not of conrse free from confusion and corl·uption; but to neglect thern
88 , ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
or to dismiss them as mythical without strong preponderating evidence is incon...

sistent with the principles of sound criticism. It may indeed be said that the
general tendency of the ft·esh evidence gained from recent discoveries has been
to uphold the trustworthiness of tradition, as well with regard to the texts όf
classical authors as to their interpretation.
Ιn the commentary ιιροn this fragment we are indebted for a number of
references and suggestions to Professor Blass, and also to his col1eague Pt·ofessor
Robert.
CoI. Ι.
[ξε]vοπιθηs- XElOS' παι δ στα8ιον (B.C.4 80)

δ
[.• .]κων apYElOS' παι παλην
[.• •]φαvηS' ηΡα!ΕυS' παιδ πυξ
[αστ]υλοS' συρακοσιοS' οπλΕιτην
5 [.. .JTrov8a και αρσιλοχου θη{jα[ιων τε θ
[αpy]~ιων 8ημοσιοS' κεληS'
[OS' σκα]μαv8ΡΟS' μιτυληιιαιοS' στ[α8ιοll (B.C. 476)
ί8α ]r 8L S' αο[Υ]ει[ O]S' 8ιαυλοll
] •• Υ
[.•••] [ .•] ~[aJ~rov 80λιχοll
ι Ο [. • • • • • • .] TapallTtIIOS' πεντα θ
[•..••. .μα]θ~!,ειτηS' παλην
[ευθυμοS' λοκ]ΡΟS' απ ιταλιαS' πυξ
[θεαΥΕιιηS' θ]ασιοS' παΥκρaτιοιι
[•••••••• λJακωv παιδ στα8ιον
15 [θεΟΥιιητοS' αΙΥΙ ]lιητηS' παι δ παλην
[αΥ]?7 σ![8α]μοS' λοκροS' απ ιταλιαS' παι δ πυξ
[αστ]υροS' συρακοσιοS' οπλει Τ δ κρατισ [.]α
[θηρ:ωvοS' aκραΥαllτιιιου τεθρ"
[tEp]rovoS' συρακοσιου κεληS'
20 [ο( 8all]8tS' apYEloS' στα8ιοll (B.C.47 2 )
[.• .]ΥηS' επι8αυΡΙΟS' 8ιαυλον
[εΡΥ]οτεληS' ιμαιρεοS' 80[.]λιχοll
[.• •]aμοS' μιλησιοS' πενταθλοll
[•• •]μενηS' σαμιοS' παληll
~5 [evOJvpoS' λοκροS' απ ιταλιαS' πυξ
[Kα)~λια~ αθηναιo~, παΥκρατιον

(. • .]Tαν8pι8α~ KOPΙllθιo~ παιδ στα8ιοll
[. . .]KpαTι8α~ TαpαllTΙ1l0~ παιδ παλ ην
[τελ]~α/ν μαΙllαλιo~ παι8ων πυξ
30 [•• •]Ύιας' επι8αμνιo~ οπλειΤ 8ι~
(αΡΥ]ειων 8ημοσιον ΤΕθριππον
[ιερ]ωνo~ συρακο(σιου K]ελη~
[οη π]αρμενει8η[~ ποσει8]ωιιι α'Τ στα8ιοιι (B.C·468 )
[παp]μεllει8η~ ο ίαυTO~] 8ιαυλον
35 [.. .Jμη8η~ λακω[ιι 80Ί λιχ οιι
[. . •JTLOOll ταραll( TΙΙΙO~] ΠΕJιτα θ δ φιλισ
[εφαJρμοστοS' oπo[υllTΙO~ π]αλην
[με]lIαλκηΥ οπου[lΙΤΙΟS' πυ]ξ
[..]TlTLpa8aS' αΡΥ( ELOS' π]αΥκρατιοll
40 (λυκ]οφρωll αθη(lIαιοS' παιδ] στa8ιον
[•• .)?7μος' παppασ~ιo~ παι δ παλ]ηll δ καλλισ
[•• •]~η~ TtpvvOto[S' παι8ων π:υξ
[••• ]λοS' αθηναι[οS' οπλειτη]ν
[•• •]ιιυμου συρακο[σιου τεθρι]ππον
Co1. 11.
[•• ]!,~#O~ [ πενταθλον (B.C.456 )

λεοvτισ[κοS' μεσσηllΙΟS' απο σΙKελια~ παλην
ανθpωπίo~ πυξ
τιμανθ(ηS' Kλεωναιo~ παΥκρατιον
5 ικανων [ παι8 στα8ιον

ΦΡυvιχ[οS' παι 3 παλην
αλκεν(εΤΟΥ λεπρεατηS' παι8 πυξ
~!νασιr[ οπλειτην
8ιακτο[ρι80υ τεθριπποll
10 αΙΎια rα[ κεληS'
πβ λυκω(ν λαρισαιοS' στα8ιον (B.C.45 2)

ευβoυλ~[S' 8ια.,υλοIl
ιπποβο[ TO~ 80λιχοIl
πυθοκλ η[ S' ηλειοS' πεIlταθλοIl
15 λεοντισκ[ OS' μεσσηIlΙO~ απο σΙKελια~ παληIl
αριστων [επι8αυpιo~ πυξ
8αμαΥητ[ OS' po8loS' παΥκρατιοIl
λακωIl K~[ΙO~ παι δ στα8ιοIl
Kλεo8ωpo[~ παι δ παληIl
20 απoλλo8ω[po~ παιδ πυξ
λυKO~ θεσσα[λo~ οπλειτηIl
σαμιου καμ[αριναιου τεθριππον
πυθωνo~ ι[ Kελη~
π,Υ κριτωIl" ΙιfίEpαιo~ στα8ιοIl (Β. c. 448)
25 ευκλει8ηS' .[ 8ιαυλοIl
αιyει8α~ κρη[~ 80λιχοIl
κητων λOKP~OS' πενταθλοIl
κιμωIl αΡΥ[ ElOS' παληIl
αΥησιλαοS' ρ[ o8LoS' πυξ
30 8αμα,,/ητοS' n[ o8toS' πα,,/κρατιοIl
λαχαΡι8αS' ~[ παι δ στα8ιον
πολυIlΙΚΟS' [ παι δ παληIl
αριστων l![ παι δ πυξ
λυκειIlΟS' ~[ οπλειτην
Ι. Ι. 1. 3:fVΟΠΕlθηr Χίοr. The names of the winners ίη the two preceding games, of
which the n1ention in the papyrus is 10st, are l{nown from Pausanias :-θfαΥέvηr eάσιοS' πύξ
(νΙ 6. 5), ΔΡομfvr MαVTLVfvr παΥκράτιοιι (νΙ ι ι. 5).
4. [αστ]υλοr συpαKoσιo~: cf. Paus. νί. 13. ι, where it is said that Astylus, who was
a native of Croton, entered as a Sγracusaη ίη order to please Hieron. Pausanias states
that Astylus was victorious οη thl'ee successive occasions ίη the σTά~ιoιι and δίαυλοr. The
papyrus shows that he should have said δπλlτηr instead of ~ίaυλοS'. He \νοη t11e σTά~ιoν ίη
B.C. 488, 484, and 480, and the όπλlτηr ίη 484, 480, and 476 (1. 17).
5. ? [Δαι]τώιιδα (Paus. νΙ 17. 5), or [Κρα]τώνδα.
7. [σKα]μaιι8po~: Diodor. χι 48 gives the name, πο doubt rIghtly, as 'ΣκaμάνδΡιοr.
8. [~α]υδιS': this is ΡΓσbabΙΥ the CQlTect form of the name. The same man won the
στιίδιον at the next 01ΥιηΡίc festival (cf. 1. 20 below); and the MSS. of Diodorus, who
records the fact (Χί. 53), give the name as ΔάlJ~ηS' (so Vogel), with the exception of Ρ, the
oldest MS., which has Δάv~ιS'. The latter spelling is also found ίη the codex Palαtlnus in
Simonides' epigram ση this athlete (Anth. Ρα!. xiii. 14= Simonides 125 Bel·gk).
9. At the beginning of the line some letters have been crossed out and others added
oνer them. The result is a confused blur, ίη which it is scarcely possible to read any-
thing.
10. This Tarentine may perhaps be identified with . . . τίων TapaVTiVOS-, who won
the same event ίη 468 (cf. 36). Α name of about the same length is required [or the
lacuna here.
ι ι. μα]ΡωVfLτηs-: the reading is very doubtful; the traces before ~ suit α (or ι)ρ better
than ν, and υμ or υl< could well be read ίη place of ρω.
12. For EvBVILoS' cf. Paus. νΙ 6. 6. He also won the boxing match ίη 472, cf. 25 below
and Paus. l. c.
13. [θfαγΕvηS' O]autoS': cf. Paus. νΙ ι ι. 4.
14. According to the scholia Asopichus of Orchomenos, to whom Pindar 01. Χίν is
dedicated, won the παίδωιι στάδιον either ίη the 76th or 77th 01ympiad. The papyrus
proνes that this was ηο! the case. The date of 01. Χίν is thel"efore stiIl to seek.
15. Theognetus of Aegina is known from Paus. νί. 9. ι, Simonid. (?)Epigr. 149, Pindar,
Pylh. νΗί. 35. 1t is not, howeνer, stated ίη which γear his victory was obtained. The
supplement given ίη the text is therefore hardly certain, especial1y as it is rather long for
the lacuna, for which ten letters would be sufficient.
16. [α'ΥΙησι[δαJILOS': this ίΒ the victory which was the occasion of Pindar's 10th and
11th 01ympian odes. The traditional date οΙ Agesidamus' success, based ση one set of
scholia, is B.C. 484. Scholiast Vratisl., however, places it ίη B.C. 476, and this statement
(which Bergk, Poetae Lyricz', i. ρ. 6, dismisses as a 'manifestus error ') is now confirmed by
the papyrus. Fennell (Pindar, O{ymp. and Pyth., ρ. 90) had suggested the year 476 as the
date of the comp0sition of the 10th Olympian ode, while retaining the traditional date for
the actual victory of Agesidamus.
17. [αα-τ ]vpos-: 1. [~Λα-T]υλοr; cf. 4 and note.
For the addition at the end of this line cf. 36 and 41, where ό φιλισ and ό καλλισ are
similarly appended after the names of the respective contests. ι<ρατισ, φιλισ, and ι<αλλισ can
only be interpreted as the superlatives κράτισ(ΤΟ$), Φι'λισ(τοs-), and κάλλισ(τοs-); ό, as Blass
suggests, probably stands for O~TO~. The word aiter ι<ρατισ ίη this line (it does not occur
ίn the paralIel cases) is possibly [π]ά(ιιτωιι); it is not clear whether there is a letter οτ
merelya stroke of abbreviation oνer the α. The explanation of these different epithets ίΒ
not obvious. The designation of a famous athlete like Astylus, who had been credited with
several pl"evious victol"ies, as KpάTιστo~ is ηο doubt natural; and that a boy should be
described as ι<άλλισΤΟ$ (ct: Paus. νί. 3. 6) is also appIopriate enough. But why should
a winner ίη the πέπaθλον be called Φlλιστοs- ? And how were these designations assigned?
Is it to be supposed that the judges ίη the games decided which of the competitors was
most conspicuous for ι<ράτοs-, Kάλλo~, and Φιλία ? lt is noticeable that none of the winners
ίn 472 are singled out ίη this manner.
18. This νictory of Theron is celebrated ίη Pindar's 2nd and 31"d Olympian Odes.
The statement of Schol. Vat. that Theron won ίn Β. c. 472 has rightly been discredited
byeditors.
19. Cf. Paus. νΙ ι 2. ι, Pindar, 01. Ι, Bacchylides ν. The conjecture of Bergk, who
placed Hieron's first victory ίη the single horse race at Olympia ίn B.C. 476, correcting
την Ο'Υ' 'ολυμπιάδα ίη Schol. Vι-atίsΙ. to τηιι ος' (Poet. Lyr. i. ρ. 4), and the chronology of
Hieron's victol·ies \vith Pherenicus proposed by Mr. Kenyon (BaccJιyl. ρ-ρ. 35-9), aIe now
confirn1ed. ΗίeΙΌη ,,'οη the KEλη~ at Olympia ίn Β. c. 476 and 472 (Ι 32), and the
τέθριπποιι ίn 468 (Ι 44),
20. [σανJ~Lςo: cf. 8, note.
22. 1. tΙμfΡaίοS'. This victory is celebrated by Pindar, ΟΙ Χίί. According to Paus. νΙ
4. ι 1 and the scholiasts ση Pindar, Ergoteles was a natiνe of CllOSSOS ίη Crete who
settled at Himel·a after being driven from his country by civil disturbances.
25. Οη Euthymus cf. 12, note.
26. [κα]λλιαs-: cf. Paus. v. 9. 3. The base of Micon's statue of Callias, \vhich is
mentioned by Pausanias (νΙ 6. Ι), has been discovered at Olympia; cf. Lowy, Inschr8"
grzech. Bzldhauer 41, Dittenberger-Purgold, Inschr. von O[ympzα 146.
27. ]Ta/)~pt~αS': the doubtful Τ may be Ύ or σ.
29. [ΤΕλ ]λων μαιvαλιοS': Pausanias (νΙ 10. 9) describes Tel10n more precisely as an
Oresthasian, and this name is confirmed by the pedestal of his statue which has been
found at Olympia (Dittenbergel"-Purgold ορ. CZ1. 147, 148) inscribed τέλλων • • • 'ApKaS'
, ΟΡΕσθάσιοS'.
30. JytaS': the vestiges of the first letter are also consistent with τ or λ. Tt not clear
why ~lS' is added at the end of this line. It can hardly mean that this person had,
,νοη the same race ση a previous occasion since (ι) the remal"k is not made ίη other
places where it would be expected, e. g. ίη reference to Astylus ίn 476 or Euthymus ίη ~
472; and (2) we kno\v that this Epidaurian did not win at either of the two preceding
festivals (cf. π. 4 and 17) and so a previous victory could have occurred at the earliest
twelve years before, which, though not impossibIe (cf. note οη 4), is hardly probable. Blass
suggests that ~ί~ means a second victory οη this occasion, and that ]Υηs- Επι~αvριοs-, the
winner of the ~ίαvλοS' (2 Ι), and ]Υιαs- Επι~αμvιοs- may be one and the same person; for ~ί~
ίη this sense cf. Phlegon fr. 12 ίη Mίiller, Frag. HzSt. iii. ρ. 606 (Ει<ατόμvωS' Μιλήσιοs- στά~ΙΟJ)
καΙ δlαυλοv καΙ όπλίτην, TpiS-. ~ls- might also imply that the same tace was for some reason
run twice oyer.
32. Cf. 19, note.
33. Cf. Diodor. χι 65. Parmenides also won the ~lQvλοS', cf. 34.
37. The date of this victory, which was the occasion of Pindar's 9th Olympian Ode,
is thus finaIly determined. The scholia ση Pindar (ΟΙ ix. 17, 18) make two statements : -
(ι) that the Olympian and PythianvictoriesofEpharmostus occurredin the 73rd01ympiad;
(2) that the Pythian victory occurl·ed ίη the 30th (or according to Schol. Vratisl. the 33rd)
Pythiad. Boeckh wished to reduce these conflicting dates to harmony by accepting the
statement of Schol.. Vl"atisl. and correcting by a 'certa coniectUl"a' 73rd Olympiad
to 33rd Pythiad (Β. C. 458), placing the Olympian victory ίη Β. c. 456. G. Hermann, οη
the other hand, adopted the 30th Pythiad as the true date, and harmonized this with the
Olympiad by emending 73rd Ιο 78th-- The papyrus proves that this was the right method.
1t aIso confirms the computation of the Pythiads from B.C. 582 folIowed by the scholiasts
οη Pindar, which was the basis of Hermann's conjectul"e, and which is follo\ved by Bergk
ίη his chronology of Pindar's Pythian Odes (Poet. Lyr. i. ρρ. 6 sqq.). The computation
from 586 proposed by Boeckh and adopted' by some l"ecent editors, which antedates
the Pythian odes by four years as compared with the scholiasts is, ,so far as the chronology
of Pindar is concerned, shown to be false; c( Wilamowitz-Mollendorff, Arzsl. und Athen
iiϊ. ρ. 323 sqq. and Kenyon, Bacchyl. ρ. 37. That some ancient writers reckoned the
Pythiads from 586 B.C. appears from Pausanias Χ. 7. 3 (where he seems to be trying to
reconcile the riνal dates, 586 and 582 B.C.) and from the Parian Chronicle. But the
scholiasts οη Pindar (who are supported by Eusebius and Jerome) reckon the Pythiads
uniformly from 582 B.C. The supposed exception quoted by Boeckh ίη connexion
with Ergoteles of Himera (schol. ad Pind. ΟΙ. xii., cf. Bergk, Ι c.) can be easily explained.
Which of the two dates 586 and 582 B.C. is correct forms too lal"ge a question to be entered
οη here.
39. ]ΤΙ'TLμα~αs-: the first ι was connected with the preceding Ietter \vith a ligature at
the top, which would be consistent \vith ι, Υ, σ, or τ.
42. Tιpυllθιo[~: the fil·st ι is \vήtten over some other letter. It may perhaps be
inferred from the occunoen<ce of the name here that the destruction of Tiryns by Argos
(cf. Paus. ίί. 25. 8, Strabo νίίί. ρ. 373 &c.), which took place at about the same time as
that of Mycenae (B.C. 468, Diodor. χι 65), had not occurred before the Olympian festival
of this year.
44. [.. .]νυμου: the reading of the papyrus, which is quite certain, is a riddle. There
is ηο doubt that Hieron's victory ίη the chariot race occurred this year; cf. the scholia
ση Pindar, ΟΙ i. ι, and the statement of Pausanias (νίίί. 42. 8), who, though giving ηο
dates, says that Hiel·on died before the dedication of his commemorative offering at
Olympia. Two explanations sugg€st themselves. Either [άιιω]νύμου may be read, ση
the hypothesis that the name of Hieron had become 10st at this point ίη the lists. But
it is strange that the name of the \vinner οη so famous an occasion, \vhich had been
celebrated by Bacchy1ides (Ode Ηί), and the date of which was kno\vn to the Pindar
scholiasts, should not have been restored. Or it may be supposed that the scribe Wl·ote
[ς[ιρω]ιιύμου instead of CιέΡωιιοr by a mere blunder. Tf the longer form ΙIEρώνυμo~ had really
appeat·ed ίη the official register, it ought also to have been found here ίn 19 and 32.
11. ι. Six or seven lίnes are 10st at the top of this column and therefore twenty-fouf
or twenty-three at the bottom of Col. Τ.
]ιιομος: the reading is dubious. The filost letter may be κ, and the last ι or 11 or any
similar letter \vith a velotical left-hand stroke.
2. λΙΟllTισ[KOS': cf. Paus. νΙ 4. 3, where however ηο date is given. Leontiscus also won
the πάλη ίn 452 (1. 15). Pausanias tells us (!. c.) that his statue at Olympia \vas the wOlok
of ΡΥthagοι-as of Rhegίuιη. The papyrus theι·efΟΓe supp1ies a new date for the life of
that important statuary, who ,vas not certainly l\.ηο'\\τη to have floul"ished so late as this.
Pliny indeed (Ν. Η. χχχίν. 49) places Pythagoras ίn the ninetieth Olympiad (B.C. 420-
4 17), but this statement has been generally recognized as an elTor, though it is ηο!
perhaps so fal' wrong as has been assumed. The earliest dated work of Pythagoras
is his statue of Astylus (Paus. νΙ 13. ι), ,vho gaineti his fi1"st victory ίη 488, and his
last ίn 476 (cf. Ι. 4 note).
3. aιιθρωπ[ o~ ••• πυξ: the papyrus here disposes of anothet· vexed question of criticism,
with reference to a well-kno"rn passage ίη Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics (νίί. 4)
TOV~ μΕΙ! o~ν πpo~ ταυτα ••• ύΠfρβάλλοvτα$ ••• άπλα/ς μειι ού λέΥομΕΙΙ ακραΤΕίς, ••• ώ$ έTEpoυ~ καΙ
καθ' όμοιότητα λεyoμEνoυ~, CJσπερ ~Άνθρωπoς ό TtJ 'ολύμπια IIEΙΙΙKηKώ~' έκιίιιφ γαρ ό KOΙΙΙO~ λόΥΟ$ του
Ι~ίoυ μικρφ διέΦεΡΕΙΙ, αλλ' Βμωr lrEpo$ ην. The ancient commentators explain" Aνθpωπo~ here
as a proper name; and Alexander Α phl·odisiensis actuallΥ says that "Αvθρωποr ,vas a
πύK:Γη~ :-avθρωποr' ηll γαρ και ί~ιoν gvομα τουτο του Όλυμπιοιιίκου πύκτου 0.0 έιι Ήθικοις' 'μνημόνΕυσΕ"
(Τορ. 61); cf. Alex. Aph. Τορ. 22, Soph. Elench. 53 a, Suidas s. v. aνθρωπος, Eustath. 11.
χίί. ρ. 847, Mich. Eph. ad Elh. Nzc. Υ. ιnΖΊ. [01. 56 b, Ald. Schol. ad Elh. Nzc. νίί. 4.
1\tlodern critics have with fe\v #exceptions rejected this story, l"egarding aνθpωπo~ as a general
term. The ancient explanation of the passage is now entire]y confirmed. Cf. our note
ϊη the Classical Review for July, 1899.
4. Cf. Paus. νΙ 8. 4. The date of Timanthes' victory was not previouslΥ known.
5. ικανων: Robert suggests that this person may perhaps be identified with the Έμαυτίων
,vho is said by Pausanias (νΙ 17.4) to have won a boys' στάδιοιι at Olympia. That there
\vas some doubt about the spelling of the name is shown by the MSS. of Pausanias, which
vary between Ε and Ι for the initialletter, and V and v for the fourth.
7. Ι. ΆλκαίνΕ[ΤΟ$, fOf whom cf. Paus. νΙ 7. 8. Pausanias says that Alcaenetus \νοη
originally as a boy and subsequently as a man, and that his sons Hel1anicus and Theantus
,von the boys' boxing matcll ίη the eighty-ninth and ninetieth Olympiads respectively. The
Jate supplied by the papyrus for the fil'st victory of Alcaenetus is again a lle\V fact.
8. The scribe seems clearly to have written λ, and not μ, though it is tempting to
read, as Robe1't suggests, Μυασέ[α~ Κvρηvαϊο~, who is known as a victor ίn the όπλίTη~
f1'OIll Paus. νΙ 13. 7, 18. 1. 1t is of course quite possible that λι is a corruption for μ;
the mistake is a very easy one. ε could well be read aftet· σ; a second σ, α, or v would
also suit the vestiges.
9. Διαl<'Τορίaη~ was a name ίn use at Spat·ta (Hdt. νΙ 71) and ίη Thessaly (Hdt. vi. 127).
11. λv/(ω[v: the name is given as Λύ/(Οf; ίn Euseb. Hell. O!Jιmp. ρ. 41. 24, D. Hal. Χ. 53
(Λύ/(o~ θεσσaλo~ άπό ΛαρΙσση~). Possibly some confusion may haνe a1'isen between this
victor and the ΛύΚΟf; θεσσαλό~ who \von the όπλίTη~ οη the same occasion (Ι 2 ι), if
indeed they a1'e nοΙ to be 1'egarded as identical.
14. The statue of Pythocles erected at Olympia by Polycletus ίη commemo1'ation of
this victory is mentioned by Paus.. vi. 7. 10; and the base of the n10nument, inscribed with
the names of both athlete and a1'tist, has been discovered οη the site (Lowy, ορ. CΖΊ. 9 ι,
Dittenbe1'ge1'-Pu1'gold, ορ. cιΊ. 162, 163). The papy1'us by fixing the victo1'Y of Pythocles
ίη Β. c_ 452 pt·oves what was p1'eviously a moot point, that the sta.tue was the wo1'k
of the g1'eat l?olycletus (so Robert), and not his younger namesake, as has been maintained
by Cnrtius, Fu1'twangle1', and LOwy. Αη impo1'tant date fo1' the jlorl/.l" of Polycletus is
also supplied by the papyl'us (~f. 16, note). Accol·ding to Pliny (Ν. Η. ΧΧΧίν. 49) he
flourished ίn ΟΙ 90 (B.C. 420-417), and thjs is gene1'ally accepted as the appl'oximate date
of his famous statue of Ηeι-a (Paus. iί. 17. 4), which was p1'obably completed after
the destl'uction of the old He1'aeum ίn B.C. 423 (Thuc. ίv. 133). Plato (Protαg. ρ. 31 Ι c)
couples Polycletus \\Tith Pheidias as if he was a contemporary of the latte1', and it is now
evident that he was not a ve1'Y much younger contempo1'a1'Y, if he was executing
ilnpol'tant commissions as early as the middle of the century.
15. For Leontiscus cf. 2, note.
16. αριστων: we a1'e told by Pausanias (νϊ. 13. 6) that the1'e was at Olympia a statue
of the boxer ΆριστΙων of Epidaurus by Polycletus of A1'gos. The pedestal of this statue
has been discove1'ed at Olympia, bea1'ing the inscription Άριστίων θ(oΦίλεo~ )ΕπιaαίιΡΙΟ~.
Πολύ/(λΗΤΟS' ΕποίησΕ (Lowy, Oj. CΖΊ. 92, Dittenbel-ger-Purgold, oj. CΖΊ. 165). Οη palaeo..
graphical and o1'thographical g1'ounds epigraphists have had ηο hesitation ίη refer1'ing
this insc1'iption to the fou1'th century Β. C., and have the1'efol'e att1'ibuted the statue to
Polycletus the younger. But of cou1'se if Άριστ[ί]ων is 1'ead hel'e (for a simila1' omission
of ι cf. Ι. 7, note), and the identification with the boxer mentioned by Pausanias is
accepted, the statue must have been by the elde1' Polycletus. The ol'iginal insc1'iption
must the1'efore have become defaced and was 1'eplaced by the one which is preserved.
17. F 01' Δαμά"YηTO~ cf. Paus. νΙ 7. 1. Pausanias does not give the date of his
victo1'ies. Α pedestal bearing the name of Damagetus has been discove1'ed at Olympia
(Dittenberger-Purgold, oj. cz'!. 152).
18. λα/(ων: 1. Λάχων. This victOl'Y was the occasion of two odes of Bacchylides
(νί and νίί), which were accol"dingly composed not ea1'lier than Β. c. 452. The title
of Bacch. νϊ (that of νίi is not pl'esel"ved) is Λάχωνι Κείωι σTα~ΙEί Όλύμπ(ια). 1f Lac}10n
was a boy, παιδΕ ought to have been added as it is ίn the title of Bacch. xi. Mr. Kenyon
the1'efore ve1'γ natul'ally supposed Lachon to be a man, and impugned the vel'acity of
the 01ympic Register, ίn which his name is not given. Wackernagel and Wilamo,vitz,
who al'e folJowed by Blass, showed ground fo1' believing that the victory of Lachon
commemol"ated by Bacchylides was won ίn the στάaιοv fo1' boys; and this view is now
confirmed by the papyrus. The date of the event is a]so a valuable fact for the life
of Bacchylides. The ]atest precise date p1'eviously known ίn the poet's litel"a1'Y caIeer
was Β. c. 468, when the thi1'd ode ,vas w1'itten. ΒΥ the discove1'Y of this papy1'us his
activity obtains a definite extension of sixteen yeal"s.
NEW CLASS/CAL FRAGMENTS 9S
21. Cf. 11, note.

22. σαμιου καμ[αριναιου ΤΕθριππον: this name reopens the question of the occasion of
Pindar's fOUl·th and fifth 01ympian odes. They are addressed to Psaumis of Camarina,
who according to the scholiast οη 01. ίν had WOll ίn the 82lld Olympiad τεθρίππφ (v. Ι.
ίππoι~); while according to the scholia οη 01. v Psaumis had been victorious ΤΕθρίππφ
καΙ άπήνυ και κέλητι. Internal evidence makes it certain that ΟΙ v at any rate was composed
ίη celebration of a victory ίη the άπήνη or mule-chariot race. The statement of the
scholiast concerning Psaumis' triple victory has accordingly been explained with much
probability as based οη a misunderstanding of line 7; and ΟΙ ίν has usually been
considered to refer to the san1e victory ίη the ιΊπήνη, notwithstanding the testimony of
the scholiast. Now it is evident that this view is at least partially corl"ect, for the ΡaΡγrus
shows that Psaumis did not win the κ'λη~ ίη the 82nd Olympiad. But it· appeal's more
than likely that the scho1iast ση ΟΙ ίν was so far right that Psaumis won the τίθριππον
ίη that year. σαμιου is not far from Ψαύμιo~; and καμ[ can hardly be anything but the first
syllable of Καμ[αριναίου. We have therefore a choice of alternatives. ΟΙ. ίν may actualIy
refel' ιο this victory ίn the τέθριππον, and the victory ίη the ll1ule-chariot race celebrated ίn
ΟΙ. v may have been gained either οη a subsequent Of, less probably, οη a previous
occasion. There is nothing ίn 01. ίν inconsistent with such a theory. όχέων ίη Ι ι ι
is an indecisive word; if ίι had definitely implied the άπήνη the scholiast would obviously
not have said ΤΕθρίππφ. Or both. the fourth and fifth Odes refer to a victo1'Y ίη the άπήυη
\vhich was won befol'e this 82lld Olympiad, possibly ϊn the 8ISt. 1f the names of winners
ίn tllat race were nοΙ usually included ίn lists like tr1e present (cf. intl·od.), the scholiasts
might have ηο means of verifying the date; and after the theory of the three victories
ίη the 82nd 01Jlmpiad had been evolved fl"Om 1. 7, to place the victor)' ίη the άπήνη
and the supposed victory ίn the κέλη~, ίn the same year as the τέθριππον, ~Thich \\'as fixed,
would only be a natural step.
24. κριτων: Diodor. Χίί. 5 gives the name as ΚΡlσωv (Κρίσσων the oldest MS., and so
Euseb.); Κρίσων is also the spelling ίη Plato, Prolαg. 335 Ε, Leg. νίiί. 840 Α.
25. The mutilated letter had a rounded fi1"st strol{e; €, θ, ο, σ, 01' ω are most probable.
28. This κιμων αΡΥ[ΕΙΟ$ is clearly to be identified (so Robert) with the ΧΕίμων of Argos
whose victory ίη the πάλη is mentioned by Pausanias and \vhose two statues by Naucydes
he considered to be amongst the best examples of that aι-tίst's wOl'k (νΙ 9. 3). For a
similar substitution of κ for χ ίη this MS. cf. 18 λακων. 1t has been a doubtful question
,vhether Naucydes was a younger bl'other of the elder, or an eldet· brother of the younger,
Polycletus. ΒΥ placing Cheimon's victor)' ίη Β. C. 452 the papJTrus SllOWS that the former
view is correct.
2 9. α'Yησιλαo~ ρ[o~ιo~ ? ρ before the lacuna is almost certain. Robert suggests
with much probability that this is a variation of the name of Damagetus' bΙΌther, which
is given ίη Paus. νί. 7. ι as 'Ακουσίλαος. The fact that Damagetus also ,,,οη ίn this year
(1. 30) and Acusilaus is desc1'ibed by Pausanias as a boxe1' confirms the identification.
)Al(oυσίλαo~ is mOJ'e Iikely to be the correct [οι·ηι.
30. For Damagetus cf. 17, note.
33. The lette1' after v might be λ 01' μ.
34. The doubtful λ may be χ or perhaps μ. It is knowl1 from Pausanias (νΙ 2. 2)
that a ΛυKί'νo~ Λάκων WOl1 the cha1'iot race about this time. But it is not likely that this
is the victo1'Y to which the paPYl'US refers, for ίn the fil'st place that hypothesis involves
the supposition of the 1088 of a line between 33 and 34, since the δπλΙτη!; alwaJTs follows
παί~ωιι πύξ; and, secondly, if this Lycinus \vas the winner of tlle τΕθριππον and 110t of the
όπλίτης, his name ought to be ίn the genitive case. .
96 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRl
ΙΙΙ.· FRAGMENTS OF Ε-ΧΤΑΝΤ
CLASSICAL AUTI-IORS
CCXXIII. HOMER, Iliad V.

26 χ 209'5 (first ten cols.) cm. Plate Ι (Col. νι!).
THIS fine copy of the fifth book of the llz'αd is written upon the verso of
ccxxxvii, the 'Petition of Dionysia.' Before being utilized for the Homer the
roll had to be patched υρ and stl engthened ίη pla~es by strips of papyrus glued
4
ση the recto. Ιη its ot·iginal condition it was of great length. Two fragments
of the twenty-ninth colnmn are preserved; and nine more columns would still
haνe been required to complete the book, while each column occupies from 8 to
8! inches of papyrus. Probably other documents than the petition of Dionysia
were nsed ίη the composition of this roll. The writing οη the recto of th~
fragments of the tw~nty-ninth column is not the same as that of the petition;
and a third hand may be distinguished οη the 1~ecto of Col. XV. The MS. is
continuous as far as 1. 278, and the first eight columns, which \vere the core of
the 1·011, are pl'actically perfect. Τη the tenth and eleventh columns the
condition of the papyrus gradually deteriorates, and finalIy becomes fragn1entary.
The handwriting is a bold well-formed uncial of the square sloping type.
Ιη general style it resembles the hand of the fragment of Plato's Laws (Ο. Ρ. Ι.
Plate VI), which was written before A.D. 295, and still more closely that of ο. Ρ.
Ι. xii, with which this papyrus was actually found, and which tnay be placed ίn
the fit·st half of the third century. Other items of evidence are afforded by the
pieces of papyrus glued to the recto, which seem to date from about the beginning
of the third century, and by the few cursiνe entries οη the verso, which are
apparently not νery much latet Οη the other hand a te1~minlts α quo is provided
4
•
by the petition οη the 1--ecto, which was written about Α. D. 186. The date of the
Homer, therefore, may be fixed with much certainty ίη the earlier decades
of the third century. Ξ is formed by three separate stt·okes.
The MS. is very full of accents, breathings, and marks pf elision, with \\Thich
.FRAGMENTS OF ΕΧΤΑΝΤ CLASS/CAL AUTHORS 97
not even the Bacchylides papyrus 1S more plentifully supplied 1. The method of
accentnation followed ίη that papyrus reappears, with some modifications, ίη the
present case. Here, too, the acute accent is usually placed upon the first vowel
of a diphthong, and the circumflex (ννhίch ls sometimes of angular shape) over
both vowels. Oxytone words ίη the Bacchylides papyrus are not accented οη
the final syl1able, but all the preceding syl1ables bear the grave accent. Ιη our
papyrus only the penultirnate syl1able (except αΦPEΙo~, ίη 1. 9) has a grave
accent; and when the word is followed by a stop or an enclitic it is usually
accented ίn modern fashion with an acute accent ση the last syl1able, e. g.
41 μΕσσηΥVs·, 9'2 'Πολλά θ'. Monosyllabic oxytone words bear the grave accent,
except when followed byan enclitic, when the accent becomes acute. Words
followed by enclitics are accented ίη the manner now usual, except that ίη
perispome words the natural accent is superseded by the rett·acted accent, e. g.
176 'Πολλώυ ΤΕ, 192 τώυ ΚΕ. There are some cases of mistaken or abnormal
accentuation, e. g. 17 ωρυυτο, 33 κvδοs, 92 αιζηωυ, 196 κρε!, 221 εμωυ, 245 ε~p'.
Breathings are usually acute-angled, not sqnare. The diaeresis is freely used,
and the length of vowels is occasionally marked.
It is difficult to determine whether or ηο the original hand is responsibI~ for
the majority of these lection signs. Οη the whole it seems probable that the
stops, accents, breathings, and marks of length are almost entirely a subsequent
addition. Of the marks of elision sotne are certainly original, but more are
posterior. The diaeresis οη the other hand appear to be mostly by the first
hand. It is not more easy to decide how many correctors of the MS. may be
distinguished, and to which of them individual corrections should be assigned.
The beginnings of the lines of the first column have been broken away and
afterwards restored οη a fresh sheet of papyrus ίη a rough uncultivated hand.
Το this hand may be attributed the occasional insertion ίη the margin of the
names of speakers, the addition after 83, and a few of the other alterations,
including, perhaps, that ίη 132. Αήοther hand, to which most of the corrections
(among them the insertion of 126) are due, is earJier ίη date, as may be partly
infe-rred from the fact that the very ill-written supplements ίη Col. Ι are not
amended. Probably this first corrector was also responsible for the punctuation
and accentuation of the MS.
1 Mr. Kenyon considers (Palaeography, ρρ. 26, 28) that only works intended for the market or large
libraries would be provided to any consid~rable extent with accents &c. ; whίle he also h~ld~ (ibz·d•. ρ. 20)
that works designed ior sale were never wrιtten οη tιle verso. Onr papyrus clearly makes lt xmposslble to
maintain both of these positions; and it may be doubted whethe!' either of them ίΒ really sound. V\Thy
should not works intended for sale have been \\'ritten οη the back of previously used papyrus 1 Such books
could of course only have commanded a lower price; but there must have been a demand for cheap books
as well as dear ones. As for accentuation, that obviously must have been a matter of individual
preference.
Η
The text is a fairly good one, tho~gh not of course free from errors. As
usual ίη the case of Homeric papyri of the Roman period, there are few
divergences from our vulgate. Of the peculiar variants τέταυται [or κέχυυται ίη
141 is the most striking. μ'υo~ for β'λo~ ίη 104 is an interesting confirrnation of
the reading of the Geneva MS. Α col1ation with La Roche's text (R.) is given
below. We do not, however, as a rule, notice as variants cases.of the common
spelling ει for ί.
Col. Ι.
Ενθ αυ τυl8ει8η 8ιομη8εϊ παλλα~ αθηνη

8ωκε μει ν()~ και θάpσo~ ιν εK8ηλo~ μΈτα πασιν
αΡ'ΥΕιοισ[ι] Ι Υενοιτο· ϊ8ε κλέo~ Έσθλον άροιτο·
/8αι οι εκ 1 κ6pυθ6~ τε και ασπί80~ ακάματον πυρ
5 αστερ οπlωρεινα/ εναλίΥκιον O~ τε μάλιστα
λαμπρον Ι παμφάινησι λελoυμένo~ ωκεανοιο.
ν ΟΙΙ
-τ[ω]οιο Ι πυρ δaίεν απο KpliTO~ τε και ωμων
ωρσ
/[~υμ]ε δε μΙιν κατα μεσσον σθι πλειστοι κλΟIlΕΟl1ΤΟ·
ην . δε TΙI~ εν τρωεσσι δάΡηr αφνειo~ αμύμων
~
10 ϊpευ~ η\αιστοιο· δύω δε οι UteEr ήστην
/Φηyευ~ Ι Eι8αΊό~ ΤΕ μαxη~ Ευ Ει8όΤΕ πάση~
οι 11'0 ν
τω [μεν] Ι aκρινθετε εναντίω ωρμηθήτην

!'f!ι
τω μΕ ιφ' ιπποιίν· δ G απ[ο] xθoνo~ ώρνυτο π'Ε(οs·
/οι 8 ΟΤΕ 81η σχΕ80ν ησαν επ αλληλοισιν ίόνTε[~]
15 Φηyευ~ ρlα πpόTεpo~ ΠΡοi~ι 80λιχόσκιο[ν] E[Y]XO~·
δ
τυ8ει8Ε{ω θ' υπερ ωμον αρ[ι]στερον ηλυθ' ακωκη
ουΙ
ΕΥχεΟΥ 1 8 έβαλ' αυτον· ο 8' υσTEPO~ ωρνυτο χαλκω
τυ8ει8η IS· του Κ ουχ' αλιον βελo~ έκφυΥε XEΙPO~
αλλ εβαλΙε σTηθo~ μεταμά(ιοll ωσε 8' αφ ιππων·
81
20 ει8aι(o)~ Ι απ6ρουσΕ λιπων ΠΕρικαλλέα 8ιφρον·
FRAGMENTS OF ΕΧΤΑΝΤ CLASSICAL AUTHORS 99
ου8 ετλη Ι περιβηναι α8Ελφειου κταμενοιο-

pl
ου8ε Υα Ι [0]υ8ε κεν OιVTOr υπεκ'φυΥε κηρα μέλαιναll
αλ(λ) ηφηlστοr ερυτο σάωσΕ δε νυκτι καλύΨαr·
ror 8η οι μ\η παΥχυ yeproll ακαχημεllοr ειη·
Col. 11.
25 ιπποvr 8' εξελασα,r μΕΥαθυμου Tv8Eor ϋιοr
8ωκεν Εταιροισιν καταΥΕιν κοιλαr επι lIηαr-
ΤΡωεr 8ε θ
μεΥα, υμοι επει
-«~
Ιαον
-.
υιε
1\,
ααΡητοr
τον μεν α,λευάμενον τον 8ε. κτάμεllον παρ 6χΕσφι

πασιν ορίνθη Ovpor- α,ταρ Υλαvκωπιr αθηνη
30 XELpor ελοΟσ' επέεσσι προσηυ8α, θοΟρον αρηα,.
β
αper aper βροτολΟΙΥε μιαιφ6νε ΤΕιχεσιπλητα
ουκ αν 8η Tproar μεν eaUOpEll και axaLovr
μάρνασθ' οπποτέροισι[ν] πατηρ (ευ~ KD80r ορεξη_
νωι 8Ε χα(ώμΕσθα· 8tor 8ε αλεώμεθα μηνιν-
35 ωr ειποΟσα μάχη, εξήΥαΥε θοΟρον άρηα-
μΕν ε
τον επειτα καθε6σεll επ ηϊ[ο]ιιτι σκαμά1l8Ρωe
τρώαr Κ εκλειναν 8αναο[ι] ελε 8' άνδρα E/(aUTor
ηΥεμονων- nopOJTor 8ε άναξ αν8ρων αΥαμεμνων
aρχον αλι(ώνων 08ίον μΕΥαν έκβαλΕ 8ίφρου
40 πρώτω Υαρ στρεφθέντι μΈταφρεllω Εν 86ρυ πηξε[ν]
4 ι ώμων μεσσηΥύr- Βια 8Ε στήθεσφιν Ελασσεν /
μηονοs
43 EtBop~vevr Β άρα φαίστον εllήρατο [TEKTollor] vt[o]v

βώρου- ~r εκ τάΡνηr εριβώλακοr ειληλ6υθει-
45 το" με" αρ EL80pEvevr 80υρ/. κλvτοr έΥχεϊ μακρω
νύξ ϊΠΠα/ν επιβησ6μενον κατα 8εξιον ωμον-
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55 αλλά μιν αTρειδη~ δουρι KλεΙTO~ μενελαo~
56 πρ6σθεν '€θεν φευΥοιιτα μετάφρενον 6υτασε δουρι·
58 ήριπε δε πρη[ν]ή~· αράβησε δε τέυχε' επ αυτωι·
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60 αρμΟllίδεω O~ χερσιν επ[στατο δάι8αλα παντα
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74 αντικρυ δ αν oδoνTα~ ϋπο Υλωσσαν τάμε xαλKO~·
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95 τον 8' ωr ουιι ενοησε λυκάοvοr αΥλαοr vιοr
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125 'f'ev "/άρ τοι στήθεσσι μενo~ πατρώϊοll ηίκα ΙCαTω
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130 μη τι σύ Υ' αθαιιατοισι θεoι~ αντικρυ μαχεσθαι
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205 τ6ξοισι(ιι πισ]vν[Q]~ [α] τα 8ε μ ουκ αρ εμελλεν οιιήσε(ιν

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210 ηματι τ[ω] ελδμην οτε εrλιον [Etr ερ]ατεινην
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215 ει μη εΥω τά8ε τ6ξα φαεινα/ εν πυρ ι (θέ]ιην
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250 θυνε δι[α] προμαχων μ[η πωr φιλον ητορ ο]λεσσηr
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255 (οκνειω 8 ιππων επιβαινεμεν αλJ~~ και tl[VTror] [~JlT[]
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[αλλο 8ε ΤΟΙ ερΕω συ Β ειιι φρεσι βαλλε]ο σηισιll·
260 [αι κεν μοι πoλυβoυλo~ αθηιιη κυ8ο]$' ορεξη
[αμφοτερω κτειναι συ δε τουσ8ε με,,) OOKEaS' ΙΠΠΟVS'
[αυτου ερυκακεειν εξ αιιτυΥΟ$' 1]νια] τΕινα$'·
α[ινειαο 8 επαιξαι μεμllημενo~ ιππω]ιι·
ε(κ δ ελασαι τρωων μετ Εvκνημι8αr] αχαιοϋ$'
265 τ[ηS' Υαρ τοι yEVE1]S' ηS' τρωι περ ΕVΡvοπJα (evS'
ο
8ω~ υ[ Lor ΠΟΙIΙ1]ν Ύανυμη8εο$' OVIIEK] άpισT~Ι

ιππων [οσσοι Εασιν υπ ηω τ ηελιον τε]·
τη$' ΎΕν[εηS' Ειcλεtεν αιιαξ αν8ρο>ιι α]ΥχεισηS'
λάθρη [λαομε80ντο$' υποσχων θ1]λε ]aS' ΙΠΠΟVS'
270 των ό[ι ε, ΕΎενοJl"Ο ενι μεΥaροισι ΎΕιι]έθλη
-rovr μ[εll] τε[σσaΡaS' avror εχωιι aτιταλ]λ' επ[ι] φάτνηι·
τω δε δΙυ] αινεια [Βωκεν μηστωρε φοβ]οι[ο
ε[ι τουτω) κε λάβοι[μεν αροιμεθα ΚΕ κλεοr εσθλον
[mr οι μεν] τοιaυτα [προ$' αλληλοvS' αΥορευ)ον
275 [τω δε ταχ] ΕΥ[Υjvθεv [ηλθον ελαυνοιιτ] ωκέα$' ιππ(ο]v[r)
[τον προτερ]ο$' [προσεειπε λV]ΚάΌνοr αΥ[λ ]aoS' υιο[ S'
Ε
[καρτεροθυμε 8aιφροJl αΥaυου 7v8]EoS' vtoS'

[η μαλα σ ου βελοS' ωκυ 8αpaJu[ua]T[O Π]ΙΚΡο[r] οίΤσ]τό[r
Col. ΧΙΙ.
[βεβληαι] ~~[Jlεωνa διαμπεΡεr ου8ε σ οειω

ν
285 [8]η[ροιι ε]τ ασ[χησεσθαι Εμαι δΕ μεΥ EυXO~ ε8ωKa~

(το]ν 8 ου τaρβ[ησa$ προσεφη KpaTEpor 8ιoμη8η~
[η]μβΡοτε(S'] οvί8 ETVXES' αταρ ου μεν σφωι Υ οειω

[π]ρ[ν Υ απο[παυσεσθαι πριν Υ η ετερον Υε πεσορτa
[at]paTOS' α[σ)α[ι αρηα ταλαυρινον πολεμιστην
1rο(ιητ/s) 290 (roJS' φαμενοr π[ροεηκε βελοS' 8 ιθυνεν αθηνη
[ρι]να παρ οφθ[αλμον λευκουr 8 επερησεν 080VTaS'
τ[ο]υ 8 απο μεν [Υλωσσαν πρυμιιην ταμε χαλκοS' ατεΙΡηr
α[ι]χμη 8' εξελ[υθη] π[αρα νειατον ανθερεωνα
ηριπε 8 εξ οχ[ εω]ν· αραβησ[ε 8ε τευχε επ αυτω
295 α[ι]6λα παμφαν6ωντα· παρε(τ]ρε[σσαν 8ε οι ιπποι
Ύ ωκύπ08εS'· του 8' αυθι λυθη ψυχή τε [pevor τε
/ a[t]V[E]tar 8' απόρουσε συν ασπί8ι 80[υρι τε μακρω

[8]e[tu]ar μή πωS' οι ερυσαιατο νεκρον [αχαιοι
α[μ]φ[ι] 8' aρ αυτωι βαΊνε λέων OJS' αλκ(ι πεποιθωS'
300 [προσ]θε 8ε οι 86ρυ τ' εσχε και ασπ![δα παντοσ εισην
[τον] κτάμεναι peparoS' or Tlr ,[ου] Υ' a[VTlor ελθο!
[σμερ]8αλεα ϊαχων· Ο 8ε χερμ( α8ιο]ν λ( αβε χειρι
[τυ8]ει8ηr μεΥα εΡΥΟll ο ου 8ύο Υ' αίν8ρε φεροιεll
CoI. XIV.
[αιψα 8ε τυ8ει8ην μεθεπε ΚΡα]τεΡώllυχα[S' ιππουr
330 (eppeparoS' ο 8ε κυπριν επωχετο ν]ηλεί χα(λκω
(ΥΙΥνωσκων ο τ αvaλκιr εην Oeor ου J8e θε[ αων
[ΠΡυμνον υπερ θεναροS' ρεε 8 αμβροτον αιμα θε]οίο

340 (ιχωρ Olor περ τε ρεει μακαρεσ]σι θεοισιν·
[ου Υαρ σιτον ε80υσ ου πιν]ουσ' άιθο[π]α οΙνον·
[τουνεκ avatpoVES' εισι και] αθάνατοι καλεορται·
[η δε μεΥα ιαχουσα απο ΕΟ καβ]βαλε[ν υ]ι6ν·
[και τον μεν μετα χερσιν ερ]υσατ(ο] φ[6]ιβοS' απ6λ[λων
345 [κυανεη νεφελη μη TtS' 8αν]αων ταχυπώλω[ν
[χαλκον ενι στηθεσσι βαλων] ΕΚ θυμ[ο]ν [ε]λοιτο
[τη 8 επι μακρον αυσε βοην a]yttO[oS' 8ι]ομή8ηS'
[εικε 8tor θυΥατερ πολεμου και 8ηιο]τητο[ rJ
[η συχ αλι~ σττι ιyυναΙKα~ αναλκι]8α~ ηπεpoπ~υε[ι~

350 [ει 8ε συ 'Υ ε~ πολεμον πωλησεαι η τ]ε σ οειω
[ΡΙΥησειιι πολεμον ιΥε και ει Χ Ε]τερ[ωθι πύθ]?J[αι
Col. XV.
[
[την μεν αρ l]e![~ ελoυ]~[α πo8ηιιεμo~ εξαΥ ομειλου
(αχθομειιη)!, ~?[υνησ]~ J:l~[λαι]vε[το 8ε χροα καλοιι
355 (ευρεν επειτΊα μαχη[r] επ αριστερ[α θoΊ~[poν αρηα
[ημενον η JEpt 8 Eyxor ε[K]εKλ~ΙTO] και ταχ[ε ιππω
[η 8ε Υιιυξ ερι]πουσα καισΙΥιιητοιο Φ]ιλοισ
[πολλα λισσο]μέιιη ΧΡυ[σ]αμ[π]υκαr ήτεειι [ιππoυ~
[TJE
[φιλε κασΙΥ]νητε· κ(ο]μ!(σ]αι τε με 80~ 8ε μ~[ι] ι[ππουr
360 [οφρ er ολυμπο]ιι ϊκωμ~[ι] rv αθαιιάτ[ω]ν ε8σ[~ εστι
Q,L
(λειηιι αχθο]με ε[λ]KO~ [ο] με βΡΟΤ[Ο]S- 6υτασειι [αιιηρ

[Tυ8ει8η~ os- ιι]ύιι [ιΥε και] α[ν 8ιι] πατρι [μΊάχο[ιτο
[ooS- φατο τη 8 αρ]ηr 8[ωκε Χ]Ρ[υ]σιtμπυκα[r ιππoυ~
[η 8 ES- 8ιφρον εβαιιιενJ α[ κη ]χεμ[ ενη φιλοιι ητορ
365 [παρ 8ε οι ιpι~ εβαι]ν[ε και ηιιι Ία λά[(ετο χειρι
[μαστιξεν 8 ελααν] τω 8 ουκ [ακο]lIτε ~ ετεσθην
[αιψα 8 επειθ ικ]οιιτο θεων ε80~ α[ιπ]υν ο[λυμποιι
[ενθ ιππου)r ~σTη[σJe π[οJ8ήνεμο~ ω[ κ Jea [tptr
λυ[σασ εξ oxeJroJI8 παρα 8 [αJμβροσιον βαλεν ε(ί'8αρ
'ΠΕ'ί
370 η Κ (ειι ιΥουν]ασ[ι] πτε 8[ι]ωνη[r] 8~~ α[~]φ(po]8[ει]ήη
μη[τροr εηr η] ~ o.ΙYKar [ελ)~[(ε]TO θυΥατ(ε]ρα [ην
χε[ιρι τε μιν] κατέρ(εξειι εποr] τ έφατ [εκ] τ [ονομα(ε
;[lr νυ σε τοια]8 έp~ξε φι(λο]ν TEKOr ου(ρανιωνων
μ[ atl8tror ror] ει τι κακοιι ρε(ουσαιι [ενωπη
Col. XVII.
εν [πυλω εν νεκυεσσι βαλων 08υιιησιιι ε8ωΚΕΙΙ
~[υTα]p [ο] f!r.ι [πρo~ 8ωμα 8tor και μακροιι ολυμποll
κηρ' αχέωll [08υνησι πεπαρμενοS' - αυταρ OtUTor
400 ώμω ενι στι[βαρω ηληλατο κη8ε 8ε θυμον
ΙΙ0 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
τωι 8 e'!ft] Πl!-[Ι]?7[ων 08υνηφατα Φαρμακα πασσων

ηκέ[σατ ου μεν yap τι καταθνητοr Υε TεrυKTO
σχέτλ[ιοr οβΡιμοεΡΥοr or ουκ οθετ αισvλα ρε(ωll
[oS'] τ6ξοι( σιν ειcη8ε eeovr οι ολυμπον εχουσι
405 [uoJt 8' επ[ι τουτον αιιηΚΕ θεα Υλαυκωπιr αθηνη
(νήJπ[ tor ου8ε το οι8ε κατα φρενα Tv8eor vtor
CoI.XVIII.
420 [τοισι 8ε μυθων ηρχε θεα Υλαvκω]πιr αθ(ηνη
[(ευ πατερ η ρα τι μοι κεχολωσεαι] σττι ιc[εν ειπω
3 lines lost.
425 [ΠΡοr χρυσεη περονη ΙCαTαμυξαTO χει]ρα [αραιην
(ror φατο μει8ησεll δε πατηρ αν8ρω]!, ΤΕ θε[ων ΤΕ
[και ρα καλεσσαμεvοr προσεφη χρ]!'[σ]πν (αφρ08ειτην
[ου ΤΟΙ τεκνον εμον 8ε80ται ποJλεμηϊ[ α εΡΥα
(αλλα συ Υ ιμεροεντα μετερχεο] εΡΥα Υα(μοιο
-430 (ταυτα 8 αρηι θοω και αθηνη πα]ντα μελ[ησει
[ror οι μεν τοιαυτα ΠΡοr αλληλουr αΥ]ορευο[ν
[αινεια 8 επορουσε βοην ayaeotJ 8ιο]μή[ 8ηr
[ΥΙΥνωσκων ο οι aVTOr υπειρεχε] XELpar απ( ολλων
[αλλ ο Ύ αρ ου8ε θεον μεΥαν α (ετο) ιετ[ο] ~ αε[ι
435 [αινειαν κτειναι και απο κλυ'Τ]α τέυχεα [8υσαι
(Tptr μεν επει'Τ επορουσΕ κατακ]τάμε[ναι μενεαινων
[Tptr 8Ε οι εστυφελιξε φαεινην ασ]πι8' απο[λλων
[αλλ οτε 8η το τεταρτον επεσσυτο 8ά]ιμονι ε[ισοr
[8εινα 8 ομοκλησαr προσεφη EKa]epyor απ[ολλων
440 [φρα{εο τυ8ει8η και χα{εο μη 8]ε θεοισ[ι]ν
(ισ εθελε φρονεΕιν επει ου πατ]ε φϋ(λ]ον όμ[οιον
(αθανατων τε θεων χαμαι ερχομενω]ν Τ α[νθρωπων
Col. ΧΧΙΙΙ,
[αφνειοr βι6]το( ιο yevor 8 ην ΕΚ ποταμοιο

545 [αλφειου or τ ευ]ρυ ρ[εει πυλιων 8ια Υαιηr
[or τεκετ ΟΡιΤ)ίλοχ[ον πολεεσσ αν8ρεσσιν ανακτa

[ΟΡσιλοχοS' 8 αρ] ετι[κτε διοκληα μεΥαθυμον
[εκ δε διοκλη ]0$ ~[ι8υμαo"ε παιδε ΥενΕσθην
Col. ΧΧΙΧ.
[ουτε ποτ αντεφεροllΤΟ μαχη αλλ αΙΕII ο]πίσσω

[χα(ονθ mr Επυθοντο μετα τρωεσσι]ν αρη[α]·
[ΕlIθα τινα πρωτοll τινα 8 υστατον εξ]εvάΡ[ι]ξεν
[εκτωρ τε πριαμοιο παιr και χαλκ]eοr αΡ[ηr]·
705 [ανTιθ~oν τευθραllΤ επι 8ε πληζΙΠ]7![ον ορεστηll
1-24. The beginnings of the lίnes of this column, \\,hich have been restored ίη a later
hand (cf. introd.), are marked off ίη the text by a perpendicular line.
4. ~α" οι: ~αί€ ΟΙ R., MSS. (~αΙE ~E ο" Amb.).
8. ωρσΕ: there is ηο known variant here. What was first written seems to have been
a mere blunder, like μι" ίη 12.
12. αποl(ρl."θΙJlΤΕ: πο above the line is written ίn lighter ink than the other additions at
the beginning of this column, and seems to be subsequent to them. The initial α has
been converted from an original ο. The insertion of JJ is due to the second hand.
16. The reading of the first hand τυδιιδΙα/ θ is peculiar to this MS. Tυ~ιίδιω ff R.
23. ηφησΤΟ$: 1. ~HΦαισTO~.
3 ι. τιιχισιπλητα, the reading of the first hand, ίΒ preferred by R. (so ALM): τιιχισιβλητα
Zenodotus. The second ο of βροτολΟΙΥΙ ίΒ wrongly marked long.
32. ιασομιll is a mistake; ίάσαιμεν R.
33. The corre.ction is by the second hand.
39. There is a mark over ι( of εκβα'λι which could be read as 'Υ (ί. e. ε'Υβαλε); but it
maγ be accidental.
40. The accentuator has taken μιταφΡΙllω as t\VO words; so too Genav. μιτά φρέιιφ.
The normal accentuation appears ϊn 56.
42. This line, δοίιπησιll δε πισώll, άράβησΕ ~ε τιύχι) έπ" αιιτφ, is also omitted by AC
To\vnl. Eton, and is bracketed by R.
43. 'TΙl(ToJlO~, the reading of the first hand, is found as a correction ίn Η. .It ηο doubt
came ίn from 59. MnovoS' R., with other MSS.
47. ιιλεll: ιΙλι R. with ACEGMN.
53. The interchange of αι and Ε is fairly frequent ίη this MS., especially before a
following vowel; but Ε more commonly appears for αι than vzce versa; cf. 89, 128, 142,
172, 173, 203, 218, 227,246,361.
54-. Υ' ιl(ι/(αστο: so vulg., ')'Ε Κ€Kαστo R.
57. The papyrus agrees \vith Α and other MSS. ίη omitting the repetition of 41 here.
The line is bracketed by R.
58. πpηνή~': the grave accent was probably placed upon the first syllable before it
was observed that the word was followed by a stop (cf. 13); the acute accent was then added
οη the final syllable, as is usual ίn this papyrus (cf. introd.). Theoretically, of course, all
syllables that do not bear the acute (or circumflex) accent tnay have the grave.
63. αι: the vestiges above α may be the remains of either a breathing or an accent.
64. The correction is by the second hand.
θΕσπατα: 1. θέσΦατα. ηδει: so CMN Harl. ffδlJ L, Ηδη R.
68. vvξ: 1. Υνύξ. αμφΕκaλυ",Εν: αμΦεκάλυψε R. with AEGHMNO.
7ι. The deletion of Ε is due to the corrector.
72. ιcλΙTO~: KλυTO~ R, and so the papyrus ίη 45.
75. The omission of this line, ηΡΙΠΕ δ' έν κοvίn~ ψυχρδν PJ' ελΕ χαλκον ό~oυσιν, is peculίar
to the papyrus; cf. 83.
83. The corrector wished to insert line 75 betweeη 83 aηd 84. He accordiηgly
wrote it out ίη the upper margin, placed a mark of omission ίn front of 83, and wrote
aνω (' see above ') at the end of the same line; cf. 126.
87. αν: ~μ R., and so the papyrus ίη 96.
89. 1. ο/έΦυραι έΕΡΥμέναι. έΕΡΥμέναι MSS., έΕρμένaι Aristarchus, R.
90. Before ουτ has beeη placed a stroke like an iota, which seems to be a critical
sign; cf. 147. ισχι: ίσΧΕΙ R.
92. πολλα θ': πολλα δ' MSS., R.; cf. 16.
κaλ': the first hand wrote τηλ, which has been altered by the corrector. ιcάλ'
R., MSS.
98. The unelided Ε (cf. 252) was deleted by the cOITector, who, however, failed to
notice the trebled σ ίn the following word. ~
102. The reading of the first hand ορνυσθαι may be a genuine variant (inf. for imper.),
οτ merely another case of confusion between αι and f.
104. ~ηθα σχησ(ε)σθαι: or δηθ α(ν}σχησ(ε)σθαι; cf. 120, 285. α1lσχήσεσθαι R. μEνo~:
βE'λo~ MSS. (except Genav., which also has μένo~), R. Didymus says that βέλo~ was
the reading of Aristarchus, οη which R. remarks 'de alia scriptura nihil est tl"aditum.' 1t
has been supposed that the variant rejected by Aristal"chus was Tέλo~. The agreement of
the papyrus with the Genavensis now makes it certain that it was μένo~.
105. απopνυμενo~: άπορνύμευον MSS., R.
115. μοι: so ACDGHL. μΕυ R., with ΝΟ Cant. Hal"l. μου Μ.
ι 17. The first haηd wrote φιλε, which has been converted by the corrector to Φιλαι.
φίλαι R, with ΑΝ. ΦίλΕ D, φίλΕ' CGHLMO, &c. The reading of the first hand may
of course be due to the iηterchange of Ε and αι; cf. 89, 128.
ι ι 8. τον ~ε ΤΕ μ ανδρα: the same reading is recognized by Schol. Α ad loc., and ad
Ιl. xv. ι ι 9. δo~ δέ τέ μ' MSS., R.
119. Φησιν: so ΜΝΟ; φησι R., with ACDGL.
120. ανσχησεσθαι, which was first written, was due to a reminiscence of 285. The
scribe then began to write ovel" the line the whole word οψεσθαι, but, remembering that
this was unnecessary, stopped at θ, and crossed out σθ. He ought to have deleted the
Ε also.
126. The line omitted ίn the text has been supplied ίη cursive ίn the lower margin;
cf. 83. The omission is not suppOIted by other MSS.
127. αxλυrι: αχλV7J δ' MSS., R.
128. yεινωσKOΙ~: yινώσKOΙ~ ACDG, &c.; the optative is also supported by L and
a variant ίn Η. The subjunctive ίΒ Iead ίη ΕΜΝΟ Lucian Χίί. 7, Plato Alcz'b. ίί. Ι50 D.
ιoιιyνώσιcy~ R. ειμΕ1l: ήμεν MSS., R.
Κι: 1. και; cf. 53.
132. χaλκφ is the reading of the MSS. and R. This correction appears to be by a
later hand tban most of the rest; cf. introd.
ι 33. l'λαvκωπι~ is written over an erasure.
ι 40. (jV~Tat: the termination σι has been written by the corrector ovel" ~, as ίn 1 r 7.
141. ανxησT~Ιllαι: so most MSS.; άΎχιστίllαι R., with D. ΤΕτανται is a reading peculiar
to the papyrus; κ'χι,υται MSS., R.
142. 1. ίξάλλΕται.
147. ωμου has been corrected to ωμοι. Φμον MSS., R.
151. ιξΕναριξΕν: the finalv has been added by the corrector. /ξΕνάριξΕ ACGHMNO,
R.; ΕξΕνάριξΕII D.
152. υΕΙΕ: υΤΕ R.; and this is the usual spelling of the papyrus.
164. αεκοvτas-: for the retention οΕ the rough breathing ϊη compound wol"ds cf.
15 προ1ΕΙ, 183 Εισδροων, and ccxxi. XIV. 2, note.
166. The first hand wrote αλαΠΕζοντα, which has been altered by the corrector.
ι 7 Ι. που τοι: πον σοι was original1y written; the correction may be by the first hand.
ι 72. 1. lρl(Εται; cf. 53.
ι 73. oυ~ι: the first hand appears to have made some muddle ίn writing δ: anyhow
the corrector considered the result insufficiently clear. 1. ευχεται.
175. κραΤΕΕΙ has been converted by the corrector from κραΤΕί.
176. ΕλυσΕ: fλυσEν MSS., R.
177. εστι, the reading of the first hand, is col"rect.
ι 78. ΕΠΙ: there seems to be ηο support for the original l"eading απο.
182. ΥΕΙ1Ιωσκω1l: Υινώσκ.ω1l Α, and most of the MSS., ΥΙΥιιώσκων R., \vith CL, &c.
183. ιπποt'~ ~: 80 Μ. The corrector's reading ιππoυ~ τ is Ρrefeιτed by R., \vith the
I"est of the MSS.
189..JE: thel"e are indications that the 8uperfluous word or syllable was struck OUt.
196. εστασι: the deletion of the original final v is probably due to the correctol"
199. The superfluous α at the end of the line was 8truck out by the first hand.
200. τρωεσσιν ανα: ΤρώΕσσι κατα MSS., R.
201. ΠΕιθομη1l: 80 Μ; πιθ6μην R.
203. ΕδμευΕ: 1. εδμευαι. αδδην: 80 m08t MSS.; ί/.δην R.
205. lt ί8 doubtful whether τοξοισι or τοξοισιν was read by the papyrus. The MSS.
are divided οη the point. τόξοισιυ R. The deletion of α before τα ίΒ probably by the first
hand. εμΕλλΕν: 80 ADEO; εμιλλον R., with CGHLMN.
2 05 mg. Ε ίn αινΕισν is corrected from α.
210. The first hand apparently wrote Υ ϊλιον (80 G), Υ being subsequently altered
(probably by the corrector) to Ε. 6ΤΕ "Ιλιον R.
212. οφ]θαλμοισιν: όΦθαλμο'ίσι R., ,vith ACDEGMNO.
218. μη (jΊ: 80 MSS.; μη δη R.
22 Ι. ΕπιβησΕαι: lπιβήσΕΟ MSS", R.
222. οί οΙ: οίοι R., with MSS.
225. κυδ[or]: the termination must have been unusually cramped to have been con-
tained ίn the available space.
227. Επιβησομ(αι ), the reading of the first hand, was preferred by Zenodotus, and
occurs ίη COS Cant. Vrat. c. Mosc. ι. 3. άποβήσομαι R., with Aristarchus and most l\lSS.
231. vJπo: tJq/ R.; ci: 266 ~ωK v[tor.
234. ποθΕονlΤΕς: so DE 557, 31 L; 'ΠοθέΟ'ΙΙΤΕ R.
244. αll8ρ': a mark of elision ,vas first mistakenly inserted between ~ and ρ.
245. eXOVTαr: 80 most MSS.; fX01lTf R., with GMN Har}. Μόsc. ι. Vrat. b. Lesbonax
ΠΕρΊ σχημάτων ρ. 186.
Ι
246. 1. ε1Jχεται.
247. μ[ε]ν αμ[υ]μοvο[s-: 80 AGLMNO, &c.; μεΥαλήrοΡΟS- R., with Α sup. DHS schol.
ad 11. χίχ. 291. Rhet. Gr. Ηί. 154, 7.
252. οιω: οειω is written when the word is a trίsγΙΙabΙe, e. g. 350. The marginal
note may perhaps be intel"preted Διομή~ηs- π[ρ(ος)] ~ίoν Σθένε(λου); but ~ίoν is not very
satisfactory, since that epithet is not applied to Sthenelus by Homer, nor are epithets
introduced into the other marginal entries. πρ(ος) τον cannot be read. The letter before
v transcribed as ο might possibly be α/.
255. The scribe began writing line 256 at the end of 1. 255.
257. ωJKEar ιππους, the original reading here, is also found ίη C, where, too, οι is
written above the termination ους. The correction ίη the papyrus is probably not by the
first hand, but there is too little of it left to make it possible to speal{ with certainty.
266. The reading of the fiIst hand \\'as αριστοι. The ο of the termination was altered
to α by the corrector, and above this is written, presumably by a third hand, another letter,
which may be ο or ω. lI.ριστοι R., MSS.
277. υιέ MSS., R.
293. εξελ[υθη]: so ΑΗΜ and other MSS., and Aristarchus; Εξεσύθη R., with
CDEGLNO Vrat. a. Α. Lucian 60, 27, and Zenodotus.
295. Over the first ρ of παρε[τ]ρε[σσαν there is a mark like a heavy gι-aνe accent, which
seems accidental. .
352. 1ι is possible that this line was included ίη Col. XIV, and that Col. χν began
with 353.
359. The overwritten [τ]ε is probably not by the first hand. τε is the reading of C ;
δέ R., with the rest of the MSS.
363. τη ~ αρ]ης: the size of the Iacuna makes it certain that thi.s was the reading of
the papyrιIS; 80 ADLMN. rfi ~> tIp' ~Άpης R., with CGHOS Cant. Vrat. b. Mosc. Ι.
366. [ακο]ρτε: the space is insufficient for [αειcoJVTE, which is read by R., with GO Cant.
Barocc. Rhet. Gr. ίίί. 233, ι 6. ί1κυντ~ is found ίn the majority of the MSS. .
370. δη looks rather as if it had been altered by a later hand fΙ-Οηι an original ~η; or
~ει may have been written and ε subsequently struck out. The papyrus is much rubbed ίη
this part. The superfluous θ (?) follo\ving- may be accounted for by 8upposing that the
scribe began to write ~ία θΕάων.
398. 1f the papyrus agreed with the ordinary text, the columns became rather shorter
at this point, χνιι containing twenty-three lines, and χνι and χνιιι only twenty-
two each.
399. ιcηρ': 80 AC. κηρ R.
425- The letters ρα, which are all that is left of thi8 line, may belong to the word άραιήν.
434. af[t: αΙει R.
703. εξ]ιναρ[ι]ξιν: so DEHLNOS Cram. Αη. Par. iiί. 278, 16; Εζενάριξαν R., with
ACGM l\ιlor. Barocc. Harl. Lips.
CCXXIV. EURIPIDES, Phoenissαe.
23·5 χ 21·3 cm.
Parts of two columns, containing lίnes 1017-1043 and 1064-107 ι of

Euripides' Phoen'lssae, written ίη a large, heavy, formal uncial resembling that of
FRAGMENTS OF ΕΧΤΑΝΙ' CLASS/CAL AUTHORS 115
the great Biblical codices and the Demosthenes fragment facsimίled ίη ο. Ρ. Ι.

Plate 111. Like that fragment the present papyrus was found with documents
belonging to the later Roman period, and the date of both is certainly not
posterior to 300 A.D., while the evidence is at present all against assigning this
style of uncial to an earlier date than the third century. Stops, a few accents,
and the dots apparently denoting a correction ίη 1036 and 1037 have been
inserted afterwards ίn lighter ink, pt·obably by a second hand, which also added
ίη cursive the name of the speaker ίη 1067. The apostrophe separating the Υ
and μ of σTευαyμo~ ίn 1039 α (the use of which makes it pl·obable that the papyrus
is not older than the third century) is by the original scribe.
The papyrus is sometimes superior to the MSS., but shares some of their
blnnders and introdnces others of its own; and the stops are not very accurately
placed. Both the high and the low points occur, and it is possible that some of
those which we haνe printed as high, are ίntendε'd for points ίη the middle
of the line; cf. introd. to ccxxvi. Stops may have been 108t at the ends of lines
1024, 1028, 1029, 1039, ~°41.
Col. Ι.
1017 [πατρι8ι] κακω[ν α]ν α[ι πο]λιs- ελασσοιιωll·

[πειρωμ]ειιαι [1']0 λο[ ιπο]ν ευτvx[ ο]ιεν αll·
[ε]βαS' [εβ]αS'· ω [πτε]ρουσσα yar λοχευμα·
1020 [V]ePT(eJpOV Τ e[Xl]8vαS'.
[κα]8με[ι ]ων α[ρ]παΥα·
[π]ολVWΟΡΟ$ πολvστονοS'·
[μι ]ξοπαρθεll[ ο ]S'.
8αιον TEpaS'
1024 α Φοιτασιll πτ[ ε ]potS'·
1025 χ[ α]λαισι τ ωμ[ο ]UlTOtS'·
8ιρκ.αιω[ ν α π]ΟΤ εκ
[Τ]οπων veovr πε8αιρου
(σ] αλυρο[ν α]μφι μουσαν
[ο]λομεll[αν] τ [epLIlJvll
[ε]φ[εΡ]ε(s- εφερεs- αχεα] πατρι8ι·
[φοιιια ΦΟVΙΟS' εκ] θεα/ΙΙ·
[os-J τα8 ην ο [ΠΡα]ξαS'·
Ι 2
ιαλε8εμοι δε μ[α]τερων· Col. 11.

ιαλ(ε]8ε[μοι) 8ε [παρ]θενων·
1035 εστεναξαν ο[ιJKO( Ι]S-•• ορμη[σασ •••
ιηιηι·ηι·ον βοαν· οθε[ν ..•
[ιη ]Ι1]ι·ηι·ο(ν) μελοS'· [αρπαΥαισι •
[ αλJλοs- αλλον επωτοτυξε· _αΥΥ]ελ(οs) ωη· r[lS' εν .••
8ta8oXats- αι'α [πτ)ολιν · [αΊνΟ[ΙΎετ · • •
βρονται δε στε[ν ]αΥ' μοS' ωη μα(λ ••.
αχα{ τ ην ομοι[ o]S- εξελθ α[κουσον .
οποτε πολεοs- α[Φ]ανισειεν (λη]ξ(ασ •••
a πτερ6υσσα πΙaΡθεvο]S- τιν αν( δρων
χρονωι δ εβα π[υθιαι~ αποστολαισιν
Ι Ο 17. πολιs': Ι e. πόλΕLS-.

1019. ΠΤΕρουσσα: this spelling is correct. The MSS. here and ϊη 1042 have
ΠΤΕρουσα.
1022. πολvφΟΡοr appears to be a mistake for πολύΦθΟΡοr, which iS found ίη some MSS.,
most of which place πολύστοvοr first. Other MSS. have πoλVμ.oxθo~.
1023. μιξoπαpθEνo~: the MSS. are divided between this and μιξοπάρθΕ'Ρον.
1024 a. Ψοιτασιν: ψοιτάσι MSS.
1027-8. ΠΕδαιρουl[σ] αλυρον: MSS. ΠΕδαΙρουσ' Ι ίJ.λυpoν. Ιn lyrics the papyrus scribes
felt little difficulty ίn dividing a word between two lines; witness the Bacchylides papyrus
pαssz·m.
1033, 4. ιαλΕ(JΕμοι: a blunder for ΙάλΕμοι.
1035. ΕσΤΕνaξαν: 'στέναζον MSS. Cf. 1038.
1036, 7. The dots placed ση either side of the third ηι indicates that the letters ία
question were to be omitted. 1t is more usual under these circumstances to put the dots
over the letters to be cancelled. But cf. Ο. Ρ. Ι. χνί ίη which letters to be omitted are placed
bet\veen dots and have a line drawn over them. The revised reading of the papyrus ίη
1036 is therefore ιηιηιον βοαν, the metre of which is correct. The MSS. have Ιήϊον βοάν or
ηϊον βοάν, from which Grotius conjectured Ιήϊον βοάν, βοάν. The same holds good of 1037,
ιηιηιον μΕλος.
1038. αλλον: so the 1\1:58. άλλ' (Valckenaer) is necessary οη metrical grounds.
~πωToτυξ~: ΕπωτότυζΕ MSS. Cf. 1035.
1040. αχαι : i.e. άx~. The MSS. have Ιαχά which wil1 not scan. Musgrave con-
jectured άχά.
1041. πολΕΟS-: sO,Porson corrected the unmetrical πόλ~ωS' of the MSS.
αφανισΕΙΕν: 80 the MSS" corrected by Musgrave to άΨανίσ~ι'.
1042. ΠT~poυσσα: cf. note οη 1019.
ccxxv. THUCYDIDES, 11. 90-91 ..

ι 3 χ 5·4 cm. Plate V.
Ends of fifteen 1ines and beginnings of fifteen more, containing parts of

ch. 90-91 of Thucydides Book 11, written ίη a good-sized and handsome, bnt
not very formal type of uncial, belonging to the middle or latter part of the first
century A.D. It is thus of about the same date as the much larger fragment of
the fourth Book printed ίη ο. Ρ. Ι. xvi. Like that MS. the present papyrus is
a good text and supports the veIIum MSS. οη the whole, whiIe just as the other
papyrus by omitting gTL removed an anacoluthon, so ίη CoI. 11. 9 here a some-
what harsh construction κaτα σύυεσιυ is got rid of by the new reading &μυυουμΕυαι
for άμυυούμευοι. Ιη cases where the MSS. differ, the papyrus does not con-
sistently agree with any one, but is nearest to C, the Laurentian codex.
Col. Ι. Col 11.

[λaS' επικαταλαβοll]τεr την επισ[τροφηll ε~ την
[εξεοοσαll τε ΠΡΟΥ τη ]11) ευρυχοορι[ αν και φθαιιου
[Υηll υποφευΥουσαΥ και] 8ι q-l αυτου(Υ πλην μιaΥ lIε
(εφθειραν αν8ραΥ τε Τ]ΟΟIl Q)r προ[ καταφυΥουσαι
5 [αθηναΙα/1I απεκτει JlIall 5 ΠΡΟΥ τ[ ηll ναυπακτον

[οσοι μη egEIlEvuall] αυ) και σχουσαι ανίτιπρωροι.
(τωιι και τωll ιιεων τ]ιιιαΥ κατα το απολ(λωιιιοll
[ανα80υμενοι ειλκ]οιι) παpεσιcευa{[ οντο αμυ

[KEvar μιαν 8ε aυΤΟΙ]Υ αν ιιουμειιαι ηll [Er τηιι
10 [8ρασιll ειχον η8η τ]αΥ 10 'Ίην επι σφαS' [πλεωσιll
[8ε Tινa~ οι μεσσηllΙ]οι οι 8ε παραΥΕΙΙ[ομειιοι
(παραβοηθησαllτεΥ] και υστερον επαι(α/ιιι(ον
[ΕπεσβαινοllτεΥ ξυιι] ΤΟΙΥ τε αμα πλεοιιτ[εΥ ωΥ νΕ

[οπλοιr εΥ τηll θαλασσ]αιι νΙKηKOTε~ κ(αι την μι
15 [και επιβαιιτεΥ απο τ]ωιι 15 αν ιιαυ/l τ(ωll αθη
Ι. It is possibIe that τηιι Υη]ιι should

3. The supplement is rather long for the lacuna.
be read ίη the previous
line, and that τ~ was omitted.
~ιl[ΕΦθΕιραν J:the
MSS. vary between the aorist and imperfect and between the
simple and compound verb, ιφθΕΙΡΟJl being the commonest reading.
10. η8η, which has been omitted by some editors, must certainly have been read by
the papyrus.
11. Ι. επισ[τροΦην: the MSS. vary between this and ύποστροφην.
2. φθαυου]σι: Φθάvοvσιv MSS. Cf: ο. Ρ. Ι. χνί where ίn five cases v 'φελιcuστιιcόv is
added by the second hand.
5. προ!;: so C; the other MSS. have ,~.
6. σχοvσαι: so Μ and (as a correction) f; the others have 1σχουσαι.
7. το: so C and some others; it is omitted by most MSS.
8. αμv]vοvμευαι: the MSS. have αμυυούμενοι, which since the feminine σχουσαι (sc. νηε~)
has just preceded is a distinctly awkward construction. The removal of grammatical
difficulties here and ίn Book ιν (see introd.) ίn two Thucydides papyri, which are nοΙ
only nine centuries earlier than the oldest vellum MS. of that author, bqt are above the
ordinary standard of classical papyri ίn point of correctness, suggests that the diffi.culties of
Thucydides~ syntax may to some extent be the fault of scribes.
CCXXVI. ΧΕΝΟΡΗΟΝ, Hellen-ica, VI. 5.

14 χ 12 cm.
Three short and narrow columns, of \vhich the first two are nearly complete,
containing parts of Xenophon's Helll!1tzca, νί. 5. 7-9. The papyrus is written ίη
a medium-sized neat uncial of a rather early type, and is not later than the
second century, while it is possible that it even goes back to the end of the first.
The MS. is carefully punctuated, the high stop denoting a longer, the low stop
a shorter pause. The nse of stops is said to have been systematized by Aristo-
phanes of Byzantium who, besides the high and low stops, used a dot ίη the
middle of the line to denote a pause still shorter than the low stop. There is as
yet ηο papyrus ίη which the systematic nse of all three kinds of stops can be
clearly traced, though ccxxxi, so far as it goes, appears to keep the three classes
distinct. But the use of the high and low dots with different values is not
uncommon ίη literary papyri, e. g. the Oxyrhynchus Sappho (ο. Ρ. Ι. Plate ΙΙ),
the long Homer papyrus (ccxxiίi, Plate Ι), and the Phoenissae fragment (ccxxiv).
Mr. Kenyon's statement (Palaeography, ρ. 28) that 'this system (ί. e. that of
Aristophanes) cannot be traced ϊη extant papyri ' must now be modified. What
is really rare is a text ίη which the distinction between the high and low dots is
50 cat·efully and consistently maintained as ίη this Xenophon papyrus.
The variants of the papyrus are not many, nor important.
Col. 11.
[ου]ι< ε8ιω[ κον και
[Υαρ] ο σTα[σιππo~
FRAGMENTS OF ΕΧΤΑΝΤ CLASS/CAL AUTHORS 119
Col. 1. [ην] ΟΙΟΥ μ[η βουλε

3 or 4 lines lost. σθαι πολ[λουΥ απο
ΠΡ]οgεν[ον και 5 ΚΤΕινυνα[ι των
[καλιβιο]ν εν [TOΙ~ πολιτων· ο[ι 8ε πε
[θεαpoι]~ νομισα[ν μι "ον καλι(βιοll
[τεΥ ει] ΣVνελ θοι ο ανακεχωρ[ηΚΟΤΕr
5 [ 8ημo~]. πολυ αν ϋπο Το προ( r μαν
[τωι] πληθει κρα ι Ο τινΕιαι TE[txor και
[τησα]ι εκφερον) rar πvλα~ (ε]πε(ι ου
[ται τα] ο[πλα ι]80ν ΙCΕΤΙ avrotr οι ε)
[Tε~ 8ε] το[υτο ο]ι π(ε [να]ντιοι επεχει
10 [Ρι τον] στασιππο[ν ρουν. ησυχιαν ειχοΙ'
[και αυτοι α)νθα/( . 15 ηθpoισμεrιoι· και

[πλισ~ν]TO· και αρ[ι παλαι μεν ΕΠΕπομ
[θμο>Ι] μεν ουκ ελ(ατ .φοσαν επι TOVY)

[Toυ~] εΥενορτο· [ε μαν[τ]ινεa~ κελευ
15 [πει] μεντοι ει~ μ[ α OVTEr βοηθειγ)
[χην] ωρμησαν. τ[ον 20 πpo~ (8Je "oυ~ περι
[μεν] προgεvοv κ(αι . στaσ(ι]ππον 8ΙΕ
[αλλο]υr ολΙΥοvr μ(ΕΤ λΕΥον[τ]ο περι συ"
[αυτ)ου απ[ο]κτει) αλλαΥ[ωJv· εΠΕΙ 8ε
2Ο (νουσ]ι · TOvr 8ε αλ (ΙCaTaιpaJVEtr η(σαν
[λουΥ] τρεψ[a]μενοι 25 [οι μαvτ]ινηιr [προο-
Col. 111.
τον [ιrηr aρτε
τα[ r επι το παλ μ[ι ]8(o~ νεων κα
λαν[τιον φερου ταφυ[ yovTEr και
uar [πvλα~ και φθα Ι ο ΕΎκλ(ΕΙ(/"μενοι η
νο[υσι πριν καταλη συχ[ ιαν ΕΙΧον ο,
5 φθ[ηναι υπο των 8ε μ(Ετα8ιωgaν
8ιω[κορτο>ν ει~
We give a collation with Keller's text.

Ι. 20. 8Ε: ~' K(eller).
11. 2. Ο στα[σιπποS': TOLOVTOS' ό ΣτάσιπποS' Κ.; with the MSS.

4. απο]κτεινυνα[ι : άποl<τιννύναι Κ.
1. καλι[βιον: Καλλlβιοv Κ. -
9. μαν]τινειαι: Μαντίνειαν Κ.
16. επεπομφοσαν: έΠΕπόμΦΕσαν Κ.
18. ΚΕλfv10VΤΕS' βοηθΕιν: βοηθΕίν I<ΕλΕύΟ."ΤΕS' Κ.
25. μαντ]ιυηιS': ΜαVΤΙVΕίS' Κ.
ΙΙΙ. 8. κα] ταΦV[ΥΟVτεS' : καταφΕύΥΟVΤΕS' Κ.
CCXXVII. ΧΕΝΟΡΙ-ΙΟΝ, Oeconom-/cus, νΙΙΙ.Ι7 - ΙΧ.2.

Height 26 C1Jl.
Five incomplete columns, containing most of Xenophon's Oeconomicus νiίΙ

17-ίΧ . 2, written ίη a round uncial hand strongly resembling that of the British
Mtlseum Pap. CCLXXI, which contains the third book of the Odyssey (facsimile
ίη Kenyon, Pαlαeography, Plate χν). Mr. Kenyon, arguing from the 1ikeness of
that papyrus to Brit. Mus. Pap. CCCLIV (ορ. cit., Plate Χίν) dating from about
Β. C. 10, considers that the Odyssey papyrus was written near the beginning of
the first century, though he admits (ορ. cit. ρρ. 83-84) that Pap. CCLXXI has
some Iater characteri~tics. Tal{ing these into consideration, and also the fact
that Pap. CCLXXI is written ίη a formal hand and has scholia which cannot be
older than A.D. 50, we should prefer to admit the likelihood that it belongs to
the latter half of the first century, or even to the first two decades of the second.
Το the same period we should also assign this papyrus of the Oeconomz·cus.
The vel1um MSS. of the Oeconom-icus are bad, and the papyrns too is corrnpt
ίη several places, thongh sometimes it preserves good readings. Α few
corrections (chiefly the insertion of iotas adscript) haνe been made, probably by
a second hand.
CoI. Ι. Co1. 11.

ισxυpω~ [o]μ[ω~ σω λοll 8ε ιματί ια κε .
(ουσι την [Ta]gLlI χωρισμειια [ιδΈιιι
και υπεpφoβ~υ καν οποια η[ι κάλον
(με]νοι oμoιω~ ευ 8Ε στρωμα[τα κα
5 [ρJισκοvσι Το 8εον 5 λοll 8ε χαλκ(ια κα
λαμβανε(ι]ιι ημEΊ~ λοιι 8ε τα αμ[φι τρa
8ε και 8ιειρημ[ε] πε(α~ καλο[ιι 8Ε
lΙωll [ε]KaσTOΙ~ θη και το παιιτω[ ν κα
κων [ε]ν τηΙ ΟΙΚΙ ταΥελασειε μαλι

FRAGMENTS O}~ ΕΧΤΑΝΤ CLASSICAL AUTHORS 12Τ
10 αι μεΥ[α)λων κα[ι] βε 10 στα ουχ ο UEpvor

..
βηKυ[ια]~ Tη~ ΟΙΚΙ αλλα KOptOr καν
α~ εν 8[απε]8ωι. ΕΙ μη χιeυθραS'[ ••••. ] ε[υ
Ευρησ[ο]μΈιι ι<αλη ν ρυθμοιι φ[αινεσθ]αι
και ευ[ρ]ετον χ[ω]) eUKpLvωr κ[ει]με
15 [pJav EK[α]σTOΙ~ a[vJ) 15 var τα 8ε αλλ απο

[των πω]r ουκ αιι τουτου παντα κα[λ]
[πο]λλ[η η]μωιι α[συν) λιω Φαινεται κα
εσια ει[η] ωr μεν τα κοσμον κειμε
8η αΥαθον τεταχθ[αι] να xopor Υαρ σκευ
20 σκευων κατασΚΕυ 20 ων εκαστα φαινε
[η]ν και ωS' ραι8ιον ται κα[ι] τ[ο) μεσον

χωραν EKaUTOLS' 8ε πα[ν]τ[ων του
αυτων ευρειν εν των καλον φαιν( ε
οικιαι θειναι εκa ται εκπ08ων εκa
25 σTOΙ~ συμφερει 25 στου κειμε[ν ]ου ωσ
ειρητα[ι] OJr 8ε κα ΤΕ και κυκ[λι JoS'
< λον φαινεται εΠΕΙ xopoS' ου μονον
8αν υπ08ηματα aVTOS' καλ[ ον θ]ε
εφεξη[ S'] κεηται αμα εστιν α[λλα] και
30 καν οπ[ο]ια ηι κα 30 το μεσον αυτου
Co1. 111. Co1. IV.

κ[αλον και καθα θονταS' λαβ[ειν ε
ρον [φαινεται ε ι καστα τουτ[ου μεν
8ε [αληθη τ.αυ τοι εφην εΥ[ω ου
τα [λεΥω εξεστιν 8εν αλλο α[ιτιον
5 ω [Υυναι και π]ει 5 εστιν η ΟΤ[Ι εν χω

(ραν' λαμβανει]ν ραι εκaστον κει
[αυτων ουτε (ημ]ιω ται ΤΕταΥμενη
θεν[TaS' ουτε ΤΙ ανθρωπον 8ε Υε

πολ[λα πονησαν 'ητων και ταυ
10 TaS' [αλλα μην ου 10 τα ενιοτε αν TLS'
8ε τ[ ουτο 8ει αθυ (ητουντa πολ
μη[σαι . . . . ω yv λακιr αναπειπτοι
ναι [ . . . . . . . . . TlS πριν ευρειν

χαλ[επον •... · [και] τουτ ου8εν
15 Q)S' Η[αθησομενον 15 [αλλ]ο αιτιον εστιν
τ(ε Tar xωpα~ και [η] το μη ειναι τε
4 1ines lost. [ταΥμενον] οπου
21 πλασ[ια ημων εχει [εκαστον 8ει] αν(α
η πασ[α πoλι~ αλ [μενειν περι μεν δ]η
λ oμω[~ οποιον 3 lines lost.
αν τ[ων οικετων 23 Ι θει~ δοκω με]μνη
25 κελευ[σηr
- Col. v.
3 lines lost.
α[μηχανιαS' ευπο κ[ ι]λμασι πο[ λλoι~
5 ρι[αν τινα ευρη κεκοσμη[ ται ω
κυ[ ια και ε8ειτο σωKραTε~ α[λλα τα
μο( v ω~ ταχιστα 20 οικηματα ω[ικο
ηπε[ρ] ε[λεΥον 8ια 80μηται πρ[o~ αυ
τ[α]ξαι· κα[ι πωS' 8η το εσ/(εμμ[ενα
10 [eyJroy εφ[ην ω ισχο oπω~ αΎΥει[α ω~

μαχε 8ιατ[ αξαS' αυ (σ]υμφορωτ[ατα
τηΙ τι 8 ει μ[ η Tη~ 25 (ηι] τ[Ο]ι~ μελλ[ ουσιν
Υε otKLar τ(ην 8υ. (εν αυ JTOLS' ε[ σεσθαι
ναμιν Ε80[ξε μοι (ωστε] αυτ[α] ε[καλ;ι
15 πρω[τ]ον επ[ι8ει [τα πρ]επον[τα ει
ξαι α[υ]τηΙ ου [Υαρ ποι [ναι ε]ν εκασ[τωι
We give a collation with Dindorf's text (ed. 11, Teubner, 1873).

1. 4. ομοιωr: 8μω~ D., with MSS.
7. ~ιιιpημ[ε]νων: δΙΏρημέιιων D.
14. ιυ[ρ]ιτον: a natural blunder for ιύεύριτοιι.
2 4. ε1(ασTOΙ~: ώr έ/(άσTOΙ~ D., with MSS. The omission of ώr ίη this place is ηο doubt
due to its occurrence ίn 2 Ι.
11. 8, 9. το παντω[ν /(α~Ta')'ιλασιιι: a corruption of the MSS. reading 3 πάντων κατα
')'Ελάσειεν tJ.v.
FRA GMENTS OF ΕΧΤΑΝΤ CLASSICAL Α UTHORS 123
Σ Σ. αλλα κομψο,: αλλ' ό Koμψό~ MSS., D.

καν κυθρα, (altered to και xυθp~; the final , was converted from ι), κ:r.λ.: the MSS.
here have 8τι Kal xύτpα~ Φησιν εvρυθμοv φαΙνεσθαι εύKpινω~ Kειμένα~, which makes ΏΟ sense. The
most generally accepted emendation is φημί for φησίν (so D.). Probably the papyrus had
φησιν 1ike the MSS., but it omits 8τι; and this suggests the possibility that the words Φησιν
••• Kειμ;να~ are a gloss which has crept into the text, and that 8τι was inserted subsequently
to save the construction. KtJ.lI for καί is not found ίη prose writers of Xenophon's time.
ι 5, ι 6. τα 8ε αλλ απο τουτου παντα: τα ~ε αλλα η~η που άπό 1'OVTOV ΙΙπαvτα MSS., D., ,vhich
is not satisfactory, and is rendered still more suspicious by the omission of ή8η που ίn the
papyrus. άπό τούτου is omitted by one MS. Probably either it or η8η που is a gloss.
25. ωστε: &σπερ MSS., D.
111. 3. 8ε: ~' D.
4. There is not room for ΖΦην, which is found ίn the MSS. (so D.) after lξεστιν. It is
possible (though not probable) that ίι occurred after άληθη ίη 3.
6, 7. The MSS. have π€ίpαp λαμβάνΕΙ7Ι αύτωJl οΌ1'ε τι ζημιωθέπαr, which is too long for the
lacunae. Either τι was omitted or λαβειν was loead instead of λαμβάιιειν, ίη which case the
final ν of 6 would belong to αυτωJv.
12 sqq. The MSS. have άθυμησαι, φ γύναι, ΙΦην /Υώ, ώs- χaλεπόv εύρείv το" μαθησόμ,ενόν τε
Ta~ χώΡαr, from which the papyrus must have differed considerably.
. 2 Ι. The reading of the 1\1:S8. is 8τι μυριοπλάσια ήμων απαVTα lXfL. lJ.παvτα must have
been omitted ϊη the papyrus, probably with justice.
IV. Σ. ελ]θονταr: έλθόντα MSS., D. lt is impossible to say whether the plural is
a mistake or due to a difference ίη the preceding clause \vhich is lost ίη the lacuna.
10. The l\tISS. have και ταυτα Ενίοτε αιιτιζητουντα πoλλάKΙ~ αν τι, πρότερον ΠΡΙ7Ι εύρείυ άπείποι.
αν TΙ~ CfJTOV1lTQ and αναΠ€ΙΠTOΙ are corruptions of this reading.
14. [και] τουτ ov8EV: καΙ τούτου αδ ου8έν MSS., D. The blunder ίη the papyrus is
a natural scribe's error. Cf. note ση V. 21, 22.
V. 10. [ε)']ωγ εΦ[ην: ;φην lΥώ MSS., D. .
Ι Ι. ~ιaT[αξα,: the MSS. vary between this reading and ~ι'ταξα, (so D.).
Σ 2. ~ εΙ,: ~ε εΙ D. [Τη'J γ€ οικια,: the MSS. have Tη~ οίκία, την ~ύυαμιν, but most modern
editors have agreed with Cobet ίη inserting ')'ε after ~ύναμι7l; the papJTrus reading is probably
correct.
17. ποικ[ι]λμ,ασι πο[λλοιS': πoλλoί~ is omitted by the MSS. and D.
2 ι, 22. αvJTO εσιcεμμ[ειια: αύτό τοϋτο M8S. One of these two words was omitted ίη
the papyrus; cf. note ση IV. 14. Considerations of space make it more probable that
αΙτό was written.
28, 29. [τα πμ]επον[τa ειναf, fJv εκασ(1'ωι: τά πρέποντα Etvat έκάσrφ MSS., a reading
which will not cοnstrμe. Dindorfs suggestion ένί for εΙναι has generally been accepted
by modern editors. But Ιν έκάσ1'φ, which was almost certainly the reading of the papyrus
and had been conjectured by Schneider, is probably right.
CCXXVI11. PLATO, Lαches, 197 Α-198 Α.

25'5 χ 15 cm.
The papyrus containing the fol1owing fragment of the Laches, Τ97 Α-Ι98 Α,
includes one practically complete column, with parts of the two immediately
,adjoining it ση either side. There are also two scraps apparently from the
bottom of a fourth successive column. The papyrus is written ίη an upright

square uncial hand of medium size and graceful appearance, which may be
assigned to the second century. The occasional corrections and Iection signs
seem to be due to the original scribe. Changes of speaker are indicated by the
double point, as ίη ccxi and ccxiί. The fragment offers a rather remarkable
number of variations from the ordinary text. Besides several instances of
transposition ίη the order of words, there are a number of small differences of
reading, some of which, e. g. σJ γε- for Ιγωγ€, ϊη Col. 11. 10, may be regarded as
improvements.
Col. Ι. Col. 11.

(Toυ~ θ€Oυ~ κ Jat Ευ λ[ εΥJEL[ ~ [λοι Ε]ιΥω θ[ρασ Jea καλ[ω αν
(ω σωKpαTε~] και ημιll [8ρει]α 8ε τα [φ]ρονιμα (πε
[ωr αληθωS'] τουτ[ο] αποl<ρι [ρι ω]ν λεΥω: θεασαι ω σ)ω
[oJr K[par]ES' ω~ ε(υ ε]αvτον [ο
[ναι ω νιl<ια πο]Tερ~ σο 5 8~ ω~ ΟΙΕται κοσμε(ι) τω(ι
5 [φωτερα ημω]?, ταυτα λΟ[ΥJωι [t]ovS' 8ε παντε[S' ο
[τα θηρια εΙlΙαι φ]ηS' άπαν μο[λο]Υουσιν av8pElovS' [ει
[TES' ομολΟΥουμε]1Ι αν να[ ι] TOυTOυ~ αποστερε[ ιν
{8ρεια ειναι η πα]σιν Εναν επ( ιχ]ειρει ταvτηS' τη[ ~
[τιουμενοS' τολ ]paS' μη 10 τιμηS': ουκουlΙ σε Υε [ω
ι ο [8ε αν8ρεια αυτα] καλειlΙ : λαχηS' αλλα θαρρει [φη

[ου 'γαρ τι ΕΎωΎε ω] λαxη~ μι Ύαρ σε ειναι σοφο(ν και
[αν8ρεια καλω οJVTE θη αμαχον Ύε ει περ εστ[Ε
(ρια ουτε αλλο] το TaS' 8ει αν8ρειοι και αλλοvS' σ(V
[ν •••.•••••• μ]η φοβου 15 Xllov S' αθηναιων: [ου
15 [μενον αλλ αφοβ]!!v και 8ε1l εροο ΠΡΟS' ταυτα εχω[ν
[μωρον η και τα παι8ια) ειπειll ινα μη με φηS'
[παντα ΟΙΕΙ με α]ν8ρει roS' αληθωS' αιξωνεα ει

[α καλειll α 8ι ayJlIo[t]av ναι: μη8ε Υ ειπηS' ω λα
[ου8εν 8ε80ΙΚΕν α]λ( λ] οιμαι 20 [χ]ηS' και Υαρ μοι 80KELS' ου
20 (το αφοβον και το] q.v8pEL [8]ε ησθησθαι οτι 8η ταυ
[ον ου ταυτον εσ)τιll ε (τη]ν την σοφιαll πα
[Ύω 8ε αll8pεια~ μεν] [ρ]α 8[aJprovo~ του ημετι:
[και πpoμηθεια~ πJανυ ρου εταιρου παρειληφα
[τισιν ολΙΎΟΙS' οιμαι] με 25 ο 8ε 8aμω1l τωι προ8ι

25 [τειναι θρασυτηΤΟ]Υ 8ε κωι τα πολλα πλησια(ει
[και τολμηΥ και TOJv α or 8[η] δοκει των σοφιστων

[φοβου μετα απρομ]ηθίι κα( λ]λιστα τα τοιαυτ ονο
(ar πανυ πολλΟΙΥ κJat αν [ματα 8ιαι ]ρε[ ι Jv : και πρε
[δρων . .. 30 (πε)ι ω σωκΡ[ aJ'TEr σοφιστηf
4 lines lost. τα τοιαυτα μαλλον κομ
ψ[Ε]υεσθαι η ανδρ[έ]Ι ό[ν
Col. 111.
αξ(ιοι η πολΙΥ αυτηΥ προ . [σκο)πει τ[α λεΥομενα: ταυ
εσταν[αι: πρεπει μεντ-οι [τ]α 8η εσ[τω ει 80κει χρη
που ω [μακαριε των με 20 (ν]aι: αλ[λα δΟΚΕΙ συ δε
Υιστω[ν προστατουντι [ν]ικια λ(Ε/'Ε ημιν παλιν
5 μεΎισ[τηΥ φρονησεωr [ εJξ αρχ[ ηr οισθ οτι την
μ[ Ετεχειν 80κει 8ε αν8]1?~![ αν κατ apXar του
μοι νι[ κιαΥ [λο/,ο]υ ε(σκοπουμεν
2 lines lost. 25 [ror μ]~e[οr αΡετηr σκο
ι Ο [τ]ο τιθη[σι την αν8ρει ~[eVVTEr: πανυ /'Ε :
αν: α[υΤΟΥ τοινυν σκο ουκουν [και συ τουτο απε
πει ω σ( roKpaTEr: τουτο κρεινω [ror μοριον ον
μελλω [ποιειν ω αρισ των 8( η και αλλων μερων
τε· μ[ η μεντοι με 30 α συνπ(αντα αρετη ΚΕ
15 [ο]ιου αφ[ ησειν σε τηr κοι κληται: [πωr /,αρ ου :
νωι'(αΥ του λΟΎου αλ αρ ουν α[περ ε/,ω και συ
λα προσ( εχε τον νουν και συ
2 detached fragments from the bottom of Col. ΙV (?).
θαρρ ]~λE~ [δε τ]α μ[ η
Ι. Ι.ft ')'Ι Bek.; the omission of 'ΥΙ is, however, supported by a number of MSS.
3. TOVT[ ο ]: TOυr) Bek.
4. The scribe apparently intended πάτιρα and πότιρον to be taken as alternative readings,
since he has not deleted the α. πότιρο" Bek., with the majority of the MSS.
5, 6. This order of the words is peculiar to the papyrus. σοφώτιρα Φiι~ ήμων ταυΤ" ~Τ"α"
τά θηρία Bek.
6. There is a thin oblique stroke above the α of παν, which is perhaps intended for an
accent. The scribe may have wished to distinguish ιi πάvτεS' from l1.παvτεS'. But the stroke
is possibly accidental.
11, 12. 1t is evident that the usual order ού γάρ τι (ΤΟΙ wf)/6'> Α., εγωγε άιι~pεϊα καλω is not
adapted Ιο the lacunae hel'e, which are of the same size ίn the two lines. The transposition
of εΥωΥε is a simple remedy.
13. ίfλλo oύ~εν (Bel\.., with MSS.) is too much for the lacuna. Οη the other hand the
omission of oυ~;ν leaves scarcely enough to fi11 ίι Perhaps lJ.λλο τι, with ηο τι or with ΤΟΙ
for τι ίn 1. 11, was the reading of the papyrus.
Tar δει[υ •.• : τα δεινa ύπο άΥvοίαS' (αvοίαS' MSS.) μη Bek. 'TaS' may be merely a clerical
eflΌr, but if so it is the only uncorrected one ίn the fragment.
22. av~PEtuS' is more probable than uvδΡιaS' (Bek.), which makes a very short lίne.
27. Α mark above the ε of απρομηθειαS' is probably intended to cancel that letter. Both
spellings aΓe supported by the MSS. άΠΡομηθεlαS' Bek.
11. 3. Only the lower point of the colon remains. Immediately below it is a semi-
circular mark which \ve have taken to be a circumflex accent over Ευ ίη the line below, but
this explanation is a little doubtful.
4, 5. ώS' E~ Bae έαυτον δή, ώS' οίεται Bek. δη (\vhich is omitted ίn some MSS.) might be read
ίη place of [ο]δε ίn the papyrus.
6. The superfluous τ has been crossed out as well as cancelled by a dot placed above
ίι ε ίη ανδρει has been similarly dealt with ίn 32.
10. ουκουν εγωΥε MSS., Bek. The reading of the papyrus seems more pointed.
13. αμαχον : the same reading is found ίη two of Bekker's ΜSS.(eΣ corr.).
Λάμαχον Bek.
19· γ: Υε Bek.
21. ούδε μη Bek. μή is also omitted ίη Ε.
οτι δη: ΟΤΙ 8δε Bekk. ΒδΕ is omitted ίn a large numbel' of l\ιlSS. Cf. 11. 5, note.
24. παρειληφα: παρείληφεν Bek., with the MSS. The ordinary reading is of course
correct.
26. τα πολλα: om. τα MSS., Bek.
28. τοιαυτ: τοιαυτα Bek.
29. και: καΙ 'γαρ MSS., Bek.
111. Ι. ή πόλι~ αξιοΊ Bek_
ΠΡΟ]Εσταν[αι: προίστάναι Bek. προεστάνaι is found ίn some MSS.
3. The addition of που is peculiar ιο the papyrus.
14, 15. μΕ oJLOV: so one MS. οΊου με Bek.; severall\1SS. omit μ.ε.
17. The line is a little long; possibly συ was omitted.
19. δη: ~έ Bek., with most MSS. γε corr. Γ.
27. απε]κρεινω: but αποκριναι Ι. 3. άΠΕκρίνω Bek.
30. συνπ[αJlτa: ξύμπαντα Bek.
CCXXIX. PLATO, Phaedo, 109 C, D.

17 χ 4-9 cm.
Thirty lines, of which the beginnings aJ"e lost, containing parts of Plato's
Phaedo 109 C, D, written ίη a small, somewhat cramped uncia1. Ιη the margin
at the top are two lines ίn a cursiνe hand of the second or early third century,
which appear to be a heading. The MS. itself may be ascribed to the second
century. Breathings and accents ι are sparingly used, and a mark of quantity is
found ίη line 8, a rare occurrence ίη prose MSS. Two kinds of stops are used,
the double point marking a Ionger pause, the high point a shorter one. These
seem to have been insel"ted after the writing, but perhaps by the original
scribe. Unlike the Lαches papyrus, the present fragment does not vary from
the MSS.
There are slight traces of the first letter of the twenty-eighth and twenty..
ninth Iines ίη a second column, perhaps ε and α respectiνely, and there is
a critical mark resembling a comma ίη the' margin against the supposed α. Οη
the verso ία second or third century cursive is written Ά[θυ]ρ λ.
δΙ. v8aTos
] ως οι ιχθυες τον ουραν[ον ....
] ημιεις 8ι αερος
[λου]S' των περι τα τοιαυτα ει [σθεν)ειαν μη8επωποτ[ ε ε

[ωθ]οτων λεΥειν: Ευ 8η υπο) [πι τα α]κρa Tη~ θαλαττη[S' α
[στα)θμην ταυτα ειναι και ξυν [ΦΙ'Yμενo]~ μη8ε ΕωρακωΥ [ει
[ρει]ν αει ELS' τα κοιλα τηΥ ΥηS' : [η EK8vS' κ]αι ανακυψαΥ ΕΚ [τη~
5 [ημα:S' ουν OLKOVVTaS' εν TOtS' 20 [θαλαTτη]~ ει~ τον εν(θα8ε
[κοιλ ]ΟΙΥ αυτηΥ· λεληθεναι και [τοπον οσ]οο καθαρ[ωτερα~
[οιεσ ]θαι ανω επι τηS' ΥηS' οι) [και καλλι]ων τυΎΧ[ανει ων
(ΚΕΙ ν] ωσπερ αν ει TlS' εν με [του παρα σφ]ισι μη8ε αλ(λου
[σωι τΊωι πυθμενι του πελα [ακηκοωS' ε]ιη του εωρακ[ο
ιΟ [YOVS' Ο]ικων· οιοιτο τε [επι 25 [TOS' ταυτον 8η τουτο] και η)
[τηΥ θαλ]aττηΥ ΟΙΚΕιν και 8ι[α [μα~ ΠΕπονθεναι]· oLKovvrar
[του v8]aroS' όρω", τον ηλι[ ον [Υαρ εν τινι κοιλω] τηS' 'Yη~
[και τ]α αλλα αστρα τη[ν] θα [οιεσθαι Επαvω αυ]Tη~ όικειν
[λαττα]ν ηΥΟΙΤΟ ουρανον ει [και τον αερα ουρα ]νον καλειν·
15 [ναι 8ια] 8ε βρα8υτητα τε κα[ι α 30 [OOS' 8ια τουτου ουραν]ου oνTO~
3. ξυ,{ρει]1I -: ξυρρεϊll Bek.

19. τηs-, which is read by Bek. with tlle MSS., was perhaps omitted.
23. σφ]ισι: σφισιν Bek.
26. The stop was possibly <1 double point, the lower one being lost.
1 F or- the use of accents ίη prose MSS. of the Roman period cf. ccxxxi, and another fragment of the
De Corona (Ο. Ρ. Ι. xxv), which last Mr. Kenyon overlooked ίη stating (Palαeography, ρ. 30) that 'accents
were inserted ..• so far as yet appears only ίη texts of the poets.'
ccxxx. DEMOSTHENES, De C01/0na, §§ 40-47.

28 χ 21 cm.
One nearly complete column, with the ends of the lines of the column
preceding and the beginnings of some lines of the column following, from a rol1
containing the speech De Corona. The MS. is written ίη a round, rather
irregular uncial hand, dating fairly certainIy from the second centnry, and
probably about the middle of it. The text is a careful one, and occasionaIly
shows slight variations from the MSS. 1t is inconsistent with regard to elision,
which is most fl·equent with οΕ and its compounds. Terminations of verbs, so
far as appears, were never elided. Α few corrections have been made by a second
hand, which is also responsible for the rough breathings added ίη 1Ι. 36 and
111. 14. The paragraphus is sometimes used, but ηο other stops. Α horizontal
stroke is frequentJy placed at the end of the shorter lines ίη order to give an
appearance of equalίty ίη length.
We append a collation with the Dindorf-BIass edition (Teubner, 1885).
Co1. Τ. Col. 11.

Ε
[πεποιηΚ'α αΚ'οντω]ν αθ[ηναι [ επ]ανειμι δ[η] ~[υν πα]λιν επι

[ων Κ'αι λυπουμΕνων ω]<!! ει TaS- απo8ειξει~ α/~ τ[α] τουΤα/ν
[περ ευ φρονειτε ω θηβα]ιοι α8ΙΚ1] ματα των νυν π[α]ρ[οντων
[Κ'αι θετταλοι TOΙΙToυ~] μεν- πραΥματων ΥεΥονεν αιτια
5 [eXOpovs- υπολη]ψεσθε εμοι 5 επει8η Υαρ εξηπατησθε μεν

[δε πιστευσετε ου τ]oυTOΙ~ TOlS- VpELs- ϋπο του φιλιππου 8ια του
[ρημασιν ypatas- ταυτ]α δε βου των Τα/ν εν rats- π[ρ]εσβ[ ElalS-
[λομενοs- 8ειΚ'νυ]ναι ΤΟΙ μισθ(ι)σανT~ν eaVTOVS- [εκει
[Υαρουν εκ τουτων] ωχετο- νω και ουθεν ϋμειν αλη[θε~ α
Ι ο (EKElVOVs- λαβων ε~ το μ]η8 ο 10 παΥΎειλαντων ε~ηπαTη[νTO
[τιουν προοραν των μ]ετα 8ε οι ταλαιπωροι Φα/κειs- κ[αι ανη
(ταυτα μη8 αισθανε ]σθ[ αι α]λλ ρηντο αι πoλει~ αυτων [τι εΥενε
(εασαι παντα τα πραΥ]ματα εκει το οι μεν καταπτυστοι θεττα
[νον εφ €αυTω ποιησ]ασθαι- λοι και αllαισ[θ]ητοι θηβα[ιοι] φ[ι]
15 [εξ ων Tatr παρουσαιs-] συμφοραιs 15 λον ε[υεJΡ[Υ]ε~τ]ην σωτηρα φι[λJιπ
[κεχρηνται οι ταλαιπωρ]ο[ι] θηβαι πον ηΥουντο παντ EKEtvOS- ...
[οι ο 8ε ταvτηS' τηS' . . • ] . . ~COS' ην aVTOlS' ου8ε φωιιηll ηΚ'ουοιι

[αυτω ΣVν€p'Y0~ και συ]!,~y~ν]! ει τ[ ι]~ αλλο τι βου[λ]οιτο λεΎ[ειν

[στηr και ο 8ευρο απaΥΥ]ειλαr vμειr 8 υφ[ο]ρωμ[ενο]ι τα [πεπρα
20 [τα ψευ8η και φενακι]σαS' ϋμαS' 20 Ύμενα και 8vuxepa[tV]OVTE[S'
[OVTor εστιν ο τα θηβ]αιων o8v- ηΎετε την ειρηνην o[μω~
[Ρομενοr νυν παθη] και 8ιεξι ου 'γαρ η ν ο τι αν εποιειτε [και
[ων ror οικτρα και TovJTωv και σι αλλοι δε ελληνεr ομοιωr-
[των εν φωκευσι Κ]ακων και υμει(ν] πεφενακισμενοι και
25 [οσ αλλα πεπονθασι]ν οι ελλη 25 8ιημ[α]pTηKOTε~ [ων] ηλπισαν
[ver απαντων aVTOS'] ων alTtOS' ηΥο[ν τ]ην ειρηνην aVT[oJt τρο
[8ηλον Υαρ ΟΤΙ συ μ]εν αλΥειr πον τ( ινΊα ΕΚ πολλ( ου] χρον[ο]υ
[[επι TOΙ~ συμβεβηκο]σιν αι- πολε[μο]υμενοι [οτε Υ]αρ περι[ ιωιι
σχινη και TOυ~ θηβαιo]υ~ ελεειS' φιλιπποS' ϊλλυpιoυ~ [κ]αι τριβαλ
30 [κτηματa εχων εν τη βοι]ωτιαι 30 λουS' και Ttvar των ελληνων
[και ΥεωΡΥων τα εκεινω)ν εΎω KαTεσTpεφεT~ο] και 8υ[ν]aμει~ πολ
(8ε χαιρω oS' εξυθvS' εη]τουμην:- λαr και μεΥαλαS' επο(ιε]ιτο ϋΦ Ε-·
[υπο του ταυτα πραξαιιτο ]S'- αυTω~ και TtVES' ΕΚ των πολεων
[αλλα γαρ εμπεπτωκα Et]S' λογοvS' επι τη [T]η~ ElpfJVfJS' εξουσιαι βa8ι
35 [ovS' αυτικα μαλλον αρμο]σει λε[Υ]ειν 35 (OVTES' εκεισε 8ιεφθειροντο-
ων ε( t]S' OVTOS' ην τοτε πα(ν]τε[S'
CoI. 111.
κιν] Ι ο σθησθα( ι αντι Υαρ φιλων και
8υνων [τα εaυτων ασφαλωr σχη ξενων α τοτε ω[νομα(οντο
σειν σταν [βουλωνται ειτ σιμαι ηνικα ε8ωρο80κουν ν(υν κο
συμβεβηκεν
[ λαKε~ και θεoιιr[ιν] εχθρο(ι και ταλ
lines lost.
2 λ' lx προσηκει παντα aKOv( ουσιν
6 α[πολωλεκεναι TOLS' 8ε ΠΡΟΕ 15 ov8ElS' Υαρ ω av8pES' αθην[αιοι
στηκοσ[ιν και ταλλα πλην εαυ το του ΠΡ08ι80ντοr συ[μφε
TOVS' oL[opevotS' πωλΕιν πρω ρον (ητων χρημα'Τa αν( αλισΚΕΙ
Tovr ea[VTOVS' πεπρaκοσιν η ου8 επει8aν ων αν πριηται l!'~~
Ι. 9. ωχιτο: c1xET'
B(lass).
13. πραΥ]ματα: πράΥματ' Β.
16. [ΙCEXpηIITαι οι ταλαιπωρ]ο[ι] θηβαι[οι: ΟΙ ταλαίπωροι ΙCέXpηνTαι Β., omitting θηβαϊοι.
17. . .. ] .. ιωs-: the vestiges οη the papyrus are ceι-taίnΙΥ inconsistent with the
ordinary reading π{στιως. The traces immediately before the supposed Ε resemble μι στ
λλ. avv]αμιωs- would suit them very well.
1<
2 Ι. εοτι.ν iS more probable than έσθ' (Β.) owing to the size of the lacuna; it has also
ίη its favour the analogy of ΥέΥονεν, 11. 4.
ο~υ[ΡομεvοS' νυν: νυν ό~υΡόμ€vοS' Β., with Α Hermog. ρ. 242, 346 W. νυν is omitted ίη
Vind. ι.
35. The lacuna is of the same size as ίη the previous line; it is accordingly pretty
clear that the papyrus read μαλλον, not μάλα ίσωS', stillless μαλλον ίσωS'. ίσωS' is omitted ίη
Vind. ι Hermog. ρ. 344 W. μαλλον [ί'σωS'] Β.
11. ι. ν[υιι: the letter tran8cribed as v might be read as 71", but there is room for four
letters bet\veen thi8 and ]λιν. The reading νυν would perhaps also account for the
correction of ~η to ~ε. ~η πάλιν E1S' (Vind. ι) Β.
3. νυν π[α]ρ[οντων: νυνι [παρόντων] Β. νυν is read ίη Hermog. ρ. 416 W., whe,re
παρόντων is omitted; ,
4. ')'ε')'ονεν: ΥΕΎον Β.
8. EaVTOVS': aίITovS' Β.
εκει]νω: om. Β.; alJTovS' τφ Φιλlππφ S and other 1\185.
9. ουθεν υμειν αλη[ BES': oύ~εν άληθεS' ύμίν Β.
Ι Ι. ~ε οΙ. ταλαιπωροι: ~' οί [ταλαίπωροι] Β. ταλαίπωροι is omitted ίη Vind. Ι.
ανη]ρηντο: aνlιρηνθ' Β.
15. φι[λJιπποv : τόν Φίλιππον Β.
23. ~ε: ~' Β.
24. υμιι[ν]: ύμιν Β.
26. ειρηνην αυτ[ο ]1.: 80 S; εΙρήνην ασμεlJΟl. και αύτοι Β.
27. T[ιvJa: τιν' Β.
εκ πολλ[ ου] χρον[ ~]υ : , έκ ,πολλου Β.
30. και TtvaS': TLJIUS' ~ε και Β.
32. επ()[ιε]ιτο: lποιείθ' Β.
33. TΙVES' εκ των: 'nVES' των έκ των Β.
111. About nineteen Jine8 are 108t at the top of this column.
2. οταν: 80 MSS.; οΙ' δ.ν Β., following a conjecture of Weil.
3. συμβεβηΚΕν: συμβΙβηκε Β.
9. η]σθησθα[ι: aΙσθέσθαι Β.
Ι Ι. τοτε: τότ' Β.
12. ηνικa ε~ωρο~οκοvv: omitted ίn Hermog. ρ. 165 and bracketed by Β.
13. BEotS': the corl"ection is probably by the 8econd hand; BEoiS' is the ordinary
reading. •
/(αι ταλ]λ α ΠPOσηK€Ι παvτα: 80 Hermog. ρ. 165; /(α1 πάνθ' Δ προση/(εν Β.
15. ω αν~PE~: l1V~PES' ,Β., with SL.
17. χρηματα: χρηματ Β.
18. αει: 80 apparently the papyrus; the reading is doubtfuI, but the word following
πριηται. was certainly neither Kυpιo~ nor yεJlηTαι. πρίηται κύριuS' ')'ένηται MSS., Β.
CCXXXI. DEMOSTHENES, De Coronα, §§ 227-229.
9'2 χ 7'3 cm.

Eighteen nearly complete lίnes containing §§ Ζ27-9 of the De Corona,
written ίη a medium-sized informal uncial resemblίng the hand of the Thucydides
fragment (Plate V), but having a somewhat later aspect. The papyrus may be
ascribed with confidence to the latter part of the first or the earlier part of the
second century. It 1S remarkable for its careful punctuation, all three kinds of
stops occurring (cf. introd. to CCXXVi), and, so far as can be judged from 50 smal1
a fragment, being accurately used. They are accompanied by short blank
spaces, of about the breadth of a single letter. Both the points and perhaps the
occasional accents that are found are dιte to the original scribe. The fragment
has ηο variants of importance.
οι(κεν εσ)τιν φ[υσει παν οτι αν μη
8lKa[tror] ηί πεπ[ραΥμενον εκ Υαρ

αυτου του σοφου [τουτου παρα8ει
ypaTor ωμολΟΥη[κε νυν Υ ημαr
5 υπαρχ ειν εΎνω[ upevovr εμε μεν
λεΥειν υπερ τηr παTpι80~' εαυ(τον 8ε
υπερ φιλιππου· ου Υαρ αν μET~α
ΠΕιθειν vpar ε(ηΤΕΙ μη το[ιαυ
τηr υπαΡχουσηr υποληψεω[r
10 περι Εκaτερου· και μην ΟΤΙ Υ ο(υ
XL8lKata λεΥΕΙ μετάθεσθαι ταυτ[ην
την 80ξαν αξιων. ΕΥω 8ι8αξ[ω
pat8tror ου τιθειr ΨηφουS'· ου ya[p ε
στιιι ο των πρaΥμaτων oVTor λΟ[ΥΙ
ι 5 σμo~ αλλ αναμιμνησκων Εκα(στα
εν βρaχεσι λΟΥισταιr και μαρτυσ[ ι
TOtr ακουουσιν υμιν ΧΡωμενο[r
[η] Ύαρ Εμη πολΙΤΕια ηr oVTor κατ[η
[yJopel a(VTJt μεν του θ[η]βαι[ουr μετα
ι. εσ JTLV: εατι B(lass).

4. Β. omits νϋν Υ' (80 SL) after ώμoλόΎηιc~(ν) with Α, but νυν is requil*ed ίη the papyrus.
6. Εαυ[τον: αύτον Β.
8, 9. το[ιαv}rηr vπαρχοvσηr: τoιαύτη~ ουσηr τη" Β., with MSS. The omission of οvσηf
Tη~ may be due to homoioteleuton.
10. ο[υ]χι: ου Β.
16. βραx~σι λO'Yισl"αι~: βραχίσιν, λΟl'ισταίs- ί1μα Β.
Κ2
~32 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
CCXXXII. DEMOSTHENES, contra ,Tz·mgcratem, §§ 53-54, 56-58.

13 χ 14 cm. Plate ιν (Col. 11).
The latter parts of two columns, containing portions of Demosthenes'
contrα T'Z·mocratem, §§ 53-54 and 56-58, written ίη a medium-sized, sloping uncial.
The verso of the papyrus is covered with parts of two columns of cursive writing
(perhaps a letter) of the end of the second or (more probably) of the first half of
the third century. The Demosthenes οη the recto, therefore, cannot have been
written later than the early part of the third century, and may wel1 be as old as
the latter half of the second. It shotIld be compared with the large Oxyrhynchus
Homer (Plate Ι) and the fragment of Plato's Lαws (ο. ·Ρ. Ι. Plate VI), both
somewhat later specimens of a type of hand which became common ίη the third
centut-y. There are πο breathings or accents, and only one stop occurs.
Col. 11.
οπο[σα 8 επι των τριακοντα επρa

χθη η 8ικη ε8ικασθ[η ι8ια η 8η
μοσια ακ.υρα ειναι [επισχεr εΙΠΕ
μοι τι 8ε[ι]νοτατον πα[νTε~ αν α
5 KOvuaJITEr Φησαιτε κ[αι τι μαλισ
Col. Ι. τ αν αΠΕυξαισθε οvχ(ι ταυτα τα
[π]ραΥματα απερ ην επι Τα/:ν τρια
[εστιν η] που [νομον /' επιτα ΚΟllτα μη ,,/Ενεσθαι ΕΥα/Υ ο[Ι]μα [ι
[,,/μα εχ]οντ[ α] εισφερειν ΕΥω με[ν • Ο γουν νoμo~ ουτοσϊ ευλαβουμε
[ουκ οι]μαι και Υαρ α[ισ]χρον πε ι ο νo~ ror Υ εμοι 80ΚΕΙ το τοιουτον
[ρι ων μη]8ε χαρι(εσθαι 8ειν υπ[ ει αΠΕιπε τα πραχθεντα επ εΚΕινο>ν
5 (ληφατε] περι τουτων ακοντων μη κυρια εΙlΙαι οvτοσι τοινυν την
(υμων εα]ν α Tlver βουλονται πρα αυτην κατεΥνω παρανομιαν των
[χθηναι λ]εΥε τον μΕτα τουτον επι Tη~ 8ημOKpαTια~ πε[πραΥμε ..

[εφεξηs-] poμo~ ι 5 να/ν ηνπερ εκεινων ομο[ιω~ /,ου]ν
[οσων 8ι]κη προτερον εΥΕνετο ακυρα ποιει καιτοι ΤΙ φησομ[εν α/
10 [η Ευθυνα η] 8ια8ικασια περι του alI8per αθηναιοι τουτον κυρι(ον
[εν 8ικασΤ]?Ίf.'~ωf ?Ί (ι)8ιαι η 8ημοσι
?Ji
[αι η το 8η]μοσιον απε80ΤΟ μη Jv
τ[Ο νομον Εασαllτεr ΥΕνε[ σθαι πο
[εισαΥειν π]ερι τουτωll Elr το 8ι τε[ροΊν τα 8ικαστηρια α 8ημοκρ[α

[καστηριοJl μη]8 επιψηφι(ειν 20 το[vμε]νηr Tη~ πολεωS' εΙ( των ομ[ω
μ(οκο]των πληρουται ταυτα a[8ι
Ι. Ι ι. There ίΒ a difficulty about the reading of the beginning of this. line. The
stroke before ~ιaι might just as well be an iota as the second half of 1Ι, but it is ίω
possible to read ηpιωηι~ιαι or ηpιωιηι~ιαι or ηριωιι!tιαι.
11. 2. δη]μοσια: the absence of iota adscript is a slight argument ίn favour of
supposing that the scribe meant δημόσια, not ~ημοσlq, for ίη Ι. Ι ι the iota adscript is
written. But lVISS. of this period are not consistent ίn either inserting or omitting ίι
4, 5. αν α]l(ουσανΤΕς ΦησαΙΤΕ: so MSS. άκoύσανTE~ lίv B(laS8).
9. ουτοσί: 80 MSS. O~TO~ Β.
Ι ο. ω~ γ εμοι: om. γΙ Β.
ι Ι. 'IrpaXOE7JTα: πραχθέντ' Β., who also elides the final vowel of κύρια ίη 12 and Tavr'
ίn 2 ι where it ί8 retained ίη the papyrus.
15. ηVΠEp EI(Etvrov: ηvπεp των έπ' έκεΙνων vμfί~ Β. των is omitted by S and some other
MSS.
CCXXXIII. DEMOSTHENES, contrα Timocra/em, §§ 145, 146, 150.
10·8 χ 9·3 cm.
Parts of two columns from another MS. of Demosthenes' contra Timo-

cratem (§§ 145, 146 and 150), written ίn a smal1 uncial which resembles οη the
one hand that of ccxxxii (Plate IV), and οη the other the fragment of Plato's
Laws (ο. Ρ. ι. Plate νι). Like the epic fragment (ccxiv), the script of which
is almost identical, it may be ascribed with confidence to the third century. The
few corrections are due to a second band, which also inserted probably all the
stops except that after υoμ.oι~ ίη line 16. .
The only variant of note is that ία Iines 10, 11, where the reading of the
papyrus is obscured by the lacuna.
Col. Ι. Col. 11.
~,
[ινα μη 8ι)α το 8[εσθαι χΕιρον α
[ναΥ]κα(οιντ[ο αΥα/lIι(εσθαι
[η και] πανταπ[ασι]ν απα[ρασκευ '
[ΟΙ ΕΙΕ]V· ουτοσι 8ε α ΕΠΙ τ(OLS' ακ.ρι
Ε
5 [TOLS'] κιται OOS' περι απα[ιιτων

[ειρ]ημενα μελλει πpo~~ υμα~

[λεΥ]ειν· ooS' 8η σαΦω~ Υν[ωσεσθε
[ο]τι αληθη λεΥω εΥω υμειν ερω· !'[υ8ενα • • • • κατα]
[ουτεJ Υαρ αν ω αιι8pε~ 8ικα[ σ]ται στη[σω • • • • υπευθυ]
10 [τιμα]ν εξην υμιν ο τι χ[ρη] 1fa νον [ • • ) • των]
[.]~σαι η αποτισαι· εν Υ[αρ τω]ι Εννε[α
[π]aθειν και ο 8εσμοS' ε(ιιι ου
[κ α]ν ουν εξην 8εσμο[υ τιμησαι
ουτε οσω[ν εν8ε]ιξι~ εσ[τιιι η
15 απαΥωΥη προσεΥεΥραπτο [αν
[ειι] TOΙ~ νoμoι~· τον 8ε ν 8[ ειχθεν
[τα] η απαχθεντα 8ησαντων
[οι ev8JEKa εν τω ξυλω ει
[περ μη] εξην αλλoυ~ η Toυ~ (ε
20 [πι προ8]οσια Tη~ πολεωS' η επι
[καταλυJUEl του 8ημου συνιον
[Tα~ η TOVS' τα τελη OOllOvJpe
4. ~ε : the papyrus does not elide a final ε, except ίn 16 (corrected).

7. ~η: ~ε B(lass). ΥΙ{ωσεσθε: here and ίn 13 the supplements at the end make the
lines unusually long.
10-1 Ι. ~a[.Jrισαι: the MSS. here have παθείν. Possibly the influence of άποτίσαι
following made the scribe write παθησαι, ία which case it was ησ doubt corrected. The
space between ησαι. and the line above is lost. The doubtful η could equally well be ι.
Ι 6. ~ε ~ειxθενTa is altered by the second hand to ~ εν~ειxθενTa (MSS., Β).
IV. MISCELLANEOUS.
CCXXXIV. MEDICAL PRESCRIPTIONS.
30.6 χ 8·7 cm.

FRAGMENT <?f a treatise containing medical prescriptions. The column which
is preserved is occupied with a classified series of specifics for earache; the first
two or three letters from the beginnings of thirty-two lines of a second column
also remain, but are insufficient to indicate whether the ear was still the subject
MEDICAL PRESCRIPTIONS 135
of discussion. The medical work was written ση the 'verso of the papyrus.
Οη the recto are parts of five lines from a memorandum concerning a lease made
, ίη the 14th year,' and mentioning 'the present 17th year.' These lines are ίη
an upright cursive hand of the latter half of the second or the beginning of the
third century, so the reign referred to may be that of either Antoninus, Marcus
Aurelίus, or Septimius Severus. The handwriting οη the verso, therefore, which
is a round upright unciaI of medium size, well formed but somewhat heavy, may
date from the end of the second century; it can hardly be later than the first
half of the third.
Paragraphi are used tό mark a pause; the high point also occurs once, after
αυ&.λαβε ϊη 19. Α horizontal dash is sometimes added at the end of the shorter
lines; these are omitted ίη our transcription.
CoI. Ι.
]λωτα
] ροδι
χ]λιάναS'
dλ~ο
CoΙ 11.
ιf[λλ ]0. καστορήου και μη [αν] Tptta~ 8σον IJpo-
κωllΕου (σοιι φώσa~ [,80]ν ~Jlθε~ el~ το oυ~.
, , [']
ΕΠ "
ο στρακου μα"λ ιστα [ιiλλο). φύλλον πεpσέα~
(μΕ)ιι ~TTΙKoϋ, εί 8Ε (dλ]εtψαS' ενθε~. &λ(λο].
5 μή, ρωϊστικου, και λεά 30 [χολ]ηιι βoo~ κροκύ8(ι]
Jlα~ 8ΙEΙ~ ΥλυκεΊ χλιά [. • • •]σα~ χρησίμωΥ
ιιa~ ~νσTα(ε. ιiλλο. [και] συσTpEψa~ ~νθε~.
χαλβάνην σουσίνφ [&λλJο. σμύρναν και
, 1\' , t [στυ]πτηρίαν (σα Tpl-
μυρφ oιει~ προσμιbον
10 μέλι καΙ ιJό8ινoν, κα[ι) 35 [ψα~] ~pOer.

,
κλυσμοι ώΤΟΥ
,>ι
οισυπηρον εριον πε-
ρ2 μηλωτρΕ8α συστρέ- [ΠΡΟΥ] π6νoυ~.

"'ι'
'Ι' α~ 'λ'
και Χ
ιαινων εν-
JI [λιβ]ανωτον οίνφ
στα(ε. &'λλο. ροων [8ΙEΙ]~ ή8ίστφ κλύ(ε
15 κυTίνoυ~ μΕμυκ6- 40 [το']'Ί'

ο υ~, και
\ OVTOOS'
ι! Α
χρω
Tα~ Tp[ψa~ και Kp6KOV ]

[τοJίI ~ ΠΡΟΥΕΥραμμέ-
υ '
θ8ια/Ρ Επιστα
'ξ α~ 0-
tf
[νο]ι~ έΥχύμασιν.
ταν pυπω8E~ Υενη- [ιiλ ]λο. πράσου χυλον
ται άνάλαβΕ· πpo~ [θΕ]ρμον ενκλυ(Ε.
20 [8J~ την ΧΡΕίαν ήλ[κον 45 [ιiλ Ιλο. χολΏ TaVpE{lf
[ό]ρ6βφ έν Ι'λυκει 8LELS' [-Λ ]'
η κ αι
, ,
atyEt'f -Λ β
η προ αΤΕΙ'!'
,
[κ]αι xλιάνα~ ~νσTα(E. [η] '(ινα παΡαπλησ[lf
[Οε ]ρμυ κλύ(Ε. ιiλλο.
~I ' [']
εν θ ετα ElS" Τ ο [ΠE]ύKη~ χυλφ θερμρ
';" , ,
oυ~ πpo~ πoνoυ~. 50 [π]αpαπλησtω~.
25 [στ]υπτηρίαν ΑίΥυπτ[-
11. ι. 1. καστορίου. 2 ι. 1. ~poβoν. 47. Ι" τινι.
'Another,:-Heat an equal quantity of beaver-musk and poppy-juice upon a potsherd,

if possible one of Attic make, but failing that of .•. ; soften by diluting with raisin wine,
warm, and drop ίn.
Another :-Dilute some gum with balsam of li1ies, and add honey and rose-extract.
Twist some wool with the οίι ίη it round a probe, warm, and drop ίη.
Another :-Pound some closed calices οΕ pomegranates, drop οη saffron-water, and
when it becomes discoloured draw the liquor off. When required dilute as much as the
bulk of a pea with raisin wine, warm, and drop ίη.
Stoppings [or the ear against earache.
Pound some Egyptian alum and insert into the ear an amount equal to the size of a pea.
Another :-Anoint a persea leaf and insert. ,
Another : -Thoroughly moisten a flock of wool with the gal1 of an οχ, roll up and insert.
Another :-Pound myrrh and alum ίη equal quantities and insert.
Clysters for the ear against earache.
Dilute frankincense with very sweet wine and syringe the ear; or use for this purpose
the injections described above.
Another :-Rinse with warm onion-juice.
Another :-Syringe with gall of a bull or goat or sheep, or other similar kind of gall,
warmed.
Another :--The sap of a pine tree, warmed, to be used ίn the same way.'
2. Φώσα~: φ&>ξα~ (φώΥω) is the commoner form.
5. λεάνα~ διει~ ΥλυΚΕί': CL Arist. Problem. 3. ι 3 το μεν Υλυκύ λεαντικ6ν.
8. σούσινον μvροv: the method of preparing this unguent, ' Α ενιοι I<ΡΙ1lινον ι<αλουσι1Ι; is
described by Dioscor. ι. 62.
29. [αλ Jείψα~: [τρ]εΙΨα~ is also a possibility; but the fact that the fragment offers
three other instance~ of the use of this participle, ίη all οΕ which the spelling is ΤΡίψαr,
renders it less probable.
30. [χολ]ήν: cf. 45.
4 Ι. LroJί[~J ΠΡΟΥfΥΡaμμ'[vο Jt~ έΥχύμασιν: i. e. those described ίn the first section (1-22),
'whjch was perhaps originally headed έΥχύματα.
HOROSCOPE 137
c;cxxxv. HOROSCOPE.
21 χ 13'5 cm. A.D.20-50 •
Horoscope of an individual born about 10 p.m., Sept. z8 J A.D. 15-37.

The first four lίnes are introductory (cf. Pap. Paris 19), and are addressed to
a certain ΤrγΡhοn. The horoscope was found with cclxvii, cclxxv, &c., ίη which
Tryphon, son of Dionysius, is constantly mentioned, and ηο doubt he or his
grandfather (see cclxxxviii. 36) is the person addressed here. The handwriting is
a good-sized semi-uncial, and the papyrus was written probably very soon after
the date mentioned ίη the horoscope, and certainly not later than Α. D. 50.
Four other horoscopes οη papyri are known, Brit. Mus. Papp. XCVIII recto
(date 10st, first or second century), CXXX (A.D. 81), and CX, a duplicate of Pap.
Par. 19 (A.D. 138), and a horoscope for a person born ίη Α. D. 316 (Grenfell, Class.
Rev. νiίί. ρ. 70). The present document is less elaborate than the first three,
ful1er than the last. lt gives the sign of the Zodiac occnpied by the sun, moon,
Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, Mercury, and the four chief points ίη the
heaνens, with the (φδιου and OiKOS of each. Α unique feature is a diagram below
the text, some lacu.nae ίη which it serves to supplement, illustrating the position
of the heavens at the time when the birth took place. This diagram consists of
a circle divided by two diameters intersecting at right angles and connecting the
zenith with the nadir, and the point ία the heavens which was rising with that
which was setting. The signs of the Zodiac are marked inside the circle, the
sun, moon, planets, and points of the heavens outside it, ίη a line with the sign
to which they belong. Beginning at the top we have (ι) Aquarius (Τδροχόφ,
υδρο being written over an et·asure) at ~he zenith (μεσουράυημα), (Ζ) Pisces, (3)
Aries, (4) Tanrus, containing the moon and the point which was rising (ώpoσKόπo~),
(5) Gemini, (6) Cancer, (7) Leo, at the nadir, (8) Vit·go, (9) Libra, containing
the sun and Mars, (10) Scorpio, containing Mercury, Venus (Ά[φροδίτη]), and the
point which was setting (δύσι~, which is all but obliterated ίη the papyrus),
(ι 1) Sagittarius, containing Saturn and J upiter (ZEύ~ is Iost ίη a lacuna, but
cf. Iiηe 10), (12) Capricornus.
Though the hour, day, and month are preserved) a lacuna renders the year
of Tiberins' reign, to Υν hich the horoscope refers, tlncertain. If all the astro-
nomical obserνations ίη the text of the papyrus were correct, the data would
have sufficed to reconstitute it; but Dr. Α. Α. Rambaut, who has kindly inνesti
gated ·the question for us, tells us that some of the positions assigned to the five
major planets must be inexact. If Saturn and Jupiter, the slow moving planets,
are taken as the starting-point, Saturn is οηlΥ ίη Sagittarius οη Sept. 28 during
the first four years of Tiberius' reign, and out of these four years Jupiter is ίη
Sagittarius only ίη A.D. 15. But during Tiberius' reign the moon is ία Taurus
οη Sept. 28 only ίη Α. D. 17, 25, 28, and 36" and ίη Α. D. J 5 the positions of Mars,
νenus, and Mercury, do not agree with those assigned to them ίη the papyrus.
As is usual ίη horoscopes, the day of the month is given both οη the fixed
calendar (Phaophi ι) and κατa Toυ~ δ.ρχαίoυ~ xp6υoυ~ (Phaophi 1 Ι); cf. Brit. Μ us.
Pap. CXXX. Co1. 11. 46, CX. Co1. 1.4, and Par. Pap. 19. 9, where ίη place of apxαίoυ~
we have AZyυΠTίoυ~ as opposed to the χρ6υοι 'τωυ (Ελλήυωυ. Α comparison of the
variation, which ίη the reign of Tiber:ius is ten days, with the other two instances,
ίη which the variation is ίη A.D. 81 twenty-five days, and ίη A.D. 138 forty days,
leads to the conclusion that the aρχαιοι χρόυοι gained upon the regular calendar
approximately one day ίη four years. Hence, as Mr. J. G. Smyly remarked to
us" the δ.ρχαΙοι χρ6υοι ίη ROfi1an papyri are to be explained ίη reference to the
ancient Egyptian year of 365 days with ηο leap year, but the starting-point
of the divergence of the αρχαϊοι χρ6υοι from the regular calendar was posteriot·
to the conquest of Egypt by Augustus ίη Β. c. 30. Reckoning back from A.D. 81,
when the variation between the two calendars was twenty-five d"ays, and sub-
tracting one for every four years, we should get about A.D. 21 as the date of ollr
horoscope 1, and about B.C. 20 as the point when the annus vagus indicated by
the lι.pxαΙoι χρ6υοι began to diverge from the fixed calendar. This corresponds
νery well with the date (Β. C. 26-5) general1y assigned to the introduction of the
fixed calendar by Augustus into Egypt. The αρχαϊοι χρ6υοι were of course
a continuation of the old Egyptian system of 365 days without leap year, which
system Ptolemy Euergetes, and after him Augustus, tried to aboIish. But the
recurrence of the year of 365 days ίη Roman papyri shows that if the true year
of 365i- days ordained by Augustus ever gained universal acceptance ίη Egypt,
it only did so for a very short period, and that thongh the correct year of 3651
was observed officiallyand by the Greeks, the native Egyptians soon relapsed
into the year of 365 days. The reckoning by αρχαιοι χρ6υοι is found ίη a papyrus
as late as A.D. 237 (G. Ρ. 11. lxνiί); and Ωσ doubt many of the extant private
documents of the Roman period are really dated ίη the same way, though
it is impossible, ίη the absence of a specific mention of the αρχαιοι χρόνοι, to
distinguish them.
'ΑναΥκαΊον ήΥησάμ[evor]. . .[. . .. ]~~ ..[. . . . . . .
"
Υενεσειr παρa ' 'σου,
'' Τρυ"φων , " [ε •••••••
q,rt'f,,!~TE,
. 'Τειρασομαι πpo~ Toυ~ 00 eVTf!ιf ηt[ μιν

~ " . 1 \ θ" ,.. •...
xpovovr.
,
τυlI[ Χ ]α
'[ ] .1\\
ν ουσι οε 1"
ουτοι κατα ,
,,-0.....
[ ,
ι This is confirmed by a bilingual inscription referred to by Wilcken (Gr. Osf. Ι. 794), ίη which
Tybi 18, Α. D. 30, corresponds to Mecheir ι ίη the Egyptian calendar, a difference of 13 days.
PTOLEMAIC FRAGMENTS
5 ΙTO~ Τιβερίου μηνι Φαωφι ii, ιcαήα 8ε TOΌ~

άpxαίoυ~ xp6νoυ~ Φαωφι ίίϊ EI~ [ιβ,
["Ηλ
mptf
t1 ,
τεταρτ'!/
,..,
Tη~
,
νυKTO~· Τυνχανει
,
ιo~
,
εν
Ζ υΥφ
Λ ~~φοιφ
1'" Λ'" Λφ[ρο ΙTη~,
αpσενιιcφ OΙKφ..r.ι.
8'
Ζελήνη Εν Ταύρφ (φ8ίφ θηλυκφ OfKq> ['Λφpo8(Tη~,
10 Kp6νo~ Zευ~ έν Τοξ6τ'!/ ((φ]8ίφ άρσεν[ικφ 01κφ
.Δι6~, "Λρη~ Εν ΖυΥφ 01κφ Άφpo8ίTη~, [ΙEpμη~ 'Λφρο-
1"
αιτη
,~
εJl
, ~ 1'" '"'''[''Αpεω~,
~ κορπιφ ~φoιφ· αρσενικφ οι κφ
ώpoσιcoπει Taυpo~ ••• olKo~ Άφp08ίT[η~, μεσουρά(νημα)

CT1'οροχοφ
, ~, l'
~φoιoν
, "
αρσενικον
[
οικηΤ?Ί..
Κ'
ρονου,
15 8ύνει ~ιcopπίo~ olKO~ 'ΆpEω~, όπο [Υην Εν Λέο(ιιτι)

olKo~ (Ηλ{ου, οίκο8εσποτει 'Αφροδ[ίτη.
2. 1. ά')'απη'Γέ.
6. fl~ [~: cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CXXX. 45-48 κατ' άpxαίoυ~ ~E Παχων νιομηνΙιι. ιl~ την afVT/pαV.
It might be conjectured from these two instances that there was a difference between the
fixed calendar aηd the άρχaϊοι χρόνοι with regard to the poiηt at which the νύξ of a particular
day ended. But ίη speaking of a particular night it was customary to describe it ίn
reference to the day following, not to the day preceding j ct Β. G. U. 454. 7, 651. 4, &c.
Ptolemy ίη his Megale Syntaxis, ίη order to avoid confusion, always denotes the·date of an
event occurring at night by the numbers of both the day before aηd the day after the night
ίη question.
7. The lacunae here aηd ίη ι ι, 13, 15 can be filled up with certaint}' from the
diagram (see introd.). The names of the οlκοι 10st ίη 9, 12, and 14 can be restored, since
the sigηs of the Zodiac are given and each sign had a particular 011(0$.
ι Ι. Usually Mercury's position is noted last of the planets, but ίη the diagram also he
is mentioned before Venus.
13. Νο word is wanted between Taνpo~ and oίKO~, but traces of three letters are visible
which, though faiηt, are not more so than some other words ίη the papyrus.
There is scarcely room for lν at the end of the line, unless μεσουρά(νημα) was still
further abbreviated. Ιη the diagram ''Υ.'δροχόφ is dative, all the other signs being ίη the
nominative. Possibly we ought to read Ι'Υ.'δροχόΟ$ here and Λέωιι ίη 15, and supply verbs ίη place
of the substantives μεσουράνημα and -όπο ')'11ν, to correspond to the verbs ώροσκοπιϊ and δύνει.
16. οΙκο8εσποτιϊ: tl1e plaηet which was most often mentioned ίη the οlκοι, and therefore
was the 'ruling' star. Venus ίη this case has four out of the eleven οll(οι.
CCXXXVI (α), (δ), (c). PTOLEMAIC FRAGMENTS.

Plate v. (α) 4·3 χ 6·2, (δ) 4·2 χ 7-1, (c) 5·2 χ 4·6 cm.
The three fragments here gronped together are the earliest dated papyri
found at Oxyrhynchus. Though very smal1 they are interesting, not only as
giving the formula of the royal titles ία the reign of Ptolemy Ν eos Dionysus
ΙΉΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
(Auletes), whose name has not been found ση a papyrus before, but for palaeo..
graphical reasons, since papyri from the middle of the first century B.C. are
extremely rare. 1η fact the only hitherto pubIished Greek document which
has a date ίη the period from 89-30 Β. c. is G. Ρ. 11. xxxνίίi (with facsimίle ση
Plate IV), belonging to B.C. 81, or, more probably, to B.C. 56, the joint rule of
Berenice and Archelaus. (α) is written ίη an almost uncial hand, (b) and (c) are
much more cursive. They serve to i11ustrate the transition of the Ptolemaic
style to the Roman. (α) and (δ), which have the same date, were found folled
up together, and are probably copies of the same document. We give the text
of (δ), which is the more complete, and of (c).
(b) B.C. 64.
[Βασιλεύον ]ros- Πτολεμ[ at]ov θεου Νεου Δ ιονύσου

[Φιλοπάτο ]po~ Φιλα8[ έ]λφου εToυ~ ό/(TOJ/(aι8€/(ά
['Του ιτα 8'] ιiλλα ιτων /(οινωll ώ~ έν 'ΛλΕξαν8ρεί
[~ 'Υράφε]ται μηvοs- Περειτίου /(αι Χο(ακ
5 [ ] έlΙ ΌξυρύΥχωιι π6λει Tη~ Θηβα--
[ ί80~ ..] α. • εισ
.. . ε. • • και
... .• [•.] /([.
. • • . . ....•
2. The supplements at the beginning of lines 2-4 are from (α).

3. τα δ) αλλα κ.τ.λ.: a periphrasis, like μετα τα κοιιιά, to save the trouble of writing the
long list of priesthoods at Alexandria which generally occurs ίη protocols of the second
century B.C. Cf. the formula found ίn papyri frotn Heracleopolis, έΦ~ Ιερέων τωιι lJvTrov '11
ΆλιξαιιΟριίιι. και των ίlλλων τωρ ΥραΦομΕlΙα/lΙ κοινωll, e. g. C. Ρ. R. 6. 2. ..
4. The Macedonian calendar was equated to the Alexandrian towards the end of the
second century Β. c. Ιη (α) the day of the month is given as the twenty-first, but probabIy
here a blank space was left, to be filled ίn afterwards; cf. (c) 5 and ccxxxvίii. 9, note.
(c) Β. c. 69-58 or 55-51.

Bασιλ€ύOIITO~ [Πτολεμαίου θεου ΦιλοπάΤΟ(Jοr
Φιλα8ελφου ~T[oυ~
τά Κ dλλα των [κοινων ώ~ έν 'Λλεξa1l8ρεί,!,
Ύράφεται μηνo~ [
2nd hand έβ86μ[ηs- έν ΌξυρύΥχων
1st hand π6λει Tη~ Θη[βαE80~
α/!-νηf Tη~ [
ΡΕΤ/Τ/ΟΝ OF DIONYSIA 14 Ι
Πτολεμαίου
[.•.• . ]aρ[
ι. Judging by line 3, about twenty..one letters are l0st at the end of the line; so there
is not room for the insertion of Ν 'ον Διονύσου.
2. FΙΌm Β. c. 79 to 69 Cleopatra Tryphaena was associated with the king ίη the dates
upon demotic contracts (Strack, Dynastze de," P/olemαer, ρ. 67). The length of tl1e lacuna ίη
line 2 is also ίn favour of the number of the year having exceeded 12.
CCXXXVII. ΡΕΤΙΤΙΟΝ OF DIONYSIA ΤΟ ΤΙΙΕ PRAEFECT. #
Α. D. 186.
This long and important papyrus, which contains οη the verso most of the
fifth book of the Ilz'ad printed above (ccxxiiί), is a petition addressed by
Dionysia, daughter of Chaeremon an ex-gymnasiarch of Oxyrhynchus, to
Pomponius Faustianus, praefect ίη the 26th year of Commodns (note ση Col. V.
5). The latest date mentioned ίη the papyrus is Epeiph 3 of the 26th year
(VI, 36), when the acting strategus decided that Dionysia should' send
a complete account of her case to the praefect, the result of whicl1 deci~ion was
the composition of the present document. Since it is unlikely that there would
be any delay οη Dionysia's part ίη forwarding her petition, the papyt·us was ηο
doubt written ίη the last two months of the 26th year or at latest ίη the early
part of tl1e 27th year, ί. e. ίη the late summer or antnmn of Α. D. 186.
Few documents offer greater difficulties of decipherment and interpretation
than this petition: Νο less than nine columns, measuring from 28 to 30 cm. ία
t width, can be distinguished; but of these the first three, which correspond to
Cols. ΙΧ-ΧΙΙ of the Homer, and the last column, \vhich contains only the first
halves of Hnes, are too fragmentary to be worth pl·inting. Moreover, when the
roll was re-used for the IIomer, lίttle regard naturally was paid to the writing
οη the recto. The height of the papyrus was reduced, ηο doubt because the
edges had become ragged, and the top of each column is consequently 105t, though
it is improbable that more than two or three lines at most are wanting. More
serions damage was done by glueing strips of papyrus over \veak or ·torn places
οη the recto; for when these have been removed the writing beIow is generally
found to have been oblίterated by the glue, while even ίη those parts which have
not suffered ίη this manner, the ink has often become extremely faint or has dis-
appeared altogether. Following our usual practice, we have not marked a lacuna
by square brackets except where the surface of the papyrus has been destroyed ;
but though ίη some of the passages which have baffled us enough remains to
verify the true conjecture when it is made, only the resources of chemistry can
perhaps some day render legible most of the patches of effaced writing ίη Cols. ιν
and V. Ιη spite of these difficulties however, those parts.of the papyrus \vhich
are well preserved suffice to give -the document a very high rank from both
the historical and the juristic points of view among recent discoveries of Greek
papyri, though we shall confine our commentary chiefly to questions of
interpretation. ·
The complaint of Dionysia, which is directed against her [ather Chaeremon,
falls into two parts. The first five columns narrate the history of the monetary
dispute, while the next two and a half turn upon the right claimed by Chaeremon
to take away his daughter from her hHsband against her will. The last colHmn
and a half revert to the monetary dispute. It is fortHnate that the later part,
which is much the mol·e intel·esting, is also much the better preserved; but
here too we have to bewail the fortune which has deprived us of the conclusion
of the list of cases before magistrates upon which Dionysia relied [οι· support.
The monetary question between Chaeremon and his daughter is chiefly
concerned with the κατοχή of a property (ούσία) which she claimed and he denied.
Owing to the mutilated condition of the earlier columns we have ηο one definite
statement as to what exactly this κατοχή was, and we have to put together an
idea of it from a number of scattered and often imperfect references. For
the rneaning of the term,s κατοχή and κατ'χειυ the most important passage is
VIII. 21 sqq, (especially 22 and 34-36), which shows that these words refer
to a 'claim' or c right of ownership' (KTησι~) as opposed to 'use J (α) upon
the property of the husband, conferred ίη conformity with national Egyptian law
upon the wife, (δ) ιιροη the propel·ty of parents, conferred by them upon their
children; cf. also the Oxyrhynchus papyrus quoted ίη note οη VI!!. 37.
Examples of both kinds of κατοχή are found ία Egyptian marriage contracts of
the Roman period (for reasons which we refer to οη ρ. 240, we prefer to leave
the Ptolemaic marriage contracts alone). The return of the dowry and παράφερυα
brotlght by the wife is uniformly gnaranteed οη the security of the 'lvhole property
of the husband. He obtained the use of the dowry, but ίη the event of his
losing any of it and the repayment becoming necessal·y, the wife had a kind of
first mortgage upon al1 her husband's pt·operty (Β. G. U. 183· 9, 251. 7, C. Ρ. R. 27.
22 and 28. 7). Examples of the second kind of κατοχή, that conferred by parents
upon their chίldren, are naturally rarer, since they wonld only occur where rich
parents were concerned. Α good instance is C. Ρ. R. 24, where a mother gives
~υ φερυ[ι κατa προσφορaυ άυαΦαίρετου to her daughter inter alia half a house (of
which the other half alt·eady belonged to the daughter) and a property of three
ΡΕΤΙΤΙΟΝ OF DIONYSIA 143
arourae, retaining the right to oίKησι~ and Ευοικίωυ αποφορά with regard to the
whole house, and the καρπεία of half the property. Anothet is C. Ρ. R. 28,
8
a marriage contract between two persons who had already lived some time
together αΎpάΦω~. Ιn line 8 sqq. of that document the husband and wife agree
to settle their property υροη their .children, συγχωροVσι μετa τΎlυ €Kατ'POυ τελευτήv..
Α simίlar provision is found ία Β. G. U. 183. 10 sqq., where the mother of the
bride and bridegroom settles (συυχωρει) certain land and house property upon
the married couple μετa τηυ €αυτη~ τελευτήυ; cf. Β. G. U. 251. 8 sqq., and 252.
Ι Ο sqq. But it is noticeable that Β. G. U. 183, the only one of these five instances
which is very nearly complete, contains towards the end a provision that, 50 long
as the mother who settles the property lives, ~xει.υ αύτηυ τηυ iξοvσίαυ τα/υ ίδίωυ πάυτωυ
πωλειυ ύποτίθεσθαι διαθ~σθαι ols tαv βούληται απαραπoδίσTω~. Whether such a clause
was contained ίη any of the other cases is uncertain; but if, as is most likely,
C. Ρ. R. 26 is the end of C. Ρ. R. 24 (Hunt, GOtt. g"el. Aιzs. 1897, ρ. 463), then
c. Ρ. R. 24 contained ηο such provision reserving the right of the parent to
alter the whole settlement ; under the terms therefore of this contract the children
5eem to have obtained a κατοχή over the property settled upon them by their
parents, ίη the manner described ίη νιιΙ. 35.
Applying this to Dionysia's case, her κατοχή upon her father naturally
comes tInder the second head; c( VI. 23, where it is stated that her δίκαιου
was laid down ίη her marriage contract with her husband, and νι. 14, where
Chaeremon states that he wished to recover what he had given her οη her
marriage (&. προσήυεγκα αύτυ, see note αd loc.). It is possible that her claim also
involved the first kind of κατοχή, if the ουσία ίη question was original1y part of
the dowry. of Diony:sia's mother; cf. νι. 24, note. But ίη any case this point
is of secondary importance compared with her claim based upon her marriage
contract, ίη which the KpάTησι~ of the ουσία was guaranteed.
The step which apparently gave rise to all the dispute between Dionysia
and her father was the mortgaging of this ουσία by Chaeremon for 8 talents,
to which proceeding Dionysia, her mother, and her husband all gave their
consent (VI. 24-5). But the detaίIs of the mortgage and the events which
fol1owed are obscure. It is not stated to whom the property was mortgaged;
but most probably it was to a certain Asclepiades, who is mentioned ίη ιν. 12,
27 as a creditor ίη connexion with a sum of 7 (IV. 14) or 8 (ιν. 25) talents and
the interest. It is clear that Chaeremon got into difficulties about the repay-
ment of the loan (IV. 19, 20), and that Dionysia tried to extricate him. Α series
of agreements, coνering two years, was made between Dionysia and her father
(IV. 6, 13, 26, 35), the object of which appears to have been the repayment of
the loan ; and one of the few fixed points is that Dionysia made herself ίη some
way responsible for part of the debt (IV. 7; 12, 14, 27), apparently οη condition
that she obtained the income of some of Chaeremon's property (ιν. 7-12,27-8,
cf. ν. 21). It is ίη connexion with this last point that her κατοχή perhaps
became involved ίn the dispnte. From 31-33 it seems that she nltimately had
come to an arrangement with her father by which he was eventually to receive
once more the income of the property which had been guaranteed her οη her
marriage, but that ίn the meantime she was to retain (Kαθ~ξω, IV. 33) this incorne
until the repayment of the debt to Asclepiades, probably by instalments of
ι talent a year (cf. ιν.33 with 14), had been completed. Το this retention ofhis
income by Dionysia Chaeremon objected, accusing Dionysia 'Περ';, αν6μου KαToxη~
(νιι. 1 ι), while he attempted to overthrow her position by demanding the
return of all that he had given het· οη her marriage, including the property ίn
question, the title to which had then been guaranteed her.
The scanty information which we can glean about the κατοχή is enough
to show that it was a very cornplίcated affair and apparently involved two
points, (1) Dionysia's right to the KpάTησι;~ of the property conferred by her
marriage contract, (2) het· right to enjoy the income fl~om it until she had paid
off the mortgage. It is tempting to simplify the question by eliminating one or
the other of these two points or by combining them into one. But the great
importance attached ίη the petition to the decl·ee of Mettius Rufns, which
has an obvious bearing upon the first point but not οη the- second, the letter
of Chaeremon ίη νι. ] 2, sqq., and the passage ίη VI. 23-7, al·e onlyexplίcable οη
the supposition that the κατοχή was secured to Dionysia by her marriage
contract; and the anxiety of Dionysia to get the, mortgage paid off accords
very well with the hypothesis that the ownership was vested ίη herself. Οη
the otber hand the various agreements enumerated ίη ιν, culminating ίη her
statement ίη ιν. 33 concerning the πρ6σοδοι of the ουσία, clearly play an
important part ίη the κατοχή question; but it is impossible, if we suppose
that the right to enjoy the income of the ουσία as well as the ownership was
given to Dionysia upon her marriage, to explain the permission given by her
to Chaeremon to mortgage the pl·operty, or her insistence ιιροn the decree
of Mettius Rufus, which draws 80 shaΓΡ a distinction between the χρησιs of
a property WhiCJl was reserved (ΤΕτήρηται) to the pal~ents and the κτfjσιs which
belonged (ΚΕκράτηται, i. e. κατΕσχηται) to the children.
Besides the dispute concerning the κατοχή between Chaeremon and his
daughter, there was also a difference regarding certain χορηγίαι which Dionysia
claimed from him (νιι. 10, 11), and which are perhaps identical with the τροΦαί
of VI. 27. It is not clear whether her claim rested upon her marriage contract
(cf. C. Ρ. R. 24. 18 ίn which a mother agrees to provide (χορηΥε,υ) the newly
ΡΕΤΙΤΙΟΝ O.f'"' DIONYSIA 145
married pair with a certain amount of wheat for a year), or arose from one of
the contracts enumerated ίη ιν (cf. IV. 8 where χορηγία" are mentioned). The
question of the χορηγίαι is separate from that of the κατοχή, for though Dionysia was
victorious with regard to the Iatter, she' had, as VI. '16-7 shows, not yet obtained
the former. Ιη νι. 27 Dionysia also complains that she had never received the
dowry which her father had promised her; and possibly this included the
χορηγίαι. But this assertion seems to conflict both with the statement of
Chaeremon and ~he general probabilities of the case. It is more likely that
she had received a dowry besides the κατοχή at the time of her marriage, but
that Chaeremon had tried to take it away, and perhaps succeeded. The
question of the χορηγίαι, however, is ίη any case quite subordinate to that
of the κατοχή.
When we pass from the explanation of the κατοχη itself to the steps which
both parties took to assert their claims, there are much fewer difficulties, since
the useful summary ία VI. 8-11 serves as a key to the narration of events ίη the
preceding colnmns. lt shOt1ld be remembered that Cols. I-V relate to the pro-
ceedings concerning the κατοχή and χορηγίαι, and that Dionysia had been ordered
by the acting-strategus to lay the story before the praefect, ίη order that he might
have a full knowledge of the facts before giving judgement οη the claim of her
father to take her away from her husband (VII. 4-8). But it is this claim which
is the primary subject of the present petition though it is not reached until.
Col. νι.
The first step was apparently taken by Chael-emon, who towards the end
of the 25th year sent a complaint to the praefect, Longaeus Rufus, accnsing
Dionysia of having defrauded him at the instigation of her husband Horion, and
asking for leave to recover what he had given her οη her marriage (VI. 13-15).
Α full account of this was probably given ίη CoI. Ι, of which only a νery small
piece remains, containing a mention of Longaeus Rnfus. Rufus οη Pachon 27
forwarded Chaeremon's complaint to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome,
with a request that he would attend to it (VI. 15, 16, cf. VI. 8). The top part of
the much mutilated Col. 11 contains the conclusion of a letter from one official
to another, dated ίη Pachon of the 25th year (the day is 10st), ίη which the
phrase dυτίΥΡαφου ύπέτα(ξα (cf. νι. 16) occurs; and it is most 1ikely that the letter
which was quoted ίη 11 at length was the letter of Rufus mentioned ίη VI. 8 and
15. Ιη the rest of Col. 11 Dionysia is the speaker, as the expression 'Πpό~ μΕ και
του ~υδpα μου shows. She was ηο doubt much disturbed by the letter which the
praefect had written after having heard only Chaeremon's side of the case
(c( νι 8 τηυ του (Ρούφου επιστοληυ εφ' οτφ ιγράφη, and note), and resolved to appeal
to Rufus herself. Towards the end of Col. 11 a lίne begins Εύθv~ κaτΕφυΥΟΙ}
L
iπι τ ..•. q,TOV ΛΟΥΥαϊου <ρο[υφου. The catalogue of grievances against Chaeremon
Wllich Dionys~a laid before Rufus occupies Col. IV. 1-34 and probably Col. 111 ;
cf. IV. 35 ταυτα δια του βιβλΕιδίου άPEPEYKoύaη~ μου. lt iS not likely that anything
important happened between the receipt of Rufus' letter by Chaeremon and the
petition of Dionysia to Rufus, since ίη the snmmary of events ίη VI. 8, the
lVTVXla of Dionysia to Rufus follows irnmediately υροη the επιστολη του ιρουφου.
The date of this petition of Dionysia to Rufus is not given; but fl-om the fact
that she had received the answer by Thoth of the 26th year (~. 9) and that the
Ietter of Rufus to Chaeremon which gave rise to it was written οη Pachon 27 of
the 25th year (VI. 15), it may be inferred that the lvrVXla reached Rufus ίη one
of the three intervening months. The position of affairs, therefore, at the end
of the 25th year was that Rufus had received one petition from Chaeremon,
which he had οη Pachon 27 referred to the strategus, and also a counter-
petition from Dionysia. Ιη this she defended herself against the charge lllade
against her, giving a list of grievances against Chaeremon, and citing (IV. 35-9)
both the last agreenlent between herself and her father, and a pl"oclamation
by the late praefect Flavius Sulpicius Simi1is (cf. IV. 36 with VI!!. 21 sqq.)
endorsing an edict of Mettius Rufus, praefect ίη Α. D. 89, which regulated the
registration ίη the public archives of contracts concerning κατοχαι. The bearing
of this edict upon Dionysia's case has already been alluded to (ρ. 144).
Dionysia's array of evidence seems to have impressed the praefect with the
justice of her case; and 'probably being unable to believe that any one after ...
so many contracts had been drawn up through public officials would have dared
Ιο write a letter to the pl"aefect with fraudulent intent,' he forwarded her petition
to the strategus with official instructions (ύΠΟΥραφή, νι.' 9) to examine the
correctness of her statements about the contracts, his object being (if we may
be1ieve Dionysia) to make clear that if the facts were as stated ηο further
decision was necessary (V. 5-8). lt is noticeable that the dispute about the
κατοχή now resolves itself into the question of the existence and precise terms
of the contracts between Dionysia and her father; and therefore the legal right
claimed by ,Chaeremon ίη his letter to Rufus (VI. 12, sqq.) to recover any
presents he had made to his daughter οη her marriage seems to have been
disal10wed by the praefect. At any rate we hear ηο more of the legal aspect of
a father's ~ξoυσία over his married daughter until we come to the second half
of the case dealing with the d7Τόσπασι~.
The next step was that Dionysia appeared before the strategus ίη Thoth
of the 26th year, and requested him to carry out the instructions of the praefect
by obtaining from the keepers of the archives a full account of al1 the contracts
ahd othel" documents which were the subject of the dispute. Το this course
Chaeremon, who also appeared, was unable to offer any objection (ν. 9-14).
The strategus acceded to Dionysia's request, and ίη the same month wrote
a letter to the keepers of the archives, the text of which is quoted, forv.rarding
a copy of Dionysia's petition with the note of the praefect and asking for the
necessary information (V. 14-19). The keepers of the archives returned
a lengthy report, which gave all the evidence bearing apparently not only
011 the disputed κατοχή but οη the monetary claims of Dionysia upon her father.
The results of the inquiry supported her contentions οη both points. Chaeremon
was shown clearly, οη the evidence of an απογραφή ίη his own handwriting, to
have given Dionysia the rights which she claimed, and his attempt to repudiate
them was disal1owed. The strategus accordingly, without recoul#se to a trial,
decided ίη her favour (ν. 20-27). Four months had been occupied by the
examination of the documents, and ίη the meantime Longaeus Rufus had been
succeeded as praefect by Pomponius Faustianus; for it is to the latter that
ίη Tybi of the 26th year (ν. 27, note) the strategus wl#ote announcing the
issue of' the inquiry and forwarding a copy of the report of the βιβλιoφύλαKE~
(v. 27-30). Dionysia, too, herself wrote to Faustianus explaining that the
inquiry which had been ordered had taken place, and entreating him to settle
the dispnte final1y by giving instructions to the strategus that she was to remain
ία undisturbed possession of her rights (Υ. 30-35). Το this petition Pomponius
Faustianus, after examination of the documents forwarded by the strateg1Js,
retnrned a favourable reply (V. 35-38). Lastly, Dionysia appeared once more
before the strategus with the praefect's answer, and requested him to inform the
keepers of the archives that her rights were to be respected, and that ηο further
attempt οη the part of Chaeremon to dispute them was to be·aIlowed. Το this
the strategus agreed, and the necessary instt#uctions were sent (ν. 3 8 -νι . 4;
cf. νι. ι ι). .
The case now appeared to have been finally settled; but Chaeremon
declined to acquiesce ίη his defeat, and renewed his attack, though οη diffet#ent
grounds. This brings us to the second part of Dionysia's petition (νι. 4
to νιιι. 21), which may be subdivided into (α) a narrative ofthe events which
led up to the sending of the present document (νι 4-νιι. 8), (b) a statement
of her claim to remain with her husband (νι!. 8-13), (c) the evidence ίη her
favour (VII. Ι3-νιιι. 21). Appended to the last section is (VIII. 21 sqq.) some
evidence bearing upon the old question of the κατοχή.
Another four months bad elapsed since the letter of the strategtlS was
written to the praefect ίη Tybi (of the 26th year); and within this period fal1
the events narrated ίη \/. 3C:>-νι 4. Ιη Pachon, however, Chaeremon, ignoring
the results of the inquiry and the correspondence \vhich had taken place,
L2
appealed to the praefect ίη a letter of which Dionysia quotes a part. Ιη it

Chaeremon brought vague charges of παραυομία and ασΕβεια against her, and
referred to his previous petition to Longaeus Rufus ίη the year before and to
that praefect's answer, which he accHsed Dionysia of disregarding. He also
accused Dionysia's husband, Horion, of threatening to use violence against him,
and therefore claimed the right of forcibly separating her from her husband,
ίη support of which contention he adduced the Egyptian law οη the subject and
several decisions of Similis, a former praefect, and others (νι. 4-29). Pomponius
Faustianus, however, who had hoped to have heard the last of Chaeremon's
affairs, and like other praefects endeavoured to put some check οη the numerous
private applications for redress sent to him (cf. VI. 6 and 35), declίned to
institute a new inquiry; and οη Pachon 30 ίη a letter quoted ίη full (VI. 32-35)
requested Isidorus, the strategιιs of the Oxyrhynchite nome, to settle the matter
ίη accordance with the instructions already given by Longaeus Rufus. Οη
Epeiph 3 the answer of tl1e praefect was brought by Chaeremon into court
before the acting-strategus Harpocration, and Dionysia argιιed that the instruc-
tions of Rufus had already been carried out by the inquiry which had resulted
ίη her favour (VI. 35-41). The decision of the acting-stJ·ategus was of the
nature of a compromise. Οη the one hand he allowed that so far as the dispute
about the κατοχή was concerned the· ins~ructions of Rufus had been fulfilled; but
since Chaeremon ha9 introduced the ftlrther qttestion of the right to take away
his daughter from her husband, and ηο instructions had been given οη this head
either by Rufus or by Pomponius Faustianus, he refet·red the decision of this
new point back to the praefect, to whom he directed that the contending parties
should appeal, giving a full statement of all the facts (νιι. 1-8). It was ίn
consequence of this judgement of the acting-st[ategus that, as has been said, our
papyrus, which presents Dionysia's whole case, came to be written.
There follow (νιι. 8-13) a br'ief summary of Dionysia's arguments and
a statement of her demands. Chaeremon's claim to take her away from her
husband is rebntted ίn somewhat Hibernian fashion by two arguments:-
(ι) that ηο law permitted wives to be taken away against their will from theil·
husbands; (2) that if there was a law which gave such permission, it at any rate
did not apply to daughters whose parents had been married by contract, and
who were themselves married by contract.
We at length (νιι. 13, sqq.) reach what is the most interesting part of the
papyrus, the evidence produced by Dionysia, consisting -.of decisions of praefects
and other judges, opinions of eminent lawyers, and proclamations. This eνidence
is divided into three sections. That ίη the first bears ιιροη the disputed right
of a father to take away'his married daughter from her husband against her will.
, ΡΕΤΙΤΙΟΝ OF DIONYSIA 149
The second section is concerned with the proof that a judgement inνolνing the
payment of money conld not be evaded by bringing a fresh charge, as (according
to Dionysia) had been done by Chaeremon. The third relates to the Iaw
concerning the registration of contracts ίη the archives, to which Dionysia
appealed ίη order that her father might be compel1ed to fnlfil his monetary
engagements to herself.
U nder the fΪrst head three extracts from ύπομυηματισμοί, or official repol'"ts
of legal proceedings, are quoted, besides an ορίηίοη of a υoμΙKό~. One of these
(νιι. 19-29) records a case tried before Flavius Titianus, praefect, ίη Α. D. 128,
ίη which a father had taken away his daughter from her husband with whom
he had had a quarrel. The advocate [οι'" the father maintained that he was
acting within the Egyptian law ίη so doing; nevertheless, the praefect's decision
was that the woman should stay with her husband or her father as she chose.
The second case quoted (VII. Ζ9-3 8 ) took place six years later before the
epistrategus Paconins FeJix, and is very similar to the fΪrst. That the harsh
right" ·of separating his daughter from her husband was conferred οη a father
by the Egyptian Iaw is there very clearly stated ; but the judgement of Titianus
was considered by the epistrategus to be a snfficient precedent for oνerriding the
Egyptian la\v, and the decision was again against the father. The third case
(νιι. 39-VII1. 2) is from a report of a much ear1ier trial which took place ίη
Α. D. 87 before the iur'idt:cus. The inconlpleteness of the extract renders some
points ίη the case obscure; but apparently a father had deprived his married
daughter of her dowry and wished to take her away from her husband, while the
iuridz'cus decided that the dowry must be restored, and probably refnsed to
alIow the separation of the husband and wife. The fourth document quoted
by Dionysia (VIII. 2-7) is an ορίηίοη of Ulpius Dionysodorus, a υoμΙK6~ who
had been consulted by Salvistius Africanus, a military officer exercising judicial
functions. The details of the case are not giνen, but here too there was
a question of a dowry which a father wished to take away from his daughter.
The issue turned οη the point whether the daughter, being born of an fι,γραφo~
yάμo~, was still ίη the lξουσία of her [ather after het'" marriage. The υoμΙKό~
decided that the lγγραφo~ γάμo~ contracted by the daughter annnlled her
previous status of a child born Ιξ αΥράΦωυ γάμωυ, and that therefore she was
ησ longer ίη her father'5 εξουσία. Ιη its bearing upon the case of Dionysia, who
claimed to be lt lγγράφωv γάμωυ (νι!. 12), the ορίηίοn of Ulpius Dionysodot-us
seems to be a kind όf argument α fortioyt:, since if the child of an αγpαφo~ γάμ o~
ceased οη marriage to be ίπ the lξουσ(α of her father, the child of an lΥγραφο~
γάμo~ would still less be 50 after marriage; cf. note οη VIII. 2.
Having concluded her eνidence ίη defence of her claim to remain with her
ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRl
husband, Dionysia next assumes the offensive, and adduces evidence. to show
that Chaeremon could not escape his liabilities to her by raising the new point
of his right to separate her from her husband. She quotes firstly (VIII. 8-18)
a decree of.. the praefect Valerius :Ι::udaemοn of Α. D. 138, penalizing vexa!ious
accusations designed to postpone monetary liabilities; and secondly (νιι r.
18-21) a very brief report of a trial ίη Α. Ι). 151 before Munatius Felix, praefect,
who οη that occasion refused to allow monetary claims to be affected by
accusations brought by the debtor against the creditor.
Ιn the third and concluding section of her evidence Dionysia reverts to
the old question discussed ίη the earlier portion of the papyrus, the disputed
κατοχή. We have first (νιιι. 21-4.1) the proclamation of the praefect Flavius
SuIpicins Sinlilis ίη Α. D. 182, reaffit-ming the decree of Mettins Rufus ίη
Α. D. 89 of which mention was made ίη IV.36-7. The proclamation of Similis,
which is partly effaced, was designed t9 regnlate the prevailing custom allowed
by. native Egyptian law of giving the wife ίη her marriage contract a claim for
both herself and het- children upon the whole property of the husband. ΒΥ
registering their marriage contracts ίη a βιβλιοθήκη different fronl that which con-
tained the απογραφαί of their property, some persons had apparently concealed
their ΊίabίlίtΥ to their wives ίη order to be free to incur further liabilities. The
praefect pt·oposed to stop this practice by requiring that the claims of a wife
upon ·her husband's property secured her by her marriage contract shonld be
included among the other docnments registering his property and deposited at the
public archives, so that the amount of his assets might be definitely known; this
being ίη accordance with a previous decree of' Mettius Rufus. Α copy of this
decree is appended by Similis, and it is fortunately not only complete but of the
highest interest. lts subject is the better administration of α7Τογραφαί (property
returns) and the official abstracts of them, which had not been accurately brought
up to date. Holders of property are therefore required to register tpe whole of
their property at the pnblic archives, and wives have to add to the statements of
their husbands a declaration of any cIaim υροη the husbands' property, whίle
children have to add a clause to the statements of their parents if their parents
have n1ade over to them the title (KTησι~) of any property, retaining only the use
of it during theil- lifetime. lt is this last point which has a special bearing οη
Dionysia's case (cf. ρ. 144); for she argned ίη connexion \ινίth her own κατοχή that
she had fulfilled aIl the reqnirements of the law (VII. 17, 18).
The concluding words of νιιι give the date of the next piece of evidence,
a ύ7ToμυημαTισμό~ of Petronius Mamertinus, praefect ίη Α. D. 133; and the first
nineteen lines of ΙΧ were occupied with an account of this case. U nfortunately
Ωσ connected idea is attainable. We gather, however, from 1ine 8 that one of
ΡΕΤΙΤΙΟΝ OF DIONYSIA
the parties ίη the suit was Claudius Dionysius, and that his advocate was called
Aelίus Justus; and the occurrence of the words δίκαιου &. ΠPOσEυήυεγKα~ τφ υίφ
σου Υαμουυ[τι ίη 7, and of δι&δοχου του παTΡδ~ γεvlσθαL ίη 9, shows that the case, as
rnight be expected, related to some claim of a chi1d upon a parent ίη conηexion
with the rights conferred οη the former by a marriage contract. Line 20 begins
ήΥορα]υομηκότωυ Σαλουιστίφ Άφρικαυφ lπάρχφ στόλου καΙ Ε['ΠΙ κ.τ.λ., cf. νιιι. 3.
Apparently we have here another πpoσφώυησι~ of a υoμΙK()~ addressed to the
official who was the recipient of the first (cf. νιιι. 2-7), and perhaps writ'ten by the
same υομικόs', Ulpius Dioηysodorus. The next foul" lίnes are ,hopeless ; ,but ίη 25
we have a date lTOV~ β r Αδριαυου Με[χείρ or -σορή, and ίη 26 aηother date ]ικωυ
'ΑθvΡ Ύ, which seems to belong to a period of joint rule, ί. e. when Μ. Aurelίus
and Commodus were associated (Α. D. 176-180). .Which, if either, of these two
dates refers to the πpoσφώυησι~ is uncertain, and therefore they are of lίttle use
ίη decidihg the problem concerning the date of Ulpius Dionysodorus' 'Πpoσφώυησι~
(νιι!. 7, note). Line 28 begins 'Αυυίφ Συριακφ τφ κρατίστφ ήΥΕμόυι, ίη the next
line κύριε occurs, and ία 35 Ερρωσθ(αι) Εύχομαι, ήγεμωυ KVpLf. Lines 28-35 therefore
appear to be a petition addressed to Μ. Annins Syriacus, praefect ίη Α. D. 163.
The subject of the petition, howeve.r, and that of the remainirιg six lines of the
column q,re quite obscure.
Whether the papyrns οrίgίηalΙΥ extended to another column or columns
cannot be determined. But we incline to the view that Col. ΙΧ was ,really the
last (though see note οη νιι. 14). If it had been complete, the distance to
which it would have extended suits th.e space that would be required for the
original beginnings of lines ίη the first column of the Homer οη the verso and for
the blank space which would naturally have been left ίη front of them. At any
rate when the roll came to be re-used for the Homer, it did not extend beyond
Col. ΙΧ οη the recto, which corresponds to Col. Ι of the verso; for the writer
of the Holner would not have added fresh papyrus (containing Col. χν
onwards) at the end of the verso if there had been more space available
at the beginning of it. Moreover, out of the three divisions of Dionysia's
evidence (νι!. ]5-18) two have been concluded, and the third already occupies
a column and a half.
Did Dionysia ultimately win hel" case ? That, too, of course is uncertain, and
we must be cautious ίn accepting her ex parte statements about the facts. Νο
doubt Chaeremon had plenty of arguments οη his side. But if Pomponius
Faustianus was guided by the example of Flavius Titianus (VII. 29, 37), his
decision was most probably ία Dionysia's favour.
The papyrus is written ία a flowing but clear cnrsive haiιd which tends
to vary ία size. The y-shaped η is commonly used (cf. ρ. 53). Α certain number
•
of mistakes ίη grammar and spelling occur. Νο doubt the present docun1ent

is a copy of the original which \vas sent to the praefect.
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δε μή, πάνTε~ έρουσιν 8τι κατηΥορω. και ~ιμίλιδo~ διαTάyμαTO~. ΦλαούΙΟΥ
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30 κτήσεωιι βιβλιοθή Κ l1 δια[ σ]τρώματα, καίτοι πολλάκιr ~e!~~v iιπo τα/ν προ
έμου έπάρχων Tη~ δεούσηΥ αύT~ Tvx~fv έπαιιορθώ-
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, " " ,.. ι.'l.' ,
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δανεισταr &r έαν ~xωσι ύπoθήKα~ και τουΥ ΙΙλλουΥ
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8ημοσίων ΤΕτήρηται χρηματισμων, ή δΕ KTfj...
utr μετα θάνατον Toί~ T€KJIOtr κεκράτηται, (να ol συναλλάσσoνTε~ μη κατ
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Εισιν , T'l/,..
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40 tl
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λω TOΙ~ β[ι]βλιοφύλαςι 8ια πενταετίαΥ έπανανεουσθαι
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τα οιαστρωματα μετα φ '"
εpoμενη~ ει~ τα καινοποιουμενα Tη~ τε λ ευTαια~ εκαστου
ι, ",... '
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μα/ν Πετρωνίου Μαμερτείνου. (~TOυ~) ιη tA8p(Lαvov), Άθυρ ιε.
ιν. 5. λοιπά Tη~ Tιμ.η~: the τιμή appears to be the sum of 8 talents for which
Chaeremon mortgaged the property settled upon Dionysia, cf. IV. 7, 14 and νι 25.
6. ~ιά ~ημoσΙoυ: a public official or office such as the άΥορανομείοιι or μνημονείον,
cf. note οη νιιΙ. 36. The main verbs throughout CoI. IV, ΥΕΥονέναι, lμμEμEνηιcέναι, &c., are
ίn the infinitive because Dionysia is quoting her previous petition to Longaeus Rufus.
9. Perhaps δια Tη~ τJων ίJ.λλων.
10. Probably συνΥραψα[μένου τJoiJ πάππου.
Ι Ι. Επι την πρόνοιαν: Επί seems superfluous. aη the probable nature of this transaction
see introd. ρ. 144.
12. Asclepiades seems to have been the mortgagee, cf. 27 and introd. ρ. 143.
2 ι. Ι ίίΦλημα. αναyιcασθαι is probably a mistake for ήναyιcάσθαι.
23. For Εντίθεσθαι, if right, cf. νιι!. 26 where it is used of the insertion of a claim ίη
the statement of a man's property deposited ίn the βιβλιoθήιcη των ίyιcτήσEων.
26. ~ανEΙσa~: the letters at the beginning of the next line might conceivably be θαι, ίn
which case αύτφ (Chaeremon) is left without a construction. But ~ανEΙσαι, the subject being
Dion}'sia, would be expected. Ιn any case ~ανείσα~ can hardly be right.
30. τη~ δε μηT[ρό~: the part played by Dionysia's mother ίη these transactions is obscure,
cf. note οη VI. 24.
34. αύτφ must be Longaeus Rufus, and the subject of Υράψαι is Chaeremon, cf. VI. 13
and introd. ρ. 145.
36. For ΥΕνομΕναν 1. 'γΕνομένην or, perhaps better, 'YEνoμέν~, ct: 6.
37-9. The proclamation of Similis reaffirming the decree of Mettius Rufus is given at
fu1l1ength ίn νιιΙ. 22-43, q. v. For ύπoστάσEΙ~ see note ση νιιΙ. 26.
39. Ι χρη/[ματισμων, ή δε ιcτησι~ μΕτά θάνατον Toί~ Tέιcνoι~ ΚΕκράτηται, cf. νιιΙ. 35-6.
v. 5. 'PoυΦo~: Longaeus Rufus, praefect, as the present papyrus shows (introd. ρ. 145), ίη
the summer of Α. D. 185; cf. Β. G. U. 807.10. He was succeeded by Pomponius Faustianus
between Sept. 185 and Jan. 186 (introd. ρ. 147). His probable predecessor was Flavius
Sulpicius Similis, who was praefect ίη Νον. 182 (νιιι. 27, note). Neither Faustianus nor
Simi1is are known from other sources.
ΡΕΤ/Τ/ΟΝ OF DIONYSIA
7. The ίnroypαφή of the praefect giving instructions to the strategus was appended to
the petition. Ιι was then returned Ιο the applίcant, who had to bring ίι to the notice of the
strategus, cf. 9, 37, and 4 Ι.
παροτΙθισθαι, means to report, cf. νιΙ. 9. The reference ίη 'μη~ ~ιαyνώσιω~ is obscure.
Probably the meaning is that Rufus had given a decision favourable Ιο Chaeremon before
he had received the counter-petition from Dionysia, and now wished to modify it;
cf. introd. ρ. 145.
10. The β"βλιoΦύλαKΙ~ τω" ΙΥκτήσιων were the natural persons to be referred to ίη the
case of a disputed title to real property, since the dΠοΥραΦαΙ of such property were sen t to
them; cf. note οη VIII. 31, and Β. G. U. 11, a πpoσΦώνησι~ of the Arsinoite β"βλιoΦύλαKΙ~
upon the possession of a piece of Iand claimed by two persons of the same name.
12. ΥινομένΥ: there ίΒ ηο trace of there having been a previous inquiry before that
which is referred to ίη line 7; so it is probable that ϊ'flιομίVll is a mistake for Υιvομ'''lI or
'γΙlJησομέIΙΥ. The ρ of πpα'YμαTO~ is corrected from α. .
13. The vestiges after το at the beginning of the line do not suit ήΥιμοvl~,
17. Some verb like προσέταξι is wanted at the beginning of the line.
18. λαμπροτάτφ ήΥfμόv,,: cf. VI. 2, 14, &c. The epithet 8ιaσημόTαTO~ is found ίη νl. 34 and
νιΙ. 6. Th~ ear1ier praefects were called κράτιστοι, see νιΙ. 37, νιιΙ. 8, and introd. ρ. 151,
2 ι. The word after ήμfΙ[τ]έρ[ων] is not ~ικαlωv, but the allusion must be to 'the κατοχή.
Apparently the answer of the βιβλιoφύλαKΙ:~ justified not only Dionysia's οriginaΙκατοχή upon
her father's property (cf. introd. ρ. 143), but also her claims υροη him ϊη connexion with
the transactions narrated ίη IV.
Jvτvχώv: this verb is used both of making and attending to a petition, c( V. 5, 30,
35, VI. 10.
23. This άΠΟΥραφή was probably a declaration by Chaeremon which mentioned Dionysia's
claim upon him (cf. VIII. 35), and was the principal evidence pl·oving the existence of the
κατοχή which Chaeremon denied. The date of Dionysia's marriage contt'act by which she
obtained the κατοχή (νι 23), i8 nowhere stated. Presumably ίι took place ίη οτ before the
22nd year, which is the earliest date mentioned ίn ιν (lίne 6).
27. σοΙ: Pomponius Fau8tianus, who had succeeded Longaeus Rufus as praefect during
the inquiry; cf. νι 32, νιι. 6, and introd. ρ. 147.
33. μηTpφα~: cf. note οη VI. 24.
34. μηδέν νιωτιρΙζισθαι: the subject is Chaeremon, cf. νl. 3.
35. καθα κ.τ.λ.: something lίke μrι~E τφ κυρ'φ 'νοχλιίν is required for the preceding
lacuna, cf: νΙ. 4, 6, 35. The custom of appealing to the highest authority ίη the land οη
quite trivial disputes was inherited from the Ptolemaic period, when similar appeals were
addressed to the king and queen, of \vhich numerous examples are afforded by the papyri.
From νι. 6 it appears that one of the first acts of a new praefect was to issue a proclama-
tion against unnecessary petitions.
38. The λοιπη άξΙωσ,,~ of Dionysia (cf. 42) apparently means her request for the help
of the strategus ίη asserting her rights (33). The strategus considered that the brief answer
of the praefect . . . ~ΙKαΙoι~ χρησθαι ~ύνασθαι justified Ιιίω in acceding to this request.
νι 1-4. These Iines are probably the conclusion of the commands addressed to the
βι,βλιoΦύλαl(ι~ by the strategus, cf. νι. ι ι τα ,κ Tatπη~ TOΙ~ βιβλι,οφύλαξι. lπιστάλματα.
νι. 4-νι!. 8. 'Chaeremon, however, once more renewed his attacks upon me without
cessation, but recognizing the impossibility of accusing me any longer concerηing my l"ights
to possessioη after such elaborate inquiries and so much correspondence had taken place,
tumed his schemes ίη another direction; and though your highness had like your pre-
decessors recently proclaimed that applications concerning private suits were ηο! to be sent
to you, he not only wrote but came ϊη person and mutilated the case, as if he w~re
166 τl1Ε OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
able to deceive even the lord praefect. Ignoring entirely both the circumstance's tinde~
which the Ietter of Rufus was written, my petition to Rufus, his answer, the' inq uiry held by"
the strategus, the 14eport οΕ the keepers of the archives, the letter written to yon οη the
subject by the strategns, the reply to ίι which you sent to me οη my petition, and the orders
consequently issued Ιο the keepers of the archives, he merely \vrote to you a letter to the
following effect: "From Chaeremon, son of Phanias, ex-gymnasiarch of Oxyrhynchus~
ΜΥ daughter Dionysia, my lord praefect, having committed many implous and illega.l acts
against me at the instigation of her husband Horion, son of Αρίοn, Ι sent to his
exeellency Longaeus Rufus a letter ίn which Ι claimed to recover ίn accordance with the
laws the sums which Ι had made over to her, expecting that this would induce her to stop
her insults. The praefect wrote to the strategus of the nome ίη the 25th year, Pachon
27, enclosing copies of the documents which Ι had submitted, with instructions to
examine my petition and to act accordingly. Since therefore, my lord, she continues her
outrageous behaviour and insultlng conduct towards me, Ι claim to exercise the right given
me by the law, pal"t of which Ι quote below for your information, of taking her away
~gainst her will from her husband's house without exposing myself to violence either ση
the part of aηy ageηt of Horion or of Horion himself, who ίΒ continually threatenlng to use
it. Ι have appended for your information a selection from a large number of cases bearing
υροη this question. 26th year, Pachon." Such was his letter. He could not indeed
·cite a single insult or any other act of injustice against himself with which he charged me,
but malice was the root of his abuse and assertion that he had been shamefully treated by
me, saying that forsooth Ι turned a deaf ear. to him, and a desire to deprive me of the
right which Ι retain over the property. Stranger accusation still, he professes that he is
exposed to violence οη the part ofmy husband, who,.even after my marriage contract with hirp
which stated tl1at Ι brought him this right unimpaired, gave his consent to me and afterwards
to my mother ... when we wished to agree to Chaeremon's mortgaging the property ίn
question for a total sum of 8 talents. Siηce that time (he has continued) attempting Ιο
deprive me of my husband, being unable to deprive me οί my property, ίn order that Ι may
be unable to get provision even from my lawful husband, while from my father Ι have
had neither the dowry which he promised nor any other present, nay more, Ι have never
received at the proper times the aIlowance provided. He also appended the judgements
of Similis as before, and other similar cases quoted by the archidicastes ίn his letter to
Longaeus Rufus, unabashed by the fact that even Rufus had paid ηο attention to them
as a precedent οη account of their dissimilarity (to the present case). . . . But. yoυ~
10rdship exercising your divine memory and unerring judgement took into consideration
the letter \vritten to you by the strategus, and the fact that a searching inquiry into the
affair had already been ,held, and that ... was a pretext for plotting against me; and you
ans\vered the strategus as follows :-" Pomponius Faustianus to Isidorus, strategus of the
Oxyrhynchite nome, greeting. The compIaint which Ι have received from Chaeremon,
ex-gymnasiarch of Oxyrhynchus, accusing Horion, the husband of his daughter, οΕ using
violence against him, has by my orders been appended to this letter. See that the matter
is decided ίη accordance with the previous instructions of his excellency Longaeus Rufus, ία
order that Chaeremon may not send any more petitions οη the same subject. Farewell.
26th year, Pachon 30." Οη the receipt of this letter, Chaeremon b140ught it οη
Epeiph 3 before Harpocration, royal scribe and deputy-strategus; and Ι appeared ίn court
through my husband, and not only weIcotned your orders and desired to abide by them,
but showed that a decision ίn accordance with the previous instructions of Rufus had
already been reached. For- while Chaeremon had written to protest against my claim as
being illegal, Rufus, as was proved both by his answer to Chaeremon and his reply to my
petition, desired that an inquiry should be held to investigate the justness of my claim, and
gave orders to the strategus οη the subject. The strategus did not fail to execute them. He
held a searching inquiry οη the evidence of the keepers of the archives, and wrote to the
praefect a repoI·t οη the whole case.•.. (The decision of the deputy-strategus was) " ... that
the strategus carried out Rufus' instl·uctions by the commands given to the keepel·s of the
archives, and by writing the aforesaid letter οη the subject. But since Chaeremon ίη
the petition which he has no\v sent to his excellency the praefect claimed to take away
his daughter against her will from her husband, and since neither the letter of his late
excellency Rufus nor that of his excellency the praefect Pomponius Faustianus appears
to contain any definite order οη this question, his excellency the praefect can receive
a petition concerning it giving a full account of the facts of the case, ίη order that
judgement may be given ίη accordance with his instructions.",
νι. 5. έτίρφ: έτΕρωσΕ ,vould have been better, for the meaning 'entrusted to some
one else ' is impossible.
8. την τοϋ (Ρούφου Επιστολήν: cf. 15 below; for the details of this summary see introd.
ΡΡ. 146-7·
'Φ' 8τφ έ)'ράφη probably implies that Rufus was under a misapprehension owing to
having heard only one side of the case, when he wrote the comparatively favourable answer
to Chaeremon's petition (15, 16): cf. also ν. 7, note, and introd. ρρ. 145-6.
14. προσήνΕ'Υκα : προσφέΡΕιν is the ,vord regularly used ίη marriage contracts for the
dowry and other presents from her parents brought by the bride.
κατα TOIι~ νόμoυ~: Chaeremon was probably right ίη so far that the native Egyptian law
gave him the power of taking back a do\vry ,vhich he had given, cf. νιΙ. 41.
15. Ε)'ραψΕν: cf. note οη 8 and introd. ρ. 145.
17. του νόμου: cf.. νιι. 27, 34, 4 ι. From those passages ίι is clear that Chaeremon
was quite correct ίη his contention that the native Egyptian ]aw gave him the right to take
away hjs danghter from her husband. But ση the other hand Flavius Titianus had over-
ridden this law (νιι. 29). It is curJous that the native Egyptiaη law, ,vhich has generally
been thought to be much more favourable to women than the Greek or the Roman law,.
should have contained so harsh a provision, and that the rights of fathers should actually
in the second century Α. D. have to be softened by Roman praefects and lawyers. There
is, however, ηο possibility of evading this conclusion. Pαlrzα Poleslαs was certainly foreign'
to Greek law (Mitteis, Rezchsrecht und Volksrechl, ρ. 66); and to the hypothesis that this
right was given to fathers under the Ptolemaic regime there is the further objection that the
νόμo~ is characterized ϊη νιΙ. 34, 40-1 as specifically , Egyptian.' There is ηο trace of
this provision ίη the volumJnous treatises of Μ. Revillout upon Egyptian law relating
to women; but perhaps this is not surprising.
ι 9. των ΠΕΡΙ τούΤα/ΙΙ πραχθέντωιι όλί)'α: i.e. precedents from similar cases; cf. 28 below,
whence it can be inferred what Chaeremon's evidence was. The phrase might mean the
facts bearing οη the dispute between Chaeremon and Dionysia, cf. VII. 7 πάντωιι των έν τφ
πράγματι πραχθ/1ΙΤωιι, 'the history σΕ the affair '; but ChaeIemon \vould ηοΙ be likely to state
that he had οηlΥ selected a few of the facts of the case, nor to fail to draw attention to the
precedents in his favour.
2 ι. ''Πι φθόνφ seems to have the meaning οΕ έπιφθόνως, if indeed the absence of a final
r is not a mere blunder. The seηse ' οη the charge of φΟ6vοr,' even though Εφ' φ μΙμφεται
immediately precedes, is not satisfactory, for Chaeremon had chal·ged Dionysia with much
\vorse offences than φθόνος.
The sentence 21-27 is very involved, and severaI sel'ious corrections appear to be
necessary to obtain a satisfactory construction.
22. Οη the transactions concerning the κατοχή, see introd. ρρ. 142-5. κατοχήν seems
to be a mistake for κατοχης, but the constructIon of this line is very difficult.
24. μ[η]τρΙ: cf. 1V. 30, νιι!. 25, note, and ν. 33, which tends to sho\v that Dionysia's
l'ights came somehow from her mother. Combining this with the present passage, according
to which the consent of Dionysia's mother as well as that of Dionysia seems to have been
necessary for Chaeremon's mortgage of the property, it may be conjectured that the
ούσία ίη question was originaHy part of the dowry of Dionysia's mother. Dionysia, however,
does not seem ever to lay much stress ση rights derived from her mother. The Υράμματα
of her father, including the άΠΟΥρaφή (Υ. 23) and όμολΟΥήματα (1Υ. 6, 36), w.ere the important
evidence concerning the κατοχή.
26. άπα του πaτpα~ κ.τ.λ.: the truth of Dionysia's assertion that she had not I'eceived
her dowry is doubtful, cf. introd. ρ. 145. _
27. χορηΥΕιν is generallΥ. used of the provision made by the husband for his wife, as ίη
26, but it is also used of the parents; cf. C. Ρ. R. 24. 18, and see introd. ρ. 144.
28. '2ιιμίλιδo~: Flavius Sulpicius Similis, praefect ίη Α. D. 182 (cf. νιι!. 27). 1t may
be doubted whether Dionysia was quite ingenuous ίη saying that Rufus paid ησ attention to
the evidence of Chaeremon, for the letter of Rufus seems to have been favourable to him,
cf. note οη VI. 8 and introd. ρ. 145.
3 ι. άvτέyραψEν is a slip for άνTέΎpaΨα~.
35. Possibly σΕ ίΒ 10st after έρρωσθ(αι); but a petition quoted ίη 1Χ (introd. ρ. 151)
addressed appal'ently to Annius Syriacus, praefect ίη Α. D. 163, concludes /ρρωσθ(αι) Εύχομαι,
ήΥΕμων κύΡΙΕ. The pronoun is also omitted ίη Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXIII. verso 13, of the .
third century. But the full phrase, which becomes pI'actically universal ίη the fourth
century, occurs ίn an Oxyrhynchus papyrus as early as the 16th year of Trajan.
νιΙ. 1-7. The judgement of the deputy-strategus, cf. 10 below and introd. ρ. 148.
7. Above the lJ and v of δύναται are two signs like 11, and a similar sign recurs at the
bottom of ΙΧ. 1η all three cases the ink is not that used by the person who wrote the
petition.
8-19. 'Οη all points then, my lord praefect, the affair being now clear, and the·
malice of my father towards me being evident, Ι now once more make my petition to you,
giving a full account of the case ίη accordance with the decision of the royal scribe and
deputy-strategus, and beseech you to give orders that written instructions be sent to the
strategus to enforce the payment to me of the provisions at the proper times, and to restrain
at length his attacks upon me, which previously were based υροη the charge of an illegal
claim, but now have the pretext of a law which does not apply to him. For ηο law permits
wives against their will to be separated from their husbands; and if there is any such law,
it does not apply to daughters of a marriage by written contl'act and themselves married by
written contract. 1η proof of my contention, and ίn order to deprive Chaeremon of even
this pretext, Ι have appended a small selection from a large number of decisions ση this
question given by praefects, procurators, and chief justices, together with opinions of lawyers,
all proving that women who have attained maturity are mistresses of their persons, and c.an
remain with their husbands or not as they choose; and not only that theyare not subject to
their fathers, but that the law does not permit persons to escape a suit for the recovery of money
by the subterfuge of counter-accusations; and thirdly that it ίΒ lawful to deposit contracts
ίη the public archives, and the claims arising from these contracts have been recognized by
all praefects and emperors to be valid and secure, and πο one is permitted to contradict his
own written engagements. Ιη this way too he wiIl at length cease from continually troubling
the praefecture with the same demands, as you yourself wished ίη your·letter.'
ΊΟ. xopηyία~: cf. νι 27 and introd. ρρ. 144-5.
ι ι. ΤΕ after έπίσχειν is corrected from ~E.
13. 'J)ΥΡάΦω~ YEYEνημένα~ seems to be a mere repetition of έξ έryράΦωv γάμων γEYEVΗμένα~,
and most probably YEYEνημ;να~ is a mistake for YEΎαμημένα~; cf. νι 23, from \Yhich it appears
ΡΕΤΙΤΙΟΝ OF DΙΟjVΎSΙΑ 16g
that there was a συΙ'ί'ραΦή between Dίοnγsίa and Horion. 1t 1S clear, both from Dionysia's
admission here (εί Tί~ 'στι) and -from the πpoσΦώνησι~ οΕ Ulpius Dionysodorus ϊη νιιι.
2-7, that a distinction had arisen bet\veen the rights of a father over the person of a
daughter Εξ άΥράφων γάμ.ων who was not married Eyypάφω~, and his rights over a daughter
Εξ 'ΎγράΦων γάμων, \vho \vas married EΎΎpάΦω~, and that the freedom of children ίn the former
class was much less than that of children ϊη the latter. Indeed it seems that daughters
;ξ άΥράφωιι γάμων could not claim to have the judgement of Titianus made applicable to
themselves unless they were married EYΎPάΦω~, cf. νιιΙ. 2-7 and VII. 32, note. Α parallel
instance is afforded by C. Ρ. R. 18, which proves that a child by an ίlΎpaΦo~ ί'άμo~ could not
ίη the lifetime of the father make a will ίη favour of any one else. But it may be doubted
whether so far as the national Egyptian law \vas concerned Dionysia's second position, that
ηο law allowed daughters έξ 'πράφων Ι'αμών who were EγypάΦω~ Ι'ΕΥaμημέ7!αι to be taken away
from their husbands, is any more correct than her first statement that ηο law allowed αny
daughters to be taken away, which ίΒ certainly untrue, cf. νΙ1. 32, note. We should haνe
at any rate expected some reference by Dionysia herself or ίη the cases quoted by her ίη
νιΙ. 19-43 to the passage of the law forbidding fathers to take away from their husbands
daughters ίξ 'πράφων Ι'άμων who ,vere έγΥράφωr ΥΕΥαμημέ"αι. But ίn the arguments of the
adνocates ίη the trials before Flaνius Titianus and Paconius Felix nothing is said about
ίΥΥραφοι or 3:Υραφοι γάμοι, and the natural inference from these trials ί8 that the law made ησ
exceptions ίη the right which it conferred upon fathers Ιο take away their daughters. The
strength of Dionysia's case lay not ίη the Egyptian law, which οη al1 points seems Ιο have
been ση the side of Chaeremon, but ίη the judgements of praefects and others oνerriding it.
14. ίπιτρόπων: ίπίτροποι ίη Roman papyri are generally procurαlores Cαesαris who
were concerned with the royaI domains. But ηο judgements of this kind of ίπίτροποι or of
dpXtlJLKαoταt occur ίn VII, VIII, or apparently ίn ΙΧ. Ιη VII. 29-38, however, there ίΒ
a vπομvημαTLσμό~ of an epistrategus, and it ίΒ to this that έΠΙTpόπωrι probably refers; cf.
Β. G. U. 168. ι and 4, where an epistrategus ίΒ addressed as Επιτρόπων μέγιστε. The
absence of any judgements of άρχιlJικaσταl perhaps points to another column having been
108t after ΙΧ, but cf. introd. ρ. ι 5 ι.
16. The construction is difficult. ov μόνον apparently has the sense of' ηο! οηΙΥ not,'
which is assisted by ovlJ' έΦ~ϊTaι following.
19-20. 'Extract from the minutes of Flavius Titianus, sometime praefect. The
12th year of the deified Hadrian, Payni 8, at the court ίη the agora. Antonius, Βοη of
Apollonius, appeared and stated through his advocate, Isidorus the younger, that his father-
in-Iaw Sempronius had been induced by his mother to quarrel with him and to take
away his (Sempronius') daughter against her will, and that, when she fell ίΙΙ οη being
deserted, the epistrategus Bassus, being sympathetically disposed, declared that if they
wished to live together Antonius ought not to be prevented. But Sempronius took ηο
notice, and jgnoring this dec]aration sent a petition to the praefect accusing Antonius of
violence, to which be received an answer ordering the rival parties to appear. Antonius
claimed therefore that, if ίι pleased the praefect, he should not be divorced [1"Om a wife
with whom he was οη good terms. Didymus, advocate of Sempronius, replied that his
client had had good reason for having been provoked. For it was because Antonius had
threatened Ιο charge him with incest, and he refused Ιο submit to the insult, that he had
used the power allowed him by the laws, and had himself brought the action against
Antonius. Probatianus οη behalf of Antonius added that if the marriage \yas not cancelled
the father had ηο power over the dowry any more than over the daughter whom he had
given ίη marriage. Titianus said: 'The decision depends upon the question, with whom.
the wife wishes to live. Ι have read over and signed this judgement.'
2 Ι. ,Ι< μη.,.ρO~ άΦopμη~ probablΥ qualifies άπισπακέιιαι. rnore than Jλθό"τα.
23. άποφαίvιται: φαιν is corrected from φαν. If the indicatiνe is retained, the subject
must be Antonius; but ίn that case (ι) the present tense is curious since the other
verbs, when not ίn the infinitive, are ίη the past, e. g. άπικριίνατο ίn 25 and προσέθηι<.Εν ίη 28,
(2) 81'ι-θέλοιιν will then have ιο depend οη a verb of speaking ιο be supp1ied out of μΕτα
παθως άνασrραφένTα, (3) the construction after άποφαίνιται will be first a participle and then
an infinitive ήι<.ουκέναι, (4) αποφαίνιται from its position ought to govern 81'Ι, which, since
8τι-θέλοιιν is clearly a declaration by the epistrategus, it cannot do. Οη all these grounds,
therefore, it is better to read άποφαίνισθαι with Bassus as the subject, as ίη our
translation.
25. άποζΕυχθηναι: this shows that the dπι)σπασιS' of the daughter by her father was ηο
temporary measure, but intended to be a permanent divorce.
27. ι<.ατα TOVS' νόμοvS': cf. 34-35, which leave ηο doubt about the right conferred by the
national Egyptian laws, and note οη νι 17.
28. άπιρίλvτοS' is used of a cόηtract which is 'not canceIIed'; cf. cclxxi. 2 ι, and the
clause sometimes inserted ίη (Fayum) marriage contracts, e. g. Β. G. U. 183. 10 and
251. 8, μινούσηS' ~E έπι χώραS' τηS' σvγΥραφηS' ταύ1'ηS' άπ~ρlλv1'ΟV ιΙναι. That Antonius and his
wife were married εγΥράφωS' is clear from the use of this word and of έκ8Εδομένη, for which
cf. νιιι. 5 and the Oxyrhynchus marriage contracts which frequently begin with the word
έξέδοτο, e. g. ccclxxii. 1t is almost certain that the wife was aIso Εξ έγγράφων γάμων, cf.
notes οη 32 and νιιι. 4. Probatianus' argument, therefore, ίη so far as it concerns the
person of the daughter, resembles that of Dionysia ίη νιΙ. 12 (εΙ δΕ και εστιν TtS', ιΙλλ' ού, κ.τ.λ.);
and a general survey of Dionysia's evidence leads to the conclusion that that argument, so
far as the Egyptian law was concerned, was unsound; cf. νι 17-8, νιι. 27, 34-5. That
Dionysia should use ίι was, after the judgements of Titianus and Paconius Felix, quite
natural. But ίn the mouth of Probatianus at the trial before Titianus it must have been
an appeal to equity, not Ιο the Egyptian law, which undoubtedly was οη the side of the
father -and had to be overridden by the judge (νι!. 34). But Probatianus was chiefly
concerned with the question of the dowry, the claim to the Jξοvσία over the person of the
daughter having been discussed by Isidorus. Οη the rights of an Egyptian wife over her
dowry, which never became the property of her husband, see Mitteis, Reichsrech/ und
Volksrecht, ρρ. 230 sqq., though the new fact proved by this papyrus that the father had
by native Egyptian law cOl1siderable rIghts over the dowry puts the freedom of the ,voman
ίn a very different light.
Α clause enacting that ίη the case of the wife's death without children the dowry should
return to her family is sometimes found ίn marriage contracts from Oxyrhynchus, e. g.
cclxv. 30, 31. ΒΥ the Theodosian code the husband might ίη this case receive as much as
half the dowry (Mitteis, 0/. cz"l., ρρ. 248-50).
29. άΡΕγνων. σΕσημΕlωμαι: the official sIgnature of the praefect giving IegaI vaIidity to the
vπομνηματισμόS'; cf. Β. G. U. 136. 27, where άνέΥνων alone occurs.
29-38. 'Extract from the minutes of Paconius Felix, epistrategus. The ι 8th
year of the deified Hadrian, Phaophi 17, at the court ίη the upper division of the Sebennyte
nome, ϊη the case of Phlauesis, son of Ammounis, ίη the presence of his daughter Taeichekis,
against Heron, son of Petaesis. Isidorus, advocate for Phlauesis, said that the plaintiff therefore,
wishing to take away his daughter who was Iiving with the defendant, had I'ecently brought
an action against him before the epistrategus and the case had been deferred ίn order that
the Egyptian law might be read. Severus and Heliodorus, advocates (for Heron), replied
that the late praefect Titianus heard a similar plea adνanced by Egyptian witnesses, and
that his judgement was ϊη accordance not with the inhumanity of the law but with the choice
of the daughter, whethel· she wished to remain with her husband. Paconius Felix said,
"Let the law be read." When it had been read Paconius Felix said," Read aJso the minute of
Titianus." Severus the advocate having read "The 12th year of Hadrianus Caesar the lord,
Payni 8 (&c.)," Paconius Felix said, "Ιη accordance with the decision of his highness
Titianus, they shall find out from the woman," and he ordered that she should be asked
through an interpreter what \vas her choice. Οη her replying "Το remain with my
husband," Paconius Felix ordered that the judgement should be entered οη the minutes.'
30. Εν '1'fi παρα l1.vω Σι€β€νvύτου can hardly be right. Perhaps παρά is a corruption of
ά-yop~, cf. 20 above.
3 Ι. OVV: the early part of Isidorus' argument seems to be omitted; cf. the next ύπομ,νη
μαTισμ()~, 39 sqq., which begins ίη the midtile of the proceedings.
32. συνοικουσαν: the use of this neutral term (cf. νιιΙ. 5 άyράφω~ συνφKησ€) might
suggest that ίη this case \ve have to do with an ίI:ypαφo~ l'άμo~. The precise legal point
ίη these three trials is very complicated because a daughter rnight be (ι) εξ 'γγράΦων γάμ,ων
and married εγΥΡάφωr as Dionysia claimed to be (VI Ι. 13), (2) lξ ΕΥΥράφων Υάμων and
man'ied άΥΡάφωr; (3) Εξ άΥράφων Υάμ.ων and marrίeιΙ Εγ,,/ράφωr, (4) 'ξ άΥράφων γάμων and
married άΥΡάΦωr; and we have to consider ίη each case (α) the native Egyptian law and
(b) the modifications intl'oduced by praefects. As we have said (VII. 13, note), the native
Egyptian law seems to be perfectly general and admit of ηο exceptions. ΒΥ it permission
was given Ιο the father to take away his daughter, to whicheνer of the four classes she
belonged. lt is clear, however, that the modifications introduced by the Romans did not
apply to all four cases ίη the same degree. The προσΦώνησιr of Dionysodorus (νιιι. 2-7)
is concerned with a daughter ίη class (3) and the inference from it is (a) that the cases of
daughters belonging to classes (1) and (2) had already been decided, (b) that to daughters
ίη class (4) the native Egyptian law still applied, as indeed we should expect from Dionysia's
admission ίη νιΙ. 13 €Ι δε καΙ ~σ'1'ιν '1'ιr, κ.τ.λ. It is impossible to suppose that the cases
tried before Titianus, Paconius Fe1ix, and Umb..ius all concerned daughters ϊη classes (3) or
(4), [οι· then we should have Ιο admit that Dionysia cited ηο evidence bearing directly οη
her ο\νη case. Moreover the case of a ,,'oman ίη class (3) had clearly ηοέ been settled at
the time of the πpoσΦώVΗσι~, which is later than the three trials. These, therefore, are con-
cerned with daughters ίη class (Ι) or (2). Ιη the case tried before Titianus the daughter
belongs Ιο class (ι), see note οη νιΙ. 28; and as Titianus' judgement formed a precedent ίη
·the trial before Paconius Felix, it is clear that if the daughter ίη the latter trial belonged to
class (2) the epistrategus was ηο! ίη the least influenced by the fact that, while she was
άyράφω~ yε:yαμ,ημEVΗ, ίn Titianus' case the daughter was έγypάΦω~ ΥΕγαμ,ημ.έυη. 1t is, therefore,
ηο! very likely that the term συνοικείν ίη VII. 32 implies an I1ΥρaΦο~ -Υάμοr, especial1y as ίη
that case we should have expected a much n10re definite statement; cf. note οη cclxvi. ι ι.
If it does, then the case tried before Paconius Felix is, lίke the πpoσΦώνησι~ of Dionysodorus
(νΙΙ1. 2-7), a kind of α /όΥIΖΟΥΖ· argument ίη Dionysia's favour: i. e. if the ΕξουσΙα of a father
did ηο! extend oνer a daughter lξ ίγΥράΦων γάμων and dΥΡάΦωr y€yaμημένη, still less would it
do so ίη the case of one like herself 'ξ ίγΥράΦων Υάμων and έγγράΦωr γEyαμημ,έVΗ. 1f, however,
ίη the trial before Paconius Fe1ix the daughter belongs to class (1) (and the absence of
any argument οη the father's side that his daughter was άγpάΦω~ Υ€γl1μημΙνη is ίη favour of
this view), the second trial simply repeats the judgement of the first which, as we have seen,
bears directly οη Dionysia's own case. The third tria], that before Umbrius, is incomplete,
and probably the daughter belongs to the same class as ίη the second trial. συνείυaι, which
occurs ίη νιΙ. 43, is, like ΣVVOtI(fiv, equally compatible with an ;yypαΦo~ or ίJ.γΡaΦοr yάμo~;
cf. cclxvii. 19 σύν€σμ,€1J άλλήλoι~ άΥράφωr with cclxv. 31 'Φ' Αν εάυ συνωσιν άλλήλoι~ χρόνον, which
occurs ίη a marriage contract.
34. προσώπων: cf. νιΙ. 40, where the word is again used ίn the sense of 'persons,' and
Β. G. U. 323. 12.
35. aναΥνωσθητσ: Ι άναΥνωσθήτω, and ίn the next line άνάyνωT€ for αυαγυω'1'αι.
38. Ενιχθηυaι is ηο doubt a corruption of έλ~yxθηναι, for the daughter ,vas ίη court (3Ι),
and a word meaning 'asked ' is imperatively required by the context.
39-43. 'Extract from the minutes of Umbrius, z·uridzcus. The 6th year of
Domitian, Phamenoth ... DidJ me, defended by her husband Apollonius, against Sabinus
1
also called Casius: extract from the proceedings. Sarapion :-" Inquire of the witnesses who
are Egyptians, amongst whom the severity of the law is untempered. For Ι declare to you
that the Egyptians have power to deprive their daughters not οηlΥ of what they have
given them, but of whatever these daughters may acquire for themselves besides." Umbrius
said to Sabinus :-" Ifyou have aΙreadγ once given a dowry to your daughter, you must restore
ίι" Sabinus:-" Ι request ... " Umbrius :-" Το your daughter ofcourse." Sabinus :-" She
ought not to live with this man." Umbrius :-" 1t is worse to take away (a wife) from her
husband (than a dowry fron1 a daughter ?)" ••• '
40. Sarapion, who was ηο doubt the adνocate of Sabinus, appears to be addressing the
~ικαιο~ότηr•
42. Apparently Sabinus had taken away the dowry which he had given to his daughter.
The dialogue which follows is obscure. The judgement of the ~ικαιo~όTη~ was ηο doubt ίη
favour of the daughtel·, or Dionysia would not have quoted the case.
νιι!. 2-7. 'Copy of a lawyer's ορίηίοη. Ulpius Dionysodorus, ex-agoranomus,
lawyer, to his most esteemed Salvistius Africarius, praefect of a troop and judicial officer,
greeting. Since Dionysia has been given away by her father ίn marriage, she is ηο longer
ίη his power. For even though her mother lived with her father without a marriage contract,
and οη that account she appears to be the child of a marriage without contract, by the fact
of her ha νing been given awaΥ ίη marriage by her father, she is ηο longel the child of
e
a man·iage \yjthout contract. 1t is about this point probably that you write to me, my good
friend. Moreover, there are minutes of trials which secure the rights of the daughter
against her father ίη respect of the dowry, and this too can help her.'
2. Α 1Ι0μΙΚ6r was frequently appointed to act as assessor where the judge was a
soldier and therefore not a legal expert. Cf. C. Ρ. R. 18, the report of a trial befol·e Blaesius
Marianus, επαρχοr σπεlΡηr ΠΡώτηr Φλαουlαr Kιλίιcωll ίππικηs-, who has the νομικόs- Artemidorus as his
legal assessor. The present προσΦώllησιr is an answer by a llομικός to a technical question
addressed to him by an [παρχο, στόλου acting as judge, and invotves a point of law some..
what different from that of the cases tried before Titianus and Paconius Felix. Ιη them, as
has been pointed out (VI!. 32 note; probably ϊη the case tried befol·e the ~ικαιοaότηS' as
well), the daughters were lξ 'ΥΥράφων Υάμων. But ίη tbe case with which the προσφώιιησι, is
concerned the daughter was 'ξ άΥράΦων Υάμωll, and therefore the decisions of Titianus and
Paconius Felix did not directly apply. Nevertheless the vομιιcόr declares that the fact of
the daughter having herself contracted an εΥΥΡαφοr Υdμοr (cf. 5 τφ vπο του πατρο, αύτήν
έκ8όσθαι with note οη νιΙ. 28) annulled her status as a person 'ξ άΥράφων Υάμων, and
therefore she was freed from the lξουσία of her father and presumablΥ could appeal to
υπομνηματισμοί such as those of Titianus, Paconius Felix, and Umbι-ίus, as precedents for
staying with her husband and keeping her dowry. This προσφώνησιs- is Dionysia's chief
evidence for her statement (VI!. 14) that the law giving fathers the right to take away theil·
daughteι-s did not apply to those who were lγΥΡάφωS' y~yαμημέναι, while the three ύπομνηματισμοί
are intended to justify her statement that the la,v did not apply ιο daughters έξ έΥΥράΦων γάμων.
Οη both grounds therefore, as being herself ηο! only lξ lγΥράφων Υάμων but lγΥράφωs- ΥΕΥαμη
μένη, Dionysia could claim the support of legal decisions and opinions, though we haνe
seen that the national Egyptian law was much more unfavourable to her than she allows
(VII. 13, note). That Dionysia~ though herself lξ έΥΥράφων γάμων, should appeal to
a decision regarding persons 'ξ αΥράΦων Υάμων, is intelligible, since the rights of children 'ξ
αΥράφων Υάμων wel·e much Dlore restricted than those 9f children έξ Ε-Υ'Υράφων Υάμων, and there-
ΡΕΤΙΤΙ0Ν OF DIONYSIA 173
fore the ορίηίοη of Ulpius Dionysodorus that an ίΎYpaφo~ 'Yάμo~ freed a daughter lξ ά:ΥράΦων
')'dμωv from the lξοvσία of her father α forllori applied with redoubled force to herself, who
had not οηlΥ contracted an lΎΥΡαΦο~ γάμo~ but was not even by birth Εξ αγράφων γάμ.ων.
3. Σαλουισ'Γ[lφ' Αφ]pΙKανιi': another letter addressed Ιο him with the same titles occurs
ίn the muti1ated Col. ΙΧ (see introd. ρ. 151). Of the writer's name and titles only ['Γων
ήΥΟ]ρaνομηκότωιι survives, but ηο! improbably he was Ulpius Dionysodorus (cf. line 2 here).
Δ[ιον]υσία: the identity of ttliS name with the writer of our papyrus may at first sight
appear more than a mere coincidence, especially as the date of this πρυσφώνησι~ is uncertain,
cf. note οη 7. Eut Salvistius Africanus is not mentioned ίη the early columns, and the
Dionysia \vho wrote the papyrus claimed to be lξ l'ΥγράΦων γάμων. Moreover the date of
the πpoσΦώνησι~ probably falls ίη the reigns of Hadrian or Pius.
4. γΙΙΡΕται: the first ι is inserted over the line. There are two transverse lines through
the 'Γι of OVKETL, apparently ίη the same ink as that used by the person who inserted the signs
ίη VII. 7. Probably they are meaningless.
6-8. These lines are very obscul"e. και 81,' ύπομν.-δύνα'Γαι seems to have been put ίη
as an afterthought, and k:ίJπό ίη 7 to be a mistake for από. The νπομιιημα'Γισμοί would be
such triaIs as those before Titianus and Umbrius the ~ικαιοδό'Γηr, ϊn both of which the
question of dowry is discussed. του'ΓΟ ίη 6 n1eans the ορίηίοη of the JJομικόr which has just
been given, while 'Γου'ΓΟ ίη 7 refers to the preceding sentence και ~ι' νπομν. Κ.'Γ.λ.; cf. note
οη 7.
7-18. 'The 22lld year of the deified Hadrian, Mecheir 20. Copy of a decree.
"ProclamatIon of Valerius Eudaemon, praefect of Egypt. Following a most illustrious
precedent, the ορίηίοη of his highness l\ιlamertinus, and having myself from my own
observation discovered that many debtors when pressed for payment refuse to satisfy
the just clairns of their creditors, and by the threat ofbringing a more serious Chal"ge, attempt
either to evade altogether or to postpone payment, some because they expect to terrify their
creditors who perhaps may be induced through fear of the dangel" to accept less than the
full amount, others because they hope that the threat of an action will make their creditors
l"enOUnce their claims, Ι proclaim that such persons shall abstain from this form of
}ζηaverΥ, and shall pay their debts or use pel"SUaSion to meet the just demands of their
creditors. For any person, who, when an action for the recovery of a debt is brought
against him, does not immediately deny the claim, that is to say does not immediately
declare that the contract ί8 forged and write that he will bring an accusation, but
subsequently attempts to make a charge either of forgery or false pretences οτ fraud,
either shall derive ηο advantage from such a device and be compelled at once to paΥ his
debts; or else shall place the money οη deposit ίη order that the recovery of the debts may
be assured, and then, ,vhen the money action has come to an end, if he has confidence
ίη the proofs of his accusation, he shall enter upon the more serious law-suit. And even
80 he shall not escape his liabilities, but shall be subject to the legal penalties. The 5th
year οΕ the deified Ae1ius Antoninus, Epeiph 24.'"
7. The dates at the beginning and end of the ~ιά'Γα'Yμα of Eudaemon COll&titute one of
the greatest difficulties ίn the papyrus. Since the date ίη 18 cannot refer to what follows
(another date comes immediately after it), we should naturally suppose the 5th year of Pius
to refer to the proclamation of Eudaemon and the 22nd year of Hadrian to the
πpoσΦώvησ,,~ of Ulpius Dionysodorus. This however is impossible, for the praefect from the
3rd to the 6th year of Pius is known to have been Avidius Heliodorus (cf. C. Ι. G. 4955
with Β. G. U. 113. 7), while the date ofEudaemon's praefecture had already been assigned
with much probability to the last year or two of Hadrian οη the evidence of Ο. Ρ. Ι. χΙ,
which suits Eudaemon's reference here to Petronius Mamertinus, praefect ίη 134-5 and
ησ doubt his immediate predecessor. The date therefore ίη line 7, the 22nd year οί
174 ΤΗΕ 'OX-YRHYNCHUS PAPYRl
Hadrian, must refer to Eudaemon's proclamation, though it is unsatisfactol"y that it comes

before άvτlΥΡaφον ~ιατάyμaτ(}~ instead of after it, for the rule is that the date should either
follow the title, as e.g. ϊη νιΙ. 20, 30, or be placed at the end, as ίη νιιΙ. 27 and 43.
This difficultJT, however, is as nothing compared to the problem which then arises concerning
the date ίn line 18. Unless there is some mistake ίη the papyrus as to these two dates,
the οηlΥ document to which the date ίη 18 can apply is the τrpoσΦώιιησι~ of Dionysodorus.
We should then have to suppose that Dionysodorus enclosed a copy of Eudaemon's pro-
clamation and that the last sentence καΙ τουτο αύτfj (30ηθιίv ~ύναTαι refers to tlle proclamation.
This course has the advantage of supplying a date f01" the προσΦώιιησιs, which has not got
one at the beginning, and cannot claim the date ίη line 7 without Jeaving the proclamation
of Eudaemon undated; but the objections to it are quite insuperable. (ι) We should
expect Tόδ~ ίn place of τουτο ίη 7, and some reference Ιο the proclamation which he had
appended (cf. νι 19, νιιΙ. 27). (2) Though such an alTangement of dates is possible,
ίι is not ίη itself ΡΙΌbabΙe. Ιη νι!ι. 27 where the διάταΥμα of Similis quotes the διάταΥμα of
Mettius Rufus, the date of Similis' edict is put at the end of his own διάταγμα, and the date
of Rufus' at the end of his (νιι!. 43), (3) The proclamation of Eudaemon does not appear
to have the least bearing οη the πpoσΦώνησι~, which is cOl1cel"ned with the rights of a father
over his daughter, while οη t11e other hand there is every reason for Dionysia to quote the
proclamation after the evidence bearing οη the άπ&σπασι~ question, since ίη VII. 16 she
declared her intention of proving firstly the injustice of the άπόσπασιs-, secondly ΟΤΙ ούδ' έφείται
έπΙ πpoΦάσ~ι έτέρων 'Υκλημάτων ΦΕύΥΕιν Tα~ χρηματικαr δίκαr, which is the very subject of
Eudaemon's proclamation and of the following ύπομνημaτισμ6r (VIII. 18-2 ι). We are there-
fol"e Ieduced to the hypothesiS' that something has gone ,vrong ίη the arrangement of dates
ίn 7 and 18. T,vo methods of solving the difficulty may be suggested. The first is Ιο
suppose that the date ίn 18 refers Ιο a ύπoμνηματισμό~ or πρoσΦώνησι~ which [or some reason
has been omitted; but this is open Ιο the objection that the πpoσΦώνησι~ of Dionysodorus
will then be left without a date. The solution which satisfies every requirement except that
of inherent probability is to suppose that the dates ίη 7 and 18 have been wrongly trans-
posed. Then both the πpoσΦώνησι~ and the proclamation will have dates and the date of
th~ proclamation will come ίη a natural place. But though as has been stated the present
papyrus is probably a copy and not the original of the petition, and there are a good many
minor mistakes, such an error is verJ' difficult to explain.
8. Mαμ~PΤEΙνoυ: Petronius Mamertinns, w ho is known from Β. G. U. Ι 14 and 19 to have
been praefect from Feb. 25, 134, to Feb. 11, 135. νιιΙ. 43, where a ύπoμνηματισμό~ of
his js quoted, shows that he \\Tas already praefect οη Νον. ι ι, 133.
10; μ~ιζόνα/ν: i.e. mol"e serious than an action for the recovery of a debt.
12. τηr ~ίKη~ apparently goes ,vith έπανaTάσ~ι, since there is ηο instance of άπaυδaν
governing a genitive. Otherwise it would be more satisfactory to construct it with
άπαυ~ήσEιν ίn the sense of the χρηματικη δίκη, cf. 13 and νιΙ. 16.
14. ~ί ~ίτ~ κ ..,..λ. is perhaps defensible, but the sentence would be much improved by
reading ~lTα or ~lT) ~l.
16. το άναλαβFίν όΦΕιλόμ[ΕναJ 1ί: as it stands, όΦHλόμ~να must mean debts ίη general. τα
όΦ~ίλoμ~να would be an improvement. There is not l·oom for όΦ~ιλόμ[ΕJ1{JvJ.
ι 7-18. oύ~E τόΤΕ κ.τ.λ.: the sense of this is that even if the debtor won his μ~I'ων άΥών it
would not absolve him from the penalties incurred through fai1ure to repay his debt at the
proper time. The usual penalty for non-payment of a debt was enforced payment of the
ήμιόλιον or ι l times the original sum; cf. e. g. Ο. Ρ. ι. ci. 44.
18. (E'TOVS') ~ θΕου κ •.,..λ.: see note οη 7.
18-21. 'The 15th year of Antoninus Caesar the lord, Thoth 16. Flavia
Maevia having been summoned to defend herself against Flavia Helena and having obeyed,
ΡΕΤ/Τ/ΟΝ OF DIONYSIA 175
her advocate ... said: "We have been posted ίn the list (of accused persons), we demand
our rights ίη connexion with the money claim." Munatius said: "The money claim is not
barred by these new accusations. Otherwise every one will say that Ι am your accuser.'"
19. This brief account of an application Ιο a magistrate (probably the praefect, cf. note
οη 20) is clearlyan exemplification of Eudaemon's decree. Flavia Maevia had brought
an action against Flavia l-Ielena for the recovery of a debt, to which the latter
responded by herself bringing an accusation against Maevja. The advocate of Maevia
asks that the debt may not be evaded ίη this way, and the magistrate gives a favourable
reply, ίη accordance with the edict of Eudaemon.
20. Μουνάτιος': doubtless L. Munatius Felix, who is known from Brit. Mus. Pap.
CCCL νιιΙ. 17 to have been praefect about Α. D. 150. His date is a matter of some
importance because Justin Martyr mentions him ίη the Apology (Cap. 29) and a lermznus
α quo for the date of that cornposition is thus obtained. The present passage shows that he
was praefect οη Sept. 13, Α. D. Ι 5 Ι.
2 Ι. Ερουσιν: ν above the line.
21-27. 'And (a copy) of a decree of Similis. Proclamation of Flavius Sulpicius
Similίs, praefect of Egypt. When Ι wished to know οη what pretext it came about that
Egyptian wives have by native Egyptian ]aw a claim upon their husbands' property through
theil" marriage contracts both for themselves and for their children ίn very many cases, and
the question was disputed for a year, ... that (because) they deposited their marriage
contracts at different record-offices, l\lettius Rufus sometime praefect Ordel"ed that wives
should insert copies of their marriage contracts ίn the property-statements of their husbands,
and ordained this by a decree, a copy of which Ι have appended to make clear that Ι am
following the commands of Mettius Rufus. The 23rd year, Athyr 12.'
2 Ι sqq. These lines contain, ίη a somewhat imperfect condition, the edict of Similis
referIed to by Dionysia ίη IV. 36, when discussing the disputed κατοχή. But as the main
object of Similis' decree ,,,as to re-inforce the decree of Mettius Rufns, which is giνen ίη
15-43 and is practicall)' cornplete, the partial 10ss of Ιίne 24 is not vel"y serious and the
general sense of Similis' edict is clear, for which see introd. ρ. 150. lt must be remembered
that we are now dealing with the thil"d point οη which Dionysia declared ίη VII. 15-18 hel'
intention of bl"inging eνidence; cf. introd. ρ. 149.
2 Ι. και Ιιμίλι80ς' διaτάΥμαΤΟ$ depends upon αvτίypαφoν understood, cf. νιιΙ. 7. There is
a considerable space left blank before καί, and it is quite impossible to connect 8ιαf'άΥματος'
with κατηΥορω.
δια(ητουντι: the question was apparently addressed to the legal authorities, who could
not agree; so Sirnilis to make rnatters clearer issued this decl"ee reaffirming that of Mettius
Rufus. The dative is goνerned by the verb meaning 'answered ' at the beginning of 24,
which has resisted our efforts.
22. Cf. 34 below ίαν κατά τινα ίπι.χώριον νόμ.ον ΚΡατειται τα ύπάΡΧΟJlτα. Οη κατέΧΕιν, which
here interchanges with κρατεϊν, see introd. ρ. 142. ίπιχώριος' νόμΟ$, ' native Egyptian law, was ίη
the Ptolemaic period contrasted with πoλΙTΙKO~ JιόμΟ$, the ' State (ί. e. Greek) law' introduced
by the Ptolemies (Mitteis, ορ. CΖΊ., ρ. 50). Whether under the Romans the distinction was
maintained is uncertain, but ίπιχώΡΙΟ$ ηο doubt here means ancient Egyptian, like the
"όμος' ίη VI!. 34, 40-41 (cf. note οη VI. 17) and ό των ΑΙΥυπτίων vdpιor ίη C. Ρ. R. 18
(cf. note οη νιι 13).
25. έτέρΟΙ$, i. e. they deposited the marriage contracts which gave their ,vives a κατοχή
over their property, ηοΙ ϊη the archives ,vhich contained the ordinary αΠΟΥραΦαί of their
property and which could be consulted by persons desirous of knowing its exlent before
entering into contracts with them, but ίη another βιβλιοθήκη, where they might hope that the
κατοχή would escape notice, cf. 36. One of the main objects of the decree of Mettius Rufus
was to ensure that the κατοχα! to which real property was liable should be registered
along with the statements of the property.
')'Ενόμ,Ενον: the word which follows is not έπ[τροπονι. •
26. ύποστΙΙσεσιν: cf. 34 and 42. The ύποστάσει, were distinct from the ιίΠΟΥραΦαΖ, which
Wel"e only one class of the documents concerning ownership. ύπόrτTaσ", of which the central
meaning is 'substance,' i. e. p1"operty (cf. e. g. ο. Ρ. ι. cxxxviii κινaύvφ έμφ και τη, έμ,ηr ύπο
στάσΕω,), iS used here for the whole body of documents bearing οη the ownership of a person's
pl"operty (whether αποl,ραΦαί, sales, mortgages, &c.) deposited ίη the archives, and forming the
evidence of ownership. ΒΥ the edict of Mettius Rufus (VIII. 31-43) all owners of
house or land property were commanded to register it (αΠΟ'Υράφεσθαι) within six months of
the edict, and ίη the ύποστάσειr wives-"and,children had to insert (έντιθΙναι 26, or παρατιθέναι 34)
a statement of their claims, if any. The aιαστρώμ,ατα were the ' digests' or official abstracts of
documents refelTing to ownership of land and houses, and were also evidence for a title to
possession. The necessity ofkeeping the aιαστρώματα up to date is the central ροίηι ίn Mettius
Rufus' decree. For examples of official διαστρώματα of about Α. D. 100 containing
property lists \vith annotations stating subsequent changes, quite ίn accordance with the
commands given ίη 41-42, see cclxxiv and ccclx.
27. (ετου,) ΚΙ': the reading is not quite certain, but there is not much room for error.
Ί-'he absence of the emperor's name points to the decree belonging to the current reign ;
ann though Commodus ίη Egypt counted his regnal years from the date of his father's
accession he does not appear ίη dates upon papyri until Α. D. 176, and his sole reign only
began ίn the middle of his 20th year. The date therefore fcίlls between the 21st year
and the 25th, \vhen Longaeus Rufus appears as praefect.
27-43. 'Proc]amation of Marcus Mettius Rufus, praefect of Egypt. Claudius
Areus, strategus of the Oxrhynchite nome, has informed me that both private and ρπ blic
affairs are ίn a disorganized condition because for a long time the official abstracts ίn the
propel"ty record-office have not been properly kept, ίn spite of the fact that my predecessors
have ση many occasions ordered tl)at these abstracts should I'eceive the due corrections.
This cannot be done adequately unless copies are made from the beginning. Therefore
Ι command all o\vners to register their property at the property record-office within six
months, and all lenders to register their mortagages, and all others having claims upon
property to register them. And \v hen they make the return they shall severaIIy declare the
sources from which the property acquired has come into their possession. Wives shall also
insert copies ίn the property-statements of their husbands, if ίn accordance with any
native Egyptian law they have a claim over their husbands' property, and children shall do
the same ίn the property-statements of their parents, where the usufruct of the property
has been guaranteed to the parents by public contracts but the right of ownership after
their death has been settled upon the children, ίη order that persons entering into
agreements may not be defrauded through igno)"ance. Ι also command al1 scribes and
recorders of contracts not to execute contracts without an order from the record-office, and
warn them that not only wHl failure Ιο observe this order invalidate their proceedings, but
they themselves will suffer the due penalty of t~eil" disobedience. If the record-office
contains any registrations of property of earlier date let them be preserved \vith the utmost
care, and likewise the official abstl"acts of them, ίn order that, if any inquiry is made here-
after concerning false returns, those documents and the abstracts of them may supply the
proofs. Therefore ίn order that the use of the abstracts may become secure and pern1anent,
and prevent the necessity of another registration, Ι command the keepers of the record-offices
to revise the abstracts every five years and to transfer to the new ones the last statement
of property of each person arranged under villages and classes. The 9th year
of Domitian, Domitianus 4.'
ΡΕΤΙΤ/ΟΝ OF DIONYSIA 177
30. ~ιαστpώμαTα: see note οη 26.
3 Ι.8πιρ ού Kαλω~ κ.τ.λ.: this iS explained by what follows.
άΠΟΥράψασθαι την Ιδίαν κτησιν: throughout this decree the property ίη question is real
property, i. e. land or houses. ΒΥ a curious chance we have ίn three Oxyrhynchus papyri
(ccxlvii, ccclviii and Ο. Ρ. 1. Ιχχίϊ) examples of άΠΟΥραΦαί sent Ιο the βιβλιοφύλαl(f~ ίη the 9th
year of Domitian ίη accordance with this very decree of Mettius Rufus. Οη the origin and
nature of these άΠΟΎραφαί see the luminous article by Wilcken ίη Hermes χχνίΗ. ρρ. 230 sqq.
The present decree, taken ίη combination with the ne\v facts adduced by the Oxyrhynchus
άΠΟΥραφαί (see below), throws ft·esh light οη the subject, and suggests some modifications of the
views there expressed; cf. Kenyon, CaI. 11. ρ. 150, whose explanation is entirely confirmed
by the present text. Wilcken groups the αΠΟΥραφaί of house and land property together
with the άΠΟΥραφαί of cattle, and considers that άΠΟΥραφαί of Iand, and perhaps those of
houses, were made ΥeaΓΙΥ (cf. subject-index to Β. G. U. ρ. 399, 'alIjahrliche Steuerprofessionen ')1
like άΠΟΥραΦαί of cattle. There at·e, however, two notable differences bet\veen the άΠΟΥραΦαί of
houses or land and those of cattle. Τη the former class \ve uniformly find it recorded that
the άΠΟΥραΦαί are made ίη aCCΟΓdance with the orders of the praefect, while ίη the άΠΟΥραφαί
of cattle there is ηο such statement; and ίn the former class there is never any reference to
an άπογραφή of the same property ίη the previous year (ϊn ccxlviii an άΠΟΥραΦή of the same
property is mentioned, but it took place seventeen years before, see below), while the άΠΟΥραΦαl
of cattle often contain a mention of an άΠΟΎραΦή of the same animals ίη the previous .year.
Moreover the edict of Mettius Rufus, which gave rise e.g. to the άΠ()ΎραΦαί ο. Ρ. Τ.ΙΧΧίί
and ccxlvii, does ηο! apply to property other than land and houses. We must therefore
distinguish the άΠΟΥρaΦαί οΓ cattle, which were made year]y and requίΓed ηο special orders
of the praefect, from the άΠΟΥραΦα[ of houses and land. The latter kind may be further
subdivided into two classes: (a) those which are addressed Ιο the strategus or βaσιλικo~
ypαμμαTιύ~ and repOl"t land property which is unwatered (Ι:βρoxo~), i. e. Β. G. U. 139 and
doubtless 108 (Α. D. 202), 198 (Α. D. 163), G. Ρ. 11. Ινί (Α. D. 163); (b) those addressed ιο
the βιβλιoΦύλαl(~~, which register property ίη land or houses, whether acquil"ed by sa]e στ
inheritance, and the mortgages, if any, υροη it, ίn the manner laid down by the decree
of Mettius Rufus.
The άΠΟΥραφαί ίn class (a) are clearly of an exceptionaI character, and were sent ίη
when,owing to the Nile being low and a faiIure of the water supply having taken place, the
praefect issued an edict that persons whose farms had not been watered should make
a return. The four instances mentioned show that a failure took place ίη the years 162-3
and 201-2; but they contain nothing to prove that such returns were annual. It ί8
significant that they are addressed to the strategus and basilίcogrammateus,the officials who
controlled the taxation, while the other class is addressed to the keepers of the archives, who
\Vel"e concerned not \vith the taxation but with the title-deeds of property (fΥκτήσfΙ~).
Were άπογραΦαί ϊη class (b) sent ίη reguΙaΓΙΥ every year? Αη examination of the
instances ίn the light of Mettius Rufus' decree leads to the conclusion already reached by
Mr. Kenyon (Ι. c.) that this was not the case. Whenever propel-ty changed hands by sale
or cession, or, ηο doubt, by inheritance, the change had to be notified; ίn fact the
notification bad to be sent by the vendor before the sale took place, cf. e. g. Β. G. U. 184,
379, Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCX1X and CCC, and note ση 36 below. But a general αΠΟΥραΦή
sent ϊη by all owners of property, whether recently obtained or not, such as is ordained by
Mettius Rufus here, which stated not σηΙΥ the source (π()θεν καταβ;βηκιυ 33), but any
ύποθηκαι. υροη the property, and of which Β. G. U. 112, 420, 459, Ο. Ρ. Ι ΙΧΧίί, Ixxv and
ccxlvii-1, ccclviii are examples, is not a prz·ori likely to have been made every year; and
1 50 too Gr. Ostrakα, Τ. 46 ι sqq., though he admits that there is ΩΟ proof ίη the case οί house property.
Ν
ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHU,S PAPYRI
the tenour of Rufus' decree stl"ongly supports the other view. ]η the first place the general
άπογραφή ordained ίn VIII. 31 is to take place within six months, i. e. of the date of,the
decree, but there js nothing said about another general απογραφή. Οη the contrary it is
distinctly implied ίη 4 ι that if the ~ιoσ'ΓpώμαTα and ύπoσ'TάσEι~ were ΡΙΌΡerΙΥ kept υρ to date
by tlle βιβλιοq.1Jλακες there would be ΩΟ need of another general άπογραφή at all. Secondly,
if it \vas a standing rule that all owners of houses and land had to send ίη an απογραφή
every year, there does not seem much point either ίη this decree of Rufus ordering them to
do 80 within six months, or ίn the Jnsertion ίn the άΠΟΥραφαί themselves that they had been
ordered by a particular praefect. Thirdly, the necessity for the general αΠΟΥραφή is stated
by Mettius Rufus Ιο be due to the absence of a1lωθΕ1l ιlυτΙyραφα (3 ι), i. e. materials for making
a comprehensive list of all title-deeds to property, without which the existing abstl'acts of
documents bearing οη ownership cόuΙd not be revised. But if all owners of property had
to send ίη ιlπoypαφα{ every year, there would at any moment be ίη the archives sufficient
material for forming a general list, without having recouIse to special measures. Lastly,
the evidence of the extant απογραφαί supports the same conclusion. 1t is very difflcult, if
not impossible, οη a theory that yearly άΠΟΥραφαί of real property were made, to account for
the fact that ίη the majority of αΠΟΥραφα' the property Ieturned had certainly been acquired
8everal years previousJy, while ηο reference is n1ade Ιο a preνious άπογραφή ofthe property by
the present owner. Prior to Domitian's reign we have Β. G. U. 112 and ccxlviii-ccl. The
first of these, which is quite clearly a general return of ΡΙΌΡeΓtΥ of the same kind as that
ordered by MettIus Rufus, took place ίη accordance wIth the comma nds of the praefect
Vestinus. 1t records property acquired ίη the 5th and 6th γear of Nero. The docnment
is ηοΙ dated, but was probably written in the 7th year, to which ccl belongs. The date of
the previous άΠΟΥραφή of other property mentioned ίη that papyrus (χωρΙ) &v προαπεγραψάμην
ccl. 4, cf. ccxlix. 7) does not appear; but there IS nothing whatever to ίmρΙΥ tl1at ίι took
place ίη tlle year before the papyrus was \vrItten. ccxlviii. 32 seems to show that another
general αΠΟΥραφή was held three years afterwards ίη the 10th year of Ν ero.
ccxlviii and ccxlix were both wrItten οη Oct. 10, Α. D. 80. ccxlviii is a return of
property bequeatlled ίη Α. D. 75-6 and mentions (1ine 32) that the said ΡrΟΡeΓtΥ had been
registered ίη the απογραφή of the 10th year of Nero (Α. D. 63-4). This is extremely
significant. 1f the property had been regIstered yearly, there is ηο reason for the selectIon
of a date 80 far back as Α. D. 63-4 as the year ϊn \vhich a previous αΠΟΥρuφή took place.
Οη the other hand if general άΠΟΥραφαί only took place from tIme to tIme, t}1e reference ίη
Α. D. 80 to an απογραφή ίη Α. D. 63 is intelligible. Αη inference which may peIhaps be drawn
from this view is that between 63-4 and 80 ηο general άΠΟΥραφή (at any rate for the
Oxyrhynchite nome) had occurIed, and that therefore the previous άΠΟΥραφή mentioned ίn
ccxliX.7 was that held ίη 63. But this is doubtful. The ΡΙΌΡertΥ of which details are given
ίη ccxlix ,,'as devised ίη Α. D. 77-8.
ccxlvii, ccclviii, and ο. Ρ. 1. lxxii which are dated ίη the 9th year of Domitian
all mentIon the very decree of Mettius Rufus that Is preserved ίΙ). our papyrus, though
they do not state when the property registered was acquired. Οη the theory that the αΠΟΥραφaί
were γear1Υ, this coincidence must be explained as purely fortuitous. Οη the other theory,
however, the fact that they were written ίn the 9th and not ίη any of the other years of
Domitian's reign is explained. Β. Q. U. 536 is a similar απογραφή wrItten ίη Domitian's
reign (the' precise year is 10st), and it is specially interesting because it gives a list both of
property καθαρά άπό τε όφειλη~ και ύπoθήKη~ καΙ παυ'ΓO~ ~ΙEyyνήμαTO~, and of property Ευ ύποθήκτι,
quIte ίη accordance with the decree of l\fettius Rufus. 'There is but little doubt that this
papyrus too was written ίη the 9th year of Domitian. Α general άΠΟΎραΦή Is probably
implied by ο. Ρ. I.lxxv (Α. D. 129), which mentions ηο commands of a praefect but ίη
other respects resembles ordinary άΠΟ-ΥρaφαΙ. 1t iS not stated when the property was
acquired, but the will \vhich secured the legacy was made ίη Α. D. 84; and the whole tone of
the papyrus, as well as the reference to the previous άΠΟΥρπφή of the property by the father
of the present o\vner (cf. ccxlviii. 32), shows that the latter had been ίn possession for
some years. Another genel"al άΠΟΎραφή took place soon afterwards Ιη Α. D. Ι 3 ι, as is pl"oved
by Β. G. U. 420 and 459. That Similis ίη Α. D. 182 intended when quoting Mettius Rnfus'
decree to oIder a general ιίΠΟΎραφή is almost certain, though the point with which he was
most concerned was the claims of wives over their husbands' estates, and it is the part of
l~ufus' decree bearing upon that subject that he particularly wished to empllasize. Finally,
there is ο. Ρ. Ι. Ιχχνίίί, which refers to an άΠΟΥραφή made ίη accordance with the ίΎκέλEυσι~
of Marcellus, a third century praefect. Ιn this case the property had been laLely bought
( ι 6 ;ναyxo~ t'ωvημέvο~).
Το summarize the results of the evidence οη άΠΟΥραφαί of houses and land, whenever
property was about to change hands by sale or cession the fact had to be nolified by the
vendor to the βιβλιoφύλαKΙ~, who recorded the change ίn their abstracts. Instructions for
a general ΙΙΠΟΥραφή or fol" a ]-eturn of lJ.βιJΟΧΟ~ γη were issued by the praefects from time to
time, as circumstances required. 50 long as the βιβλιoΦύλακε~ looked after the title deeds
properly (from 41-43 it appeal"S that every five years they had to ·make ont a new con1plete
list of owners of houses and land), theΓe was little need for a general απογραΦή b)' ο\ι"ners.
But when they failed ίη their duties, then a new general άΠΟΥρaΦή was held, ίη which every
owner had to state ho\v he came }Jy his property and what claims there were upon ίι
General αΠΟΥραΦ(![ are known to have taken place ίη Α. D. 61,63-4,80, 90, 129, 13 Ι, 182
and ίη the third century; and ηο doubt several other occasions wil1 be established.
'lJτO~ μηvωv εξ: i. e. from the date of the proclamation, cf. previous note. Το give it
the sense of 'within six... months of the date of acqnisition 1 is contrary to the sρίήt of the
whole decree, the object of which is clearly Ιο proclaim a general άπογραφή of house and
land property and of the claims upon theIll, as a staΓtίηg-Ροίnt "[or a more accurate record of
changes ίn ownership.
32. τoυ~ ~ανιιστά~ : cf. the extract from Β. G. U. 536 quoted ίn note οη the previous line.
33. καταβέβηκιιι : this does not exclude property acquired otherwise than by inheritance ;
cf. ο. Ρ. I.lxxii, which is an άΠΟΥραφή of property acquίΓed by sale, made ίη accordance \vith
this decree of Mettius Rufus.
34-36. Cf. IV. 36-39. This was tlle ροτιίοn of Mettius Rufus' decree which applied
particularly to Dionysia; cf. introd. ρ. 144.
κατά τιιια ίπιχώριο71 νόμοιι: for the absence ίη Egypt of any rights possessed by the
husband over his \vife's dowry cf. note οη νιΙ. 28.
ΚΡΙΙT~ϊTaι: cf: 22, where κατ;χιι.ν ίΒ used as equivalent to κρατιίν.
36. ϊιια ΟΙ συναλλάσσονΤΙ$ κ.τ.λ.: cf. note οη 25.
παρα'γ'γιλλω: one λ is added above the line. fvιδΡ€vοvται: 1. έιιι~p~ύωντaι.
Toϊ~ συναλλαyμ,αToyράφoι~ και Toί~ μνήμοσι: cf. ccxxxviii 2-4, note. Αι Oxyrhynchus
the office of the agoranomus was generally concel"ned with drawing up contracts, though
the μvημοvι'iοv also frequently occurs and more raΓeΙΥ the γραφείον. Ιη the Fayίim the usual
medium was the γραΦfίοv. Ιπ both nomes \ve find the agoranomus acting as μνήμων, cf.
the Oxyrhynchus papyrus mentioned ίπ the next note and Β. G. U. 177. 6. Ιη fact only
ίn the preStnt passage and ίη Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCIX. 20 (quoted ίn the next note) iS
the μ,vήμωv, as such, found, and perhaps the title iS a general one like συναλλαyμaτoyράΦo~.
37. μη~έν ~ίxa EπισTάλμaTυ~: ίη the case of a contract effecting a change of ownership
of land the scribes were not ιο draw it up without obtaining an order fΙΌm the βιβλιoφύλaιcι~,
who must have first satisfied themselves that the property was ft-ee fΙΌm ύποθηκαι and other
claims. 'Γhere are several examples of applications to the βιβλιoφύλaKΙ~ by persons who
wished to dispose of their property, asking that instructions should be sent to the officials
Ν 2
who would draw υρ the contract, see Β. G. U. 184, 379, and Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCIX and
CCC. Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCIX concludes ~ιό €πιδίδωμ,[ι] Bπω~ Ιπισ[τaλfiJ [τ]φ μllήμονι ώ~
Kaθήl(~ι; cf. Β. G. U. 379. 16 διο προσαγγέλλο[μι:lΙ] oπω~ €πισTι:ίληT~ τφ τΟ γpaφ~ίoν Kαpαll[ίδo~J
συνχρημaτίζι[ιν] ήμι:ίν ώ~ ~αθήK~Ι.
Α similal" application ίn an Oxyrhynchus papyrus of the reign of Trajan contains the
foJlowing passage :-/πιδί[δω]μι [τ]ό ύπόμll[η]μα oπω~ έπισ[ΤfίλlJ~] Toί~ Tη~ μηTρoπ6λ~ω~ ιίγορανό
μο[ιs- ο.οσ,,] και μllήμοσι τι:λι:ιωσαι (\vhence we have restored TEλfιωσαι ίη νιιΙ. 37) τον χρημα
[τισμον] ώ~ KαθήK~Ι, and concludes with a declaration that the property is /(αθαpa~ a[πο π]άσηs
l(α'Γoxη~ ~ημ[ο]σίαs- Κ[αι] I~ιωTΙK[η~] (written lδιoδι/(η~) ~l~ την €νι:σTωσαιι ήμΕΡα[vJ. At the end
is the €πίσTαλμα of the βιβλιοφύλαξ :-'Σαραπlωv ό σύv eέωvι 8~ιβλιoφύ(λαξ) aγΟΡavό{μοι~) μητ(ρο)
'Πόλ(~ωs-) χα(ίΡ~ΙV). εΧΕΙ'Axιλλα,~ έν απογρaφπ rlls- άpoύpa~ Εξ, διο έΠΙΤEλεί1'~ ώ~ καθήκ(ι:ι).
41. πpo~ ΤΟ μη πάλιν κ.τ.λ.: the hopes of Rufus were not realized, for general άΠΟΥρaφaί
were held οη several occasions subsequently, cf. note οη 3 Ι.
43. κατ' είδo~: cf: ο. Ρ. Ι. χχΧίν. verso, Ι. ι 1 [τα ιί]~η των συνβολαίωιι.
μηυό~ Δομιτιaυου: Domitian gave his name to October (Suet. .Dom. 13): probably
therefore Phaophi is meant; cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLIX. 99 and Mr. Kenyon's note. For the
υπομιιηματισμό, of Mamertinus, praefect ίη Α. D. 133-5, see introd. ρρ. 150-1, and cf. note
ση VII!. 8.
v. FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS.
CCXXXVIII. OFFICIAL NOTICE.
19·4 χ 9·5 cm. A.D. 72.
Α NOTICE issued by some official, most probably the strategus, ordering all
persons who had deposited ίη the notarial offices business documents, stIch as
contracts, wills, etc., which documents were stil1 μετlωροι, to appear before the
agoranomi and have the documents completed within a certain time. The point
of the notice depends upon the interpretation of the obscure term μεT'ωpo~ as
applied to contracts. The word aIso occurs ίη Β. G. U. 136. 16 PΙE1loopa 'Πολλα
καταλελοιπ'υαι, and 417. 3 τα μετlωΡα απαλλάξαι ..• απάλλαξου ουυ σεαυτου απο
παvτοs μετει6ρου, Τυα ηδη ποτΕ αμιξριμvοs yEV'[I Kal τα ~μα μετεωρίδια ηδη ποτε rύxηυ
σχηι; cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. cxviί. 4 [)πωs Cιπαρτισθfi το ~y τρ βιβλιοθήκ'[Ι μεΤΕα/ρίδι( ο )υ. The
meaning which seems to suit al1 these instances of μετξωροs best is 'provisional,'
'incompleted '; the contrasted \vord being τελειουυ ίη line 9. Possibly pro-
,
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 181
visional contracts had always to be made valίd (or withdrawn) within the first
month of the year following that ίη which they were drawn up. But the present
papyrus scarcely justi:fies this inference.
The handwriting is a large clear semi-ttncial; as the lines are of unequal
length, the lacunae at the ends of 11-] 8 may be two or three Ietters longer than
we have sttpposed.
Tovr ExollTar με1"εώpoυ~ ΙΟ ,

TαυTα~ ενTO~ " [. . . •
, , JI .....
OΙKopoμια~ εν τε Τα/Ι του ένεστωτ[ o~
, "
αΥοραρομΙα/Ι και μιιη μο- μηνo~ '$εβαστου [...
lIεΙα/Ι
, και
, Ύρα
φ'
Ια/Ι
, ..
εll Τα/Ι και όφε{λοllτα[~ • • .
5 8ιεληλυθ6τι T€TάpTα/Ι εT€Ι φέρειν [ καταλο-
AύTOKpάTOPO~ Kαίσαpo~ 15 χισμων ε[ ·
Ούεσπασιαιιοϋ '$εβαστοϋ και έιικυκλι[ .
προσερχεσθαι TOΙ~ "
μaτα ΕΤΙ και νυ ν '''[ . . .
, , ....
f.!-I.r • • •
Φ ερειν
' ~,ι
αyopαlloμoι~ και'(λ'"
ΤΕ ειουν η στι TOΙ~
2-4. τωι άΥορανομίωι καΙ μvημΟVflωι και ΥραΦίωι: the proclamation unfortunately has ησ
address. But if the natural supposition, that it refers to the city of Oxyrhynchus, is correct,
the conclusion is inevitable that there were at Oxyrhynchus at this time three offices, or
three branches of one office, bearing differeηt names, through each of which it was possible
to execute οΙκονομίαι. The siηgular άΥσρανομΙωι κ.τ.λ. is an objection to the hypothesis
that the regulation was issued [στ the whole nome, or had a still wider application. The
άΥορανομ.ιΙον occurs frequently ίη the Oxyrhynchus papYl-i; but ίη the Fayftm very rarely.
We have not as yet found other evidence of the existence at Oxyl·hynchus of tlle ΥραΦfιον,
except ίη Ο. Ρ. Ι. χιiν. 23, where, as the name of a tax, lt interchanges with άΥορανομιίον.
lt was, hο\ΙΥever, an institution common ίη the Fayum (cf. Mitteis, Hermes χχχ. 596 sqq.,
and a number of instances ίη Kenyon, Cαl. 11). Οη the other hand the μνημονιιον, which
js unkno,vn ίη the Fayum, is frequeηtly meηtioned ίn the Oxyrhynchus papyri; cf. e. g.
ccxliii. ι ι, cclxx. 12. How far its functions are to be distinguished from those of the
αΥορανομ.εΙον is doubtful. The μvημοvιίοv is most commonly connected with contracts of
loan; testamentary business ση the other hand appears always Ιο be referred to the
ά:Υσρανομfιον; while deeds of cession may be executed ίη either. Ί'he title μvήμωv is coupled
with that of αyoρανόμo~ ίη Β. G. U. 177, 6 τωι άΥορανόμωι gVTL 8ε και μνήμονι, aηd elsewhel·e;
cf. notes οη ccxxxvii. \ΤΙΙΙ. 36 aηd 37. The conclusion to which this comparison leads is
that the functions of the άΥορανομιίον, μιιημονιΊον, and ΥραΦΕιον, to which may be added from
other Oxyrhyηchus papyri (e. g. cclxxi. 7) the καταλΟΥΕιον, were, so far as the execution and
registration of contracts are concerned, very much the same. We are therefore unable to
agree \vith Mittels (Ι. c.), who draws a sharp contrast between the duties of the ΥραφΕίον and
the άΥοριινομ.ιίον. The registration (άναΥραΦή) of contracts, for instance, which was performed
ίn the Fayftm by the ΥραφΕίον, was effected at Oxyrhynchus by the άΥορανομΕί.ον, cf. ccxli-iii.
ΑΙΙ these varlous notarial offices, though they were also repositories of documents (cf. e. g.
ο. Ρ. Ι. cvii), must be distinguished fΓοm the βιβλιοθήκη έYKTήσ~ων, which was especially
concerned with άΠΟΥραφαί; cf. ccxxxvii. νιιΙ. 3 ι, note.
Besides these local record offices ίn the nomes, there were aIso ίη Alexandria a Ναναιον
and, {rotn Hadr ian's time onwards, a ΙA~ριανη βιβλιοθήκη, both of which seem to have received
copies of contracts from the Iocal archίνes (ο. Ρ. 1. Χχχίν). Mitteis (Hermes ΧΧΧίν. 91-8)
has proposed another expIanation of that papyrus, regardinR' the Ναναιον and ΙA~ριανή
βιβλιοθήκη not as single libraries at Alexandria but as record offices ίn the several nomes,
and he identifies the Νανaιον with the γραφΕιον ίη vilIages, and the (Αοριανη βιβλιοθήκη with
the ~ημoσΙα βιβλιοθήκη ίn the μηΤΡοπ()λELSO. This hypothesis has the advantage of reducing
the number of official record offices, \vhich certainly seem to be unnecessarily numerous;
but it is counterbalanced by the enormous difficulty of supposing that by the singular
Νaυαιον (the word is otherwise only known as an epithet of Isis) the praefect meant all the
1'ραφΕία (and, as \\re should now have to add, all the άΥορανομΕία, μυημουεία, καTαλoy~ία, etc.
throughout the towns and vilIages), and by ή «Αδριαιιη βιβλιοθήκη ~ια τουτο κατασκευασθείσα
all the δημοσίαι βιβλιοθηκαι, which, as the Oxyrhynchus papyri, and especial1y the decree
of Mettius Rufus ίn ccxxxvii. νιι1. 27 Rqq., show, were estahlished long before Hadrian's
time ίn the μηTpoπόλει~ thrqughout Egypt. The passage ίη Β. G. U. 578. 19 ίη which an
άρxιδΙKaσTή~ is asked (συγκαταχωρίσαι) ElI τφ ύπομνήματι εI~ άμφOTέpa~ Tά~ βιβλιoθήKα~ ΏΟ doubt,
as Mitteis remarks, refers to the Ναναίον and (A~ριανή βιβλιοθήκη; but so far from this being
an argument ίη favour of identifying them with local record offices, it supports the view that
they were libraries at Alexandria; for the άρχι~ιl(αστήr, though his jurisdiction r extended
beyond Alexandria, rarelJT held hjs court outside that tity, and people came to him from
remote parts of Egypt Ιο register contracts concerning property (G. Ρ. 11. IΧΧί, cf. l\filne,
EgyjI under R01Jlαn Rule, ρ. 196 sqq.).
9. ΤΕ{λειοΙΙν: perhaps η{λΕίιι οτ TE[λειOίJ(σθαι), for tbe co-operation of the officials was
necessary to make the documents ' complete '; cf. the fπίσταλμα of the βιβλιοφύλαξ quoted
ίn note οη ccxxxvii. VIII. 37. Though ΤΕλειουν occurs so frequently ίη papyri ίn connexjon
with contracts, its precise meaning is not easy to gather. SOlnetimes (e. g. ο. Ρ.Ι. ΙχνΗί. 5)
it comes to mean practIcalIy' execute,' referring to the notarial functions of the agoranomus
or other official who drew υρ documents. This meaning is strongly maΓked ίη Byzantine
papyri (e. g. ο. Ρ. Ι cxxxvi. 49), ίn which έτελι:ιώθη ~ια ... is meΓeΙΥ the signature of the
scribe and is equiνalent to έγριιφη, and wil1 cover most instances of the use of the word. But
the meaning 'execute' is hardly applicable ίn the present passage, wheIe the οΙκονομίαι are
already deposited ίη the record offices, although 8ti11 μετέωροι; it is out of pIace ίη cclxxi. 7,
'-"'heIe a συyxώpησι~ is τελειωθΕΊσα ~ια Tη~ έΦημ~ρί~o~ του κατaλΟΥΕίου (cf. ccl~νiii. 10); and its
suitability ίη the case of τελειουν ίn the app1ication to the βιβλιοφύλαξ quoted ϊη the note ση
ccxxxvii. νιι1. 37 is doubtful. The Tελε{ωσι~ ~ια Tη~ έφημfΡί(Jοr suggests, unless we are
pIepared to give iφημεΡίr a new meaning, that ίn the ca8e of the καταλογΕΙΩν at any rate, the
'completion' consisted ίn the entIY of the contract ίn some kind of officiallist. Τ'hίs comes
near Ιο the αναγραφή οτ official registration of contracts (cf. Mitteis, Hermes χχχ. ρ. 599), which
was effected through the άΥορaνομείον οτ γραφείου and was frequently resorted to ίη order to
ser.ure their pernlanence, especially when the contract had been drawn up privately (cf.
introd. to ccxli). But if the ΤΕλΕίωσις ίn the case of the άΥορανομείον οτ Υραφείον irnplied or
included the άυαγραφή we sh0111d expect to find τελΗουυ (δια του άΥορανομείου, μνημονιΙου,
or γραφΕίοιι) interchanging with άναγράφΕιν. This, ho\vever, is not the case; the variants
are τ ίθεσθαι (ο. Ρ. ι. lxxv. 10), ΠΟΙΕίν (ccxIix. 21), or ..,ίνΕσθαι. (ccl. 16); and, putting aside
the καταλΟΥΕίον and its έΦημΙΡίr, ΤΕλfίωσι~ does not appear to have anything to do with
άναΥραφή.
We are therefore brought back to ccxxxviii and the μΕτίωροι οlκου0μlαι, which were
aΙreadγ ίη
the record offices but had to be 'compIeted.' The only explanation which we
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS
can offer ίΒ to refer to the analogy of modern practice, and to suppose that the 'TελEίωσι~ ίη
this instance consisted ίn the insertion of the day of the month and the signatures of the
partie~. Ιι is noteworthy that ίη many Oxyrhynchus contracts (e. g. cclxxiii. 3) the day
of the month has been inserted by a later hand, and sometimes (e. g. cclxi. 3) the space
left for ίι has never been filled ίη. Α corollary of this view would be that contracts unsigned
and without the day of the month were invalid.
ccx χ Χ Ι Χ. Ι RREGULAR CONTRIBUTIONS.
ι 587 χ 9·8 cm. Α. D. 66.
Declaration ση
oath addressed to' the scribe of the Oxyrhynchite nome
(ό Υράφωυ του ΌξυρυΥχίτηυ, a new title) by Epimachus, an inhabitant of PsQbthis,
stating that he had not exacted any irregular contributions, and that for the
future he would not be ίn a position to do 50.
Tfj> Υράφοντι τον ΌξυρυΥχίτ[ ην

'Eπίμαxo~ Πaυσίpιo~ τ[ου Π]To~~(μa({oυ)
μηTPO~ ΙHpακλEία~ Tη~ -Επιμάχ[ου
των άπο Kώμη~ ~ώβθEω~
5 Tη~ κάτω Toπαpxία~. όμν6ω
Νέρωνα Κλα68ιον Καίσαρα '$εβ[ a(στοlI)
Γερμανικον Λύτοκράτορα μη-
8εμίαν λΟΥείαν Υf.ΥΟllέναι
( , , ,.., ,... ,,... ,
υπ εμου εν Trι αυTrι κωμυ
10 εΙ~ μη8ένα λ6Ύον τφ καθόλου,

μη8ε μην άπα του νυν προστήσε[σ)~(aι)
κώμη~, ή EllOXO~ εfηll' τρ lJPK(CP)·
(fTov~) ΙΥ ΝέρωνΟΥ Κλαυ8ίου Kα{σapo~
~εβaσToυ Γερμαllικου AύToκpάTOPO~,
ι 5 μη(1I0~) ~€βασToυ κβ.
'Το the scribe of the Oxyrhynchite nome from Epimachus, son of Pausiris, son of
Ptolemaeus, whose mother is Heraclea, daughter of Epimachus, an inhabitant of the
village of Ρsδbthίs ίη the lower toparchy. Ι swear by Ν ero Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus Imperator that Ι have levied ησ contributions {στ any purpose whatever ίη the
said village and that hencefof\Vard 1 shall ηοΙ become -headman of a village; otherwise
let me be liable Ιο the consequences of the oath.' Date.
ι. Cf. ccxlvi. 4 Toί~ Ύράφουσι τον νο(μόν. As that passage shows, ό Υράφωιι is
distinct from the βασιλΙKO~ ΎραμμαTEύ~. Apparently ό 1ιΡάφων τον νομόν is equivalent to
,,()μOΎράΦo~, and ίη that case the latter term has nothing to do with νoμΙKό~ as we supposed ίη
our note οη ο. Ρ. Τ. ΧΧΧίν. Ι 9.
8. λΟ)Εία is used for irregular local contributions as opposed to regular taxes. Cf.
Β. G. Ό. 515, where τα ύπερ λOΎEία~ έπιβληθέντα are contrasted with the σΙΤικα δημόσια, though
both are collected by the 'ΠpάKTOΡE~ σιτικων; and Βτίι Μ us. Pap. CCCXLII. 15 where,
amongst various complaints against a ΠPEσβύTEPO~ of a vil1age, it is stated παρ' Εκαστα λOΎEΙα~
ποιείται 1.
Ι ι. προστήσΕσθαι means Ιο become a προστάτη-; Kώμη~; cf. note ση ccxcix. 4.
CCXL. EXTORTION Βν Α SOLDIER.
12·6 χ 10'5 cm. A.D.37.
Declaration by a village scribe denying any knowledge of extortion by

a certain soldier and his agents ίη the villages for which the writer acted as
scribe. Cf. cclxxxiv and cclxxxv.
[• . . . • . . • . . . . • Κα/JμΟΎΡαμματεv~
[. • . . . . . . . . . . . . . ]τοου Έρήμου.
[όμνύω Τιβέριον Κα)ίσαρa Νέον ~εβασToν Αότοκράτορa
[θεοϋ Διοs- Έλευθε]ρ[[ου] ~εβασToϋ υΙον εΙ μην
5 [μη συνε]ι8έναι με μη8ενί 8ιασεσεισμέ-
"],..
[νωι επι Τα/JΙ
,
προκειμΕνα/ν Κα/μων
,.. t,
υπο
, ,,.. J,,..
[• • • • • •] f!s- στρατιωτου και των παρ αυτου.
[ε~opKoυ]νTΙ μέμ μαι ευ ε(η, ~ΦΙOPKoϋνTΙ δε

[τα έναν]τ[a. (lτόvS') κ"/ Τιβερίου ΚαίσαΡΟS- ~εβασToϋ,
10 Μεχ(ειρ) ι(.
3. JιΕον added over the line. 4. 1. η μήν.
3 sqq. ' Ι swear by Tiberius Caesar Ν ovus Augustus Imperator, son of the deified Jupiter
Liberator Augustus, that Ι know of ΏΟ one ίη the viIlage aforesaid from whom extortions
have been made by the soldier ..• or his agents. If Ι s\vear truly, may it be well with me,
but if falsely, the reverse. The 23rd year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Mecheir 17.'
2. The village-names were given ίη this line, cf. 6.
3. Νέον ΣΕβαστόν:. this title was also applied to Gaius, cf. cclxvii. 12. The name
Nέo~ ΣιβασTό~ was given to the month Athyr ίη Tiberius' reign; see Β. G. U. 636. 3.
4· θΕοϋ Διό~ ΈλΕυθΕ Jp[ ίου]: cf. ccliii. 17.
1 Οη λΟΎΕία cf. Wilcken, Gr. Os/. Ι. 253 sqq. The instances which he quotes are concerned with a tax
{στ the priests of Isis, and a τrpoστάτη$ του θεου writes the receipts. But though in Β. G. U. 515, as he
remarks, λΟΎΕία may lnean a contribution for religious purposes, in both Brit. Mus. Pap. CCCXLII and our
Oxyrhynchus papyrus the word probably has a wider signification; and the 'ΠpoστάTη~ Tη~ κώμη$ is not to be
identified with th~ lΙροστάτη$ του θεου.
CCXLI. REGISTRATION OF Α MORTGAGE.
ι 9·3 χ 6·6 cm. About A.D. 98.

The three succeeding papyri are specimens of an interesting group of
documents (cf: cccxxvίi-xl), which fol1ow a formnla not yet found outside
Oxyt-hynchus. They are addressed to the agoranomtls, and contain a notifica-
tion from an official not precisely specified, or his agent, to αυαγράΦειυ οι
καταΥράφειυ a contract of sale or mortgage, the terms of which are cited at
length. The property alienated ίο such sales is sometimes slayes, more often
land or houses. Το this notification is added a banker's certificate that the
~γκvκλιου, or tax οη sales and mortgages (cf. ccxlii. 3] sqq., ccx1iii. 45 sqq.), had
been paid. The signification of the main transaction of course depends ηροη
the meaning to be here attached to αυαγράΦειυ or κατaγράφειυ; but there can be
little doubt that their sense is 'register,' i. e. enter οη the official Iist of such
contracts. That tιυαγράφειυ frequently has this meaning is cel-tain; see Mitteis,
Hermes χχχ. 592 ff., and cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCIII. 33 etc., and CCCVIII.
26, where the usual αυαγ~γpα7TTαι is replaced by EυT~TαKTαι. It is noticeable that
such registration is ίη hitherto recorded instances referred to the Υραφεϊου, whί1e
ίη the Oxyrhynchus papyri it is always effected through the άγοραυομεϊου.
Evidently at Oxyrhynchus at any rate that institution combined to a large
extent the functions of a record and a notarial office. The agoranomi were
responsible, as the present group of documents shows, for the registration of
contt·acts; they received notice of the transfer and sale of land (ο. Ρ. Ι. xlv-
xlνίίi); and they had the custody of wil1s (ο. Ρ. Ι. cvi, cvii). Cf. ccxxxviίi 2,
note, and Wessely, Die Aeg. Agorαnomen als Notare ίη Mz·tthez·lungen aus
der Sa1n1nlung Ραρ. Erz. Rαin. V. Ft·om the fact that these notifications were
written it may be inferred that the contracts to which they refer had been made
privately, or at any rate not before the agoranomi.
The present document is an authorization from Caeci1ius Clemens (c(
cccxl, dated ίη the second year of Trajan) to the agoranomus to register a loan
of money from a man named Thonis to his brother οη the security of a share
of a house.
Καικίλλι(ο)ι; Κλήμηr ιcαι αύλfjr και εΖ

τφ άΎ(ο)ραν6μφ χ(αί)ρειν. 20 σώ8ων και έξ68ων
, ιι"\ ,
), ." !\ , και των συ."κυρον-
αllαΥρα 'Ι' ον aανιου
συνΥρaφην Θώνιοr των τω." γιιτων

186 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS P~4PYRI
5 του (Apπαήσιo~ του έπ' άμφ68(ου) 8ρώμου

Π€Tσεp~θώνιO~ Γυμ.νασίου πρo~
μηTPO~ ΠεToσίριo~ 25 τφ' Ωσιρίφ και τφ
Tη~ ι.Apπαήσιo~ Ταμ(εί)ρ, oV ύπεθε
των άπ' ΌξυρυΥχ(ων) τω aVrfi> ό όμΟΥνή
10 π6λ(εω~), άpX€ιπαστω σιo~ αύτου ά8ελ(Φo~)
φώροv ΘoήpΙ90~ Θoμφυα~ πp6~ ται
και J!Ησιδo~ και ,Ζ[ α- 30 &S' ει.,χρήσΤ!Jσαv
,
pαπιoo~
l'
και
"Ω σι/[ pιo~ αvτφ κaτα χιρ6Υρa
,,, ,
και των συννα- φον και 8!αιαΥραφην
ι 5 ων θεων μεΥίσ- Tpαπέ(η~ 8pαxμα~
των, ύπoθήKη~ ΤΕτρακοσί[ α~ . . . . .
τρίτου μέpoυ~ 35 και a[ ..
oΙKία~, έν Τι α1θριον,
10. 1. άρχιπαστοφόρου. Ι 2. 1. 'Ίσι~οS'. ι 5. The final 11 of συ1Ιναων corr. fr. θ.

ι 9. Ι. flσό~ωv. 23. 1. δρόμου. 26. Ι. ύπ έθfΤΟ. 29. l. πpό~ ΤΕ. 30. l. ηUχρήστησfV.
32. 1. διαΥραφήν.
'Caecilius Clemens to the agoranomus, greeting. Register a contract of loan from
Thonis, son of Hal·paesis. son of Petserothonis, his mother being Petosiris, daughter of
Harpaesis, of the city of Oxyrhynchus, chief bearer ίη the temple of Thoeris and Isis and
Sarapis and Osiris and the associated most rnighty gods, ση the security of the third part of
a house, ίn which there is a hall, with tlle court and entrances and exits and appurtenances,
situated ίη the Gymnasium square q uarter by the temple of Osiris and the tre~sury, which
was mortgaged to him by his full bΓοther Thomphuas ίη return for an accommodation ία
accordance with a note of hand and a payment through a bank of 400 drachmae ... ,
and •.•'
ι. The status of the persons sending these notifications is ίη ησ case gi"en; probably
they \νere the farmers of the 'Υκύκλιον (ο. Ρ. Ι ΧΙίν. 6) 1. Sometimes they act ση their own
authority, as here; sometimes they are described as συν€σTαμέ"OΙ ύπό a second party, e. g.
ccx1iii. Ι. Occasionally (cccxxνii, cf. cccxxix) the notice is sent by ... και οί μΕτοχ(οι),
a phrase which rather suggests a financial company (cf. Ο. Ρ. Ι. xcvi. 4, xcviii. 8, etc.); but
μέτοχοι άΥο(ραΥι)μοι) occur ίη cccxx. 27.
CCXLII. REGISTRATION OF Α SALE.

23·7 χ 11·5 cm. A.D. 77.
Official notification to the agoranomus to register a contract of sale, to which
is appended a banker's receipt for the ;γκύκλιου, or tax ση sales; cf. introd. to
t Οη the έΎιclJ"λιoν see Wilcken, Gr. 0$/. Ι. 182, who points out that this tax was levied chiefly οη the
sale of houses, land, and slaves. This confirms our explanation here, cf. introd. to ccxH.
ccxlί. The vendor is a woman named 1"'hermouthion, who acting \vith her
husband as gt1ardian had agreed to sell to a number of priests some land which
she had acqnired' from a certain Dionysia ία the neighbourhood οΓ the temple
of Sarapis. It is stipulated that the land should remain dedicated to the god
and not be made a source of income or alienated.
Incidentally, this and the next papyrus are of great importance as establίsh
ing the ratio at this period between silνer and Ptolemaic copper. The price paid
for Thermonthion's land is giνen ίη both metals, the alnount ία si1νer being
692 drachrnae and ίη coppel· 51 talents 5400 dracllmae. That these two sums
are the whole price ίη different forms and not t\VO parts of the price is eνident
from the banker's receipt for the iγκύκλΙΟlJ, the amount of which is exactly
10 per cent.. (the regular proportion ίη the case of sales) of 5 ι talents 5400
drachmae of coppel·. If, therefore, the 692 silver drachmae were an integral part
of the price and not the equiνalent ίη silver of the sum expressed ίη copper, the
treasury would have defrauded itself of ] ο per cent. of 692 si1ver drachmae.
That alternatiνe is obviously ίη the last degl"ee improbable. The ratio of silver
to copper accordingly is ι : 450. The same result is obtained from other
Oxyrhynchus papyri, e g. cccxxxiίί, where the price paid for some property ί5
700 drachmae of silver or 52 talents 3000 drachmae of copper, the amotlnt
of the ιγκύκλιου being 5 talents 1500 drachmae of copper; ccxIiii, where a sum
is simίlarly converted from sίlver to cqpper, and the proportion between them
is expressly stated Ιο be 4 : 1 800, i. e. 1 : 450; cccxxxi, cccxxxvii, cccxxxviίi
and cccxl. The ratio ι : 450 is therefore conclnsively establίshed, but it must
be remembered that the copper drachmae tneant ίη all these cases al·e those
of the Ptolemaic coinage, which ίη the second century Β. c. exchanged with silver
at a ratio of 120 : Ι. Α similar case ίη a Fayum papyrus of tl1e conversion
of Ptolemaic copper into Roman silver occurs ίη Brit. Mt1s. Pap. CCLXVI (first
or second century) where the ratio is ι : 5001.
1 Through treating the copper dracl1mae ίη that case a.s H.oman coins, not as Ptolemaic, the editor
naturally found this papyrιls considerably at variance with Brit. Mus. Pap. CXXXI recto ίη which twenty-
four silver are reckoned as equivalent Ιο twenty-eight or twenty-nine copper dracbmae (cf. Ο. Ρ. Ι. ίχ vers()
Ι sqq.). But t11ere is ίη realίty ηο difficulty ίη reconciling the two statements, for the copper drachmae
ίη Pap. CXXXI are quite different ίτοω the copper drachmae of Pap. CCLX νι and these Oxyrhynchus
papyri. Usually ίη the Roman period, as always ίη the tllird centnry R.C. (Rev. Pap. Αρρ.ΙΙΙ), there is only
one standard and that a silver one. \ίVhen, as ίη Pap. CXXXI, copper drachmae are met with, these are the
nominal equivalent οί the same number of silver drachmae, but when payments are made ίη them they are
subject to a discount of one-seventh. Ν ow it must be noticed with regard to this kind of copper drachmae
that the term drachma has 10st entirely any sIgnification of welght, and ί5 merely αη expression Eor the amount
οί copper nominally equivalent to a silver drachma, just like the copper drachma ίη the third century B.C.;
and that ίη order Ιο find tl1e ratlo οί value between two metals lt is necessary to know what weight οί one
exchanged for what weight οί the other. Ιη the third century B.C. it is probable οη numlsmatic grounds
that one copper drachma (ί. e. tbe amount of copper nominally eqtlivalent to a sίlver drachma) weighed
120 tlmes as much as one silver drachma, and therefore we can infer that the ratio was 120: ι, though
ίη exchanging Jarge sums of copper lnto silver, it was subject to a discount οί about a ninth. Hut since
ίKλαύ8ιo~ ΆΙΙTωιιί'ιιo~ τφ άΎΟΡαιι6μq) χαίρε",.]

[άιιάΥραψον ώιιην ••.
TO~ Tη~ ΦαTpεoυ~ και '~πει ~P7!,!~σιo~ του Λί ....

μηTPO~ '
'Ταυσopαπιo~ "ΙΑθ'
Tη~ Ρ oωνιo~ " [ ••
TOΙ~
5 f ,..
ιερευσι
Θ' l'
ι-ι oηpιoo~ και
')/1 σιoo~
l'
και
,~, l'
.r::ι αpαπιoo~
[,
κ'! ι των
....
συιι-
,
1Ιαω1l
θ Λ
εω1l μεΎιστων
,
T~~
" 1\'
οε
t Λ
n.p θ' [
ων ιo~
,
και
ΠάεΙTO~ οvσι και στολισταw τωιι α'iJτωιι [θεων, iJJv

τυΎχάνΕΙ ή 8ιαTιθ~H~'!'!1 ~y?[paKυια παρa
Διoνυσ{α~ TfjS και Tααμ6ΙTO~ Tfjs- Δ![ oνυσία~
10 Έπιμάχου τφ μην;' Καισαρείφ του 8ιε[λθ6ΙΙTO~
"
ενατου ,/ετους' επι
",. . πpo~
του "Ο6υρυΎχων
t' 'λ ει
π[ ο
~
.r::ιαpαπειoυ " επι , λ'λ
αυ α~ tE ρμαιου
' εκ , β ορρα. . . [. . . . . λ Ε-
~
λ υπεν η
C Δ ιονυσια ' η
C και'Τ '
ααμoι~ "β[ ορρα,..
απο
του ~αpάπι80~ θεου μεΎίστου περιβόλ( ο J!J [Εκ
for the Roman period the numismatists have not yet told us how much a copper drachma weighs, we
are wholly ίη the dark as to the ratio between the two metals. We know indeed from Brit. Mus.
Pap. CXXX1 that twenty-eight copper drachtilae were equivalent. to twenty-four silver, but until we
know how much twenty-eight copper drachmae weighed we cannot tell what the ratio of copper was
to silver. The fact that there was a disconnt οη copper of one-seventh does not make the ratio vetween
silver and copper 24: 28 (Kenyon, ["at. Ι •.ρ. 167, 11. ρ. 233), any more than the discount of one-ninth
ίη the third century B.C. (Rev. Pap. ρρ. 192,199-200) makes the ratio 24: 27. Such a view involves
a confusion of t11e ratio between the nominal or face value and the real value of copper (WhlCh ratio
ίη the time of Yespasian was abont 24: 28) with the ratio between silver and copper, which is a totally
different qnestion. The monetary system of the Rornan period, as has been stated, reverts to the system
οί a single silver standard found ίη the earlier Ptolemaic period. During the intervening last two
centuries Β. C a different system was ϊη yogue, ίn which there were two standards, silver and copper
(Rev. Pap. Ι. c.). The pre-existing ]'atio of 120 to ι continued to be the ΡrοΡοΓtίοn of value between
the two eqtlal weights of sίlver and copper; btlt sllms ίη copper coins were not calculated ίη terms of
their nominal equivalent ίη silver, but ϊn relation to a purely copper standard. Α copper drachma
meant ηο longer the amount of copper (ι 20 drachmae ίn \veight) which was nominally equivalent
to a silver drachma, but a drachma's weight of copper which was worth τh of a silver drachma. Thus,
the copper coin which ίη the third centlιry B.C. was called an obol or one-sixth of a silver drachma
was ίη the second century B.C. called twenty copper drachmae. T11e restllt of the change was of couIse
that amounts paid ίη copper are enormously high. This kind of copper drachmae which really \veighed
a drachma is still occasionally met with ία the Roman period, and is meant ία Brit. Μ us. Pap. CCLXVI
and ίη some Oxyrhynchus papyri (introd. to ccxlii). The greatly increased difference ία value between
the metals is perhaps surprising, but it must be remembe]Oed (ι) that the ratio of 120 : Ι can only be
traced ιιρ to about 90 Β. c., and there is hardly any evidence for the next seventy years. It is thel'efore
possible that dnring that period the difference ίn value between the two metals was increasing and ίn Β. c. 30
was mnch more than 120: Ι; (2) that Ptolemaic copper would natural1y ίη the Roman period be at
a considerable discount as compared to Roman copper; (3) that under ordinary cίrcumstμηces taxes ίη the
Roman period were paid ίη si1ver, and therefore it was a concession οη the part of the government to
accept CΟΡρer, much more Ptolemaic copper, at alI.
Prof. Wilcken also finds a ratio of 450 : J between Roman si1ver and Ptolemaic copper ίη two second
century ostraca (Gr. Ost. Ι. 723), and is somewhat disturbed thereby, though, as the Oxyrhynchus papyri
show, unnecessarily. There is ηο ~ontradiction between this ratio and the ratio of 120 : ι; for the ratio
of 120 : ι is only known to apply to the third and second centuries Β. c., and we are stil1 ignorant, as ha.;
been said, of the ratio of Roman and Ptolemaic si1ver to Roman copper.
'5 πλάτοvr πήχvοr -ήμίσοvr τ6π(ι)ν έκ μέΡοvr περι

τετειχισμένων, συν Totr ένουσι φΟΡτ{οιr,
επι T~Ι> εασαι TOVr rovovpevovr TOTrovr τφ κυριρ
'" 1"\ ,..... " , , '" ,
~αράπι8ι 1J'R.0r χρηστ{αν του αύτου θεου και τα λυ

πα μέρη περιτειχίζειν, TOvr δ' aVTOVr T6Trovr
, εμ
20 ουκ 'Φ' ,
opovr πυησουσι "Ι
ΠΡοr το μενειν "
aVTOVr χρησ-
τήρια του αυτου θεού και του Ιερου, ov8E μη" έ

ξέσται αύToί~ έτεροιr πωλειν κατ' ουδ( EJva τ[ρ ]6πον,
ων
'f" επριαντο
" επι
,\ Ι
Toυ7ΌΙ~ 'Θ
παρα J-ι ερμ ο υ θ'[]
ιου τη ~ "'(
Διο'llυσ{ου του Θoώνιo~ pfJTpOr TeσoEvptor Tη[~
25 ΠεToσopάπιo~ μετα κυρίου του έαυTη~ άν8po~
Kεφάλω"o~ του ~pθoώνιo~ τού Ευβούλου μηΤΡοr
Θαήσιοr, 1Tάν[T]ε~ των άπ' ΌζυρύΥχων π6λεω~,
τειμηr άΡΥ[υ]ρ[[ο]!, (8ρ αχμων) χqβ χ(αλκου) (ταλάντων) να 'Ευ. ~PΡOJσo.
~'
( ETour ) 8 '
εκατου Α'
υTOKpαTOPO~ , ' Κ
atuapor Ο' ,..
υεσπασιανου
30 Ζεβαστοϋ, Χο{αχ ιβ. 2nd hand. Kλαύ8ιo~ ΆνTωνινo~ χρη(μάτισοιι).

3rd hand 'Αλ-εgα(ν8Ροr) καΙ οΙ μέ(τοχοι) TOί'(~) άΥΟ(Ραν6μοιr) χαί(ρειν). TETaKT'f~
Tfi ιΥ το(υ) Χο(Ιακ) ένκ(υκλίου) ~pθoωνι~ ~pθoώ(νιo~)
και
,
οι
ι
συν
, ,,...
αυτφ
t ""()
ιεpει\.~ κα
ο' .,( )
η ν
~,
εχουσι
8ιαγρα(φηll) χα(λκου) Trp(or) dpy(vptOlI) (τάλαντα) ε ΆΡΗ. ~ppω( σθε).
6-7. Ι τφ ~ε 'Αρθα/ν[ΕΙ katJ πάfιΤΙ or l$vτωv ιcαΙ στολιστων. παEΙTO~ corr. from παΕ"ΤΙ (?).
12. 1. λαύρa~ ••• λιΛοιπι:ν. 18. Ι. λοιπά. 20. 1. ποιήσοvσι. 27. 1. πάντων.
ι. Ιη cccxxx Claudius Antoninus is described as ό συυEσTαμένo~ ύπο Σαραπίωνo~, and it is

possible that this may be the reading here. But ίη ccxHii, dated the year after the present
papyrus (cf. cccxxxi, cccxxxiv), Cl. ~J\ntoninus himself has an agent; 80 he may very weIl
be here acting independently.
4. The ,vord 10st at the end of the line gave the number of the purchasers, probably
τΙσσaρσι or πένΤΕ.
8. Α participle is ceι-tainΙΥ required after ~ιαTιθEμένη, and the traces suit ηΥΟ, bnt ηΥο[ρα
κυία παρά is rather long for the lacuna.
ι ι. ΌξvρύΥχων π[όλΗ: the title ή ΌξυρυΥΧΕιτων π6λι~ does not occur ίη the first century
papyri. The earliest instance of it which we have yet found is ccxxxvii. νι ι 2 (Α. D. 186).
12. λαύρα~ (Ερμαίοv: cf. ccxliii. 14, where an ίJμΦo~oυ (Ερμαίου is mentioned; and cf.
'Ιππέων ΠαΡEμβoλη~, w hich is the name of an ίl.μΦo~oν ίη ccxlvii. 2 Ι and of a λαύρα ίη cccxciii.
The same interchange takes place, e. g. with Μvροβαλάνοv (cf. ccliν. 5 \vith cccxxxviii),
ΠoιμEνιl(η~ (cf. ccIviii. 5 and cccxvi), TEμov€νoύθEω~ (cf. ccli. 9 with ο. Ρ. Ι. Ιχχνίί. 9); and
it is clear that the terms ίι.μφοδον and λαύρα are coextensive. They denote an area larger
than that of a street with the houses fronting it (the term for which is ρύμη; cf. ο. Ρ. 1.
190 ΤΗΕ O){YRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
• xcix. 7), but somewhat less than that implied by 'quarter.' Oxyrhynchus had at least
fourteen lfμφοδα, and Arsinoe still more 1.
13-14. The relation of this sentence to the preceding is not quite clear. λυΠΕν if right
-and the letters though faint seem certain-must be the termination of λΕλυΠΕν, i. e.
λΕλΟΙΠΕν or a compound of that ve..b Two intel"pretations seem possible, though neither js
quite satisfactory. (ι) [και . .. λέJλΟΙΠΕV may be read, ίη which case λέλΟΙΠΕlJ is the correlative
of the mutilated participle ίη 8. But ηο compound of λΕίΠΕιν corresponds very well with
ήγορακυια, and οη Hle other hand ηο word meaning 'inherited' appears suitable ίn 8;
moreover, the further specification of the property άπα ,a[ορρα κ.τ.λ. then comes ίη }"ather
awkwaΓdΙΥ' Or (2) we may read [ό>ν κατaλ']λΟΙΠΕΥ, the genitive depending οη βορρα and the
whole clause further defining the position of the land sold.
ι 6. ΦOPTίoι~: cf. ccxliii. 26 συν TOiS- έμΠΕσuvμέvοιs- Φoρτίoι~.
30. xρη(μιίrισo ν): this is the usual form of signature by the official who sent these
notices to t11e agoran<?mus. lη one instance (cccxxxvii) χρη(μάτισον) is replaced by the
mOl"e specific άνάΥρα( Ψου).
32. Εv/(vκλίοv: cf. Ο. Ρ. Ι xcix, introd. The amount of the έΥκύκλιον οη sales was
1 ο per cent of the ΡΓίce. It appears from ccxliii that οη mortgages the tax was 2 per cent.
34. χαλ(κου) πρ(o~) άΡΥ(ύριον): this phrase, which applies only to Ptolemaic copper,
though not yet found ίn Roman papyri fIom other sources, was common ίn the first
centut·y at Oxyrhynchus; e. g. ccxliii. 47, cccxxxiii, and ο. Ρ. 1. xlix. 17,.1. 4, xcix. 19.
The precise ll1eaning of the addition πρα~ άΡΥVΡΙΟlJ is obscure 2.
, Αρμ: μ is rather strangely fOImed and could be read as /(α, but siηce ίn other cases the
amount paid for έΥκύκλιον is an exact propol"tion of the sum changing hands according to the
contract, μ is the safer reading.
CCXLIII. REGISTRATION OF Α MORTGAGE.
23·5?< 11'2 cm. A.D. 79.

Ν otification similar to the two preceding papyri (cf. introd. to ccxli)
authorizing the agolAanomus to register a contract of mortgage. The borrower
is Dionysius, who, οη the security of some house and lal1d property, obtains from
Didymus a loan of 1300 drachmae of silver for twelve months at the usual
interest of ι per cent. a month. The chief interest of this document consists
partly ίη an explίcit statement of the ratio at this period between si1ver and
Ptolemaic copper (cf. introd. to ccxlii), which is given as 4 : 1800; partly ίη
the banker's receipt appended to the provisions of tl1e contract, which shows that
the tax cal1ed εΥκύκλιου was levied υροη mortgages as well as upon sales, and
that its rate was 2 per cent. of the loan, payable by the mortgagee. Tl1e tax
due fl·om purchasers, οη the other hand, was 1 ο per cent. of the price. Ιη the
1 l>rof. Wilcken (Gr. Ost. 1.712) considers that λαύρα means 'quarter,' but identjfies αμφοδον with
ρύμη. This, however, now seems hardly tenable Cf. also tne description of a ψιλo~ τ6ΠΟΥ; at Hermopolis
in Gizeh Pap. Νο. 10259 Επ' άμφ6δου Φρουρ[ου λιβo~ εν pύμrι λΕιΥυμΕν,!/ ΆσυιΥ"ρητι'
2 Cf. Wilcken, Gr. Ost. Ι. 720 sqq., where the question is discussed -at length.
upper and left-hand margins of the papyrus and ίη a blank space below line 43
have been scribbled a few lίnes which have not11ing to do with the main document
nor have any connected sense. Οπ the verso is a good deal of neat·ly effaced
writing, for the most part ίη the hand responsible for the scribbling ση the recto.
Χαιρήμων Xαιpήμωνo~ Mαpωllευ~ ό συllεσ

Tαμέιlo~ υπα Κ(λα]υ8ίου 'Αιιτονίνου τφ άΎ(ο)ραν6
μφ χαίρειν. 4r( άγ ]ραψαι συJlΎpαφη~ ύποθήκηf
Διδύμου του ~αpαπίωνo~ του Διδύμου μηTPO~
5 XaplT[of)]Tq~ Tη~ Π~τοqίου των άπ' ΌgVΡύΥχων
πόλεω~, [τΊων ύπαρχόντων τφ ύποτιθεμένφ Διονυ-
σιφ , τφ "" κα ι['] 'Α μοι ' Φ'
ανιου του ,.. και " Λ'
Δμοι ,...
του ,
Φ ανιου
μητρ[ ΟJ~ ? !1ναρ[ ί]ου τη ~ Δ ιονυσίου των άπα τη Υ

, [,..,
αυτ η~ πο'Jλ eros-, και ' μεμερισμενων " αυτφ "" " υπο Tη~ ,. .
10 μη[T]ΡO~ ?[ην]αp~o]υ, όπότε περιην, δι' η~ έθετω περι
κα(τ]α~έσ[εω]~ δια του έν Tfi αύτυ π6λει μνη μονίου
τφ Μεχειρ μηνι του δεκάτου ~Toυ~ ΝέΡω1l0S-
[ό]μ[ ολ ]ογίαs-, άπα Tη~, υπαρχούσηs- αύτΌ Επι του πpλ~
ΌξυρύΥχων πόλει $αραπίου έπ' άμφ680υ <Ερμαίου [οί-
ι 5 ~~α~
, , [Ίlf ' ]
εν
'
πυpyo~
.ί\'
υισΤΕΥΟS- και
,
προπυ
λ '
ων
και Ιξώδι[ ον κ Jat ~θpιoν και Kα~~[pα κ]αι rfjs- προσ

lJ~l!!J~ τφ πύΡΥΡ έκ του άπο βορ(ρ)α μέρουs- αύλη~
,
Εν
'i'
ΊJ
Φρεαρ / λ/Ο
ι ινον και
' "ι,. λ""
"ι ων
ι
τοπων,
,
προτερον
t Ηρακλείδου τοϋ Φιλοξένου και ΠToλέμα~ Tη~ 'Aq-f-

20 vtos-, Εκ [το]Ο άπα βορρα μέpoυ~ άρξαμένου άπα Tη~
βop(p)ινη[~ Ύω]νίαS' του προπυλωllΟS' έπι ν6τον, βορρα
έπι νότον [έξ] άμΦOτ€pωιι τα/ν {των} μερων πηχών
[8έΊ~[ α εJξ, λιβοS' έπ' άπηλιότην όμoίω~ έξ άμφο
τέρ[ων] των μερων πηχων τριάκοντα δύο, ωστ' εί-
25 να(ι] έπι τα αύτω έμβ(άτ)ου πήxε[ι]~ φενTαKoσίoυ~
[δέΊκα δύο, συν τ[ o]ί's- έμπεσoυμεllOΙ~ Eί~ TotGTOLS'
[Φ]rιf!τίοιs- πασι, και oλη~ Tη~ έκ του άπο βορ(Ρ)a μέpoυ~
τίο]Ο πύΡΥου αύλfjS' έν iί το φρέαρ, μέτρα και TαύTη~
βορρα έπι ν6τον έξ [άμ Ίφοτέρων τα/ν μερα/ν πήXEΙ~
30 EtKoul Tέσσapo~, λιβοr έ[π:] άπηλι6την όμoίω~ έξ άμιΡο-
τΕρων των μερων πήχειr fv8EKa, l!Jστ' εΙναι

και rfjr avλfjr έμβάτου πήχειr διακοσίουr έξή-
[ J
Ι< Ο ντα '
τεσσαΡοr, συν '' ''
Totr ' Etr
και ' 'ToVTovr
' συνεμ-
πεσoυμEνoι~ ΦΟΡτίοιr πα-σι, &στ είναι έπ! το αvτω

35 έμβάτου πήχειr έΠ(T)αKoσίoυ~ έβδομήκοντα gg,
π[ ιXJVTa δε άκολούθωr rf} δηλουμενυ όμολο-
yείrι: C;>v ύπεθετω avrEp ό πpoyεΎpaμμένo~ Διονυσι-
OS' ο και"Λ'
t " αΡΥυριου
Δμοιr ΠΡοr , και Φ α λ'εου opaxpar
1\ ,
χιλίαr ΤΡιακοσ{aS' T6KOV 8ρaχμια(ου έκάστηr

40 pvαS' του μηvοS' έκάστου Επι χρ6νοll μηναr δέκα
δύο άπα του είσι6ντοr μηνοr Φαρμουθι, d>V τιμη
6Jr τωll 8 (8ραχμων) Άω χα(λκοϋ) (τάλαντα) q( 'Γ. gppro(uo). ((TOVS-)
ια AvroKpdropor
--.!!..α[uapor ουεσ[πα]σιανου ~εβασToυ, Φαμειιώθ.
2nd hand. Χαιρή(μων), χρη(μάτισον).
45 3rd hand. Θέων και ΟΙ μέτοχ(οι) τρa(πε[ίται) τφ άΥο(ραν6μφ) χαί(ρειν).
τΕτακ(ται) Tfi κη του Φαμε(νωθ) έ'!/f-(υκλίου) Δt8υμοr
'$αραπ((ωνοr) καθ' η(ν) ~xει διαΎρα(φην) χαλ(κου) ΠΡοr άΡΥ(ύριοll)
(τάλαντον) α ΈΨ. (4th hand) Θέα/ν σεση(μεία/μαι) χ[ α]~~ου) 'lTpor
4R[ Υ(ύριον)] (τάλαvτον) [α] '1Ρψ.
3. 1. συγΥρaΦή,,· 7. 1. Άμ6ΙTO~.· 1. ;θετο; cf. 37.

10. ι 6. Ι αίθριον. 25. 1. το
αύτό, and so ίn 34. 1. πε",ταt<οσlου~. 26. 1. ToύToυ~. 30. 1. T;σσapα~ and so ίn 33.
38. Ι κεφαλαίου. 46. The name ~ιaυμο~ perhaps by the 4th hand.
'Chaeremon, son ofChaeremon, of the Maronian deme, nominee ofClaudius Antoninus,
to the agoranomus, greeting. Register a contract of mortgage for Didymus, son of
Sarapion, son of Didymus, his mother being Charitous, daughtel" of Petosius, of
Oxyrhynchus, of the property of the mortgager Dionysius also called Arnois, son of Phanias
also called Amois, son of Phanias, his mother being Zenarion, daughter of Dionysius, of the
same city, being a share assigned to him by his mother Zenarion ίn her lifetime by an
agreement of cession executed thΙΌugh the record office of the same city ίη the month of
Mecheir ίη the tenth year of Ν ero, of her house near the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus
ϊn the quarter of Hermaeus, containing a two-storied tower and a gatewayand passage
and hall and chamber, and of the court adjoining the tower ση the north side and con-
taining a stone well, and of some open plots of land formerly ίη the possession of Heracleides,
son of PhiIoxenus, and Ρtοleιηa, daughter of Asinis, οη the nΟΓth side staι-tίng [I"om the north
angle of the gateway towards the south, meaSUΓίηg from north to south ση both sides
16 cubits, and fΙΌm west to east also οη both sides 32 cubits, making 512 square cubits,
together with all fixtures that may be included ίη them; the measurements of the court
northwards of the tower and containing the well are from north to south οη both sides
24 cubits, and fι-οm west to east also οη bqth sides r ι cubits, malting for the court 264
FIRST""CENTURY DOCUMENTS 193
square cubits, together with all fixtures w\1ich may be included ίη them; total measurements,
776 square cubits, all these particulars being ίη accordance with the aforesaid agreement.
The property has been mortgaged to Didymus by the said Dionysius aIso called Amois for
a sum of 130Ο drachmae of silver at the interest of a drachma for a mina each month for
a term of twelve months from the coming month Pharmuthi; the value of which sum,
reckoned at the rate of 1800 drachmae (οΕ copper) for 4 drachmae (of si1ver), is 97 talents
3000 drachmae of copper. Farewel1. The 11th year of the Emperor Caesar Vespasian
Augustus, Phamenoth.'
There follow the sjgnature of Chaeremon authorizing the registration, and the
receipt of the bank of Theon and company for ι talent 5700 drachmae of copper paid by
Didymus ση account of the tax οη sales and mortgages.
ι. ΜαΡωvιύr: several new names of demes .occur ίη this volume; see cclxi. 6 Αύξιμη
τόΡειοr ό και Δήvιιοr, cclxiii. 18 ΈπιΦάvειοr, cclxxiii. 9 Φvλαξιθαλάσσι,οr ό καΙ 'Αλθαιεύr,
12 Φvλαζιθαλάσσειοrό και CΗΡάκλειόr; cf. ccclxxiii and ccclxxvii. Probably ίη all cases the
demes are Alexandrian, lil{e ~ωσικόσμιοr ό και' Αλθαιεύr ίη Ο. Ρ. Ι. xcv. 15.
ι ι. δια του • • • μνημονίου: cf. ccxxxviii. 2, note.
25. For έμβάτου or, lDore correctly, έμβάδου cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CLIV. 6 πήχιιr
έμβαδικοί. The spelling εμβατικόr occurs ίη ΒτίΙ Mus. Pap. CXCI. 19.
27. For Φορτ[α ίη the sense of fixtures cf. ccxlii. 16 and C. Ρ. R. 206, ίη which a μlpo~
Φορτ[ων πλινθικω" καΙ αύλικ.ω" και [ •• .]ητικων is sold for 600 drachmae.
36• .,.fj δηλουμ/νll όμολΟΥίq.: i. e. the δμολΟΥία mentioned ίη 13-
42. The tetradrachm or stater, being the silver coin ίη common use, was the regular
unit ίn a comparison of values; cf: e. g. Rev. Pap. col. LX. 15, and Brit. Mus. pap. CXXXI.
reclo 447 ώr τω(ν) 8 (8ραχμων) ι,βολ(Οl) κη.
CCXLIV. TRANSFER O~' CATTLE.

28 χ 13·6 cm. A.D. 23.
This and the following papyrus (ccxlv) are both addressed to the
strategus Chaereas, and are concerned with the registration of property ίn cattle.
The present document is a letter from a slave named Cerinthus, who states his
intention of transferring his sheep to the Cynopolite nome, which was οη the
opposite side of the river, and requests that the strategus of that nome may be
notified of the fact. Below is the beginning of the letter written ίη accordance
with this request by Chaereas to Hermias, the strategus of the Cynopo1ite
nome.
Απ interesting palaeographical feature is the signature of Cerinthus, which
is one of the earliest examples of Latin cursiνe writing upon papyrus.
[Χ]αιρεαι στρατηΥα/ι
παρα Κηρίνθου :ΛΙΙTωνία~ Δρούσου
80ύλου. βoυλ6μενo~ μεταΥαΥείν
Εκ του ΌξυρυΥχ{του εί~ τον Κvν[ο]πολlτην
5 νομον νο[μωJν χάριν & ~xω έν άΠΟΥρα(ΦΏ)
ο
~π2 του 'Οξ(υρυΥ]χ(του έν τφ ένεστωτι

έ1Ιάτωι ~Tει Τιβερίου Kα(σαpo~ ~εβασToίί
'βατα
προ τριακ6σια εικοσι
J! '1
και '
αιyα~
[Εκατ ]011 Εξήκον[ τ]α και TOΌ~ έπακολουθ( O~νTα~)

10 lipva~ [κ]αι έpίφoυ~, Επι8ί8ωμι το όπ6μllη(μα)
ίJπω~ ypάΦυ(~) τωι του Κυ1l0πολίτου
[σ]τρατηΥα/[ι] φ[έp]~!!, τα σημαΙlI(6μεν)a ΠΡ~f!q,Τlf
και ~!' • • • q, : [έ1Ι] άΠΟΥραφη! • • • • . ~
. .Υ • • • • • .ν[. • • • • •
• .[. • • • • ].[. ]1ITO~
2ndhand. 15 Ceri[nthus] Antoniae · Drusi · ser(uus)
epid[e]doca · anno · νίiίί · Tib(eri)
Caesaris Aug(usti) · Mechir · di~ • Qι;t(auο)
3rd hand. Xαιpέα~ CΕΡμ{lf [στρα(τηΥΡ) ΚVlIο]πgλ{τοv πλείστα χαίρειν.
Επέ8ωκεν μοι ά[ΠΟΥραφη]ν ,KήpΙ1lθ[o]~ 'AlITro1l(ar Δρούσου
20 80υλοr βου[λ6]μ[ενo~ 22 letters ].. ~!
.[
'Το Chaereas, strategus, from Cerinthus, slave of Antonia, daughter of Drusus. Ι wish
to transfer from the Oxyrhynchite to the Cynopolite nome for the sake of pasturage 320
sheep and 160 goats and the lambs and kids that may be produced, which Ι have οη the
register ίn the Oxyrhynchite nome ίη tlle present ninth year οΡ Tiberius Caesar Augustus.
Ι therefore present this memorandum ίn order that you may write to the strategus of the
Cynopolite nome to register the aforesaid sheep and goats ...
'Ι, Cerinthus, slave of Antonia, daughter of Drusus, have presented this ίn the ninth
year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, οη the eighth day of Mechir.
, Chaereas to Hermias, strategus of the Cynopolite nome, many greetings. 'Cerinthus,
slaνe of Antonia, daughter of Drusus, has presented to me a return, wishing to ..• '
13. 1t does not seem possible to read αlyα~ here after καΙ, where it is certainly exρected.
17. There are some traces of ink which may indicate another short line below 17, but
are more probably accidental.
CCXLV. REGISTRATION OF CATTLE.

37 χ 7 cm. A.D. 26.
Property return addressed to the strategus Chaereas (cf. ccxlίv) by two
persons, who make a statement of the number of sheep ίn their possession ία the
twelfth year of Tiberius. The formula followed ίη this document aIso occurs ίη
cccl-ccclvi ; it is somewhat different from that found ίη the Fayum papyri.
These Oxyrhynchus returns of cattle were usually sent to the strategus or

the toparch; and two (ccxlv and cccli) which are addressed to the former are
signed by the latter. They are also as a rule dated early ίη the month
Mecheir. ccxlvi shows some peculiarities. ccclviί and ο. Ρ. Ι. Ιχχίν state the
present number of the catt]e compared with that of the previous year.
1st hand. ,η
2nd hand. Χαιρέαι στρατηΥωι 15 ΕπιμεμΙΥμέιια Toί~

παρa (Ηρακλείου του ΑΙΟllυσΕου του (Ιππάλου
'Λπίωιιοr και Ν dpL80r 8ια ιιoμEω~ τούτου
του Κολλούθου πρ(ε)σβυ- υιιου ~TpάTωιιo~ νεω
5 τερου. άΠΟΥραφ6μεθα τέρου λαΟΥραφουμενο(υ)
εΙ~ το έΙΙEσTO~ ιβ (~TOS') 20 εί~ την αiιτην Πέλαο
Τιβερίου Kαίσαpo~ $εβαστου ~ν και Tα~6μεθα το καθη-
τα όπάρχοιιτα ήμεΊιι κον TEλo~. ε~T[ύ]χ(ει).
πρ6β(ατα) έκάστφ Εξ: 3rd hand. ~apα(πίωιι) Toπ(άpxη~) σεση
10 πρ(6βατa) ι{3, & ιιεμήσεται (μείωμαι) πρ6βατa
συν To(i)r έπαιcoλoυθoo 8έκa 860 / ιβ.
σι IiΡιιασι 1[ερι Πέλα Tfjr 2nd hand(?) 25 (~TOVS') ιβ ΤιβερΕου Kaίσapo~
nopor λΕ{3α Toπαpxίa~ ~εβaσToυ, (1st hand?) ΜΕ
και 8ι' δλου του ιιομου χ(ειρ) ε.
'Το Chaereas, strategus, from Heracleus, son of ΑρίΟΏ, and Naris, son of Colluthus
the elder. We return for the current 12th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus the sheep
which we own as six each, or twelve sheep ίη all. They will pasture, together with the
lambs that may be produced, ίη the neighbourhood of Pela ίη the western toparchy and
throughout the nome, mixed with those of Dionysius, son of Hippalus, under DiQnysius'
son, Strato the younger, as shepherd, who is registered as an inhabitant of the said Pela.
We wilI aIso pay the proper tax υροη them. Farewel1.
'Ι, Sarapion, toparch, have set my signature to twe1ve sheep, total 12.
'The 12th year of Tiberitls Caesar Augustus, Mecheir 5.'
CCXLVI. REGISTRATION OF CATTLE.

Plate νιι. 34·3 χ 8 cm. A.D. 66.
Supplementary return addressed to the strategus, the royal scribe, and the
, scribes of the nome.' The sender registers as his property seven lambs, which
he states have been born subsequent to a previous return sent ίη by him for the
current year.
Ο 2
The body of the document is ίη a fine uncial hand of a literary type, whiIe
the signatuI-es of the various officials are very cursively written.
Παπίσκωι KOσμηT€ύιr[α(ντι)
Tfjr π6λεω~ και στρα(τηΥφ) Ό,υ[ρυΥχ((του)
και ΠTOλ€μα(ίφ) βασιλικω[ι ypα(μμαT€Ι)
Λ
και TOΙ~ 'φ ουσι τον' νο μον
Υρα
, , ['
5 'ΙΛ'
παρα pμιυσιo~ ,..
του πε το- [
σίpιo~ του ΠεToσ(pιo~ μ[η
TPO~ Δι8ύμη~ Tη~ Διoyέ[νoυ~
των ,.. " Kωμη~
απο, Φθ'
ωχ [lor
Tη~ πpo~ άπηλιώτην T9[π(αPx(α~).
10 , ... 111 '
απεΥΡα,l,αμην ""
τωι εν[ εσ-
τωτι ιβ (~Tει) Nεpωνo[~

Κλαυ8{ου Kα(σαpo~
~εβασToυ Γερμανικου
ΛύTOKpάTOPO~ περι την
15 "
αυτην Φθ'"
ωχ ιν " [0-
απο r
νη~ 6JlI ~xω θρεμμάτω[ν
~ 1\' 1\' 'Λ[
αpνα~ οεκα ουο, και Jιυ ν
,
αΠΟΥρα'Φ ομαι Toυ~" [
επ ΙΥε-
yoνOTα~ , EΙ~ '"την ενεστ ['"

ωσαν
20 ,
8Ευτεραν ,
αΠΟΥραΦ'
ην α'['πο
yoνη~ των aiJTfiJll θρεμ[μά-

των
~,
αpνa~
ι"
επτa, Υινον ται
[
.1!
αpνε~
c,
επτα· και
" ομν υω
[,
Νέρωνα Κλαύ8ιον Καίσαρ[α

25 ~εβαστον Γερμανικον
Λύτοκράτορα μη όπεστ4[λθ(αι).
~ppω(σθε).
2nd hand. ' ΛπολλώνιοS' δ π(aρα) Παπ((σκου
στρατη,,/ου σεση(με{ωμαι) lipv(α~) (.
30 (~Toυ~) ιβ Nέpωνo~ του κυρ(ηου,
Έπειφ λ.
3rd hand. (Ωρ(ωll ό π(αρα) Πτολ(εμαίου) βα(σιλικου) yP(appaTEror)
PLATE νιι
Να. CCLXXXII
Νο. CCXLVI
<r~!''!J(με (ωμαι ) dp[v( aS') (.

(lTOVS') ιβ ΝέΡωιιοS' Kαίσαρo~
του κυρ(ου, Έπειφ (λ'.
4th hand. 35 Ζήνων ό π(αρα) τ(ωll) τοιι 1Ι0μ(ον) ΥΡ(αφ6νΤα/ν) σεση(μείωμαι)
dplI(aS') (. (~TOVS') ιβ Νέρωll[οJ~ Kαίσαpo~
τ~ρ ~!,I!{~[υ], Έπ[εηφ λ.
, Το Papiscus, ex-kosmetes of the city and strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, and
Ptolemaeus, royal scribe, and the scribes of the nome, from Harmiusis, son of Petosiris, son
of Petosiris, his mother being Didyme, daughter of Diogenes, of the village of Phthochis ίη the
eastern toparchy. Ι registered ίη the present 12th γear of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus Imperator ίn the neighbourhood of the said Phthochis twelve la~bs which
were born from sheep ίη my possession, and Ι now register for the second registration
a further progeny οΕ seven lambs born from the same sheep, total seven lambs; and Ι swear
by Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Impet·ator that Ι haνe not prevaricated.
Farewell.'
There follow the signatures of Apollonius, agent of Papiscus, Horion, agent of
Ptolemaeus, and Zenon, agent of the ' scribes of the nome.'
Ι. lcοσμητεύσ(α(ν'Ζ"Ι): cf. Β. G. U. 362,ΙΧ. 6, fr. νίί. 4. Very little ίΒ known concerning
the functions of the lCoσμηTή~, but it appears from other Oxyrhynchus papyri (unpublished)
that one of his duties was the management of public festivals and games. That the office
involved great expense is evident from C. Ρ. R. 20.
4. TOtS- Υράφουσι τό." ιιομόν: cf. ccxxxix. ι, note"
CCXLVII. REGISTRATION OF PROPERTY.

35 χ 8·8 cm. A.D. 90.
Registration of house-property addressed to the keepers of the archives
by Panechotes οη behalf of his younger brother, who is described as not quite
of age. Cf: Ο. Ρ. Ι. lxxii, which is a similar return addressed to the same two
officials ίη the same year, and is ,also written οη behalf of a second party; ccclviii;
and the two following papyri, which show that Epimachus and Theon were the
keepers of the archives ten years earlier. The decree of Mettius Rufus mentioned
ϊn 15 is preserνed ίη ccxxxνii. νιιι; οη the general subject of αΠΟΥρaφαί see note
οη line 31 of that column.
1st hand. ~ ~ Φαμενα/(θ) 1:8. [~]ιι Τψ Κάμπρ τρίτον

~nd hand. θέωιιι και'Επιμάχωι [μέ]ρo~ οίκίαS' 8ιπυΡΥ{·
~
βιβλιοΦ(ύλαξι) αS', ενII
''l' "
κατα μεσοll αι-
παρa ΠαJlΕχώτου του 25 1θρ]ιοll, και rijS' προσού.

5 Παυσ(ΡΙΟΥ του Πανεχώ [ ση~ ] αυ'λ""

η~ και \ ετερων
( '"
του μηΤΡΟΥ Τσεναμμω
'" και\€ισ-
(Χ ]ρηστηΡΙα/ν ,
lιαΤΟΥ Tη~ 'Πaνεχώτου 680υ και έξ680υ κa2

των άπ ΌξυρύΥχων π6λ(Eω~).
Λ ,
Τα/ν συν κυροντων,
άΠΟΥράφομ[αι τΕρ δμΟΎν]?Ί- 30 κατηντηκαΥ είΥ αύτα"

, ,
10 σ{φ μου ά8Ελ[Φίi> ...... ,~
€6" ονομαΤΟΥ
"...
τηΥ ση-
άπα Tη~ αύTη~ π6λεωs μαινομενηΥ και με

προστρεχοντι Ti7 ένν6 Tηλλaxυ{a~ άμφοτέ
μ~ι) ήλΙΚ(ff KaTa τα ύπο Ρα/ν μηΤΡΟΥ Τσεναμ-
του κρaτίστου ήΥΕμ6νΟΥ 35 μωllαTO~ άπα Tη~ av-
15 Μεττ{ου cρουφου προσ Tη~ f α} π6λEω~ άκολού
ΤΕταΥμενα το ύπάρ θωΥ oΊ~ ~X€ι 8ικα{ΟΙΥ.
χον αύτφ εlΥ την ένεσ- (lTOUY) ένάτου AίιTOKpάTOPO~
ι
....
τωσαν ημερχν
'" "
επι του
,..
Ka{σapo~ ΔομιτιαιιοΟ
ΠΡΟΥ 'ΟξυρύΥχωll π6λ(ει) 40 ~εβαστου Γερμανικοϋ,
20 ~ "', , ,
~αpaπιoυ επ αμ
Φ'!\
οοου ΦαμΕνωθ ι8.
<ιππεων ΠαρεμβοληΥ
, Το Theon and Epimachus, keepers of the archiνes, from Panechotes, son of Pausiris,
son of Panechotes, his mother being Tsenammonas, daughter of Panechotes, of the city
of Oxyrhynchus. Ι register for my full brother ... of the same city, who is approaching the
legal a'ge, ίη accordance with the commands of his highness the praefect Mettius Rufus, his
property at the present date ίη the Campus near the Serapeum at the cίtγ ofOxyrhynchus ίη
the Knights' Camp quarter, namely a third part of a doubled-towered house, ίη the middle of
which there is a hall, aηd οΕ the court attached and the other fixtures and the entrance and
exit and appurtenances. This has desceηded to him from the property of the aforesaid and
departed Tsenammonas, the mother of us both, ία accordance with his rightful claims.
The ninth year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus, Phamenoth 14.'
12. προστρΕχοντι Tlι Εννόμ,φ ήλικlg.: cf. cclxxv. 8 ούafπω glJTa των lTiiJV. The' legal age'
was probably fourteen years, when men became liable to the poll-tax.
23. ~ιπυpyΙα~: cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CCCXLVIII. 12, C:-P. R. 28. 10.
37. From the use of the present tense ίι seems that the subject of Zxet is the legatee ;
but ίη the parallel passage ία ccxlviii. 33-4 the Ο[και.α are those of the testator.
CCXLVIII. REGISTRATION OF PROPERTY.

31 χ 11'5 cm. A.D.8Q.
Property..return simίIar to the preceding, sent to the keepers οΕ the archives

by Demetrius ση behalf of his son Amois, who had inherited some property
from his grandfather Sarapion. It is noticeable that Sarapion is stated to

have died ίη the 8th year of Vespasian (75-6), or at least four years earlier
than this registration; cf. ccxlix. 13 and 25, and note ση ά",ογραφαί ση ccxxxvii.
VIII·3 1 •
'Ε πιμaχωι
~ κα ι [' Θ'
εωνι
β[ιJβ[λJιοΦ~[λaξι
παρα Δημητρ(ο[υ Ί$αpαπ(ωιιo~ του Θέωνo~
μηTPO~ llpelpa[S'] τΏ[~ •.•.•...
5 ~αpαπίωνo~ του ~λε[ξάν8poυ . • . • • •
τα/ν άπ ΌξυρύΥχων [π6λ(εωS'). άΠΟΥράφομαι
τωι υιωι μου 'Λμ6ιτι [Δημητρ{ου του
~ ~
~αpαΠΙα/νo~ του
,.. Θ'[
l-f, ~ ωνo~ Τα/ν
....",.."
απο Tη~ αυ-
Tη~ π6λεα/~ . [. • . . . . . • . • • • . •.
, ~ ,
10 ΠΡα/Τf!;~ ~Kα:ι. •....•....• τα Ka-
τηιιτηκ6τα [εΙ~ α~TOΙΙ ~ξ] όιι[6μαTO~
του
Λ' "["
μεν πaTpo~ ~If? vqv'] Τ9"!,.. [1"οΕ παππου
~ .
~αpαπίΦlI0~ του Θ ErovoS' [. . . • . . .•
χου τα/ιι άπο TfjS' αύ[Τ(ηS') π6]λεω[~ ΤΕτελευ-
15 τηκ6τ ο r τωι όΥ86ω[ ι ] gTEt θεο[ϋ
Ούεσπασιαιιοϋ, ~ιι μΕιι τηι ΌξυρύΥ[χων
π6λει έπ άμφ6(80)υ ΠλαTε(a[~ . • . . . . .
pEpoS' ήμ(σoυ~ μέpoυ~ κοιιιωνι[ KfjS' oIK(α~
και, αι'θ"
ριου και"λ'"
αυ η~, ,
και ΠΕρΙ'Κερκε [•••
20 Tη~ πpo~ λίβα Toπαpxία~ ~K του [Κτη-
σι~ λ eovS'
~ κλ ηρου ' "
απο κοινα/ΡΙΚα/ν ,. . ['εοα-
1\
φων ημισυ μεροS' KαToι/(ικη~ 'γη$' ά[ρου-

.... 1" ,... ~ " [ .... 'Ε
Ρα/ν οεκa μιa~ τεταρτου, και ΕΚ το υ πι-
~
μαχου
t'
oμoι,ω~
, ~
αΠυ
,..
κοινωνΙΚα/ν
['8
ε α-
25 φων ήμισυ μεpo~ καTOΙKΙKη~ yfjS'

, ,.. 1'~ " ,.. ,,.. , [
αρουρωll ovo, και ειι Tf/ aυΤΊ/ κωμ Ί/
8(μοιρον pEpoS' τετάρτου μερου[ S'

κοιιιο>ιιικη S' ΕπαύλεωS' συνπεπ[ τω-
, , 1', , '[' ,
κυια$ εJl 1/ πovpyoS' και περιστερεα/JΙ κ αι ιιυ-
30 λ αι' και
\tf
ΕΤΕρa
,
χρηστηρια παντα
~
συν π€-
[
, ~ 1\' ~ , , \ 1\' [ ,..

πτω/(οτα. ο οε ~ αρaπιωιι εστιlΙ οια Ί"ηr
του δεκάτου gTOV~ Νεpωνo~

άπoypαφη~, Επι δΕ πάντω[ν) άκο[λού-
• θω~ TOΙ~ εI~ τον αύτον Σαραπ[ίων]α δ[ικ(αlοι~).
35 (gTOV~) 'Υ AIJTOKpάTOPO~ - Τίτου Καlσ(α]ρ[ OS' ΟΙJεσπασιανου
~εβαστοϋ, ΦαQ\Φι) ιΥ.
2nd hand. '1 ii πε
10. The three letters after πρωτ corrected. 18. The syllable μι ίη ημισoυ~ originally
omitted, and added above the line. 34. TOΙ~ added above the line.
9. Ιη the latter part of the line it was probably stated that Amois was a minor; cf.
ccxlvii. 12.
10. Perhaps κατ[α τά κελεvσθέvτα, but the difficulty at the beginning of the line renders
the supplement doubtful.
20. [ΚτηJσικλέοv~ κλήρου: the names of the κληροι are perhaps those of the first κάτοικοι
who held them, just as the three μεpΙ~ε~ of the Fayftm were probably called after the three
first στρατηΥΟ!.
28. συvπεπ[rωJl(vlα~: 'ίn a state of ruin.'
3 ι. The point of the statement that Sarapion had registered the property ίn the 10th
year of Νero is not easy to understand οη the theory of an annual registration; c[ note ση
ccxxxvii. νιιΙ. 3 ι. Οη the other hand the remark need not necessarily imply that there
had been πο general αΠοΥραφή of property between that date (63-64) and the present year,.
though it rather points ίn that direction.
CCXLIX. REGISTRATION OF PROPERTY.
21 χ 7·2 cm. Α. D. 80.
Supplementary property return, dated ίη, the same year and οη the same
day as ccxlviiί, announcing ίη addition to property registered previously the
possession of a share of a honse devised to the present owner by his brother,
who had died early ίη the year 78. Two years had therefore elapsed between the
decease of the testator and this registration of the property by the heir; cf. introd.
to ccxlviii, and note οη ccxxxνii. VIII. '31.
Έπιμάχωι καΙ ΘΕωνι βιβλιοΦ(ύλαξι) 15 αΙJτυ π6λει Εν τφ Παμμ~
παρ?ι, ΔΙΟΥατοS' τοϋ TeroTOS' νoυ~ λε'Υομένρ παρα8εί-
του Κενταύρου μηTPO~ Άπί- σου
,
τριτον
,
pepor "
εκτου
,
aS' Tη~ ΠPΦTαTO~ ~ων άπ' 'Οξυ
,.."
μεΡουr .KoινωνΙKη~ ΠΡΟS'

'1\ λΦ ,
5 ρύΥχ ων π6λεω~. άΠΟΥράΦο- με
, ,
και Tovr αοε OVS' και,
μαι κaτα τα προστεταΥμε- 20 έτερουS' όlKία~ dκολο6θωr
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 2ΟΙ
να χωΡιr Cδν προαπεΥρα .. δ πεποίηται 8ια του f.1I Tfi

"ι,.
ταμην
, και
,, ..,
νυν το κατηll- αύτΏ π6λει άΥορα1l0μείου
Tηι<o~
,~
ει~ με
,~,
ε6
,
oνoμαTO~ τφ τυβι μηνι του Ι (~TOυ~)
10 του δμΟΥνησΕου μου ά8ελ 8ιαθήKΊJ ώ~ περιέχει.
φου Ποπλίου τωll άπα Tη~ 2nd hand. 25 (εToυ~) Ύ AύTOKpάTOPO~ Τίτου
αύTη~ π6λεω~ μ[ε]τηλλα- Kαίσαpo~ Ούεσπασια1l0υ ~ε
, "
XOTO~ ατεκνου
,..
τωι ι
(J')
ετει βαστου
θεου Ούεσπασιανου Ειι T[fi Φαωφι ΙΥ.
16. 1. παΡαaιίσφ. 27. ΙΥ corr. from ιβ.
CCL. REGISTRATION OF PROPERTY.
22·3 χ 10·8 C'UZ. Α. Ώ. 61 (?).
Supplementary property return resembling ccxlix; cf. note οη ccxxxvii.

VIII. 31. The writer, whose name is lost, registers some property derived from
his father, who had died at the end of the 3rd year of Ν ero, ίη the course
of which year the writer's preνious return had pet·haps been sent ίη (cf. note
οη 6). The date of the present document. is missing, but it is approximately
fixed by the mention of the praefect Vestinus, who is known to have been
ίη office ία the 6th, 7th, and 8th years of Nero; and that it should be
assigned to the 7th year is made probable by the fact that there is gummed
to its left margin a mutίlated document which is to al1 appeat·ance a similar
property return and which is dated ίη the month Germaniceus of the 7th year
of an emperor who is almost certainly Nero.
[• . . •. ] • ' ~φ
αΠΟΥρα ομαι κατα
" τα
ι [ ,,..
υπ ο του
,
κρατισ1Όυ
[ήΎεμ6110fl] Λευκίου Ίουλ{ου Ούηστείν[ου προστεταΥ'"

'
[ μενα Χ] '
ωpι~ 'i'
0011 προaΠΕΥρ α .1,.
τ α, μηll [ •••••.•••.• f
[. . • . . . .] . . παρα Άpσιν6η~ rfjr 1;('0[. • . . • • . . • • • •

5 [. . . . . . . . . . Jov έlΙ τωΊ ΠαιταισΙΕίω[ ι • • • . . . . . • . •
[. . . . . • . . • .]υ τωι Υ (~Tει) Ν έροοll[ o~ Κλαυ8/0υ Κα[
[σαpo~ '$ εβαστοJD Γερμallικου Αύτο[ KpάTOPO~ περι
,
την '['
α!,τ ην ]'
κ ωμην ,
εκ ,..
του ΝΙKαllOρo~
L [ '
και Δ ριμακου'
κλήρων λεΥομειιωll Δωροθέου άρ[ oύpa~ ....•..
10 ,
τετaρτοιι έ ιιοεκα
1" ( τοιι,
)τα' κατηιιτηκ["
οτα Etr εμε
"
E, t. ' ,
OlIopaTor \ ,..
του μετη
λλ'
axoTor Ίf'[ ' μου
aTpor
b
Άμμωιιίου του ~αραπίω1l0r Tαι~ [έπαyoμEιιαι~
του αύτου Υ (eTovr) άφ η~ Εθετο ί8ιο[Ι'ράφου όμολΟΥt
ar τωι ΙΥ (Ετει) θεου Κλαυ8Ι0υ και 8tq, [τη\' πραr την
15 Ι'υιιαικά μου ΤααΥρελλσα ~πελ~[ατοr .
συιιοικεσ(ου συιιl,ραΦfjr Υεl,οιιυία( r 8ια του Ειι
ΌξυρύΥχωιι π6λει άl,οραιιομίου τα/[ι μηιιι
του ι8 (~Tovr) θεου Κλαυ8{ου, Ειι μΕιι Όξυρ[ύΥχωιι π6λει
ΕΙΙ
, τηι
" Λ
Τα/ν '
Λ υκιωll παρεμβ ολ""
Ίl ["
ο ικιαll και"λ'
αυ ην
'tf " , , [
20 και ετερα χρηστηρια, και ΠΕρΙ το ιι. • • • • • • • • • ••
,
εκ του ,.. '
ΝtKavopor και'Δ' . . . •.•.
ριμακου κλ'
ηρ ου [
ύπάρχο[ιι]TOS' αύτωι έποικΕου το[ . ••......•..
, ..." IJ ....., , [
εκ του απο tJoppa μερουr Etr ο ειι ο ΎΙ~ εται και
,~ , λ ,~
δ άπα βορρα περιστερεα/ιι και τα [• . . . . . . . . .

2 5 Ύoυ~f!ι πρ6τεροll [~π]~rx(ι]~r Α(. . . . . . . . . . . .
ει 8Ε έλαια/ιιι κατa • [22 letters
8ύο ΤΕτάρτου ιJ[ 25 letters
ον καΙ τα του σT~[25 letters
άιιηκοr[τ
Οη the verso
, ,
30 znd hand. ]Tor του 'ΛμμωllΕου απ ΌξυΡύrχ(OJΙΙ π6λε&>S') μη(τpo~)
~~PO!If( ) (JTιOv) Ι{.
7. ε ίη γερμ,αllικου corr. from α. 8. 1. ,Κ των, or κλήρου λΕγομΕlIου ίη 9; 'cf: 2 Ι.
6. lt is not certain to what this date refers; if to προαΠΕγρaψάμην, then the writer's
previous άΠΟΥραφή was made ίη Α. Ώ. 56-7, ίη which year a general άΠΟΥραφή must have been
held. But the construction of 3-10 is doubtful owing to the lacunae. Possibly ιcal νυν
immediately followed προαΠΙ:Υραψάμηll (cf. ccxlix. 8); the property mentioned ίη 3-10 would
then be part of the current return.
ι ι. Perhaps another name (ending ίn -τo~; cf. the verso) should be supplied ϊn the
lacuna after παTpό~; ΙΑμμώvιοr will then be the name of the writer's granclfather.
13-17. The property ϊη question was secured to its present owner by two agreements,
(ι) the όμ,ολΟΥΙα between himself and his father ίη the 13th year of Claudius, (2) his marriage
contract of the following year, ίn which the provisions of the όμολΟΥία were reaffirmed.
16. συνοικεσίου συV'Υραφη~: cf. cclxvi. ι ι, Pap. Par. 13, 10 (quoted ϊn introd. to
cclxvii).
25. Υου και may perhaps be read.
FIRST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 203 ·
30. (Ετων) ι.ζ:

if, as is the natural interpretation, this is the age of the writer of the
άΠΟΥραφή, the date of which is approximately Α. Ώ. 61, he was only nine or ten years
old when his marriage, which is meηtioned ίn line 18, took place. PossibIy therefore ιζ is
a mistake; but marriage at a very early age was not uncommon ίη Egypt at this period,
cf. Wessely ϊn Wiener Sllzungsbe1-zchte, 1891, ρ. 65. The age at which a boy ceased to be
άφηλιξ appears to be 14, cf. note οη ccxlvii. 12.
CCLI. NOTICE OF REMOVAL.

32·5 χ 9·5 cm. Α. D. 44.
This papyrus and cclii, and probably cclίii, are addressed to two officials
who combined the functions of the To'ΠoγpαμμαTεύ~ (scribe of the toparchy, see
note οη line 2) and κωμΟΥΡαμματεv~ or vil1age-scribe, and announce (α) the removal
of an individual from the place where he was officially registered (αυaypαφόμευo~
or α'Πoypαφόμευo~, cclii. 4); (δ) the fact that he ηο longer possessed any means
(πόpo~), presumably ία the Oxyrhynchite nome. The truth of the statements
is vouched for by oath. The removal of an inhabitant from his abode was
regarded by the authorities ίη Egypt with much suspicion, being often resorted
to for the purpose of evading λειτουργίαι or taxation. Α decree of Μ. Sempronius
Liberalίs, praefect ίη Α. D. 154, stigmatizing persons Ε'Πι ξ'υη~ as brigands, and
commanding them to return to their proper homes, is preserved ίη Β. G. U. 372.
Ιη Ο. Ρ. Ι. cxxxv we find a lead-worker bound over by surety to remain οη
his holding.
The formula fol1owed ίη these declarations concerning αυαxώpησ,~ resembles
that found ία announcements of death, e. g. cclxii. For their bearing οη the
origin of the census ίη Egypt see introd. to cc1iv.
Δι8ύμωι Kα~ Η[. . . . . . . [άληθη εΙιιαι] τα π[Ρ]οΥεΥρα(μμέιια),

ΤΟΠΟΥρα{μματευσι) K(aJi κωμΟΥρα(μ- κ[αι μη8ένα] π6ρον ό[πά]px(ειrι)
ματευσι) Τ[Ρ αύτφ) Θοώνει ~[ •••••
παρα θαμOύΙΙΙO~ [τJη~ • [.] . reUTp[ αΊτε ••• [•••••
Όιι[ιιώ]φpιo~ των άπ' ΌξυρυΥ- 25 [εΊύορκ[ο]ύσυ [μ]Ε" μ( ο]ι
5 χω[ v Π]6λεωS' μετa κυρ(ου [ε]υ εΥηι, έπιορκού[σ]υ 8Ε τα
~αρa[Π ](rovoS' του ~αpατrEωllo( r). έιιαιιτ(α. ~[ύ]Τ!-'Χ( εΙΤΕ).
ό v16r μου Θoωνι~ ΔιονυσΕου 2nd hand. Θαμουνι(ο)ν Όllνώφp[ιo]~ έπι8έ-
dTE[XVO]~ άναypaφ6μενo~ 8α/κα το όπ[6]μνημα καΙ όμό>-
έπι λαύ(ρ]ΙXS' TepoveJIOtJeEroS' 30 μεκα τον ΠΡΟΥΕΥραμμένον
10 , [ "
~]ρησειι ει~ την
αιιεχ ω lJPKOJI. .. ων '$αραπίωνοr
, ,,.. ,
[ςέ]νην τωι 8ιελθ6ντι
~ ~
εΠΙΥεΥραμμαι αυTη~ Kυpιo~ και
[xJp6vιp. [8ι]0 άςιωι [ά]ναΥράφε(σθαι) Υ[ έ]ΥραΦα ύπερ [α]ύTη~ μη εί8υία~

[τ]ουτον [έ]ν Tόι~ άιιακεχω(ρη κ6σιν) Υράμματ[ α].
[ ']' ~,,,
α πο του εΙΙEσTωTO~ τεταρτου
~
35 (~TOVS-) 8 Τιβερίου Κλαυ8ίου
15 ~TOυ~ ΤιβεΡlου Κλαυ8ίου Κα[ (]σαpo~ '$ εβαστ[ου] Γ[ε]ρμανικου
Καίσαρ[ o]~ ~εβαστου Aύ[T]OKpάTOPO~, τυβι ιβ.
[Γερ ]μ[ ανικ ]ου Α ύTOKpάTOPO~, 1st hand. [Θα]μούνιον ώs- (έτων) νη μέσ(η)
[και όμ]νύω Tιβ€pΙOν 4,!η(μo~) οφ •. [... ]~ • [••••]
[Κλαύ8ι ]ον Καίσαρα ~εβαστον 40 T?J() [.] • , • [. • • • ·]~x( )
20 [TEppavtJKOV Αύτοκράτορα . • . • ~TE[x(νo~)
29. 1. όμώμοκα.
'Το Didymus and .•. , topogrammateis and komogrammateis, from Thamounion,

daughter of Onnophris, of the city of Oxyrhynchus, with her- guardian Sarapion, son of
Sarapion. ΜΥ son Thoonis, son of Dionysius, who has ηο trade, registered ίη the quarter
of Temouenouthis, some time ago removed abroad. Wherefore Ι ask that his
name be entered ίη the list of persons removed, henceforth from this year which is the
4th of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus 1mperator; and Ι swear by
Tiberius Claudius, etc., that the aforesaid statement is correct, and that Thoonis possesses
ηο means ... 1f Ι swear truly may it be well with me, but if falsely the reverse. Farewell.'
Signature of Thamounion, written by her guardian, date, and official description of
Thamounion's age and appearance.
2. Οη ToπoypαμμαTEί~ see_Wilcken, Observa/iones ad hzs/. Aegypll~ ρρ. 23 sqq.l They
were scribes of the toparchies into which the nomes were divided. The Oxyrhynchite nome
contained at least five (indices to ο. Ρ. 1 and 11), and the Heracleopolite nome had several
(Β. G. U. 552, etc.). Other nomes however, e. g. the Latopolite, perhaps ,contained only
two toparchies, an upper and a Iower. The ToπoypαμμαTEί~ appear more frequently ίη the
Ptolemaic than ίη the Roman period, when theil· functions tended to become merged
ίn those of the κωμΟΥραμμαΤΕΙ$ who originally were subordinate to them. Here and ίη
cclii and ccliv both titles are held b)' each of the two officials. Why applications such
as these should be addressed to them b)' persons who were living at Oxyrhynchus itself
is not clear. 1t seems that even ίη the metropolis of the Oxyrhynchite nome there were
Toπol,pαμμαTEί~ and KωμoypαμμαTEί~ who were specially concerned with the revision of the census
lists; cf. ccliv. Ι.
3. θαμούIlΙΟ$: ίn 28 and 38 and cccxxii she is called Thamounion, but ίη cclxxv. 2 her
name is Thamounis, as ίn ο. Ρ. Ι. xcix. 3.
ι ι. ξ/νηρ: cf. note οη cclxxxvi. 15.
24. Possibly Thoonis' deΡaι-ture was due Ιο his having become a soldier.
27. The word at the end of the line is doubtless ΕύτυχείΤΕ (cf. ccliii. 4) but the letters
before χ are a mere scraw1.
3 Ι. The two letters before ων may be πι; ίη any case the name sllould have been
Σαρaπίωll, as ίn 6.
1 Cf. his Gr. O~'I. Ι. 428 sqq. ση τοπαρχία,.
CCLII. NOTICE OF REMOVAL.

16·5X9·7cm. A.D.I9- 20 •
Notice, similar to ccli, addressed ίη Α. D. 19-20 to Theon and Eutychides

(cf. cc1iv. ι), who lίke the officials ίη ccli combined the functions of To'ΠoγpαμμαTεΙ~
and KωμoypαμμαTEΙ~, by Thoonis, son of Ammonius, stating that his brother
Ammonius, a weaver by trade, had gone away and ηο longer had any means.
The document is incomplete, but the lacunae can be filled up from cclίii, which
is a similar notice written by Thoonis ίη August A.D. 19 and refers to the
departure of the same Ammonius and of another person cal1ed Theon, probably
a third brother. This second document preserves the ()PKO~, which is lost ίη
cclii. Why ίη the case of Ammonius more than one notice was necessary does
ηοΙ appear. Ιι is impossible that these notices had to be sent ίη annually.
Perhaps the fact that his departtIre took place about the same time as the
census (introd. to ccliv) has something to do with it; perhaps ccliii was not
addressed to the same officials as cclίί.
Θ έωνι και [Ε]ύτυχε(8υ ΤΟΠΟΥρα(μματεΟσι) και κομΟΥΡ[α(μματεϋσι)
παρα Θοώνιο[S'] του Άμμωνίου. δ ά8ελφ6S'
μου 'ΑμμώνιοS' 'Αμμωνίου YEp8to[S'
άΠΟΥΡαφ6μενοS' έπι τ( φ lp ]προσθ[Ε]ν
t ' []
5 υπαρχ ο ντι ' ' ' ' μερε
αυτφ ' ' [ι "
OtKtαS' λ'
avpaS'
[ΤευμΕν]ούθεωS' έονη[μενοS' παρα
[Δε?Ίr6τη S'] Ύυναικo~ μ[ ετa κυρ(ου
('$αραπ(ω]voS' άκολούθ[ ωS' TatS' E1S'
" ] ασ
[αυτην 'Φλ' , ,
α ELES', ανεχωρησεν
10 [elS' την J ξένην μη8ενοS' Ετέρου

[αύτρ πόρου] όπάρχονΤΟS'8 [8ιο] έπι
[8t80VS'] το ύπ6 { μ }μνημα ά~[ι]ΟΟ άνα
[Ύράφ]εσθαι τουτον έν TOtS' άνακ[ Ε
[χωρηκ6]σι και π6ρον μ[ η] ~XOVTOS'
15 [άπα του έ]νεστωτο[S'] gΙCTov [~TOVS' Τιβε
[p(ov Κα (σ ]apoS' '$ εβ[αστου
2nd hand. [. . • . . . . . . 8 οΙ ... ()
• • • •] ••
[(~TOVS') ς Τιβερ(ου Καί]σαΡΟS' ~EβασToυ μ[ . ...

(. . .. ~ . . . . . . . . .. ] . . . .
Ι. 1. ι<ωμΟΥΡ. 6. 1. έωνημένo~. 9. 1. άσΦαλιίaι~. 14. 1. Ιχ ουσι ; the genitive is probably

due to τάξει being used ίη similar returns, e. g. cclxii. 12.
6-8. Cf. ccliii. 3-5.
10. έτέρου, i. e. ηο πόpo~ except the above-mentioned part of a house which he had
purch~ased. T?e , house had ίη some way been disposed of before Ammonius went ~way,
cf. 4 ιμπροσθΕJΙ υπαρχοντι.
15. Cf. cclίii. 12, 24. Any other emperor but Tiberius is οη every ground out of
the question.
18. Perhaps Μ[ισορή, cf. ccliii. 24.
CCLIII. NOTICE OF REMOVAL.
I9·3X I 3 cm . A.D.19·
Α notice similar to the preceding but written ίη the previous year; cf. introd.
to cclii.
[. . • • •]α/τη[ άΠΟΥρa-
[φ6μενοι Επι T]orr ~μπp[ οσθε]ν ύπάρ(χουσ]ι[ν
[avToir μΕρεσιν) olK(ar λαύΡαr Τευμενού[ θ( eror)
' ,
[εωνημεllΟΙ ~'Δ'
'tTapja ,
ε'!ll!οτηr yvvatKor
5 [μετα κυρίου] ~aΡaπ{ωνοr άκολού

[θω$ "a'ϊr εΖ$ αύ)τΥν άσφαλεlαιr άιιε
[χώρησαν elr τ]ηιι ξΕνην μη8ενοr
[Ε]τΕρ[ ου αύTOΊr π]6ρου ύπάΡχοντοr.
8ιο [έπι8(8ωμι "]0 ύπ6μνη[μ]α άξιων
10 άναΥρ[άΦεσθαι τ]ούτουr Εν Totr άνaκε-
χωρηκοσι , [και' )
π '
ορον μη"εχοντων
,
[άJπο του Ενεστ[ω]τοS' ε (~TOVS') Τιβερίου ΚaίσaΡοr
~εβασToυ κ~! ![.]ων όμοίων.
εύτύχει.
znd hand. 15 [Θoα/νι~ 'Αμμωνίο]υ Επι8έ8ωκa το ύπ6μιι[ η

[μα Kal όμνύω Τιβέριοιι] Καίσαρα $εβαστοll
Αύτοκράτορα θεου ΔΙdr 'Ελευθερ(ου
~εβαστοϋ υΙον άληθη εΤιιaι τα ΠΡΟΥΕ-
[ Υ]ραμμΕιια, Kal μη8ένα π6[ρ]ον ύπάρχ ειll
20 (τ]φ 'Αμμωρ[']φ και τφ ρεωτερφ

, ,.., , t'
θ
,
. ~ω"ι μεχρι Tη~ εΡεuτωσηr ημε-

, ,.. , '" Ν
pα~. ευορκουντι μεμ μοι ευ ειη,
[έ]πιορκοϋιιτ[Ι 8ε τ]ά Εναντία.

(~TOVr) Ε ΤιβεΡlοv ΚαίσaΡοr ~εβασToϋ, Μεσορ[η ..
11. 1. Ιχουσι. 18. αληθη Ειιιαι corr. from αληθιlι ηιιαι. 22. First V ιη EυOPΙCOνJlΤIι corr.
fro~ ρ.
13. ? l[τ]ώll. What we have regarded as the second vertical stroke Όf 11 is unusually
long and possibly represents an over-written ι, ϊη which case a contracted word .. ωνι( )
must be read.
CCLIV. CENSUS RETURN.
13XII·3cm. AboutA.D.20.
One of the most interesting classes of Roman papyri consists of the census
returns (αΠΟΥραφαΙ κατ' οΙκίαν, which must be carefully distingnished frODl αΠΟΥραφαί
of house and land property discussed ίη ccxxxvii. νιιι. 31, note). The earliest
censns ίη Egypt hitherto known is that which was held ίη A.D. 6Ζ (Brit. Mus.
Pap. CCL. 79; Kenyon, Cαt. 11. 19). From that date to A.D. ΖΟΖ the recurrence
of the census at intervals of fourteen years is attested by numerolts examples.
Οη the origin of the cycle a good deal~ of light is tht·own by the papyri pnblished
ίη this volume, which carry it back certainly to the reign of Tiberius and with
al1 probabilίty far into the reίgη of Augustus.
The question of the beginning of the cycle has recently attained an unusual degree of
importance owing to the brilliant attempt made by Prof. Ramsay ίn ' Was Chrisf born al
Belhlehem?' to explain ίη the light of the Egyptian census returns the much disputed passage
ίη 8t. Luke ίί. 1-4 respecting the άπoypαφfι held by Herod. We were able to lay a part
of our results last autumn before Prof. Ramsay ίη time to be utilized ίη his book, but we
can now present them ίn a fuller and more matured form which has undergone some
modifications. It will therefore perhaps not be out of place if, after a survey of the evidence
as it stands at present, we briefly turn aside to examine those of Prof. Ramsay's arguments
which are based οη the Egyptian census lίsts, and consider how far, if at all, his conclusions
are affected by the new facts concerning άΠΟΥραφαί which are adduced ίn this volume.
The nature and purposes of the census ίn Egypt are discussed by Wilcken (Hermes xxviii.
ρρ. 246 sqq.)ι, and more recently by Kenyon (Cal. 11. ΡΡ. 17 sqq.). The returns ίn Fayftm
papyri are addressed to the στpαTηyό~, βασιλικος ΥΡαμ,μaτιvr, κωμ,ΟΥΡaμ,μ,ατιvs, and λαΟΥράφοι, or
to one or more of these officials; and consist of a statement by the householder (ι) of the
house or part of it owned by him or her, (2) of the names and ages of himself and all the
1 And now ϊη G,.. Ost. Ι. 435 sqq.
other residents including chi1dren, sIaves, and tenants. Α notable characteristic is that the
returns always relate to the year before that ίn which they were written. Thus a census
return for 89-90 was sent ίn during 90-91. These returns and the lists drawn up from them,
of which Brit. Mus. Papp. CCLVII-CCLIX are examples, were evidence with regard to
a man's age, address, household property, slaves, etc.; but their chief object undoubtedly
was to be the basis of a list of inhabitants liable to or exempt from. the polI-tax. This is
amply proved by (ι) the use of the term λaΟΥραφία for poll-tax ίn Egypt ίη place of the more
usual έΠΙK€φάλαΙOν (though, as we shall see 11ereafter, at Oxyrhynchus έΠΙK€φάλαιoν sometimes
occurs ίη early Roman papyri, e. g. cclxxxviii), (2) by the three Brit. Mus. papyri ιpentioned
above, (3) by the census returns themselves, ίn which any individuals who for various reasons
were-ιcάτοιιcοι or έΠΙΙC€ΙCPιμένoι (cf. introd. to cclvii), i. e. wholly or partly exempt from the ροιι
tax, record the fact, e. g. Β. G. U. 116 11. 18.
The three census returns published here, ccliv-vi, are all unfortunately incomplete;
but they show the same general formula, and differ ίn some respects from other known
census returns, which nearly all come from the Faytim. As the differences are a matter of
some importance, ,ve give first the text of a ιcαT' oΙιcΙαν ιlπoyραφή for Α. D. 145-6 from
Oxyrhynchus, which resembles closely the formula of the FayGm census returns and was
briefly described ίη ο. Ρ. Ι. clxxi (cE ccclxi, part of a census return for 75-6).
Διοσκόρφ στρατηΥφ και Ίσχvρlωνι βασιλ(ΙΚΨ) Υραμμa(T€Ι)
\ (Ι'€pαKOς 'Α Kωpιo~
παρα ' . . Ν• • • •[ • • •
του
άπ' 'ΟξυρύΥχων πο'λΕωs\ ιlπoyράφoμαι κ[ατα

τα /(ΕλΕυσθέντα ύπο Ούαλ€Ρlοv Πpόιcλoυ
5 του ήYEμ6νo~, άΠΟΥράφομαι πρo~
την του ~ΙEλθ&νTO~ θ (€TOVS') , AνTων€Ινoυ
KatuapoS' του Kvplov ιcαT' οΙκίαν άΠΟΥρα-
φην Τ1]ν (corr. from το) ύπάρχο( υσα)ν μοι ,ΠΙ άμ.φ6~oυ δρό-
μ~υ θ οηρι~οs-
' ~ "
οικιαν " Λτοπφ ιcαλ ov-
Εν
10 μΕJJ€p Διονυσου ΤΕχνΕιτων,

'φ' η~ άΠΟΥρά(Φομαι)
αύτόs- έΥω μηTΡO~ ΔιονvσlαS' tI.paKos-
,
απο
\ ,
Υυμνασιου
1
, χω
λ'
αινων
(),.
ετων
) l:.
ς-ς,
Ιιέραξ vίόs- μου μητρόS' 'ΑλΕξάvδραS'

15 ιlπ€λ€vθ[έΡαs- • .••
Beginnings of 5 more lines.
cclv is addressed to the στρατηΥ6S', βασιλΙKO~ Υραμματ€ύs-, ΤΟΠΟΥραμματ€ύS' and κωμΟΥΡαμμα'f'ΕtJr,
ccliv to the two last-named officials, whom in ccli-iii we have already seen to be concerned
with the revision of the lists of persons' names and property at Oxyrhynchus. The middle
part of the formula ίη these ear]y Oxyrhynchus census returns differs from that of the later
one and of Faytim returns ίη having ηο reference to the past year, nor do the phrases
άΠΟΥράΦΕσθαι, except perhaps ίη ccl νΙ 15, and κατ' οΖκίαν άΠΟΥραΦή occur ίη them. cclv ίη
fact is called ίη line 18 a ΥραΦή simply. Οη the other hand cclv (and probably ccliv and
cclvi as well) has at the end a declaration οη oath which is not found ίη Iater census returns,
except ίn an incomplete one (unpublished) from Oxyrhynchus written ίη Nov. A.D. 132 and
referring ηο doubt to the census known to have been held for the year 131-2. But the
three Oxyrhynchus papyri ίη question nevertheless contain all the essentials of a census
return, νίΖ. a statement by a householder of his house and of the na.mes and ages of all the
inhabitants; and if any doubt remains, it is removed by an examination of their dates.
cclv is dated ϊη Oct. Α. Ώ. 48. As has been stated, the earliest definitely known census is
1 Cf. introd. to cclvii (ρ. 219).

that for Α. D. 61-2, the returns for \vhich were sent ίη ίη 62-3; but from the supplemen-
tary lists ίη Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLX of persons ίπικεκριμένοι ίη Α. D. 54-5 Mr. Kenyon
justly inferred the existence of a census for 47-8. The date ίn cclv therefore exactly suits
the date of that census, and the return was sent ίη ίη the following year 48-9, as would be
expected from the analogy of other census returns, though, as ίη the similar Oxyrhynchus
return of Α. D. 132, it is noteworthy that the date is near the beginning of the Egyptian
year. For the census of 33-4 we have ηο direct evidence, unless cclvi, which is undated
but ση account of the handwriting and the papyri with which it was found most probably is
of the reign of Tiberius, refers to ίι For the census ίη Α. D. 19-20 there is however good
evidence. The date of ccliv is 10st, but the return is undoubtedly of the time of Tiberius,
and is addressed Ιο Eutychides and Theon who are known from cc1ii to have been ίη o:ffice
during the 6th year of his reign. How long the ToπoyρaμμαTεΙ~ and κωμOϊ'pαμμαTεί~ held
office is uncertain. Α comparison of cc1i with cclv shows that Didymus exercised those
functions from Α. D. 44 to 48; but it is very unlikely that Eutychides and Theon remained
ίη o:ffice from the 6th to the 20th years of Tiberius, and we may therefore safely refer
cc1iv to the census of Α. D. 19-20 ίη the 6th year of Tiberius.
That the fourteen years' cycle was ίη existence as far back as Α. D. 20 cannot reasonably
be disputed. Whether the returns \\'ere then called κατ' οlκίαν άΠΟΥρaφαΙ and whether they
always refer Ιο the year before that ίη which they were written may be doubted. lt is curious
that at Oxyrhynchus as ίη the Fayun1 the term κατ' οll(ίαν άΠΟΥραφή cannot be traced back
beyond the census of Α. D. 61-2 (cclvii. 27); and cclv is called not an άΠΟΥρaφή but a ,,/ραφή.
But the term is a matter of little importance, if the fourteen-year censuses existed at any rate
as far back as Α. D. 20. The differences between ccliv-vi and the later κατ' οlκίaν άΠΟΥραφaΙ
suggest the probability that ίη the former we are nearing the beginning of the cγcΙe.
Earlier than Α. D. 20 the existence of the fourteen years' cycle is not directly attested,
but there is p1enty of indirect evidence. The census, as we have said, is intimately related
Ιο the poll-tax, and lists of names and addresses of persons liable to or exempt from the
poll-tax were being made out in Augustus' reign, a fact which presupposes some kind of
census; cf. cclxxxviii, which contains an extract from an 'πlκρισι~ or list of persons partly
exempt from poll-tax ίη the 41st and 42nd years of Augustus, and cclvii, which twice
mentions a similar lίst of persons άπο Υυμνaσίου made ίη his 34th year. Receipts for
λαογραφία are found οη ostraca of Augustus' reign, the earliest that ,ve have been able to
discover being one belonging to Prof. Sayce, which is dated ίη Β. c. 9, but Prof. Wilcken
kindlyinforms us tbat he has one dated ίη Β. c. 18-17 (ησ. 357 ofhis forthcoming Grzechzsche
Oslrαkα). The Jists of persons liable to or exempt from poll-tax are known, at any
rate from the middle of the first century, to have been based, as is natural, οη census lists;
and it is only reasonable to suppose that the procedure was the same ίη Augustus' time.
Moreover two remarkable άπογρaφαί, G. Ρ. 1. xlv and χΙνί, though presenting some unusual
features and difficulties which are discussed below, are distinct evidence ίη favour of the
existence of a census under Augustus. Granted then that general censuses were held at
this period, how far back can the fourteen years' cycle be pushed ? The interval of fourteen
years has a very definite purpose, because it was at the age of fourteen that persons had Ιο
pay poll-tax, and unless we meet with some obstacle, the presumption is that the cycle
goes back as far as the λαογρα</>Ια and 'πίKpισl'~ can be traced. There is good ground for
believing that censuses were held for Β. c. 10-9 and Α. D. 5-6 ϊη the 21st and 35th years
of Augustus. Prof. Wilcken's ostracon which was written ίη Β. c. 18-17 shows that the
poll-tax was ίη force before the supposed census ίη Β. C. 10-9. But there is some difficulty
ίη placing the fourteen years' cycle earlier than that year. G. Ρ. Ι. xlv and χΙνί are
άΠΟΥραφαί addressed to the KωμoγρaμμαTEύ~ of Theadelphia ία the Fayftm (which last winter
we found to be Rarlt) ίn 19 and 18 Β. c. by a certain ΡneΡherδs, ~ημόσιo~ 1εωP'Yό~. Th~
Ρ
formula consists of (α) the address and description of the writer, (δ) a statement that h-e
registered himself (άΠΟΥράφομαι) for the year ίη which he was writing, (c) a statement where
he lived (ιr.ατιrylvομαι), (d) the concluding sentence, ~ιo έπι~ί~ωμι. 80 long as these two papyri
were separated by a long distance of time and by material differences ίn the formula from
ordinary /(ατ· οl/(ίαν αΠΟΥρaφαί, they could not be used as evidence bearing οη the census.
The interval of time is now bridged over by the Oxyrhyn~hus papyri; and the fact that
reference is made to the current not to the past year need cause ηο difficulty, since the three
Oxyrhynchus census returns do nοΙ refer Ιο the past year, although cclvi is written early ίη
the year folIowing the periodic year. That the t\VO returns of Pnepheros, though he says
nothing about his family, have to do with a census of some kind can hardly any longer be
disputed; but their precise explanation remains doubtful. 8ince a general census ίη
two successive years is out of the question, one or both of them must be regarded as
exceptiona1. The second άΠΟΥρaφή ίη Β. c. 18 contains nothing to show what the exceptional
circumstance was, but the first suggests a clue by the words θ/λων σύνταξιν which occur ίη
line 8 after άΠΟΥράφομαι ε1~ το ια (;TO~) Kaluapor. Why did Pnepheros 'want a contribution' ?
It may have been due to him as a ~ημόσιo~ ΎEωΡΎό~, though the mention of the writer's pro-
fession ίη these two papyri is rather discounted by the fact that sucl1 mentions are a common
feature of census returns (e. g. ccliv. 2 and Β. G. U. Ι 15. 1. 7); or, possibly, he may have
been claiming exemption from the poll-tax οη the ground of his being over sixty years of
age (ct: Kenyon, CαI. 11. ρ. 20); or, wllat is more likely still, the reference is to something
unknown.
Neither of these papyri, therefore, proves anything with regard to a general census ίη
Β. C. 20-19 or 19-18 Ι, though their similarity to the early Oxyrhynchus census returns
supports the view that even before Β. c. 10-9 retul"ns were being sent ίn and lists compiled
ίη a manner which, judging by the analogy of subsequent I"eigns, implies a general census.
But ίη the face of these two papyri indirect evidence is ηο longer sufficient for supposing
that the foul"teen years' cycle extends beyond Β. c. 10-9. Some kind of census seems
indeed to have been held ίn Egypt ίn quite early times, cf. Griffith, Lαw Quαrt. Rev. 1898,
ρ. 44; and some critics llave οη the evidence of ancient authors supposed that the poll-tax
and general census existed ίη Egypt ίη the time of the Ptolemies. What is more important,
a third century Β. c. papyrus at Alexandria (Mahaffy, .Bull. corr. Ηεll. χνίίί. ρρ. 145 sqq.)
i s a return by a householder of his household; and άΠΟΥραφαΙ of property, similar ιο those
ordained by Mettius Rufus ίn Α. D. 89 (ccxxxvii. νιιΙ. 31, note), are known to have been
decreed from time to time by the kings (e. g. Brit. Mus. Pap. L; Mahaffy, Petrie Papyri 11.
ρ. 36) 2. But no mention of λαΟ'Υραφία has yet been found ίη the papyri or ostraca of the
Ptolemaic period 3. The passages cited from ancient authors are very inconclusive.
Diodorus (χνίί. 52. 6) mentions άναΥραφαl as the evidence for the number of the citizens at
Alexandria when he was there ίη the reign of Ptolemy Auletes. But there is ηο reference
to the pol1-tax, and without that there is ηο reason for postulating a periodic census. The
author of 111 Maccabees describes (ίί. 28) a general άΠΟΎραφή of the Jews with the view
to a poll-tax held by Philopator. Βυι the statements of this wrlter, who belonged to the
Roman period, are of very doubtful value for the previous existence of λaογραφΙα. Josephus
1 Cf. the discussion of these two papyri by Wilcken (Gr. Osl. ι. 450), who thinks that the fourteen
yeal's' peiiod had not yet been introduced ίη Β. c . .18.
2 Cf. Wilcken, Gr. Osl. ι. 435-8. He considers that the declarations οί persons by hOllseholders,
which seem to have been combined with άΠΟΎραφαί of real property ίη the Ptolemaic period (ojJ. c#. 1.823),
roay have been sent ίη yearly. But we do not think άΠΟΎραφα! of real property were sent ίη yearly under
the Ptolemies any more than under the Romans; cf. note οη ccxxxvii. VIII. 31.
8 Cf. Gr. Osl. Ι. 245 sqq., wh~re the evidence is discussed at length. Wi1cken too thinks that
λαογραφία was probably introduced into Egypt by Atlgustns.
too (Β. Jud. 11. 16. 4) only supplies evidence for the poll-tax ίη Egypt ίη the Roman pel·iod.
Ιη any case there is ηο sort of evidence for the existence of the fourteen years' census
period under the Ptolemies.
The conclusion to which the data from both sides converge is that the fourteen years'
census cycle was instituted by Augustus. That general censuses wet-e held ίη Egypt for
Β. c. 10-9 and Α. D. 5-6 is probable, and one or more censuses_had ίη alllikelihood occurred
before Β. C. 10-9, but ίη what year or years is quite doubtful.
Το turn aside to Prof. Ramsay's book, we quote first the passage (according to the
R. Υ.) ίη St. Luke (ίί. 1-4) the accuracy of which is the subject of dispute; (ι) Now ίl
came 10 pαss zn Ihose days, Ihere went out α decree from Cαesαr Auguslus, thα/ αΖΖ the worZd
should δε enrolled. (2) Thzs wαs Ihe first enroZmenl made 1.vhen Quίr'ι"nius wαs governor of
Syriα. (3) And αΖΙ wenl 10 enrol IhemselzIes, evety one 10 his own czΊY. (4) And Joseph αZso
wenl up from Galztee, oul of Ihe city if Nazarelh, znlo Judaeα, 10 Ihe cz"fy qf Davz'd, whzch is
cαlled .Belhlehem, becαuse he was of Ihe house and fαnlt!Jι of Dαvid.
Prof. Ramsay is οη firm ground vvhen he justifies from the evidence of Egyptian papyri
St. Luke's statement that Augustus started, ίη part at any l'ate of the Roman world, a series
of periodic enro]ments ίn the sense of numberings of the populatioη; and since the census
which is known to have taken place ίη 8yria ίη Α. D. 6-7 coincides with an enrolment year
ίn Egypt, if we trace back the fourteen years cycle one step beyond Α. D. 20, it is prima
facie a very probable hypothesis that the numbering described by 8t. Lul{e was connected
with a general census held for Β_ C. 10-9. l\foveover the papyri are quite consistent with
St. Luke's statement that this was the ':first enrolment.'
Prof. Ramsay interprets verse 3 (ορ. ci/. ρ. 190) as meaning that all tl"Ue Hebrews ίο
Palestine went to enrol themselves, every one to.1lis own city, and thinks the Jews are there
contrasted with the rest of the inhabitants, who were enrolled at their ordinary homes.
We must, however, confess that this interpretation seems to us scarcely warranted by
St. Luke's words, and hardly ίn accordance with general probabilities of the case. 8ι Luke
has just stated ίη the rnost general way possible that all the world was to be enrolled.
Surely , all ' ίη verse 3 must have a wide signification, applying at least to all inhabitants of
Palestine, whether Jews or ηο!. The essence of a census was that it afforded for taxation
purposes a list of the population with their places of permanent abode; and we haνe seen
from cc1i-iii that ίn Egypt changes of address were careful1y notified to the officials con-
cerned with the census. Nothing would be more natul"al than that when a census was
instituted ev~ry one without distinction of race should be ordered Ιο go to his own city. If
a person were registered at some city ίη which he did not liνe, he might easily evade the
taxation. The ηοη-J ewish ΡΟΡuΙatίΟή of Palestine, just like the population of Egypt and any
other countries that came under Augustus' decree, must equal1y have gone ' every one to his
own city.' Yet 8ι Luke clearly conηects the going to his own city with Joseph's visit to
Bethlehem, which therefore \vas ίη 81. Luke's eyes Joseph's 'own city' (though he rather
inconsistently but quite naturally ίη verse 39 uses the same eXpl"eSSiOn with regard to
Nazareth). Prof. Ramsay most ingeniously overcomes the difficulty that the Jews were not
registered like other people at their homes by the supposition that Herod, to avoid
offending their susceptibilities, held the census not aftel" the Roman manner by households
but after the national Jewish manner by tribes. Into the merits of this explanation we
cannot enter fully; but three points may be noted. (ι) Unless the census held by Herod
failed ίn fulfilling the primary objects of a census, which is not very likely, Joseph though
enrolled at Bethlehem ίn the city of Daνid must have stated ίη his άΠΟΥραΦή that his home
was at Nazareth. (2) Ιη thefαcls recorded by 81. Luke ίί. 1-4, and pal·ticulal"ly ίη verse 3,
there is nο necessary impIication that the Jews were enrolled ίn any other but the ordinary
method which prevai1ed ίη the Roman WΟΓΙd; jt is only the reαson which 8t. Luke gives
Ρ 2
for Bethl~hem, not Nazareth; being Joseph's 'own city' that SUΡΡοrts the view that the-
census was held ίη an exceptional way. St. Lul{e's statement that 'all went to enrol
themselνes, eνery one to his own city,' so fat· from being an argument that the census
'x;as exceptional, is an argument for the reverse; and it happens not infrequently that the
facts recorded by a \yriter may \vell be right while his explanatIon of them is wl"ong.
(3) If without rejecting the first chapter of St. Luke, his account of the census could be
combined with St. Matthew's version of the Νatiνity, from which the natural inference is
that before the Natiνity Bethlehem, not Nazareth, was the permanent abode of Joseph, all
the difficulty concerning the exceptional character of the census would be removed. But
the possibility of a solution οη these lines belongs to another field of study.
The fourteen years' cycle ίη Egypt carries us back to Β. C. 10-9 as the year of the
general census ordained by Augustus. The keystone of Prof. Ramsay's argument is
that the order app1ied to Syria and Palestine as well as Egypt. Nevertheless he places
Joseph's visit to Bethlehem ίη connexIon with the census ίη the ]ate summer of Β. c. 6.
The interval of three years is explained by him thus: (ι) The Egyptian census returns are
sent ίη ίη the year αfter the periodic census-year, -and generaΙΙγ towards the end of it.
Therefore the Egyptian census returns for Β. c. 10-9 would not be sent ίη till July or
August of 8 Β. C. (2) The Syrian year corresponding to the Egyptian year Aug. 29, Β. C. 10
to Aug. 28, Β. c. 9 was April 17, Β. c. 9 to Αρτil 16, Β. c. 8 (ορ. cil. ρρ. 141, 142), and there-
fore the actual Syrian enrolment would not take place till the Syrian yeal" Β. c. 8-7· (3)
The enro]ment ίη Palestine was delayed until the summer of Β. c. 6 (ί. e. the Syrian JTear Β. c.
6-5) owing to the position of affairs ίη that countrJT. The second argument, which is the least
important, is not a strong one, for tlle part of it depending οη events Wllich occurred ίη
Β. C. 23 does not seem to haνe much bearing οη the question of a census cycle which it is
essentia1 for Prof. Ramsay to show began ίη Β. c. 9; anli the relevancy of the question which
Syrian year corresponded to which Egyptian when both are converted into Roman years
may be doubted. If the άπογραΦή decreed by Augustus resembled other censuses, e. g. that
descl"ibed ίη 111 Macc. ii or the registratIon of property ordered by Mettius Rufus ίη ccxxxvii.
VIII, either he, οτ the governors of proνinces [στ him, mentioned a fixed time ίη which
his cOUlmands were ιο be carrIed out; and if the Egyptians were executing the commands
at one time, thel"e seems ηο reason why, if the season was suitabJe, the Syrians should not
have been doing so at the same time. Moreover if we are to take into account the
differences of the calendar between Syria and Egypt, it might be argued that the Egyptian
year Β. c. 10-9 corresponds as nearly with the Syrian Β. c. 1,0-9 as with the Syrian year
Β. c. 9-8. The force ofthe first argument too is somewhat weakened by the new Oxyrhynchus
census returns which mal{e ηο mention of the past year, though the οηΙΥ one which has
a date is written two months after the periodic year (judging by the cycle ίη later years) had
expired. The two άΠΟΥραΦαί for the years 19 and 18 Β. c. are for the current year. Moreover
the άΠΟΥρaφαΙ of property (valuation returns) ίη Egypt were for the current year; and ίn
Syria these valuations (άΠOTιμήσH~) were combined, as ίη most proνinces, with a census of
the population both ίη the known άΠΟΥραφή held by Quirinius ίη Α. D. 6 or thel"eabouts, and
ίn the census in Cilicia ίn Α. Ώ. 35. The presumption thel"efore seems to us rather ίη favour
of the idea that the orders of Augustus wel"e being carried out ίη the Roman province of Syria
ίη the late summer and autun1n of Β. c. 9, οτ, ίη any case, making every allowance for
Prof. Ramsay's first two arguments, not later than the autumn of Β. c. 8. The census ία
Palestine howeνer is supposed to have taken place ίn the late summer of Β. c. 6. There
thus remains a gap of at least two years which has to be explained by Prof. Ramsay's third
argument. Whether this argument, which is much the stl"ongest of the three, is sufficient,
is a question which falls outside our sphere. But if theologians could reconcile the
hypothesis that Β. c. 7 was the year of the Nativity with the rest of the data for the chronology
of Jesus' life, the probabίlity of PIof. Ramsay's explanation being correct wοu1ιi be much
heightened. The statement of Tertullian, who connects the birth of Christ with the census
held by Sentius Saturninus (a governor of Syria known fΙΌm archaeoIogical evidence to have
been ίη office fron1 Β. c. 9 to 7), just because it contradicts St. Luke, is, as Prof. Ramsay justly
observes, an important corroboIation of the fact of a census under Hel"od; but Prof. Ramsay
sacrifices much of the advantage which he might derive from Tertullian by connecting the
ήy€μOνία of Quirinius and the birth of Chι-ίst with the governorship of Varus, and therefore
finding it necessary to expIain TertuIlian's statement a,vay. Even if the adoption of Β. c. 7 as
the date of the Νatίvity were to involve the rejection of St. Luke's statement that Quil"iniUS
was ήΥ€μώ'/J ίη Syria at the time, we are, with every wish to agree with Prof. Ramsay,
unable Ιο attach the same importance to p1"oving St. Luke right about Quiri nius as to
proving the occurrence of a census under Hel-od, which to us seems a qUite distinct and
much more important point.
LastlΥ, if our view that the άΠΟΎραΦα! of house and land property ίη Egypt were not
sent ίη yeal-ly but from time to time is correct (ccxxxvii. VI!!. 3 ι, note), it has some bearing
upon the question whether, apart from 81. Luke's account, ίι is likely that the Romans
instituted a numbering ίη Palestine without a valuation of property. The census held by
Quirinius ίη Α. D. 6, which 81. Luke calls (Acts v. 37) 'ή αΠΟΥραΦή' and which resulted ία
a rebellion, combined the function of a numbering of the population (as is shown by the
famous inscription οΕ Aemilius Secundus) \vith that of a valuation of property (άποτίμησις
is Josephus' word), and we know that ίη Cilicia about Α. D. 35 tlle imposition of the ροιι
tax by a census was coupled \vith a valuation of property. Augustus certainly instituted
the so-called provincial census or valuation of property throughout the pl"ovinces; and
there is nothing ίη the Egyptian papyri inconsistent with the belief that when Augustus
instituted the fourteen years' census cycle, he aIso at the same time ordered a valuation of
property, which was the first of a series recurring at irregular intervals J. Mol"eovet-, the first
verse of St. Luke ii 1s not only compatible with the view that the lιπoypαΦή ordered by
Augustus served this twofold purpose, but, if the general άΠΟΥραΦή ordained by Augustus
was ever intended to be carried out through πασα ή οΙκουμένη, its historical character can
σηΙΥ be defended οη the supposition that αΠΟΥράΦισθαι was not limited to a numbering [or
purposes of the poll-tax, since that tax was far from being generally imposed throughout
the empire. Οη the other hand the enrolment of king Herod, as described by 8t. Luke
ίη the rest of the chapter, and the evidence of ]osephus, who implies that the αΠOTίμησι~ was
novel ίη Α. D. 6, are inconsistent with the supposition that the αΠΟΥραΦή held by Herod ίη
Palestine had anything to do with an αΠOTίμησι~; and since the &'ΠΟΥραΦαί of real property
ϊη Egypt were during the Roman period clearly independent of the census, ίι is of course
a legitimate hypothesis that, at any rate until Palestine was definitely incorporated as
a Roman province after the death of Herod, there was ηο necessary connexion there
between the two kinds of &'ΠΟΥραΦή. 1t must however be remembered that Egypt ίη this
respect seemS,80 far as we know, to have differed from most other Roman provinces ,yhere
a poll-tax was imposed; and there were very Iikely special reasons why in Egypt the
numbering and valuation wel"e held ίn separate years. If it could be shown that these
causes also existed ίn Palestine, the truth of 8t. Luke's account of Herod's enrolment would
receive important corroboration. The explanation ίη Egypt may be that while αποτιμήσΙΙG
were held by royal decree ίη the Ptolemaic period (ccxxxvii. νιιΙ. 3 ι, note), λaΟΥραφία and
periodic censuses do not appear to have been ίn existence before Augustus. Το discuss
the question with regard to Palestine would require a detailed examination of several
1 Cf. Wilck.en, Gr. Os/. Ι. 823, where he points out that declarations of households were combined with
άΠΟΎΡαφα! of property ίη Egypt under the Ptolemies.
passages ίη ]osephus and 111 Maccabees, for which this is not the place. But ίn any
case, so far as the evidence of Egyptian papyri goes, the particular αΠΟΥραφή decreed by
Augustus may have had the double object of a numbering and an αΠOTίμησι~, ίη its
application to that country; and unless St. Luke is wrong ίη stating that the άΠΟΥραφή
concerned πασα ή οΙκουμένη, he cannot when he wrote verse ι have been thinking at all
exclusively of a numbering apart from an άΠOTΙμησι~.
The present papyrus is a census-return addressed to Eutychides and Theon
(cf. cclii. ι) by a pt·iest called Horion living ίη a house owned by him ίη common
with various other persons. For the dat'e at which it was written, probably
the stlmmer or autumn of Α. D. 20, see above. Ιn the upper margin a line has
been washed out, and οη the verso are four short lines of an account, which
has Ωσ reference to the απογραφή ση the recto.
EVTVxl817 και Θέα/νι ΤΟπ(ΟΥρaμματεϋσι) και κω(μΟΥραμματευσι)
παρa '"Ωp[α/νo~ του ΠεToσίpιo~ lεpεo~ ~Ίσι8(0~)
θεα~ μεΎt(στη~) Ιεροϋ Δύο 'Α.8ελΦοll λεΥομένου
τοϋ όνTO~ ~π[ι το]ϋ πpo~ [Ό]ξvρύΥχων π6-
5 λει ~αpaπιήoυ ΕIΙ λαύρ,!, Μυροβαλά1l0υ.
εΥσιν [0]1 κατaΥιν6μεν(οι) Εν rfj όπαρχούσυ
μοι και, τ'{/
,.. yv(lΙαικι') Τ' 1\
ασιοι 'Τ'
και Λ β'ιxιo~
αυpΙO~Δp f.
και Παllποιιτα/τι Νεxθεσ6pιo~ και Θαεχμέ.

ρη οΙκί", έlΙ τφ προκιμέν(ρ) Δύο Ά8ελ(φΟΟν) λεΥομέ(νρ),
10 α/ν εΙlιαι·
• [•••••••• •]0>11 μη(Tpo~) ~ινθεO\TO~) /l'TΙX(1I0~) απ~ .. (
[•••JEKlIEXEL πατρι Κ'!'! •[
[•••] • Ιερ/Ί> (έτων) • If~(σοr) μEλ(ίxpω~) /ff!'(ΚΡΟ)1!e(6σωπο~) [
3. 1. Ά8ιλφω7l. 7. Ι Ταυρίφ. 8. ι of πανποντωτι corr. from ο. χ of θaΕΧ over

the lίne.
, Τσ Eutychides and Theon, topogrammateis and komogrammateis, from Horion, son
of Petosiris, priest of Isis, the most great goddess, of the temple called that of the Two
Brothers situated by the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus ίη Myrobalanus quarter. The
inhabitants of the house, which belongs to me and my wife Tasis and to Taurius, son of
Harbichis,. and to Papontos, son of Ν echthosiris, and to Thaechmere (?), ίn the aforesaid
(temple) of the Two Brothers, are as follo\vs : • . . 1
3. Δύο )A~ελφων: presumably the Dio~curio
5. μυpoβάλανo~ is said to be the fruit of the guz1andzna moringa, whence was extracted
a kind of scentless οΠ.
8. Perhaps θαιχ( ) μιρη should be taken as two words, ίη which case μιρη is
probably [or μέριι and το ύπαρχούσο .•. oΙιcί", will require alteration.
ι ι. Cf. notes ση cclv. ι ι, cclvi. 15.
CCLV. CENSUS RETURN.

16 χ 11·5 cm. (fr. δ). Α. D. 48.
Census-return similar to ccliv addressed ίη Oct. 48 to the σTpaTηΎό~,
βασιλΙKO~ ypαμμaTEύ~, ToπoγpαμμαTεύ~, and κωμΟΥΡαμματεύs, by a woman called
Thermoutharion. At the end is an interesting declaration οη oath that ηο
one else was living ίη the house 'neither a stranger, nor an Alexandrian citizen,
nor a freedman, nor a Roman citizen, nor an Egyptian.' Οη the importance of
the date, etc., see introd. to ccliv.
Δωρ[(ωνι σ]'τρατηΥωι κ(αί .~?1!'[ •.. .]~ω[ι
βα[σι]λικφ Υρ[α(μματεί')] και Δι8ύμωι [και.] • [.]0. ( )
ΤΟΠΟΥρα(μματευσι) και κωμΌΥρα(μματεϋσι) πaρa Θερ[μου
θαρ(ου Tη~ Θoώνιo~ μετa κυρ(ου
5 ~πoλλω(ν{oυ) του ~ωTά80υ. εt'σιll
[οιcJ καταΥεινομΕνοι
" , .ΕlΙ.Tl1
. υπαρ- C
χο(ύσυ μοι olKlt'f λαύp]α~ ν6του [.•
Θερμου[θάριοll άπελ(ευθέρα) του προ

Υ[εΥ]ρα(μμενου) $ωτά8[ου] ώ~ (έτων) ξι,
10 μέση μελ(x(pω~) μακpoπ(ρ6σωπo~) ούλ(η) Υ6να(τι) §~[ξι]~[ι.
/' Ύ 1/
θερμουθάρι(ον] ή ΠΡΟΥεΥρα(μμΕνη) μ[ETιi
κυρ(ου τοϋ α[ύΤΟ]!J ~πολλa(νίου) όμ~ύω
[Τ]ιβέριον Κλαύ8ιοll Κα[σaρa ~εβ[ασToν
15 ΓερμallΙΚΟll Λύτοκράτορa. εΙ μηιι
[. . . •]T!mS' και, επ
" α'λ η θ' ,
EtaS' ΕΠΙ-
8ε8ωκΕνaι τη[ιι π]ροκειμενην
[Υρa]φηιι των παρ έμοι [ο]lκούν[τωιι,
και μη8έiια έτερον οΖκ(ε)ίιι παρ' εμοι
20 μήΤΕ έπ[ί]ξ[ΕΙΙΟΙΙ μή)ΤΕ ~λεξaιι8(ρέα)
μη8'έ άπελεύθερον μήτε cProμav(ov)
μη8ε ΑίΥύπ[τιον ~Jξ(ω) τωιι προ-
, [11.
ΥΕΥραμμΕνω ']'
ευορ κουσΊ/ μεν , μοι
ευ ε[ί'η, έπ)ιορκοϋντι 8'έ T(rl Εν]αντ[a.

25 [lTo]vS' ένaΤQV TtPeplov Κλaυ8[Εου
[Kaluapo]S' ~εβαστου Γερμανικοϋ

[Α VTOκρά]'τορ Ο r, Φαωφι [••
15. 1. η μήv. 24. 1. Επ]ιορκούΙΤl1.
2. Δι8ύμωι: cf. ccli. ι.
8, 9. άπελ(ευθΕρα) Σωτά80υ: cf. CCCV.
ι ι. The figure probably gives the total numher οΕ persons returned. The two strokes
after 'Υ do not appear to mean anything, though it is ηοΙ usual so early as this to find two
strokes placed after a number merely to show that ίι is a number, as is common ίn later
papyri, e. g. ccxxxvii. The owner apparently returns herself as one of the inhabitants of
her house, but at the end of the list, and not, as is the rule ίη Fayftm census returns, at the
beginning. Ιη cclvi the owners do ηοΙ seenl to return themselves, from which we may
infer that they lived somewhere else. Ιη ccliv the point is uncertain. Men are apparently
returned before women ίη these papyri; cf. cclvΙ 9, note.
16. Cf: Brit. Mus. Pap. CLXXXΙ Co1. 11. 13, from which it would appear that the
mutilated wol·d here began with the letters εξυ.
18. There is not room for [άΠΟΎρα]Φqv: cf. introd. to ccli Υ.
20-22. The lacunae can be filled up with certainty from the similar declaration ίη
a papyrus written ίη Α. D. 132 (see ρ. 208).
2 ι. άπeλeύθeροv: it is curious that there is ηο mention of slaνes ίη this declaration, for
they were included ίη census returns (e. g. Β. G. U. 137. 10), and even underwent ίΠΙl(pI'ΙΤΙ~
ίη some cases; cf. Β. G. U. 324 and introd. to cclvii.
CCLVI. CENSUS RETURN.

15 χ 6·8 cm. Α. D. 6-35.
Census-return addressed to the strategus or, more probably lίke cc1iν, to
the ToπoyρaμμaTεϊ~ and KωμoyραμμaTεϊ~, by three women and possibly a fourth
individuaI, enclosing a list of persons living ίη a house which the writers owned.
The owners apparently do not return themselves; cf. note οη line 15.
The date of the papyrus is lost, but judging by the handwriting and the
other documents found with it we should connect it with the censuses of
Α. D. ~o or 34 or even 6 rather than with that of Α. D. 48. Later censuses
are out of the question. ,Cf. introd. to cc1iv.
] • ρ( )
κιι~ άμφ]οτερων e[o]CC>VLOS' και "ijS' {τηS'} ά8[Ελ ..
Τaμε]νVΕΟ>S' Tη~ [.] •• [.•••• ]~ ~ΙCαTέpα~ μετa
,
κυριου μΈν ι' ]e ωτ[ o]S' του 'Α.πολλοφάJlΟVS', TafjjTOS' 8ε
5 ]κου, ΤαμενJlΕα/S' 8Έ του dv8poS'
" ' ] , , Λ t ,
Εισιν οι κα ταΎεινομενοι εν ΤΊ/ υπαρχουσΊ/
ήμι" και μεJ τ6χ[ ο JtS' olK('f λαύρaS' Χηνοβοσ[ κων

] &>ν είναι·
]θεωs- IίTεX(1I0~) (έτων) μέ(σ • .) μελ(Χ(Ρωr) μa(κρο)
ΠΡ6(σωποr) dση(μοs-)
10 J ύπ6σΤΡaβοr.
]p~ ) Kpollto(v) άφη(λιξ) [(έτωll • pE(Uos-») μελ(Χ(Ρωr)
[στ]ρ[ο]Υ(yvλΟΠΡ6σωποs-) t!ση(μοs-).
]ρησκ( ) TaUEVTor Υ(υνη) του ΚροlιΕου (J,TEx(vor)
] σΤΡΟΥΥ(υλΟ)ΠΡti..,σωποr) ιcαpπφ 8εξ(ιφ).
ΚΡΟllJίοv άφη(λιξ) dTEX(1I0S-) ώr (ετών) ε ιiσημοr.
]
15 ] ~ ΠΡΟΥεΥρα(μμΕν ••) προαΠΟΥραφοJl Τ,? er[...
λJ~~Ραs- [. • • • .]η[ • .] • [.] • • If ••• ΕΤ[
6 more mutilated lines.
ι. The letter before Ρ is a little more like "Υ than 1"; κωμα}ΥΡ( αμμα1"~ϊ) is therefore the
most likely word, cf. ccliv. ι.
2-3. It ίΒ not clear whether Tαώ~ is to be placed after καΙ ίη 1. 2 or ίη the lacuna of
1. 3. Ιη the former case there are only three senders of the return, and the first name ίη
2 is also feminine, έKα1"Epα~ ίη 3 referring to all three women ~ ίη the latter case the senders
are four, and the first is probably a man.
9. (Ετών): the number of years is omitted, unless \ve suppose that μι means 45 instead
of μΕ(σ~). But the space between the sign for 'των and μ~ is against this, and the ι is
written s1ightly above the line, which suggests an βbbrevίated word. Moreover when
a description of a person's appearance is given it ίΒ the rule to begin with his height.
Ιι is probable that the person referred to ίη 9 and 10 is Kpόνια~ himself whose son (?)
is returned ίη line ι ι, and wife ίη line 12 (and probably 13). The child mentioned ίη 14
may be his daughter; cf. cclv. ι ι, note.
13. καΡπφ: ούλή is omitted.
15. The meaning of this line ίΒ obscure, and the lines following are too tnutilated to
affΌrd any help. Apparently a previous άΠοΥρaφή of some kind is referred to, and this may
\vell be a census return sent ίη fourteen years before. But it is not clear whether the owners
who were responsible for sending the return or the persons who were returned are meant.
80 far as can be judged ίη this return, the owners do not include themselves, as the owner
ίη cclv does and as the analogy of Fayftm census returns would lead us to expect. But
since the landlord ηοΙ the tenant was responsible for the returns, there is nothing surprising
ίη this.
CCLVII. SELECTION OF Bovs (έΠ(ΚΡισιs-).

~8·4 χ 12·2 cm. Α. D. 94-5.
This papyrus and cclviii are concerned with the ίπΙκρισΙf, ση which subject
see Kenyon, Cat. 11, ρρ. 43-46. He tl1ere distinguishes two kinds οΙ ί1Γ'Kp,σ,~,
218 ΤΗΕ OXYRH}~NCHUS PAPYRI
one the selection of soldiers for the army, with which e. g. Β. G. U. 142, 143
(and Ο. Ρ. Ι. χχχίχ) are concerned, the other the 'selection' ofboys aged 11-14
for admission to the 1ist of privileged persons WfIO were exempt from poll-tax.
Β. G. U. 109, 324, G. Ρ. 11. xlίx and Pap. de Geneve 18 are examples of
applications to ex-gymnasiarchs γυτε~ ΠΡ6S τΤι έπικρίσει made by the parents of
boys who had neal"ly reached the age of 14 and had to be C selected ' (έπικριθηυαι),
enclosing a statement of the claim (τα δίκαια). The evidence for this ίη each of
these four papyri is that of the census lists (κατ' OlKlaV αΠΟΥραφαί) which were made
;. every fourteen years (introd. to ccliv). The nature of the claim is not precisely
stated ίη any of the applίcations; but the numerous κατ' οΙκίαυ απογραΦαί from the
Fayum, ίη which the phrase EΠΙK€KPιμ~υO~ KάΤOΙKO~ often occnrs, show that ίη that
province the ground of the applίcation was usually, perhaps always, that,the boy
ίη question was a KάTOΙKO~ or descendant of a privileged class of settlers; and
this is confirmed by Bl-it. Mus. Pap. CCLX (Kenyon, Cαt. l. c.), which proves
clearly that κάτοικοι were ίη most, if not all, cases exempt from the poll-tax of
20 (sometimes 40) drachmae payable by ordinary persons from the ages of 14
to 60, and that this remission of taxation was obtained through the έ'ΠίKpισι~.
Several points however remained doubtful :-( 1) whether women as well as
men were subject to the poll-tax and if so could be exempted; (2) what was
the meaning of the phrase λαoypαφOύμ€υOΙ έπικ€κριμJυοι applied" to certain persons
ίη Β. G. U. 137. 10, which. seems to contradict the definite statement ίη
Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLX. 125-7 that an individual άπσ λαoγpαφία~ κεχωρίσθαι δια το
έΠΙΚΕκρΙσθαι; (3) whether the remission of the pol1-tax was confined to Greeks ;
(4) how slaves came nnder the EπίKρισι~, as appears from Β. G. U. 324 ; {5) whether
there was any ulterior connexion between the two kinds of έπίKρισι~. The two
Oxyrhynchus papyri here publίshed snpply much additional information about
the various forms of ~πίKpισι~ and go some way towards settling the problems
connected with it.
The general formula ofthe four Fayum applications is much the same as that
found ίη these two Oxyrhynchus papyri and an (unpublished) application dated
in Α. D. 13'2, which closely resembles and explains cclviii. But there are some
notable differences. Ν either cclνίi nor cclviiί is complete at the beginning,
and it is uncertain to what officials they are addressed. The application of
Α. D. 132 is however addressed to the βιβλιoφύλαKE~, and it is most probable that
cclviίi at any rate was also sent to them, and not, as ίη tlIe case of the Fayum
applications, to specially appointed officials. Secondly, while the documentary
evidence which is appealed to ίη the Fayum applications consists of κατ' οΕκΙαυ
άπογραφαί, ίη our papyri a κατ' οΙκίαυ άΠΟΥραφή is only once (cclvίi. 27) mentioned.
Thirdly, the Oxyrhynchns applications supply much more detail as to the basis
of the claim ίη each instance than those from the FaYUUl ; and classes of privileged
persons other than κάτοικοι are introduced.
cclvii was ,vritten ίη Α. D. 94-5 (lines 8, 9), and is an application by a man
whose name is lost, requesting that his son Theogenes, now 13 years old, might
be se1ected for the class of οί από Υυμυασίου. The meaning of this obscure phrase,
which recurs 'ίη the κατ' οΙκ{αυ αΠΟΥραφή quoted ση ρ. 208, ίΒ explained by the
evidence adduced by the writer to prove that his son belonged to a privί1eged
class. He shows (ι) that his own father Diogenes and his mother Ptolema
were ultimately descended ίη the male line from gymnasiarchs, (2) that his wife
Isidora was also descended ίη the male line from a person cal1ed Ammonius,
whose precise position is a lίttle doubtful owing to a lacuna (note οη 36) but who
was also almost certainly a gymnasiarch. It is clear from this that the phrase
οΙ ι1πο γυμυασίου comes to 'mean persons descended from gymnasiarchs. The
documentary evidence quoted ίη support of the claim is, ίη the case of Diogenes,
the fact that he was 'selected' ίη Α. D. 72-3 ση the ground that his father
Theogenes was included as the grandson of gymnasiarch ίη a lίst of ΟΙ tK του
Υυμυασίου ίη Α. D. 4-5; ία the case~ of Ptolema it is a census-retut·n of Α. D. 61-2
ία which she was entered as the descendant of a gymnasiarch; and ίη the case of
his wife Isidora the writer appeals to the fact that her father Ptolemaeus was
, selected' ία Α. D. 60-1 ση the ground that he was the descendant of a man
included ίη a Iίst of privi1eged persol1s ίη Α. D. 4-5. The necessity for giving
these details concerning tne applicant's father and mother was Ωσ doubt due to
the fact that the applίcant himself had not been 'selected,' because he was absent
at the proper time (23-4); ίη clviίi and the unpublished applίcation of Α. D. 132,
the l'Πίκρισι~ of the father of the boy ίη question is sufficient evidence οη the
father'g side.
Ιη cclvίi therefore the claim for ~Π{Kρισι~, ί. e. a partial or total exemption
from poll-tax, rests upon the descent of the boy ίη question from gymnasi-
archs, both οη the father's and the mother's side. The office of gymnasiarch was
an important one ίη Egypt under the Romans, as ίη tl1e other provinces where
Greek institutions predominated. It was a post of great honour (cf. ο. Ρ. Ι.
xxxiίί verso), and involved mnch expense like the office of strategus στ cosmetes.
It is not therefore surprising that the descendants of a gymnasiarch should
have received special privίleges from the state with' regard to the remission of
poll-tax.
Ιη cclviii however, the claim rests ση a different ground. The point to be
proved by the parent who makes the applίcation is that his son ί8 ~ξ aμΦOT~ρωυ
Υουίωυ μητροΠ'ολιτωυ δωO€KαOράχμωυ.· Owing to the lacunae ία that papyrus the
meaning of this phrase would be by itself obscure, but it ίΒ expla.ined by the
220 ΤΗΕ QXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
application of Α. D. 132, ,vhich is complete, and ίη which one of the proofs

adduced is a. δμ6λoγo~ λαογραφία for Α. D. 128-9. The poll-tax from Domitian's
time was normally more than 1Ζ, and very often 20 drachmae (Kenyon, Cat. 11.
ρ. ΖΟ); the appIi.cants therefore ίη cclviίi and ίη the papyrus of Α. D. 132 claim
that the privi1ege of paying 12 iristead of probaJ:>ly 20 drachmae may be extended
to the boys ίη question. Ιη both cases it was necessary to show that the father
and the maternal grandfather of the boy had been 'selected' as a μηTp07Toλ{Tη~
δωδεKάδpαxμo~. The nature of the evidence ίη cclviii is 10st, but ίη the papyrus
of Α. D. Ι 3Ζ it was ίη the case of the father the δμόλoγo~ λαογραφία mentioned
above, and ίη the case of the maternal grandfather an ~7T{Kρισι~ of Α. D. 103-4.
Why the μηΤΡΟ7Τολιταιδωδεκάδραχμοιhad this privilege does not appear. If, as seems
likely, Tryphon and his family belonged to this class (cf. introd. to cclxxxviii),
the εΠ{Kpισι~ connected with it can be traced back to Augustus' reign, like the
privileges of descendants of gymnasiarchs. The μητροπολιται δωδεκάδραχμοι can
hardly have coincided with the κάτοικοι, because most κάτοικοι' at any rate were
exempt from pol1-tax altogether (Kenyon, Cat. 11. ρ. 45), nor again is it at all
likely that they were descendants of gymnasiarchs like the applicant ίη cclvii.
It is more probable either that they formed a third and distinct class, or else
that the term is a general one and applies to all persons ϊn Oxyrhynchus itself
who paid 12 instead of 20 drachmae for poll-tax, whatever the grounds of the
priνilege.
Το sum up the evidence with regard to ~πίKpισι~ and poll-tax, Mr. Kenyon
seems right ίη rejecting the theory that the ι'ΠίKpισι~ was always a military
institution, and ίη drawing a sharp contrast between the ε7T{Kpισι~ of recruits
for military purposes and the ιπίKpισι~ of boys nearing the age of four-
teen who οη various grounds claimed to be partly or wholly exempt from
poll-tax. It is possibleJ as Mr. Kenyon observes (Cat. 11. ρ. 44), that exemption
granted to κάτοικοι may original1y have been based upon an obligation. of
military service. But if λαογραφία was not imposed ίη Ptolemaic times, which-
seems probable (cf. ρ. ΖI0), the exemption from it granted to κάτοικοι ίη the Roman
period ίΒ not Iikely to be connected with their ultimate mi1itary origin. More-
over, it is very doubtful whether the κάτοικοι ίη nomes other than the Arsinoite
were to any large extent descendants of veterans. Ιη any case the granting of
the privilege to the sons of gymnasiarchs has ηο apparent military connexion.
The term Ι'Π{Kpισι~ itself ίΒ relative and does not connote a military rather
than any other kind of ' selection.' Ιη fact we should be inclined to draw the
distinction between the two kinds of EπίKpισι~ even more sharply than is done
by Mr. Kenyon.
Secolldly, ίη~ the ί'ΠίKpισι~ of boys the ground of the application might
be of three kinds, according as the boy was descended οη both sides from
(ι) κάτοικοι, (2) gymnasiarchs, (3) μηΤΡΟ7Τολιται Οα/ΟΕκάδραχμοι. Most, if not
al1, boys ίη the first class were entirely exempt [I"om poll-tax (Brit. Mus.
Pap. CCLX. 124 sqq"). Α diffictIlty, however, arises ίη the phrase found ίη
census-returns (e.g. Β. G. U. 137. 10) λαΟΥραφούμευοι €7TΙKεKpιμEυoι. Mr. Kenyon
suggests that the persons so described are κάτοικοι who had been exempted
from pol1-tax by an έπίKpισι~ since the preceding census. If that is correct,
then al1 κάτοικοι were exempt from poll-tax; but the phrase μητροπολϊται
δωδΕκάδραχμοι found ίη the Oxyrhynchus papyri shows \that there was a class
of privileged persons who paid part of the poll-tax, and possibly this is the
class to which the λαΟΥΡαφοvμΕVΟΙ ιπικεκριμΕυοι belonged; cf. note οη cclviii. 8.
That the second class of privi1eged persons, the descendants of gymnasiarchs,
was altogether exempt from poll-tax there is ηο evidence to show, but it 15
ίη itself Iikely. The privileges of the third class are sufficiently indicated by
their name.
Μι". Kenyon considers (Cαt. 11. ρ. 20) that ίη Egypt, contrary to the practice
ίη Syria, women were exempt from poll-tax and also that the privίleges of
κάτοικοι were confined to Greeks. Οη the former point the Oxyrhynchus papyri
support his conclusion. If women were subject to poll-tax, it would be ex-
pected that they could also under certain circun1stances come under the fΠ'ΚΡισι~.
But it is noteworthy that not only are the persons to be selected ίn the three
Oxyrhynchus papyri boys, but, although evidence of descent fl·om a privileged
class, whether from a gymnasiarch or from a μηTPOΠOλί1ϊJ~ δωδεKάδpαxμo~, had
to be traced throtlgh the mother as wel1 as through the father, the documentary
evidence ίη the case of WOD1en ίη these papyri differs from that ίn the case
of men. Ιn cclviί the privileges of Diogenes and Ptolema, the parents of the
father of the boy, are detai1ed because the father hilnself was αυεπίκριτο); but
Diogenes was privileged because he was himself 'selected,' while Ptolema is
not stated to have been herself (selected,' but is only the daughter of
a ' selected 'person. Simi1arly ία cclviii and the aΡΡlίςatίοn ίη Α. D. 132, where
at first sight the expression έξ αμφοτέρωυ ΥουΕωυ μητροπολιτωυ δωδεκαδράχμ.ωυ
might suggest that the mother as well as the father paid 12 drachmae instead of
20, the evidence produced sho\\rs not that the mother was herself ΙΠΙΚΕκριμΕυη, but
that she was the daughter of an έπικεκριμl:vο~. If the mother had been specially
exempt from poll-tax, the fact of her own EπίKρισι~ would have naturally been
alluded to ίη place of the EΠ'Kpισι~ of her father; and the conclusion to which
this points is that ησ "vomen paid poll-tax, but they were nevertheless entered
ίn κατ' οΙκ'αυ lι7Toypαφαί as pl"ivileged (cf. Β. G. U. 116, 11. 21 and cclviί. 27), because
a boy could only be 'selected' when he could trace descent ση both sides
from privileged persons. Ιη all applίcations for έπίKpισι~ the descent of the
mother of the boy is as important as that of the father 1.
This being the case it may be doubted whether the privileges of κάτοικοι
or any othel'" classes which came under the EΠ[Kpισι~ were connected with their
nationality. 1t is only natural that most possessors of these privi1eges should
have been Greeks. But though the list of persons 'selected' ίη Brit. Mus.
Pap. CCLX contains none but Greek men's names,_ the interchange of Greek
and Egyptian names ίη familί"es and the adoption of Greek names by Egyptians,
combined with the fact that the names of the mothers ίη that list and eIsewhere
are general1y Egyptian, are strong arguments against laying much stress οη
mere names. lVloreover, Egyptian men's names occur ίη applications for Ιπί.Kpισι~ ;
e. g. ίη G. Ρ. 11. xlix the boy is called Anoubas, and ίη the Oxyrhyncht1s
application of Α. D. 132 the boy's grandfather is called Ptollis.
Lastly, with t·egard to Β. G. U. 324 where two slaves are 'selected,' it is
practically certain that this means a remission of pol1-tax ίn their case. Some
light is thrown οη this case by the Oxyrhynchus application of Α. D. 132, ίη
which the mother of the boy is an Cιπελευθ€pα, and recol·ds the fact that the father
of hel· patroness was a μηΤΡοπολ[τηs δωδεκάδΡαχμοs. If a slave who was freed
could claim exemption for her son οη the ground that the father of her patroness
was privi1eged, there is ηο reason why an ordinary slave should not be privileged
where his master was privileged.
Some further details connected with the EΠ[Kpισι~ are discussed ίη notes 011
cclvii. 12, 22, 23. 1ncidentally this papyrus supplies valuable indirect evidence
with regard to the origin of the census ία Egypt, which was closely connected
with the ;Π[Kpισι~; cf. introd. to ccliv.
[παρa Διoyένoυ~ τοΟ] ΘεΟΥ[έ-

νoυ~ μηTPO~ ΠT[o]λEμα[~ •.....] • ~ε[ • ..
άπ' ΌξυρύΥχων π6λEω[~' 4Ifφ[6δ(ου)] (Ηρακλ[έ
oυ~ τ6πων. κατa τα ΚΕλευσθέντα ΠΕ-
5 ρι έΠΙKpίσEω~ των προσβαιν6ντων
,
ΕΙΥ
,
Toυ~
),
απο Υυμνασιου
/ 1\
αη
λ.....
ω
,
τον
('[
υιο ν
μου ΘΕΟΥένην μηTPO~ Ίσι8ώpα~ Πτ[ο-

λ εμαιου
, ,
ΥεΥονεναι ΙΥ
(~'
ετη
) ει~
) το
"ενΕ
[σTO~
,
ι8 (~TOS') AύTOKpάTOPO~ Kαίσαpo~ ΔojιΙTια[νOϋ
1 Professor Wi1cken (Gr. Ost. Ι. 242) takes for granted that women paid pol1-tax ίn Egypt, as ίη Syria.
But it is noteworthy that ίη none of the numerous receipts for λαΟΎραφία ίn his ostraca is there an instance
of a paYlnent of the tax by a woman.
10 ~εβασTOθ Γερμανικου έπι του αύτου άμφ68[ου,

Ιlθ εν
ο '
wapayevopevor πpo~ " "
την τουτου ['
επ ι-
κρισιν 8η>:-ψ κ[α]τ~ Τ9!' Υενομένην τφ ε [(~1'ει)

θεου ουεσπασιανου ύπο ~ουτωρ{ου ~ώτ[ ου
στρατηΥήσαντ[ o]~ και 4[.] . ετρου Υενομέν[ου
15 βασιλ(ικου) ypα(μμαTέω~) και a>v [d]λλω[ν] Kαθ~Kει Επίκρισι(ν
έπικεκρίσθαι [τ]ον πατέρα μου Δ ΙΟΥένη[ν Θ ε-
oYE[V]OVS- του Φιλίσκου μηTPO~ ~ιvθοώ!,[ιοS'
Άχιλλέωs- έπι του αυτου άμφ680υ, κα(/ [&~
, , ' . t \ I~ Ι Ι ' [ '
επηνεΥκεν αποοεΙf)ειs- ω~ ο πατηρ αυ-
20 του ΘεΟΥΕν[rJ]S- Φ[ ιJλίσκοv vlros- Υυμνασιάρχ[ ου

έστιν Εν rfi του λ8 (~TOVS') θεου Kα[σαpo~ Υραφηι
των έκ του γυ[μνα]σίου ~πι άναμφο8άρ-
, , .ο' [ε!'
χωιν, εμε ~~
' ]~!,επικριτοιS'
' , , θ
τεταχ αι
τφ μη EV8!]f.L[ ειν], τηιι ~~ μητέρα μου

25 [Π]Toλεμ~ν Υ~Υ[αJf.L[ησθαι τφ Π]flιTP[ μου προ
( (ΙToυ~) Nέpω~o~, ην και [ά]πεΥράψατο Tfj κα
Τ οΖκ{αν άΠΟΥραφηι του Eξη~ η Cgrovr) ουσαν
~~ παTPO~ Φιλίσκου του Φιλίσκου ΥεΥυμν[ α ..
σιαΡχηκ6τοS' την αύτην π6λιν, την 8Ε
30 και του υιου μη[τέρα] 'Ισι8ώ[ραν Υ]εΥαμη
σθαί μοι τωι ( (~Tει) NEpoovos-, ηs- [τον πατέ
ρα Πτολεμαι(ο)ν ' 4μ[μωνέου •..] . λα[.] .
ΕπικεΚΡq uJOat όμο{ωs- τφ αυ[τφ (~TEΙ) άμφ68(ου)
του
.. , ...
αυτου
(Η λ'
ρακ EOVS'
,
τοπων,
[
~ α
θ' ~\
ας'
, , '.t\ ,~ Ι t [ , ,
35 ΕπηνεΥκεν αποaΕΙf)ειS' OJS' ο πατηρ αυ-
του' Αμμώνιος' Πτολεμαίου κ[ • .•.•.

εν Tfi του λ8 (~TOVS') θεου KaEuαpoS' [ΥραφΥ έπ'
, Φ '8 .....,,.. και, ομν
αμ ο ου του αυτου.
1 [ ,
υω
Αύτοκράτορα Καίσαρα Δομι[τιανον

40 ~εβασToν Γερμανικον ΕΙνα[ι Εκ Tη~
Ίσι8ώpα~ τον ΘεΟΥενην. [ .
και μη θεσει μ[η8]Ε ύπ6βλητο[ν .
[. . . . . . . . . . .]~ κεχρησθαι [. . . . . •
~/] ιl
[ . . . •
η
JI
evox0S' ει ?Ί1I τφ
,..,
ορκρ
[
. . . ...
45 [ι 7 letters ]στω[. •••. ••

[14 letters ] . ωp~ιρ ηv(~ •••••
[2nd hand. 12 letters Δ]!~r~νοvs- ~1J"[t8E8roKa
[και"ομωμοκα
, '],fορκοJl.
ΤΟJl
t Το ... from ... , son of Diogenes, son of Theogenes, his mother being Ptolema, ... ,
of Oxyrhynchus, living ίη Heracles-place quarter. Following the orders concerning the

selection of persons approaching the age for being incorporated among those from the gym-
nasium, Ι declare that my son Theogenes by Isidora, daughter of Ptolemaeus, is thirteen years
of age ίη the present 14th year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus,
and lives ίη the said quarter. Wherefore, coming forward for his selection, Ι declare that my
father Diogenes, son of Theogenes, son of Philiscus, his mother being Sinthoonis, daughter
of Achilleus, was selected at the selection which took place ίη the 5th year of the deified
Vespasian under Sutorius Sotas, ex-strategus, . . . ex-basilicogrammateus, and the other
proper officials ίn the said quarter, ίn accordance with the proofs produced by him tllat bis
father Theogenes, son of Philiscus, was entered as the grandson of a gymnasiarch ίη the
Iist of those from the gymnasium made ίn the 34th year of the deified Caesar, among
the persons who have ηο amphodarch; that Ι myself \vas placed among the unselected
owing to non-residence; that my mother Ptolema married my father before the 7th year
of Nero and was registered by him ίη the house-to-house census of the following 8th
year as the daughter of Philiscus, son of Philiscus, ex-gymnasiarch of the said city; that
my wife and the mother of my son, Isidora, married me ίη the 7th year of Nero, and
that her father Ptolemaeus, son of Ammonius ... had likewise been selected ίη the same
year (ί. e. the 7th of Ν ero) and ίη the same Heracles- p}ace quarter, ίη accordance with
the proofs prodιiced by him that his father Ammonius, son of Ptolemaeus, was (included) ίη
the 1ist of the 34th year of the deified Caesar ίn the same quarter. And Ι swear by the
Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus that Tlleogenes is the son of Isidora,
and neither adopted nor supposititious ... ; otherwise may Ι be liable to the consequences
of the oath.' Signature.
12. Applications for έπΙKpισι~ could be sent ίn any year, being dependent οη the age
of the boy, and the lists were probably revised annually; but the formal revision by
government officials took place at intervals, as ίη the case of άΠΟΥραΦαί(ccxxxvii. VIII. 3 ι, note).
It is Ιο these general formal revisions and the officiaI lists made from them that reference is
probably made here and ίη 33, for both Diogenes and Pto]emaeus must have been much more
than fourteen years old at the time of their έΠΙKpίσι:ι~ mentioned ίη 12 and 33. Otherwise
we must conclude that for some reason they were not selected until they were far οη ίη
life; cf. Β. G. U. 562. 14 where a man is transferred άπι) άνι:πιιc(pΙTων) [και] ι:l~ λαογΡαφlαv
άνι:ιλ(ημμένων) (as we should suggest) to the position of a KάTOΙΙCO~. But there seems πσ
reason why Diogenes and Ptolemaeus should have waited so long to claim their priviIeges,
and it is therefore better Ιο suppose that the έΠΙKpΙσι:ι~ of these particular years are referred
to because ίη them a special general revision took place. That ίη Α. D. 72-3 was con-
ducted by the strategus and βασιλΙΚι)f; γpαμμαTι:ύ~; cf. Β. G. U. 562. 14 sqq., where an
inquiry about a disputed claim ίΒ held apparently by an ex-gymnasiarch (if we are right ίη
preferring έΠΙK(pίναι.'τo~) to έΠΙK(εΙCpιμένoυ) ίη line 15), and the βασιλιιcι)~ γpαμμα'Γι:ύ~ ίΒ also
concerned ίη the case.
The general revision recorded here at Oxyrhynchus ίn Α. D. 72-3 corresponds with the
date of Brit. Mus. Pap. CCL, which shows that a revision of the poll-tax 1ists was a1so
held ίn the Faytim both ίn that year and ίη Α. D. 54-5. Another occurred at Oxyrhynchus
ίn Α. D. 60-1 (line 33) ; and a revision of the lists ίη Α. D. 103 is indicated by the Oxyrhynchus
papyrus of A.D. 132 (cf. ρ. 220). This was perhaps connected with the Eπlκpισι~ held ίn the
Fayftm ίn A.D. 104-5 (Β. G. U. 562.14). The ypaΦiι τω" ,Κ του ΥtJμvασίοv mentioned ίn 21
and 37 also points to a systeDlatic revision ίl1 A',D. 4-5.
17. Φιλίσιcoυ: probably this Philiscus is identical with the elder Philiscus mentioned ίn
28, ίη which case Theogenes ίη 16 is the brother of the younger Philiscus ίn 28, and
Diogenes, the father of the writer of the papyrus was first cousin to his ,,,ife Ptolema (2, 25).
Theogenes and Ammonius, the grandfather of the writer's wife, were contemporaries, and
were both entered ίη the same Υραφή of Α. D. 4-5 (cf. 2 Ι and 37).
22. ίπι ά"αμΦo~άpxων: it was essential to state the ίίμΦΟ~Ο1J to which privileged pel'sons
belonged, since the amphodarchs were responsible for making up the lists of such persons ίη
towns every year (Kenyon, Cα/. 11. ρ. 45). Theogenes, however, was 'among those who had
Ώα amphodarch.' Why he was entered ίη the list as not dwelling ίη a particular t1μΦΟ~Ο1J it
is of course impossible to saΥ. 1ι is clear from the plural that others were ίη the same case;
but ίι is unlikely that he lived ίn a village, for then the ιcωμO'YpαμμαTEύ~ ,vould probably have
been responsible for his being entered ίη the Hst as coming from a particular village;
cf. Kenyon, Cαl. 11. ρ. 45 with ccΙχχχνίίi. 4 ι. Οη the meaning of l1μΦο1)Ο1J see note οη
ccxlii. 12.
23. 1t is not quite clear why absence should have prevented the writer himself from
claiming the privi1ege of έπ[l(pισι~, since persons could be transferred from the list of
λαΟΥΡaΦούμΙ1JΟΙ to that of ΕΠΙΚΕl<ριμ'νοι (cf. note οη 12). But perhaps such transfer was not
possible after a certain age had been l"eached.
24-27. The natural inference from this passage would be that the marriage between
the writer's parents, Diogenes and Ptolema, took place ίn the period bet,\\7een A.D. 60-1 and
the preceding census for Α. Ώ. 47-8. But the applicant himselfmarried ίη Α. Ώ. 60-1 (11. 30-1),
so unless there is a mistake ίη the date ίn line 3 ι the marriage of Diogenes and Ptolema can
hardly have taken place after the census of Α. Ώ. 47-8. Cf. ccclxi, part of a census return
,vritten ϊn Α. Ώ. 76-7, ίη ,,,hich the marriage of the writer's paJ'ents is stated Ιο have taken
place [προ του] '(trovs) Nίpωνo~.
27. ο-δσαν Ει< ••• 'YEyυμνασιaρxηl<όTO~: simi1arly ίη Fayftm census returns female de-
scendants of κάτοικοι are 1'egistered as such, not because they,vere themselves subject Ιο
έπΙιcpισι~, but because a boy to be 'selected' had to trace c1escent οη both sides from
privileged persons; cf. introd.
36. Α verb is reqnired at the end of the line, and some compound beginning with
ιcαTα and meaning 'was entered' is probable. 1<[ άΤΟΙΚΟ1J is very unlikely, for thel"e would
not then be room for a verb after it, and the, γραφή of the 34th year of. Augustus
mentioned here was probably a ypaΦiι riJ1J 11< τον Υυμιιασίου like that ίη 2 Ι.
CCLVIII. SELECTION OF BOYS (έΠ{ΚΡισιr).

16'2 χ 8'7 cm. ~. D. 86-7 (?).
Application similar to the preceding, addressed probably to the βιβλιο
φύλαKΙ~,by the father of a boy aged thirteen, add.ucing evidence that his son
was t~e offspring 011 both sides of' inhabitants of the metropolis who paid
Q
12 drachmae.' Οη the meaning of this phrase and the iriterpretation of the

papyrus see introd. to cclνii. The supplements of the lacunae are based οη
the simί1ar application of Α. D. 132, which follows the same formula. The
document was written ίη the reign of Domitian, but the exact year is not
quite certain, the papyrus being ίη a much damaged condition.
The first two lines are obliterated.
. . . rrov την € • • • • [12 letters
Δι8ύμου των άπ' Όξυρύl,Χ(ων π6λεω~
5 Επ' άμβ680υ llvpeVLKfjr. J(f!-Ta T~
κρι θ εντα
" ".....
ΕΠΙ των προσ [3 Ε[3ηκοτων
,
,
Ι~
1\"
TpισKaιoεKαεTει~ ΕΙ
't.
ε6
'φ
αμ ΟΤΕ-
,
Ρα/ν ΥΟJlέων μη[τ]ροπολειτων 800-
1\ 1\' [ ' ]' , ,
αεκaαραχμοον ~ ισ!1I ετατη επι
Ι ο του αύτου άμφ680υ, ό υ[ 16~ μ]~!-' • • • • ,.

or μηTΡO~ l7'~tELTor Tη~ (Δι]8ύμου
πpoσβ~βηKEν ;l~ τρισκαι8εκα[ έτει Jr
τφ ένεστωτι . (~Tει) Λύτοκράτ(opo~
Kαίσapo~ Δομιτιανου %εβαστοϋ
15 ΓερμανικοΟ. δθεν πα[ρ ]a[ Ι'ενόμε-
, , , '[' 'J'
νo~ ι~ την τουτου επ ικρισιlI ΕΙ-
ναι '" κατα τ . . . . •. [••.•. . •

εμε
KlfL τον Tη[~ μηΊT[po~ α~Toύ πατέ

ρα Δί8υμο!, . [.•.] . [..•......
20 άναΎραφ6μεllον ~vq[. ..•.•..
ΕΠ
"
αμ
J Φ'l'
οοσυ [•. • . • . . . o~ και
c.\'
τε-
'
τε λ ευTηK€ τ[.....
φ ~I
ετει Ν"
ερω-
JlO~, "
και ομνυ ω'[ Α'
υτοκρατορα , ΊΤ ,
n..atuαpa
Δ ομιτιαllον ~ ε[βαστοJl Γερμανι/(ον

25 α'λ η θ"'"
η ειναι [τα
' ΠΡΟΥΕΎραμμΕνα. ,
~Toυ~ E!C[ τ]~!-' [AύTOKράTOPO~ Kα(σαpo~
Δομιτι[ανου ~εβασToυ ΓΕρμανικου • ..•
2nd hand. Μ . r . . . . . . • e[ ΕπΙ8έ8ωκα.
5. 1. άμΦόaοv llotμoEvtιcfjr. 9. μ of ~ω~fl(aaΡαχμωrι inserted' above the line. 10.

α of αμφοδου above the line. 17. The first ε of εμε above the line.
8. The clas.s οΕ privileged persons who paid 12 instead of 20 drachmae poll-tax
FIRST CENTURY DOCUME.NTS 227
seems to have been limited to inhabitants of the μηιrρόπoλι~. lt is noteworthy that the
κάτοι/(οι of Brit. Mus. Pap. CCLX are also μητροπολιται, and ίη the case of a person transferred
from the λαO'YραΦoύμ~1I0Ι to the κάτοικοι it ίΒ specially stated that his mother was an inhabitant
of Arsinoe itself (line ι 4 ι). But there were of course numerous κάτοικοι ίn the village-s
as well.
9. ιτατη: it does not appear possible to read these letters otherwise than we have done,
but one letter may perhaps be 10st between α and the second Τ. Conceivably Ι(π)τα [ί}Γη
was intended; the scribe of this papyrus was rather apt to leave out letters, though ϊη
other cases omissions have been afterwards supplied.
ι 6. ~ηλω is required to govern ιΤνaι, cf. cclvii. 12; but there is not room for it, unle~
both it and 'πίκρισιν were abbreviated.
17. Probably έπιl<ικ(ρΙσθαι) or some such word ίβ 10st ίη this line and ίη 19.
18. καΙ .,.όν: ιcλΙToν for ΚρΙΤΟ11, i. e. IπΙlιcpιτoν, could also be read, followed by Tη[~ 8ε
μη"'pό~ αύτοϋ; the vestiges after τη[ι are too scanty to afford any trustworthy clue.
28. This lίne is apparently ίη a different hand from the body of the document, and
probably contains the signature of the writer. μηνό~ ••• is less Iikely.
CCLI Χ. BAIL FOR Α PRISONER.
36 χ 17-8 cm. Α. D. 23.
Copy of a declaration οη oath addressed to the goνernor of a public

prison by a surety for a man who had been arrested for debt. Theon, the
surety, had secured the temporary release of the prisoner, Sarapion, some
months previously; and he now undertakes to produce Sarapio1). within a month
or to pay the amount of the debt.
The declaration is followed by a short and rather obscure letter written by
Theon (cf. Ι 32), and beginning apparently with a message to Sarapion. Theon's
object doubtless was to bring to Sarapion's notice the conditions of his bond οη
Sarapion's behalf; cf. cclxix, where a copy of a loan is sent with a Ietter
requesting its recipient to try to recover the debt~
:ΛντίΥρα(φον) χ[εΙΡΟΥράφο]!Ι.
θέων 'Λμμο:{νίου) Π(lρσηr τ]ηr έΠΙΥονηS'
Δημητρίφ τφ ΤΕταΥμένφ ΠΡοr
Tfi του Ator φυλακυ. όμνύω Τιβέριον
5 Καίσαρ(/, Νέον ~EβασToν Λίιτοκράτορα
ΕΙ μην κτήσεσθαι ήμ[έ]Ραr τριάκοντα
έν αl(S') ά(πα]κατaστήσω 8ν ένΥΕΥυημαι
πaρa σου έκ [τ]ηs- πολιτικfjS' φυλα[κ ]fjr
τφ Φf!ιίi>φ~ [ΤΟ]υ ~VEUTroTor ~TOVS'
Q2
10 ~αρα(π[ωνα) ~αpαπίω(νo~) Τ9ν εΙσηΥμένον [π]po~ [σ]!-,!,

Ύρα{φην) Ι8ι6Υραφ[ον] ψελlου χρυσοD[ν] μνα[ι]~ω(ν)
860 ΜαΥιάνου EΙ~ λ6Υον ~λίνη~ Tη~
Διονυσίου άσTη~ δια Βίλλου 8ιοικητικ[ ου
ύπηρέτ(ου]. Εαν 8Ε μη παριστω Εν Ta[w
15 ΠPo/(ειμέναι~ ήμέpα(ι)~ έκτείσω T~
προκείμενα {ι~} των χρυσίων μν(α
ιήων 860 άνυπεpθεTω~, μη lXOVT6~
μου έ { κ }ξουσίαν χρ6νον ετερον [κ]τ6[σ]εσ
θαι μηδε μετάΥει(1Ι) έμαυτον εΙ~
20 έ[τ]έραν φυλαιc[ήJν. εδopιcoϋνTΙ μεν μ[οι
ευ εfη, έπιορκο[ϋ]ντι 8ε τα έναν[τηα.
(lTOVS') θ Τιβερίου Κq,ίσαΡΟ~ ~εβασToυ, Παχ(ων) K{j.
ύπό~[ ε]ξον ~αραπίω(νι), χάριν oV ηλθε!'. ~
Διον6σι[0]S' έτελεσθη, και περι του
25 (Ηλ[ιο]8ώρου λ[ 6]Υου ιrι;ιιπεp(λυσoν αδτ6ν,
και λάβε τ[ο] άΡΥ(ύριον). συν(ητ[ο]υμ[εν]
τούτου χάριν. ούκ άνεπλευσά/fε[θ(α)]
έν τ[ ού]τφ τφ πλοίφ 8τι ούκ έλιcε μ[ • •] •
!i l;t~r~v Ικαν080τουιιτ[.] • Ι!ε[. • .]
1\\ [ ]'
30 rl
εω~
( ,
εαυτοιι
' [ ']
αυτ ο ν
,
ποιησω, ει
,
οΕ μ η
έμβέβηκ(εν). ~pp~σo).
βλέπε με 'ffωS' με ή μητηρ ~lffi>r
[~Jιrφαξε χάριν του χεΙΡΟΥράφου • ••~)
[••• •]~φ[ • •••] •• [.]ηιcα 8ε[•..] . [•.] .
35 [14letters (?)κα]λ(ωS') δp~.
6. 1. η μήν. Ι ι. Second v of χρυσου over the lίne. 1. μνα[ι]αίω(ν). 16. The

& of -μιιιαι~ is very close to the s-, and is possibly a stroke cancelling the ,. 1. 'Τού χρυσΙου
μν[αJtaia. 28. Ι εΙλκε or έλκει. .
'Copy of a bond. Theon, son of Ammonius, a Persian of the Epigone, to Demetήus,
governor of the prison of Zeus. Ι swear by Tiberius Caesar Ν ovus Augustus Imperator, that
Ι have thirty days ίn which to restore to you the man whom Ι bailed out of the public
prison ίn Phaophi of the present year, Sarapion, son of Sarapion, arrested through Bil1us,
assistant to the dioecetes, οη account of a note of hand for a gold bracelet weighing two
minae to Magianus οη behalf of Aline, citizen, daughter of Dionysius. If Ι do not
produce him within the said number of days, Ι will pay the said two minae of gold without
delay, and Ι have ηο power to obtain a furthet· period of time ηο! to trans(er myself to another
prison. If Ι swear truly, may ϊι be well with me, but if falsely, the reverse. 9th year of
Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Pachon 22.' -
5. N'ov Σιβαστόν: cf. ccxl. 3 note.

13. ΒΙλλου: Βιάλου might also be read. 8ιοιι<ητιl<ου: cf. introd. to ccxci.
23. ύπόλ[ι]ξον': the doubtful λ may be ')' or possibly'T, but vποτ[α]ξο" is not satisfactory.
There is room for t\VO letters ίn the lacuna.
30. Above ~αυTόν αlιτόν are faint traces of about eight lettel"s between the lines.
33. [l]σΦαξ~: the third Ietter is certainly Φ and ηοΙ ρ: [;]πpαE~ cannot therefore be
rea~. For the hyperbole cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CXIII. 12 (d). ι ι ό χριώσπιι; ίΦ[όJvιvσέν μι.
CCLX. PROMISE OF ATTENDANCE ΙΝ COURT.

27'7 χ 11'5 cm. A.D.59.
Copy of declarations made by the two parties ίη a suit, Antiphanes, son
of Ammonius, and Antiphanes, son of Heraclas, of Oxyrhynchus, that they
would attend the court of the άρχιοικασΤ17S' at Alexandria for a stated period,
ίη order to effect a settlement of their dispute. The case had been referred
to the άρχιδ,καστήS' from the strategus of Oxyrhynchus,-whether by order of
the strategus or mer.ely by mutual agreement of the 1itigants is not made clear..
The declarations of the two men, apart from necessary alterations ίη
names and one or two s1ight unintentional divergences, are verbally identical.
We therefore print only the fΪrst of them, which is the better preserved. The
body of the document is written by one hand and the signatures of the two
persons concerned by another.
,ΛlΙΤ(Υρa{Φοll).
'ΛνTιφάllη~ 'Αμμωνίου [rJrov dπ' ΌξυρύΥχ(ων)
π6λεω~ TOtS' πaρa Τιβερ{ου Κλav8l[ο]v
)Α'
μμωllιου στρατηΥου
,.., '\....
και επι των προσΟΟα/
, 1\ ( )
11
5 ,.. 'Ot.f)vpVYXElTOU.
του ' "
ομνυω Ν'-
~pωνa Κλ'8
αυ ιον
Καίσαρα ~εβασT[oν TeJppalIlKOV Αυτοκράτορα

εί μr,,' κα[τ]a [τα] συ[μ]φωνηθειιτα έμο/'
κο,[1] Άιιτ[ι]φ[ά]ιιει CHpαKλαTO~ έ~ ηr έποιησά
με(θα] ΠΡο[s-] ~aVTO~(S-) ~πί του στρaτηΥου
Ι ο ΤιβεΡlου Κλ[ ο,υ ]8[ ίου J 'Αμμωνίου &'ιιτικο,ταστάα-ε
ror luauOa[l έμ]φaιιη τφ ~aΡαπlωvο[r
άρχι8ικaστού [β)ήμaτι έπ 'Αλε~aIl8ΡΕ(αr
lror TptaKtX80r του EJlεσTωTO~ μηlιοS'
'Ε'φ'
πει , και προσκαρτερησειν
" 1 μεχρι '
ου
15 & lχωμεν πpo~ έαυToυ~ έΥ(β]ιβασθηι.

εlιOpKOϋνTΙ μεν μοι ευ εΥη, έφιορκ[ου]ντι 8Ε
τα νεaντ(α. ~Toυ~ πέμπτου Nέpωνo~ Κλaυ8ίου
Kaίσαpo~ ~εβασToυ Γερμανικου AlιTOKpάTOp[O]~,
ΈπεtΦ θ. (2nd hand) Θέ(ω]ν Ό""ώφpιo~ lιπηpε.
20 Tη~ Επηκολ[ ούJθ[ η JKa τηι [α]~θενTΙ[-Κ ]ηι
ΧΙΡ[ΟΥΡ]α(φίrr). (~Toυ~) ε NEpωνo~ Κλaυ8ίου Kαίσαpo~
[~εβασToυ Γε]ρμαν[ικοϋ A]ύT[O]KpάTOpo~, Έπειφ θ.
7. 1. η μήν. Ι ι. €σασθαι: so too ίη the duplicate copy; 1. Ισ€σθαι. 14. Second

ι of ΠPOσ/(αpT€pησ~ιν corrected from α. 11. 1. lllαvTla.
, ' Copy. Antiphanes, son of Ammonius, of the city of Oxyrhynchus, to the agents of
Tiberius Claudius' Ammonius, strategus and superintendent of the' rev,enues of the Oxyrhyn-
.chite nome. 1 swear by Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, that ίn
-accordance with the agieement made between me and Antiphanes, son of Heraclas, ίη
consequence of our confronting each other before the strategus Tiberius Claudius Ammonius,
Ι will appear at the court of the chief justice Sarapion at Alexandria until the 30th day
of the present month Epeiph, and will remain until our suit is decided. lf 1 swear -truly
may it be \vell with me, if falsely, the reverse. The 5th year of Nero Claudjus Caesar
,Augustus Germanicus Imperator, Epeiph 9. '
Ι, Theon, son of Onnophris, assistant, have checked this authentic bond.' Date.
4. στρατηΥου καΙ ίπΙ των πpoσό~ων: this title does not seem to occur elsewhere; but the
,strategus was throughout the Roman period the chief financial administrator ίn the nome.
12. άPXΙ~ΙKασToυ: cf. cclxviiί. ι, cclxxxi. ι, ο. Ρ. Ι. χΧΧίν. ΙΙ. 3. Mr. Milne, who
summarizes the evidence υροn the nature and extent of the jurisdiction of the άρxι8ΙKασTή~
at this period (Egypt under Romαn Rule, ρ. 196), concludes that any civi1 case could be
referred to him at Alexandria when the litigants did not live ίη the same district.. But ίη
the present instance both parties are distinctly stated to be residents of Oxyrhynchus; and
in cclxxxi there is ησ suggestion of diversity of residence. ,
14. πρoσKαΡT€ρήσEιν: cf. cclxi. 12 and Ο. Ρ. Ι. lix. 10 πρoσE~PEϋσαι ••. ~ΙKαστηρΙφ.
Ι 9. ύπηP'Tη~: for the signature of a ύπηρέTη~ (of the strategus) giving official sanction
to a document cf. Β. G. U. 581. 16,647. 28.
CCLXI. ΑΡΡΟΙΝΤΜΕΝΤ OF Α REPRESENTATIVE.

24·6 χ 15·8 cm. Α. D. 55.
Agreement by which a woman named Demetria appoints her grandson
Chael·emon to act as her representative ίη a lawsuit which was pending between
herself and a certain Epimachus. This docnment should be compared with
ο. Ρ. Ι. xcvii, a similar agreement between two brothers, the language of which

is often very close to that of the present text, and with ccclxv, ccclxxvi.
Ιη the margin at the top of the papyrus are two erased lines the first of
which reads ll'ov[~ οευτJlpov Nέpω[υo~ ΚJλαvδίοv Kαίσapo~, and at the bottom below
line I8are two and a half more Iines simί1arly erased and also containing a date.
These two expunged entries are apparently ίη different hands, neither of which
is identical with that of the body of the papyrus.
"EToυ~ 8ευτέρου Νέρωνo~ Κλαυ8{ου [KJa(ua[p ]o~
$εβαστου Γερμανικου ΑiJτοκράτορο~, μ[η]ιιo~ Νέου
[.'Ζ]εβαστου έν ΌξυρύΥχων π6λ[ει] Tη~ Θηβα{80~.
[όμολΟ]Υεί Δημητρ(α Xαιρήμoνo~ άστΥμ μετa κυρίου
5 [του Tη~] ό[ι]8ηS' αύτη~ ΔημηTp(α~ άσTη~ άν8po~ Θεω
vo[r τ)ου 'Λρτιόχου Αύξιμητορε(ου τού και 4ηνείου
τφ έαυTη~ [μ]ε" υΙωνφ Tη~ 8ε ύι8η~ ΔrjμηΤΡ(αS'
ά8ελΦΕΡ Χαιρήμονι ΧαιρήμοιιοS' ΜαρωνεΊ έν ά-
Υυι/j" περι 6>ν προφερεται ή όμολΟΥοϋσα Δημητρ(α
10 ~xειν προS' 'Επίμαχον Πoλυ8εύι<oυ~ ή καΙ αύτοS'
(
Ο 'Ε πιμαxo~
' προ φ'
ερεται "
εχειν ""
πpo~ αυτην, ~~ ov-
1\
ναμενη προσκαρτερησαι Tij3 κριτηρ{φ δια Υυναι

κε[αν dσθέιιειαv, συνεστακεναι αύτην τλν προ
y€ypαμμενoν υlωrιoν Χα[ιρJήμοvα ty8lKov
, ,
15 ΕΠΙ τε
, 't.'
πασΊJS' EbOVuta~ και
\ ,
παΙΙTO~
t
κριτηριου κα-
θα, κα2 αύτΏ Tfi συιιεσταΚV{lf ΔημηΤΡ{f! παρoύσrι

~ξην· eiJ80KEt Υaρ τΌ8ε Tfi ΣVσTάσει. κυρία
ή σvyypαΦήι.
'The 2nd year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, the ...
of the month Neos Sebastos, at the city of Oxyrhynchus ίη the Thebaid. Demetria,
citizen, daughter of Chaeremon, acting with her guardian Theon, son of Antiochus, of the
Auximetorean or Lenean deme, and husband of her granddaughter Demetria, citizen,
acknowledges to Chaeremon, son of Chaeremon, of the Maronian deme, her grandson and
brother of her granddaughter Demetria (the contract taking place ίη the street), concerning
the case which the contracting party Demetria claims to have against Epimachus, son of
Polydeuces, or which Epimachus claims to have against her, since she is unable owing to
womanly weakness to remain at the court, that she has appointed her said grandson
Chaeremon to appear for her before every authority and every court which would be open
to Demetria herself if she ,vere present; for she gives her consent to this appointment.
The agreement is va1id.' ,
3. Α blank space was left (στ the date which has never been filled ίη; cf. ccxxxviii.
9, note.
CCLXII. NOTICE OF DEATH.
23·8 χ 7·9 cm. Α. D. 61. ,

Notice addressed to PhiJiscus, farmer of the tax upon weaving, by
Sarapion, announcing the death of his sIave who was by trade a weaver. The
formula resembles that of ccli-iii. Οη the verso are four short lίnes effaced.
Φιλ(σκωι έΥλή(μπτορι) Υερ8(ιακου) Νέρωνα Κλαύ8ιον Καίσaρ[ α
πaρa ~αpαπίωνo~ του ~αpα(π[ωνo~). '$ε{3aστον Γερμανικον Αότοκρά(τορα)
ό 80υλ6~ μου Άπoλλoφάνη~ 15 άληθηι εΙνaι.
yέp8ιo~ άναypαφ6μενo~ (ETovr) ( ΝέΡωνοr Κλαv8l0υ
, , αμ
5 επ , φ'8
ο ου
Τ /θ
εΥμου εω~ Ka(uapor ~εβασToυ ΓερμανικοΟ
Ετελε(ύτησεν) έν τηι ξένηι AύTOKpά(TOpo~),
-" τωι ένεστωτι ((trEt) Nέpωνo(~) Mεx(€ιp) κ( ~ε{3α(σTΏ).
Κλαυ8ίου Kaluapor ~€βασToυ Γερ 2nd hand. Φιλ[σκοr σεσημ(είωμαι).
μανι(κ(ου) 20 (ETovr) ( Nέpωνo~ Κλαυ8(ου
Α-lJΤΟΚΡάΤΟΡοr. 8ιο άξιω [Κα Jtuapo~ ~ε{3αστου

10 άναΥραφηναι τουτον [Γερ]μανικοΟ
έν τηι των τετελε(υτηκ6των) [A-lJTO]KpdTOp[O~,
'l
rafijEt, "
και
,
ομνυωι [Με]χ(ειρ) ~Ί [~ε{3α(σTiι)·
7. 'corr. from Ε.
,Το Philίscus, farmer of the tax οη weaving, from Sarapion, son of Sarapion. ΜΥ
slave Apollophanes a \veaver, registered ίη Temgenouthis Square, died during absence ίη
the present 7th year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator. ~here
fore Ι request that his name be inscribed ίη the list of dead persons, and Ι swear by Ν ero
Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator that this information ίΒ true.' Date, and
official signature of Philiscus.
5. TEyμoύθEω~: this name is variously spelled, cf.. introd. to cclxxxviii.
J 8. Σ~βασ",Y: cf. note οη cclxxxviii. 5.
CCLXIII. SALE OF Α SLAVE.

77.
16 χ 15.6 cm. Α. D.
Declaration οη oath addressed to the agoranomi by Bacche with her

guardian Diognetus, a tnember .of the Epiphanean deme, stating that she had
sold to Helίodora an eight-year-old female slave, who was her absolute property,
and that she had receiνed the price, 640 drachmae. Cf. Ο. Ρ. Ι. c and Β. G. U.
543, which is addt·essed to ΤΟΙS' (πι ΧΡΕωυ τ€ταΥμ'υοιS' and is a promissory oath
(Mitteis, Hermes xxxii. ρ. 658); the fot·mula of the two Oxyrhynchus declara-
tions is almost the same as that of the Berlin papyrns, except that ίη them
we have the past tense 6μυVω • .. 'ΠΕ'Πρακευαι ία place of the future όμυυω •••
παραχωρήσειυ. For the price of slaves at Oxyrhynchus cf. Ο. Ρ. Ι. xcv, where
a female slave aged twenty-five is sold for 1,200 drachmae, and cccxxxνi,
ccclxxv.
The papyrus formed one of a series of documents glued together, and the
ends and beginnings of 1ines of those adjόίnίng it are preserved.
Toι~ άΥΟΡαvομοι[s-] ε •••••••• [.] •• !' ~ι;t[pa

BάKxη~ Tη~ 'Έpμωνo~ άσTη~ μετα κυρ(ου
ΔΙΟΥνήτου του Διοιιυσ{ου 'ΕπιφανΕ{ου.
,
ομιιυω , Α' ,
υτοκρατορα Κ'
αισαρα Ο'
υεσπασια νον ['
5 ~εβασToν πεπρακέιιαι Hλιo8ώpflι μη f
τpo~ CHλιo8ώpα~ μετa κvp{oυ του dv8por

~πoλλωιι{oυ του Διοιιυσ{ου του Αιοιιυσίου
του και Δι8ύμου την όπάρχουσάν μοι
80ύλην ~aΡαποvv ώ~ ~Tω" δΙCTω άσυιco-
10
,
Φ,k"αντητον π
λ'
ην
l.....'
€pα~ νοσου και
, Επα-
,
1" ,,.. , , t ,..
't'η ~, ειναι ΤΕ εμου και μητε υποκεισ-
θαι μη8~ ETέρoι~ ~ξηλλOTpιωσθaι

κατa μη8ένα τρ6ποιι, άπεX€ιν 8€
~ " , 1\ ,
μΕ τ,Ιν τειμην αΡΥυριου (}paxpar
ι 5 ~gακοσίαr τεσσαράκοντα, καΙ β[Ε]βαιώ-
' , , l' ~, ,
σΈιν. [ Ε ] υOpKOυσΊJ μεν μοι ευ ειη, Ε-
(πι]ορκούσl1 8Ε τα Ειιαιιτ(α. ΔΙΟΥνη

Tor Διοιιυσίου 'Ε[π]ιφάIlΕιοr ΕΠΙΥε
'Υραμμαι αύTη[~ κ]ύΡιοr και ~ypaψa
20 όπΕρ αύTη~ μ(η e]18vlar Ύράμματ[a,.
("ETovr)"ενaτου Λ' ,
VTOKpaTopor '
Κatuapor
ΟύΕσπασιaνοϋ Σεβαστου, Φaρμο(υθι
κ&;.
, Το the agoranomi , .. from Bacche, citizen, daughter of Hermon, with her guardian
Diognetus, son of Dionysius, of the Epiphanean deme, Ι swear by the Emperor Caesar
Vespasianus Augustus that Ι have sold to Heliodora, daughter of Heliodora, with her
guardian who is her husband Apollonius, son of Dionysius, son of Dionysius also called
Didymus, the slave Sarapous ,vho belongs to me, and is about eight yeal"s old and without
blemish apart from epilepsy and leprosy; and Ι swear that she is my property and is not
mortgaged, and has not been alienated to other persons ϊn any respect, and that_ Ι have
1·eceived the price, 640 silver drachmae, and will guarantee the contract. If Ι swear truly~
may it be well with me, but if falsely, the reverse.' Signature of Diognetus ση behalf of
Bacche, and date.
Ι. ε ••• : οηlΥ the tips .of the letters
after ε are left; Ιπι των χρεων will not suit.
10. πλήv lEpίir ιιόσου και €παφηr: this
saving clause is regularly found ίn cont-racts for
the sale of slaves, who were not guaranteed against being subject to epilepsy or leprosy.
CCLXIV. SALE OF Α LOOM.
25 χ 11 cm. A.D.54.
Contract for the sale of a 100m to Tryphon, son of Dionysius (cf. introd.
to cclxviί) by Ammonius. The agreement is followed by the signature of the
vendor, and a docket of the bank of Sarapion through which the pttrchase
money, 20 drachmae of siIver, was paid.
'Λ ,
Δμμωνιo~ 'Λ μμωνιου
' Τ'φ
ρυ ωνι Δ ιονυσιου
'
χα{ρειν. όμολΟΥα/ πεπρακΕναι σοι τον ύπάρ
χοντ&' μοι Ιστον Υερ8ι[ακον] π[η]χων yep8taKOi...v)
τριων παρa παλαισTα~ 860, 00 &'ντ(α 8ύο
5 lστ6π08εr 860, έπιμν[ημονεύω]ν gXElII παρa σ(ου)
8ια Tfjr έπι του πpo~ Όξ[υρύΥχ(ων)] π6λει ~αpαπιείoυ
'Σαραπ{ωνοr του Λ6χου Tpαπέ(η~ την εσταμΕνη(ν)
ΠΡοr , α'λλ η'λ oυ~ '
τουτου τιμην " ,
αΡΥυριου ~ β alTToV
...:::;€ - ,
και
Πτολεμαικου νoμEσμαTO~ 8paxpar

ι ο εfκοσι, κ(αι] βεβαιώσε~ν σοι την πρασιν πάσυ
, [ ει]
β ε β αιωσ η
"'\"Εκτεισειν σοι
t..\~'
ην εσχον παρα
,,..
σου
τιμην
, ,
συν
C λ'
ημιο ι'!'
"βλ 'β
και το α or. ,
κυρια η
C
χειρ.
,
(grovr) ι8 Τιβερ{ου Κλαυ8Ε0υ KαEσαpo~ ~εβασToϋ

Γερμανικου AυTOKpάTOPO~, μη(νo~) Καισαρείου u.
2nd hand. 15 'Λμμώνιοr 'Αμμωνίου πΕπρακα τον [στον
, " , , , ,.., , 1\ '( )
και απεχω την τιμην Tα~ του αΡΥυριου οραχμα r
JI
εικοσι και
, β β
ε
,-
αιωσωι κα
θ'
οΤι
,
προκιται.
(Η
ρα-
κλεί8ηr_ Δ(ιοvJvσίοv ~ypαψa ύπΕρ αυτού μη

e186Tor ί'ράμματα. (~TOVS') ι8 Τιβερίου Κλαυ8ίου

20 Ka(σapo~ ~εβaσToυ Γερμανικού AύToκpάTOPO~,
μη(νοr) Κaισaρε&ου ιΕ '$εβαστfj.
3rd hand. lTOV~ Tεσσαpεσκαι8€κάToυ
ΤιβερΕου Κλαv8l0V Κα[σαΡοr
~εβασTOO Γερμανικου
25 AύTOKpάTOPO~, μη(νοr) Καισαρε(ου ιε
~εβaστfj, 8ι(a) Tη(~) ~αΡ(απlωνΟf) τΡ(απε(ηr) ΥΕΥο(νεν) ή 8ια
ί'ρ(αφή).
, Ammonius, son of Ammonius" Ιο Tryphon, son of Dionysius, greeting. Ι agree that

-Ι have sold to y~u the weaver's 100m belonging to me, measuring three weavers' cubits less
two palms, and containing two rol1ers and two beams, and Ι acknowledge the receipt from
you through the bank of Sarapion, son of Lochus, near the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus, of
the price of it agreed upon between us, namely 2 Ο silver drachmae of the Imperial and
Ptolemaic CQinage; and that Ι will guarantee to you the saIe with every guarantee, under
penalt}' of payment to you of the price which Ι have received from you increased by half
its amount, and of the damages. This note of hand is valid. The ι 4th year of Tiberius
Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, the ι 5th of the month Caesareus.
Ι, Ammonius, son of Ammonius, have sold the 100m, and have received the price of
20 drachmae of silver and will guarantee the sale as aforesaid. Ι, Heraclides, son of
Dionysius, wrote for him as he was illiterate.' Date, and banker's signature.
3. π[η]χ ωιι l'ιρ8ιακω(ν): cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CLIV. πήΧfΙ 'Γιλflφ ξυλικφ Τfκτοvικωι.
4. άvτία were rollers upon which the web was wound as it was woven. .
8. Σ~βαστoυ καΙ Π'Toλ~μαικoυ νoμίσμαTO~: it does not appear what distinctiol1 ίn value,
if any, was made ίη the Roman period between Ptolemaic and Roman silver. Ptolemaic
copper was at a considerable discount (cf. introd. to ccxlii); but Ptolemaic tetradrachms,
which have more silver ίn them than the Roman, ought to have been at a premium.
2 Ι. [{αισαp~Ιoυ ι~ ΣΕβαστΥ: cf. notes οη cclxxxiiί. ι ι, cclxxxviii. 5.
CCLXV. MARRIAGE CONTRACT.
27 χ 13·8 cm o Α. D. 81-95.
This long and elaborate contract of marriage is unfortunately much muti1ated.

'At the beginnings of the lines jn ΩΟ case less than thirty letters are 10st; and
at the ends of lines, to judge from the sense, the gap ίΒ also considerable. Ιη
these circumstances it ίΒ not possible to do more than follow the general
dl·ift of the provisions, which notwithstanding their fragmentary character are
mostly fairly intelligible. The formula runs οη the same lines as that found
'-ίη the marriage contracts of the C. Ρ. R. The husband, Dioηysius, acknowledges
to the bride, Sarapous, the receipt of the dowry of the Iatter, consisting of four
minae of goId, three dresses, and some land, the revenues of which are to be
used for the benefit of the household, the taxes upon this land being paid by
Dionysius (2-8). Α further provisional settlement is made by the mother of
the bride υροη her and her children, of some house-property and furniture
and probablya female slaνe, which were to be inherited οη the mother's death
(9-12, 20). Sarapous promises to Dionysius the obedience which a husband has
the right to expect from a wife, and Dionysius engages not to ill-use Sarapous
{13-Ι4). Ιη the case of a divorce the dowry is to be repaid by Dionysius;
but a share of it· is reserved for any child of the marria..ge who decides to stay
with his father (17-22). Dionysiu.s undertakes the responsibility of providing
for the chi1dl en ίη an adequate manner, but apparently only so long as he
8
t-emains ία possession of the dowr:y (24)- Ιη the event of the death of Dionysius,
arrangements are made. for the appointment by Sarapous of a guardian to act
with herself ίη the management of the h04sehold and estate. Should the
guardian thus chosen also die, Sarapous is empowered to act alone (27-8).
If Sarapous died chi1dless, or if her children died childless, her dowry reverts
to her own famiIy (30, 31). The contract is signed, firstly, by Dionysius, who
again acknowledges receipt of the dowry, undertakes to make some provision
for the father of his wife during the father's life-time, and releases him οη his
own part from all further claims (37-42); secondly, by the mother of the bride,
who reserves to herself the right to dispose of the property, which at her death
waS to pass to her daughter, ίη any other manner she pleased (43-45).
''ETovr .• ΛύTOKpάTOPO~ Katuapor ΔομιJτιανοv ~εβασToυ Γερμανικου, [μηνοS']

" επαΥομενων
Καισαρειου , [
όμολο,,/εί Διονύσιοr μηΤ]Ροr Δι[ονv]σlαr τηr elrovo[r των] άπ' Ό~υ-
ρύΥχων π6λεωr TV ~~[pαπoϋTΙ
~xειν TfJ]r 8ε βαλαν{νην την καλ(ηJ", ύ8ατίνην και ψελ[ων χρυσω[ν
,
αρουρων . . 8']
ε Ifα «'
ημισοvr και, εκ ,.. '1'
, του J
ασ(ω νο$' και Δ ρειμακου
' , ' ,. . 8'εκα
αρουρων [
5 J'
κατεχ ~ρισε
Ν f'\
ε!Λου
,
εκ
,..
του
Δ
lor!J[J1\ , , ,..«,
σο ιιωρου αρουρων επτα
", [
και επι
~εβασT]OO Γερμανικου καρπιε(ί)ται ό Υ[αΊμων Διονύσιοr συ", Tfi

" ,,/υιιαικι ~αρ[απούτι
] 1fαΡπ{ζεται κατ' lTO[ S'] ~I~ [Τ]9 8ημ6σιον καθήκοντα 8ια
τού ~r[
" ]" Α ,
Τα/ν προκει μενα/JΙ αρουΡα/ν ~'!! TaUUOPEJlor και τα,«,
[ ] '
σ!-' V
,
υπερ τουτου If
[ ,
J Απ]ολλωνίου του :Λ πολλωιιίου έν ά'Yυι~ Tfj αύτυ και συνχωρ[ ει εΙναι
10
-'Δ ' , «' , . . .
tf
] του ιοιιυσιου ΤΈκνων ημισυ pepor των υπ αvτηr
, ....
άπολει[φθησομένων
'
J( αρπειαν
J και, ενοικησιν
, , "~λλ'
και τα α α '"
προσφορα των
ύπ αύT[η~
] ιiλλα/V ~'fταΧΡημ[α]τί(ει!' ή παν το ύ1[' έvαvτlα/[V
J 8σ[α 8]~ϊ πειθαρχεϊν Υαμετην yυνα'iκα άν8p6~, και KυpΙEυέTα/σ~[ν
μηδε κακουχεί']ν αύτηll μη8' άποκλεl(ει)ν μη8Eνo~ των ύπαρχ6νΤα/[ν
15 προσ]ηκ6ΡΤα/ν πάντων Η"των περ, Ταλαω έκ του Moσxίωνo[~
] " ~1[!TPoπων μη
8"ε μεpo~
,....."....
αυτων ανΕυ του συνεΠΙΥρα
φ ηναι ,. ,. τη
[
έαν 8έ τι 8ιαφέ]Ρα/ρται πpo~ άλλήλoυ~ και βούληται $αpαπoυ~ άπαλλάσ
σασθαι άπα τ[ ου Διονυσίου
άπ086τω ό ΔΙOllύσιo~ τα του] χρυσίου μναιαια τέσσαρα και Tα~ Tpει~
στο λ α~
' "
εαν 'ff€Pl!'[
, \ 1\'
εαν οΕ TΙ~
... ]
των
c ,
υπαρχοντων
,....., ~
αυTOΙ~ ε6" α
'λλ 'λ
η ων
'
τεκνωll
,
μη
β 'λ [
ου η ται
20 80v]~el'f!" και Tα~ άπoφopa~ Tη~ 80ύλη~ Πλoυσία~ K~f .[

] ου'8'ε '1ην
, οου
1\'λ ην ου' 8 " "εσομενα ε6"
ε τα , t. αυTη~
' '" ~IεΥ [ Υονα
]!' ,1
aκυροll ~ι
ε ναι "
πpo~ το μετα" cEαυTη~
την ,. ,. τε λ'
ευτην β8 ε β αιωσ
"θ αι [
]!' κα θ' t 1\ ,..,
ονοηποτουν ΤΡΟΠΟIl, και
"'~,
μη Ε6εστω αυτφ
, Λ,..
ταυτα
8 [
μη εμ!
"πρε
την ]πουσαν ε'λ Ευ θ'
εpoι~ παισι ' .παΙυειαν
1\ , ,
μεχρι ,...,...
Tη~ των προκειμε νων '[
]η!' τα του χρυσίου δοκίμου μναιαΊα τέσσαρα και Ta~ Tpε~ [στολαr
τ]ηll $αραπουν και την 80ύλην Πλουσίαν έν TOΙ~ άπο. (
]!,TO~ ,,... ,"'" '
,....., t 'λλ η'λ ων τεκνων
αυτων και των εσομΕνωll αυTOΙ~ ε6" α
[
'"
των ']
τεκν ων "φ
α η λ'
ικων "~I
ονΤα/ν εστωσαν ',
η τε ~ αpαπoυ~ και'ό υπ
~ -' t' αυTη~ ,,... 'f-a-
, ,
[ταστα θ ησoμενo~
,
εΠΙΤΡοποr
]!' και ό συνεΠΙTPOΠEύσα~ έπιμεταλλάξυ, ~σTO) μ6νη ή $αpα[πoυ~

... ]',... "
η κ αι των y€νoμενων €πιμETα
λλ ~, , ,
α6"ανΤα/ν αΤΕκνων Ι!
[
'] , " , , θ "~λλ
ει ~ Tovr αυToυ~ αναπεμπεσ ω και τα α
,,..,1
α ,αυTη~ απαντα
[
ά]πολ[ ε]ιφθη[ σ]ομέιιων ύπαρχ6ντων πάV'tων και έ?Tίπλ~[ν
]ιrει τυ ~αραπουτι και οη ~ d]λλοι~ (JptUTat έκ του Eξη~ ε[
,
ανακομι oη~].1\..... T!1f ,.
'" Φ. Epνη~ ' 8 ' "εσται
ου εμια παρ " ,.. ου'8''''
αυτου ε των παρ' [ , Α
α υτου
35 τ]α π[Ε ]ριεσ6μενα Ενοίκια του προκειμένου τρίτου μέpoυ~ [

]!' μηδενοr άπλω~ τρ6πρ μη8ενί, ούκ oγση~ Tfj a[
] έφ' 8ν έαν συνωσιll άλλήλoι~ ΧΡ[ 6]νον [
2nd hand. Διoνύσιo~ ]τεΡΟ$ ~xω την ΦΕρνην [τJα~ των Ιμα[τίων
]€νων ~ξ και χρηστηρίων και !J •• [.]/?Ε!Jμaτων κ[αι
] .•• ρου τοΟ Λυβίου κλήρου dpovpav μίαν μηδε & ε~[
TJq> πατρ2 ΖωΕλφ dπο του νυν Επι τον Tfjr (ω[ηr αίιτου χρ6νον
,1\]' , λ"" Λ
ουa Εν ενκα ω τωι πατρι
Ζ Λ. 1\ , λ""
ωΙΛφ περι ovaElIOr !!' π ror
, " C[
3rd hand. t.\] ε'[ α, ]ν αιρωμαι

κα θ' ον ΛC Ι
τροπον, και ευαρ εστουμαι .~"[....
του ΠΡΟΥεΥρα]μμέν[ο Jv μου dv8por τα Επ[

45 ,
απο λ ει φθ ησ ] '
f!pevrov " " c. '[ ,
Etr αυτην ε6" ,
ον οματοr μου
9. Εν •• • συνχωρ[ over an erasure. 13. 1. άνδρί. 23. Final v of ονδηποτουν corr.

3. βαλανίνην κ.τ.λ.: this is the third of the three στολαί mentioned ϊη 18. Dresses
frequently appear ίη marriage contracts as part of the dowry. Ιη cclxvii. 7 we have a χιτών
')'αλάκτιvοs- •
7. Α similar clause making tbe husband responsible for taxes υροn land brought to
him by the wife occurs ίη C. Ρ. R. 24. 24.
9 sqq. Cf. e.g. Β. G. U. 183. 25, where the settlement of property by a mother οη
her daughter, who is to succeed to it οη her mother's death, is revocable, as here (cf. 43
below).
13. ΠΕιθαρχιίν : the same provision occurs ίη ccclxxii and other marriage contracts from
Oxyrhynchus; cf. C. Ρ. R. 30. 22 (sixth cent.) ύπακούΕιν ~ι αύτφ καθά τφ νόμψ και το άκολοvθlq.
συμβαίνιιν οίδι.
lcυΡΙΕυέτωσα[ν: some phrase like καταχρώμΕνοι ElS- την εαυτω" βιοτίαν (ccclxxii. 9) probably
followed.
14. μηδε KaΙCOVXEiJv κ.τ.λ.: this clause recurs ίη ccclxxii, where the further stipulation
is made that for the wife μη ']ξέστω άπόκοιτον μηδε α[... μηδε ΦθΙΙΡΕιν (80 another Oxyrhynchus
contract)] τόν κοινόν οίκον.
16. συνιπι')'ραφηναι: tl1e subject is perhaps the mother; cf. cclxxiii. 20-4, where, since
the mother has alienated the land, her συνΕΠΙΥραφή is stated Ιο be unnecessary.
19 sqq. The sense of this passage seems to be that if, ίn the case of a dissolution of
the marriage, any of the children e]ected to stay with their father, theJT should have some
share of their mother's property. The responsibHity of Dionysius for the chi1dren's education
is apparently limited to such time as he remains ίη the possession of his wife's dowl"y.
Ν either of these clauses seems to occur ίη other marriage contracts.
27. ίαν ό Διονύσιοs- πpόTEpo~ τελιυτήσΥ has preceded somewhere ίη the lacuna.
30. SuPP1Υ Εαν" οι1\ \ ( 'ς.' λ ' , )...,
η ιι:ιaΡαποvs- ΠρΟΤΕρα τι ΕυτησΊ/ τικνων aVTOLS- μη οντων Ε
, , )ξ ..!'\.λ 'λ
# -λ J\ λ
UI\. η ων η κ αι Ι<.Τ. •
35. προlcιιμένου τρίτου μΕρΟVS-: this is part of the property settled ση Sarapous by her
mother ϊn 10-1 Ι.
CCLXVI. DEED OF DIVORCE.

15·6 χ 14·6 cm. Α. D. 96.
Deed of separation drawn 'up between a husband and wife, who had been
married a little over a year. Thaesis the \vife, who appears as the princi.pal
party ίη the agreement, acknowledges to her late husband Petosarapis the
receipt of her <:iowry of 400 drachmae of sίlver, and declares that he is released
from all engagements entered into ίn their marriage contract and from all further
claims from herself. Petosarapis οη his part acknowledges that he has πο

further claims υροn Thaesis. Ν ο ground for the separation is assigned, nor
is there any hint as to the side from which the initiative ία the matter came.
Two other contracts of divorce are extant, one (G. Ρ. 11. lxxvii) of the beginning of
the fourth century, the other (C. Ρ. R. 23) of the second (cf. cclxviii and Brit. Mus. Pap.
CLXXVIII, a receipt for the repayment of a dowry). The former of these is very similar
Ιο the present document. The husband renounces all further claims upon his wife, who
is declared free 'to depart and marry as she will'; and the wife acknowledges the receipt
of her dowry. The other example is publίshed by its editor, Dr. Wessely, as a marriage
contract, and thus cοηstΓued it is one of the chief supports of the theory of the 'fictitious
dowry' ίη Graeco-Roman Egypt. The document ίη question is an agreement between
a husband and wife, Syrus and Syra, whose marriage contract is also preserved at Vienna
(C. Ρ. R. 22). As interpreted by Wesse]y (Verhiillnzss des gr. zum lig. Rechl, ρ. 55, ίη
Wt'ener SΖϊΖungsberichte, 1891), and by Mitteis (Rezchsrech/ und Volksrechl, ρ. 282),
it is the correlative of the marriage contract, being the acknowledgement by the wife Syra
that she has received from the husband the dowry which ίn the contract she is represented
as bringing to him. The dowry, according to this view, was real1y a present from the
husband to the wife (donαlio propler nuplz'αs), but ίn the contract of marriage it was by
a legal fiction described as coming from the wife to the husband.
But an examination of the text (cf. Hunt's corrections ίη Θ"ό/Ι. κεΙ Anz. 1897, Nr. 6)
of this papyrus ίη the light of G. Ρ. 11. lxxvii and of our Oxyrhynchus contract leads to the
conclusion that ίι must be explained differently. lt is ίη fact, like them, an agreement for
separation, and the resemblances to a contract of marriage ,vhich Wessely and Mitteis have
found ίη it depend partly οη conjectural supplements of the numerous lacunae, partly οη ίη
exact readings. Syra acknowledges the receipt ofher dowryand othet· belongings (11. 1-10),
and promises to advance ηο claims against SJTrus μη~[E] Π€pl [τ]ών [rJfi συμβιώσΕΙ άνηκό[ντων] ,
μη~E π€pl ων [έΠΕιιΡάφ]η αύTη~ ι! Ί{Ψ9~ κύριο& lv τoί~ Tη~ συμβιώσΕωr [ΧΡόvοι~] (11. 12, 13, revised
text). It is sufficiently evίdent from this phraseology, and from SJTra's further statement ίη
line 20 that she had received back the property settled ση her by her mother, that the
συμβΙωσι~ was henceforward a thing of the past. It is therefore inadmissible to read, with
the editor and Mitteis, ίη Ι. 17 (the signature of Syra) [Σύρα ή ιcα}1 )rσάριοv [Άφροaι]σ[οv
συιιηρμαι την πp[ό~ Σύρον Ι συνβίωσι]ν. συιιηρμαι is a curious verb, but it certainly does not
imply συμβίωσιν. We must substitute some word like άποζυΥή]ν, or read τήν πρ[ΟΚΕιμέlιην
σvγypαφή]ν. Moreover, ίη l. 24 (the signature of Syrus), the vestiges remaining are not
consistent either with πpo~ ΣΊύρα" ••. σvμβ'ωσιv, or with aέJ~ωιca ΙΙ~['TY, at the end of the line.
The agreement is accordingly Ιο be classed with the other two contracts of divorce, with
which it is ίη complete agreement.
The so1itary piece of direct evidence for the fictitious dowry ίη Graeco-Egyptian
marriage contracts thus disappears; and ίι is scarcely worth while to consider the value of
the other arguments which are urged ίη its fa vour. These arguments as stated lψ Mitteis
(ορ. CZh ρ. 282) and Wessely (ορ. cil. ρ. 54) are: (ι) the analogy of demotic contracts of
the Ptolemaic period; (2) the strict]y business character of the transaction, which demands
that the material advantages brought by the wife should be compensated ίη some way by
the husband; (3) the character of the dowry, which may consist largely of articles which
on]y the woman cοώd use, and therefore have the appearance of presents from the husband.
The last of these arguments is open, as Wessely admits, to the obvious objection that such
articles could readily be converted into money. Moreover a valuable Irousseau might of
itself reasonably be regarded as an acceptable adjunct to a wife. If the character of the
dowry ίΒ to be used as an argument, ίι is all ίη favour of the natural explanation that thι:
dowry really came from the wife's side. The second a priori consideration, the necessity
of finding a quz(J pro quo, is not more convincing, for, even admitting the necessity, it can
be satisfied otherwise than by supposing that when the papyri say 'Α has given ΙΟ Β,' what
is meant is 'Β has given to Α.' The husband at least provided a home and made himself
responsible for his wife's maintenance and clothing, και 8σα προσήΚΕΙ ')'υναιιcll,αμEτjj.
There remains the analogy of demotic marriage contracts. They are divided by
Revillout into two classes, those of Upper Egypt, which show an earlier, and those of
Lower Egypt, which show a later, formula. The essential distinction between them is that
while ίη the fOl'mer (according to Revillout's translations) the husband makes a snlall
present to the wife, and agrees to pay a heavy penalty if he divorces her, ίη the latter this
express penalty is absent, and the husband receives from the wife a large dOWl·y which he
is to forfeit οη separating from her. The two formulae are brought into line by supposing
that the dowry which is liable to be forfeited corresponds Ιο the penalty for divorce, and is
therefore fictitious. Ιη the one case the husband sirnply states that he will pay a certain
sum, ίη the other the same effect is secured by a promise to pay back a sum "rhich has
never been received. Νο sufficient reason is assigned for this elaborate fiction; and it is
to be noted that the whole theory rests υροη the decipherments and translations of a single
scholar, whose conclusions, especially when based upon demotic documents, have to be
accepted with reserve. We notice, too, that οη this question, ίη particular, Egypt.~logists
show an inclination to suspend judgement (e. g. W. Max Μίiller, Liebespoesz"e der alIen Agypter,
ρ. 4, note).
That our distrust of Revillout's 'translations,' is not unfounded, will be seen οη
a reference to the passage of the contract from Lower Egypt which is the ba~is of the view that
the dowry there mentioned is fictitious. As translated by Revillout (Rev. EgypI. Ι. ρρ. 91-2)
this passage is: ']e te prends pour femme, tu m'as donne et mon coeur en est satisfait,
750 argenteus . • . Je te donnerai les 750 al·genteus ci-dessus, dans un delai de 30
jours, soit au moment ου je t'etablirai pout· _femme, soit au moment ΟΙΙ tu t'en iras de
toi..meme,/ The husband thus engages to pay the dowry of his wife either οη the ratifica-
tion of the marrjage, or οη separation; and it is certainly not an unnatural explanation of
such an engagement that the so-called do\vry \vas ίn reality a gift from the husband (donalz·o
propter nuptzas). But the words 'Je te donneraj' etc., strongly suggest the ordinary
provision of the Greek marriage contracts ensuring the restitution of the dowry ίη case of
divorce. For instance, ίη C. Ρ. R. 22. 22 sqq.. , the husband promises οη separating from
his wife to l'eturn the dowry €αν μΕν αύΤ11V ~[πo]πέμπητaι, παραχρημα, εαν ~E αύτη έκουσα
άπa[λλάττηται, €ν ήμΕΡαιr τριάκοντα (cf. 24, 31 etc.). The limit of thirty days is the same as
in the demotic text; and εαν ~ε αύτη έκουσα απαλλάπηται corresponds very well with ' soit au
moment οΙΙ tu t'en il'as de toi-meme.' lt is therefore very pIobable that the sentence
translated 'soit au moment OU je t'etablirai pour femme,' is the demotic equivalent of εα"
μΕν αύτην άποπέμπητaι, παραχρημα, ,vhich is the necessary correlative of εαν ~ε αύτη έKoίJσά
άπαλλάττηται. lf so the contract ceases to be I'emarkable, and the supposed proof from
demotic contt·acts of the legal fiction falls Ιο the ground. The explanation of Greek
documents of the Roman period may or may not be discoverable ίη demotic documents
dating from Ptolemaic times; but until it is known what the terms of those demotic
documents really are, any such explanation must be l·egarded as premature.
Α more substantial basis for the theory of the fictitious dowry appears at first sight to
be supplied by Νο. cclxvii of this volume. That papyrus is an agreement between Tryphon
and Saraeus, who are contl'acting an ίJ:ypαΦo~ Υάμοr. Tl"yphon ackηowledges the receipt
from Saraeus of a dowry antounting to 72 silver drachmae, \vhich he binds lήmself to repay
at the end of five months from the date of the agreement. Appended to this is an
acknQwledgement by Saraeus, dated six γeaι·s later, that she had received the sum mentioned ;
FIRST CENTUR}~ DOCUMENTS
and we know from other documents that the pair were living together several years after
t11e date of Saraeus' signature. What is the meaning of this transaction? lt will be
noticed ίη the first place that the marriage is expressly stated to be ίJ.ypαΦo~, and therefore
stands upon a different footing from the Ε"Υ"Υρaφοι i'άμ,οι for which the theory of the fictitious
dowry has been devised. The tl"ΥΡaφο~ ϊ'άμ.o~ was subject to special conditions, and the
existing evidence ίΒ insufficient to show what those conditions wet-e. If, as is possible (cf.
introd. to ccxlvii), the object of such an arrangement was to secure Ιο the contracting parties
greater freedom jn separating if they found themselves uncongenial companions, it is quite
intelligible that the dowry should be repayable after a short period. At the end of that
period it could be repaid or could be the subject of a fresh agreement, the ί1"YpαΦo~ ϊ'άμo~
perhaps becoming εyypaΦo~, according as circumstances dil"ected. At any rate there is
not at present any ground for maintaining that the dowry stated to be brought by Saraeus
Ιο Tryphon was realIya donαlzo propler nuplzαs, or gift from the husband to the bride.
We are here brought to a difficulty invo]ved ίn the theory of the fictitious dowry which
has not yet been sufficiently taken into account. According to Mitteis, the criterion of the
real as opposed Ιο the fictitious dowry is that the former is represented as coming from the
bride or her parents to the husband, the latter from the parents of the bride to herself (cf.
Wessely,op. cit. ρ. 59). Now ση this view the dowries mentioned ίη some existing contracts
will be partly l"eal partly fictitious, those ία others (e. g. ccxlvii and C. Ρ. R. 28) will be entil"ely
fictitious. But all dowries· alike had to be repaid by the husbaηds at separation, whether
voluntary οη their own part ΟΤ ηοΙ When therefore the dowry was altogether fictitious,
the wife was pl'otected from divorce by a heavy penalty, which she mig11t demand from her
husband without having fulfilled any of her obligations as a wife. Is it 1ikely that pro-
spective husbands would have laid themselves open to fraud ίη this manner? Is it probable
that Tryphon, [or example, would have bound hitnself to pay Saraeus ση a certain day
a sum of 72 drachmae out of his own pocket, haνing ηο guarantee that he would see her
again after the conclusion of the contract?
But these are not the οηlΥ difficulties with which the theory has to contend. There is
ηο adequate reason why a donαtio propler nuplzαs οη the part of the husband should be
converted by a fiction into the dowry, or part of the dowry, of his wife. Wessely suggests
that the ground of the fiction may be the distinction drawn by Greek and Roman law
between dowered and dO"'erless women. When Egyptiaη ll1alTiage contracts came to be
written by Greeks ίη Greek, the fictjon of the existence of a dowry wheη there was none
would be intelligible if the absence of a dowry implied an inferiority of status. But how
does this explanation apply to the demotic contracts, the analogy of ,vhich is the main
support of the theory? Moreover, if the donαfzo propler nuptzas was customary at this perIod
ϊη Egypt, it is somewhat surprising that not only is the identity of the donαfzo always con..
cealed by an elaborate fiction, but that ηο Greek word to express it appears ίη the papyri
before the Byzantine period (Ισόπροιl<οJl C. Ρ. R. 30. 10). There is scarcely need to point
out that this proof from the use of a special term that the donalio existed ίη Egypt ίn the
sixth century, so far from impIying its existence there ίη the period prior to the Consl'llulzo
Anloninα, when ηο such term is found, is J'ather an argument to the contrary. Finally, if ί!
was the rule ίη Egypt for the do\vry, though nominally coming from the wife, to be
supplied by the husband, it is highty improbable that so strange an institution should have
escaped the notice of Strabo, who (ίίί. 18, ρ. 165) describes ίι as a peculiarity of the
Cantabri that among them the husband provided the dowry of his wife.
1fETovr έκκαι8[ εJκάτου ΑVΤΟΚΡάΤΟΡοr Kα{σapo~ .ι::Ιομιτιανου $εβαστου

ΓΕρμaιιικοϋ, μ?Ί(νo~) Γε[ρμ]aνιΚ'ου έν Όξ(υρύΥχων) π6λ(ει) Tη~ θηβαί80r.
R
ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS ΡAPYRI
όμολΟΥΕί Θαησι~ Θώνιo~ του 'Λμιθώνιo~ μηTpo(~) ~ινθευ-

TO~ μετα κυρ{ου του πατρωου ΌvνώΦΡι(ο)r ΌvνώφΡΙΟ[S'] του Παμ
5 μενoυ~ μηTPO~ ΤααΡθώνιοS' τφ Υενομενρ αlιTη~ άν8ρ2
Πετοσαράπι ΘoμπεKύσιo~ του ~apαπ{ωνo~ μητΡΟ(S') ~ινθώ-
VtOS', "
πανΤΕS' απ,, 'ο f;VPvyXrov
t." πο'λ "αΥυι
eroS', εν ['f,
""] , ".
απεχειν
παρ' αότου άΡΥυρ{ου ~εβασToυ νoμ{σμαTO~ 8pαxμα~ τετρα:"

,
κοσιαS' κε Φ α λ'
αιου aS'
~ "
προσηνεΥκατο , '"
αυτφ ε'φ'«εαυτυ "'" εν φ ερνυ ,.
10 μ[ε]τεΥΥύου [τJη~ μηTPO~ αύτου ~ινθώνιοS' ΠετοσaΡάπιοS' του
[.]β![• ••.] κα[τα συ]νΥραφην συνοικισ{ου 8ια τοΟ εν ΌξυρύΥχων
[π6λει άΥορανο]μίου Tαι~ επαΥομέναιS' του τεσσαρασκαι8ε-
[κάτου ~Toυ~ Λύ]TOKpάTOPO~ Κα{σαΡοr Δομιτιανου ~εβασToυ
,..
[Γερμανικου, 'f'] S'
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την "φ ορον
επι "θ'
αυτο 1\
Εν αναaε 8"
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[φέρνων ••••• •]0 άΠΕσχηκεναι μη8ε περι l1λλου μη8ε- .
[voS' πράΎματοS'] μέχρι TfjS' ~vεστώση[S' ή]μέpα~. κ[αι] αύτοS' 8~,
20 [δ ΠετοσάΡαπ]ιr όμολΟΎΕΙ εν dyvtq, [T]fi αlιTυ μη [ε]νκαλείν
[μη8ε ενκαλέJrειν μη8ε επ[ ελεύσεσθ]ι;ι! Tfj <f>αήr[ ει
[μη8ε ΤΟΙ$ πα]ι/ aύTη~ π[ ε]ρι μη8εν[o~ άπλJω~ μεχρι [Tfjr
[ενεστώσηr ήμεραS' • .]rτ[.]νπe[ ••
'The 16th year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus, οη the ••.
of the month Germanicus, at the city of Oxyrhynchus ίη the Thebaid. Thaesis, daugbter of
Thonis, son of Amithonis, her mother being Sintheus, with her guardian her step-father
Onnophris, son of Onnophris, son of Pammenes, his mother being Taarthonis, acknowledges
to her late busband Petosarapis, son of Thompekusis, son of Sarapion, his mother being
Sinthonis, all of ΟΧΥΓhΥnchus (the agreement being executed ίη the street), the receipt from
him of the capital sum of 400 silver drachmae of the Imperial coinage which she brought to
him with herself as her dowry and for which his mother Sinthonis, daughter of Petosarapis,
son of •.., gave a joint guarantee, ίη accordance with a contract of marriage drawn up
through the office of the agoranomi at Oxyrhynchus οη the inter~alary days of the ι 4th year
of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus. This bond she has thereupon
returned to him cancelled ίη order to effect the dissolution of the"marriage; and she neither
makes nor will make any claim, nor will proceed against him either οη account of the
aforesaid sum or of the pαrαphernα (which she has also received) or of anything else up
to th~ present date. Petosarapis likewise οη his part acknowledges, ίη the same street,
that he neither makes nor will make any claim, nor will proceed against Thaesis or any
of her agents οη anyaccount whatsoever up to the present date •.. '
2. μη(lΙόr) ΓΕ[ρμ]ανιιcoίι: the papyrus confirms the statement of Suetonius (DοmΖΊ. 13)
that Domitian had given the name Germanicus to the month of September (Thoth). Since
Domitian was murdered οη Sept. 18, his 16th year only lasted fl"om Thoth 1-21. Cf. Brit.
Mus. Pap. CCL1X. 138. This month Germanicus corresponding to Thoth must be
distinguished from Germaniceus, or Pachon. The day of the rnonth has not been filled
ίη, as ίη cclxi. 3, cclxx. 2.
ι Ι. συ]IΙΥραφηll συlΙοικισίου: cf. ccl. 16, where the contract \vas also dra,vn up at the
άΥοραυομιΊον. lt is not quite clear 'Nhether the phrase συ'Y'Ypαφrι σvvοικ.ισlοv is synonymous or
contrasted with σvγypaΦή Υaμική. 10 Pap. Par. 13 Jv 'ριαυτφ συνοικισΙου has been supposed
to refer to a ' triaI year'; and if that interpretation is correct, συ'ΥιγραΦή συνοικισίου here and
ίη ccl. 16 might imply an l1ΥΡαΦΟf; '}'άμοr similar to that of Tryphon and Saraeus ίn cclxvii.
The fact that Petosarapis and Thaesis had only been married just over twelve months
would be quite consistent with such a view. But if, as we have suggested (introd. to
cclxvH), συγγρaΦή" is Ιο be suppIied with συιιοικ.ισίου ϊη Pap. Par. 13, a συγγραφη yαμιιcή
would there be meant. συνοικ.έσιον is certainly used with reference to an ίγypaΦo~ ιγάμοr ίη
a marriage contract of the Β yzantine period (C. Ρ. R. 30. 40); and the verb συνΟΙI<Είν is
applied to a couple married ΕγΥΡάΦωr ίη ccxxxvii. νιΙ. 23. Οη the other hand we have the
expression άιγράΦω~ συνφl<ησΕ ίη ccxxxviί. \7"111. 5. Probably the phrase συγΥραφη συ1l0ΙI<Εσ[ου
covers both εγΥραΦσι, and tJ.ΥΡαΦοι Υάμοι; UVVOtl<flV Hke συ νΕινaι (cf. ccxxxvii. νΙ1Ι. 32, note)
is e8sentially a neutral term.
14. τηιι ίπίΦορον: sc. όμολο-Υίαν. Cf. e. g. Β. G. U. 196. 18 sqq. όμολΟΥιάν ••• ην ιcαι
ά"a~E~όσθaι ••• fl~ άΟ;τησιν κα} άκύρωσιν. έπίφΟΡοr refers to the phrase frequently found at
' η( ομο
the en d ο f Ιoans ιwpια ( λ Ο')Ιια
' πανταχη... ΕΠΙ , Ι<.αι, παντι\,..
) Φ εpOμEVΗ , Φ'ερονΤΙ (1
τφ ΕΠΙ · 12, etc..
CC XIX. )
15. [1<~χιασμΕvηvJ: 80 ccclxii. 15, ccclxiii. 8. Contracts thus cancelled by having been
crossed out frequently occur, e. g. cclxvii.
ΙI1Εκα του [άν]αζυΥην ••• [ΥεllΕσθαι: cf. G. Ρ. 11. lxxvi. 19 ~ιa τΟ ΤΕλείαν άποζυΥήν.
CCLXVII. AGREEMENT OF MARRIAGE.
36·5 χ 18·5 cm. A.D.3 6.
This document relates to the terms of a marriage, but it is to be dis-

tinguished from the ordinary marriage contracts, the scope of whίςh is altogether
different. The two parties concerned are Tryphon and Sal-aeus, whose marriage
ίΒ expressly stated to be &γpαφo~, ί. e. not based upon a regular contract. The
agreement is cοnceι:ned almost entirely with the dowry of Saraeus, consisting
of a sum of 40 drachmae of siIver and a robe and ,a pair of gold earrings which
are together valued at 32 drachmae. This dowry Tryphon acknowledges that
he has received, and promises to return it unconditionally οη Oct. 27, Α. D. 36,
the agreement itself being dated May 22 of the same year. The other stipula-
tions are that ίη case of a separation the value of the gold earrings was to be
made up to their present worth; and that Tryphon was to make to Saraeus
an al10wance of some kind if the separation was succeeded by the birth of a
child. Appended are the signatures of Tryphon and the guardian of Saraeus,
R2
~44 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
and the docket of the bank through which payment of the dowry was made.
Final1y, below these is a declaration by Saraeus, dated June 9, Α. D. 43, ,that
she had receiνed back the dowry described ίη the agreement. The contract,
including the signatures of Tryphon and of Saraeus' guardian, has accortHngly
been cancel1ed ίη the usual manner by a number of crossing diagonal strokes
of the pen (κεχιασμΙυη, cclxνi. 15).
We have already (introd. to cclxvi) stated our reasons for refusing to find
ίη this agreement any confirmation of the theory that the dowries described in
Graeco-Egyptian marriage contracts as brought by wives to their husbands
were real1y disguised donαtl:01zes propter nuptz'as or gifts from the husbands
to their wives; and owing to the paucity of inforlnation concerning ιΥ.Υραφοι
Υάμοι a satisfactory explanation of the l·e1ations between Tryphon and Saraeus is
ηοΙ obvious. Fortunately, we have a good many more papyri relating to the
affairs of Tryphon, and these throw som~ light upon the subject.
Tryphon himself was born ίη the year 8 Α. D. (cclxxxviii. 40), and was therefore
twenty-eight years of age at the time of his marriage with Saraeus. Saraeus,
however, was not his first wife. lt appears from cclxxxii that he had been
married to a wolnan named Demetrous, with whom he had quarrelled; and
that this marriage was prior to that with Saraeus is rendered practically certain
by a petition (cccxv) addressed by Tryphon to the strategus, complaining
of an outrage upon his wife Saraeus by Demetrous and her mother. This
petition is dated ίη Epeiph of the first year of an emperor whose name is 10st,
but who, οη account of the size of the lacuna, can only be Gaius. The outrage
of which Tryphon complained therefore occurred two months after tbis marriage
with Saraeus; and we can hardly be mistaken ίη recognizing ίη the Demetrous
of cccxv the supplanted wife, who was ΩΟ doubt actuated by jealousy.
Another fragmentary papyrus (cccxxi), the date of which is missing, shows
that Saraeus gave birth to a daughter, whose nurture was the subject of a fresh
agreement between her and Tryphon. Α son was born ίη Α. D. 46-7 (ο. Ρ. Ι.
xxxνiί. Ι. 5 and 22), and the pair were liνing together two years later (ο. Ρ. Ι.
xxxvii, χχχνiiί). Another son named Thoonis was born of the marriage about
the year 54, for he was not yet fourteen yeal's of age ίη 66, when he was
apprenticed to a weaver (cclxxv). That the boy was not taught his trade by
his father, who was also a weaver, may perhaps be accounted for by the fact
that Tryphon was at this time suffering from a partial 10ss of his eyesight
(ο. Ρ. Ι. Χχχίχ). The last mention of Saraeus is ία Α. D. 59 (cccxx), when
s11e was stil1 Tryphon's wife.
The married life of Tryphon and Saraeus therefore extended over a period
of at least twenty-three years, notwithstanding the provision ία their original
agreetnent [οι the return of the dowry at the end of five months, and the fact
that, according to Saraeus' own acknowledgement, it was actually so returned
at the end of seven years. The simplest expIanation appears to be that the
originaI contract was only intended to be a provisionaI arrangement. Revillout
once considered that a (trial year J was one of the peculiarities of Egyptian
marriage institutions, btlt he subsequently \vithdrew the suggestion, which was
based οη an incorrect interpretation of the demotic (see Max Mtiller, Lz·ebes-
poesz·e der alten Agypter, ρ. 5, note). Ιn contracts for lyypaιpot γάμοι there is ηο
question of a 'trial year.' But ίη the case of I1ΥΡαΦοι γάμοι the existence of some
such custom is apparently implied by Pap. Par. 13, almost the only Greek
document of the Ptolemaic pel·iod which is concerned with a marriage. The
itnportant passage is :-rij~ μηTpό~ μου 'ΑσκληπιάδοS' συυoύσrι~ Ίσιδώρφ • • . καθ'
ηυ lθΕΤΟ αύτρ συγΥραφηυ δμ-ολογ{αS', δι' ηS' διομολογΕιται &λλα τε Kal [χειυ παρ' aiJTfjS'
δ , ιι,.' λ Λ
ηυ προσευηυΕΚΤΟ ψΕρυηυ χα κου
('λ
τα αυτα
) β- \
και
,
'ΠΕρΙ
"θ
του
' θ
ησΕσ αι
, , ,Ευ, ,EυιαυTιe
αυτρ
Λ
συυοικισ(ου· μΕχρι O€ TOVTOV συυεϊυαι aVTOLS' ~S' άυηρ καΙ γυυή. The construction of
θήσεσθαι αυτρ EV ivtavrq; συυοικισ(ου is not quite clear. Considering that συυοι
κισ(ου συγγραφή was a regular phrase (cf. ccl. 16, cclxvi. ι ι), and that Ιθετο
συΥγραφήυ has just preceded, it is not improbable that συγγραφήυ is to be supplίed
after συυοικισίου. Bt1t if σvυοικισίου depends, as is uSt1ally supposed, upon iυιαvτφ,
there is ηο necessary implication that an iVLaVTOS' συυοικισίου was the regular
method of commencing a marrlage. ΑJl that is meant by καΙ 'ΠΕΡΙ του θήσεσθαι
κ.τ.λ. is that Isidorus promised to make an arrangement with Asclepiag
(respecting their marriage) within a year (i.e. the first year) of their cohabitation,
and that up to that point they should lίve together as man and wife. If they
found themselves uncongenial companions the further arrangement would pre-
sumably not be made. This state of affairs is quite 'analogous to that existing
between Tryphon and Saraeus j and a compat·json of these two cases·indicates
that a short pet·iod (not always a year) of trial was sometimes the commence-
ment of an ltypaιpo~ γάμοs, which period might or might not be concluded by
a more permanent contract. Tryphon was perhaps impelled to adopt this
more cautiot1s method by his experience of Demetrous. Why it was that he
did not repay Saraeus' dowry at the expiration of the stipulated term, and that
he did repay it at a much later period, can only be conjectured. The payment
would ησ doubt depend upon the choice of Saraeus. lt5 actual occurrence, and
the fact that the pair are afterwards found living together, may be explained
either by supposing that there was a temporary rupture, or that the repayment
was the occaslon of a fresh contract which placed their relations upon a different
footing. But which, if either, of these explanations is correct, there are not
t
sufficient data to determine.

Τρύφων Διονυσίου Πέpση~ Tη~ ~Π[Ι]Υονηr ~αpaευTΙ Άπίωvοr

μετΟι κυρ{ου 'Ollνώφpιo~ του 'ΑlΙτιπάτρου χα(ρειν. όμολΟΥα/ι ~xειν
παρa
, ,,"επι
σου του
.... πpo~
" Ο 6υρυΥχων
~, 'λ ει
πα
""
~ αραπιειου
; 1\ \
οια τηr
.....
~αpaπ{ω1l0~ του Κλεάν8ρου Tpαπέ(η~ άΡΥυρ{ου ~εβασToυ

5 και Πτολεμαικοϋ lIoμ{σμαTO~ 8pαxμα~ τεσσαράκοντα και
... "
Tιμη~
. . . r'
,ενωτιων
ι"
χρυσων
, 1\ ,
~ευyoυ~ ενo~ αΡΥυριου opαxμα~
efKOut και XΙTωνo~ Υαλακτίνου άΡΥυρ(ου 8pαxμα~ 8έ κα 8ύο,

,1 ,ι:;- ", '" , 1\ ,ιβ 1 \ ' 1\ ,
ωστ εΙllαι επι το αυτο αΡΥυριου opαxμα~ ε οομηκοντα ουο
κεφαλαίου ar~ ού8εν τωι καθ6λου προσηκτaι, όπερ d>V και

10 συιιπέπεισμαι. Tα~ 8ε του άΡΥυρ{ου 8pαxμχ~ Εβ80μήκον-
τα
1\'
ουο
,
αποοωσω
~,
σοι TlJΛ τριακαοι
,1\
του
.... φ
αω
.. φ
ι του
.. "ισιoνTO~
8Ευτερου ~TOυ~ Γαίου Kα{σαpo~ Γερμανικου Νέου ~EβασToυ

AύTOKpάTOPO~, xωp2~ πάση~ ύπεΡθέσεωr. έαν 8ε μη άπο8ωι
κα θ α ΥΕΎραπται
', ,~
εκτεισω σοι
,
το
"
προκειμειιον κε
φ"λ
α αιον
15 με θ
' ι λ
ημιο ια~,
' "[ ]
τη ~
,~
πpα6εω~ σοι
"~".....,,
oυση~ εκ τε εμου και ΕΚ
....
των
ύπαρχ6ιιτων μοι πάντων καθάπερ έΥ 8(Kη~. έαν 8ε

, λλ....
απα αΥωμεν
"'λλ
απ α
'λ
η ων
,~"
E6eUTf!ιf σοι
" ,.....,
εχειν το των ενω-
,
τιων ?'. "
~ευyo~ ,
εν ...."
τηι ισπ 1\
οιατιμ [ η'] σει. "
επει 8'ε ,
συνεσμεll
άλλήλoι~ άypάφω[~] προσομολΟΥωι έαν ώσαύTω~ έκ 8ιαφορar

20 άπ[αλλαΥ]ωμεν απ άλλήλ[ων] έρκύου σ[ο]υ oδση[~] ~ω~ 11,11 σο!
[.•....• .]απα~[ . • .Jq!J[ 28 letters
[κυρία ή άπο]χηι [πανταχη έπιφερομένη και] πανT~ [τρ έπιΦέροlιτι.
[~TOVS' α Γα(ου ΚαJίσαΡΟ~ Γερμ[αllικου NEoJv ~εβασTo[υ ΑύΤΟΚΡ]άτοροS',
Παχων κ( ~εβασTηι.
25 2nd hand. (Τρύφω]ν Διονυσ(ου ~x~ τα~ το[υ] άΡΥυρίου 8[pαx]μα~ εβδομή-
κοιιτα 8ύο ·
[κεφαλαtο]υ και άπο8ώσω καθ6τι ·πρ6κειται. Δέων. [. •]εpωTO~ ΥέΥραφα ύπΕρ
αύτοϋ 8ια
μη εl(8Ε)ναι αύτοιι Ύράμματ[α]. (~TOυ~) α Γa~ oJv KaluapoS' Γερμαν[ιJKoυ Νέου
~εβασToυ AύTOKpάTOPO~,
Παχ ωll κ[(1 ~εβασTηι.
3rd hand. 'Ollνωφpι~'Λντιπάτρου ΕΠΙΥΕΥραμμαι rfjS' ~εpaηυTO~ I(ύpιo~. Θέα/ν
,
30 Π ααηιοS' ,
ΎεΥρa
Φ (, 1\ ,,,..,,
,
α Όπερ αυτου μη ΙOOTO~ Υραμματα.
(").,,,
εTOΌ~ α .L αιου
Κ'
αισαpo~
Γερμανικου ΝΕου ~εβασToυ AύToκpάTOPO~, Πaχων κ( ΖεβαστΠ.

4th hand. ~TOυ~ πρώτου Γα(ου Kα(σαpo~ Γερμανικου Νέου ~εβα,σToυ
ΛόTOKpάTOPO~,
F/RST CENTURY DOCUMENTS 247
Πaχφll ~EβaσTηι. 8ια ,-fjr ~αΡaπlωvοr τ[ο]ϋ Κλεάν8ρου Tpαπε(η~

ΥεΥΟJlΕJΙ ή 8ιαΥρaφήι. (5th hand). '$εΡaηευr Άπ(ωv(οr) dπεχω το
35 προκΕμΕJιον κεφάλεον ΚΕφαλέου και οδ8Ε(ν)
ει. Δί8vμοr Βοηθοϋ ~ypαψεν 'όπΕρ &8evr
μεv el8(vlar) Υράψμα)τα και έΠΙΥρε αότη~ [ρι] α[ . ••
(~Tovr) Υ TePplov Γλαυτίου Kalcrapor '$εβαστ[ο]υ
Γιρμανικοϋ Αύτο{ υκρα }KptiTopor, Παοίνι ~.
6. ~Ρaχμαf corr. from ~paxμαι. 36. For f f 1. έΥκαλω. 1. ύπtρ αvτηf. 37. 1. μη
fl~( vlaf) • • • έπι"Ε"ραμμαι. 38. 1. ΤιβfΡ[ΟV Κλαvalου. 39. 1. ΠαυJlΙ.
, Tryphon, son of Dionysius, a Persian of the Epigone, Ιο Saraeus, daughter of Αρίοn,

under the wardship of Onnopbris, son of Antipater, greeting. Ι acknowIedge the receipt
from you at the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus through the bank οΕ Sarapion, son of Kleandrus,
οΕ 40 silver· drachmae of the Imperial and Ptolemaic coinage, and for the value of one
pair of gold earrings, 20 drachmae of silver, and for a milk-white robe, 12 drachmae of
silver, making a total sum of 72 drachmae of silνer, to which nothing at all has been added,
ίn consideration of which Ι have.consented (to our marriage). And Ι will repay to you the
72 drachmae of siIver οη the 30th of Phaophi ίη the coming second year of Gaius Caesar
Germanicus Novus Augustus Imperator without any delay. If Ι do not repay ίη
accordance with the above terms Ι will forfeit to you the said sum with the addition of half
its amount, for ,vhich you are to have the right of execution upon me and upon all my
property, as ϊη accordance with a legal decision. If we separate from each other, you shall
be empowered to haνe the pair of earrings at their present value. And since we are living
together without a marriage contract, Ι further agree if as aforesaid owing to a quarrel \ve
separate from each other whi1e you are ίn a state ο! pregnancy, to ... so long as you ...
This receipt is valid wherever and by whomsoever ίι is produced.'
There follow (ι) the signature of Tryphon, ,vritten fOl- him by Leon, (2) the signatttre
of Onnophris, the guardian of Saraeus, written οη his behalf by Τ heon, son of Paaeis, (3)
the docket of the bank through which the payment was made, (4) the signature of
Saraeus, written for her, ίn astonishingly badly spelled Gl·~ek, by Didymus, son of Boethus,
acknowledging that she had received back the sum mentioned ίn the agreement. This
acknowledgement of Saraeus is dated Payni 15 ίη the 3rd year of Claudius.
9-10. ύπιρ ων και σvνΠΕΠfισμαι: it is very un1ikely that such a phrase would have been
used if the dowry were fictitious; cf. introd. to cclxvi.
ι 2. Νέου Σεβαστου: cf. ccxI. 3, note.
37. κtιΡΙΟf would be expected after alιrijf, and that word was probably intended.
CCLXVIII. REPAYMENT OF Α DOWRY.
29·3 χ 38.8 cm. Α. D. 58.

Contract by which a woman Ammonarion and her daughter Ophelous
agree to accept from Antiphanes, a relatiνe of Ammonarion's deceased httsband
Heraclas, a certain stnn of money, ίη lieu of Ammonarion's dowry and of
Ophelous share of her father's property. Ammonarion was entitled οη the

l
death of her husband to the repayment of her dowry; and Ophelous was one
of her father's heirs. ΒΥ the present agreement Antiphanes, who probablyalso
inherited under the will of Heraclas, effects a composition οη account of both
these claims against Heraclas' estate. The relation of Antiphanes to Heraclas
is not certain; probably he was a nephew (cf. note οη 8). The contract is
addressed to the άpxιδΙKασTή~.
Α clause, making a reserνation for Antiphanes, which had been omitted, is
inserted ίn the left-hand margin.
'ΛΙΙΤ{Υραφοll. Θ έωιιι &ρχι8ικα[στ]ηι και πpα~ τυ έπιμελε[ί]~ τ[ω]ιι χρη[μα]τιστωll

και τωll ιiλλωv κριτηρίωιι
παρα Άμμωνάρί[ο]υ Tη~ Άμμω[ιιί]ου του Διονυσ{ου, α/~ έιι [Πτο]λΕμαί8ι
Tη~ '-Ερμίου χρηματ{[(]ει, α[ύJτη~ και Tη~ ταύτηr
[θJ!-'['ΥJατΡΟ~ 'Ωφε[λoυT]O~ Tη~ '-HpακλaTO~ των &π ΌξυρύΥχωιι π6λεω~, μετα
κυρίο[υ] των 8ύ[ο] Υυιιαικωιι τ[ο]υ Tη~
ΙΆμμων]αρίου όμ[ομ]ητρίου &8[ε]λφου ΒησαΡt[ω]vο~ του '-Hp[aTO]~, α/~ έιι τηι
αύτΏ Πτολε[μ]αί8ι χρηματίζει,
5 [..••.•. ·]του κ[.. •. ] .. ΆIITιφ&lI[o]υ~ τοϋ Άμμωll![ου τ]ι!>!' [άπα] Tfjr
αύTη~ 'ΟξυρύΥχων π6λ[ ε]ω~. συνχωροϋμειι
[πpo~ &λλήλo]υ~ έπι το'ίσ8ε, ΙJστε εΤναι ~ [Άμμωιιάριο]ν [και] ή 'Ωφελοv~
εύπιθει~ ΥΕΥοιιυιαι και &πεσχηκυιαι
[παρα του Ά ντ]ιφάιιoυ~ 8ια XElpor [έ]ξ ο(κου θ καΙ έπε[ Εσθη ]σαιι κεφάλαιον,
1]C "Α μμωιιαριοll
μΕν ' ,
αν θ' 3:
,1r προσ-
[ηνέΥκατο τ]φ του μΈιι Άιιτιφάvουr παTPO~ ι18ελφ[ωι] 8ε Tfjr Ώφελο[ϋ]τοr

πατρι ~[αυ]Tη~ §~ ΥενομΕιιωι
και [μετηλλ]αχότι άιι8ρι '-Ηρακλατι ΆvτιΦάιιουr τω[ιι) άπα Tη~ aVTtjr Όξυ
ρύΥχων π6λεω~ φ[ε]Ρν[η]s-
'10 T~!J!(11r άΡΥ]υρίου 8ρ αχμωll όκτακοσίων KaT[a συ]ιιχ ώρησιιι την τελειωθεισαν
8ια Tijr έφημεΡί80r
, Totr
Εν ... ~[ ]
Εμπ ρο σ θ εν'
Xpovotr, η
C 1\'
οε 'Ω Φ Ε λ ouS-
-'- "αυ[τη!
και ,~ ,
' ] ESEtTTaTat
· Λ
τωι 'Λ 11 ΤΙ ...
. . . ,
φ ανει TQV κατ αυτην
, " μ ε ['] povr
Λ C,.....
των υπο του μΕτη
λλ'
αXOTO~
, ...
αυTη~ παTPO~
,cHρακλ αTO~
.. , λ λ'
απο Ε ιμμενων
,
πaντων,
'1
και '
Ειιιαι "
ακυρον
[τ]ην 8ηλουμέιιηll του Υάμου συ'Υχώρησιιι κ[αι μη]8εμίaν τηι Άμμωιιαρ{ωι και
τηι 'Ωφελοϋτι μη8' ιiλλωι
όπΕρ αύτων κa,ταλΕπεσθαι ~Φ[ο]80ν έπι τον 'Λ ιιτιφάν[ η J μη8ε έπι τα του
CΗρακλατοr άπολελιμμένa,
15 [ή] μΕν Άμμ[ω]νάριον μήτε περι Tfjr 8ιευλυτημενηr ιpepvrjr, η 8ε 'Ωφελoυ~
, \ Λ
μητε περι των
[έξε]σταμενων κaθα/r· πρ6κειτα(ι, άμ]φοτεΡοιr §ε μη8ε περι ιiλλου μη8ενοr

άπλωr ένΥράπτου
-Α
η
"φ ου
aΥρα
.,
ΠΡαΥματοr
Λ'εκ
των
""
των
"
επανω χρ ο
[')rrov '
μεχρι
,
Λ'ενεστωσηr
τηr
ήμεΡαr, ή την ·
έσομενην ~φ[o]80ν liκvpov και (ά)πρ6σ8εκτοιι ύπάρχειν. έιι 8ε TOί'r προκει-
, ,,, -r-I' )
PEllolr ουκ ειιεστι ·
σωμα, \ισμοr
άξιουμεll cbr Κ'αθήΚ'[ε]ι. (tTovr) 8 NEprovor Κλaυ810υ Κ[αί]σaΡ[ο]r ~EβaσToϋ

Γερμαllικοϋ AVTOKptiTopor, μη(νοr) ΝερωνεΕου
20 ~εβασToυ Υ. άντίΥρα(Φον). Άπ[ολλώ]rιοr κατακε[χ]ώρισται.
Οη
the left-hand margin, at right angles to the text
2nd hand. μη ~λαTToυμEνoυ του 'Λντιφάνουr έν το έπ[ ] . [.]α[. • • ου
, ,
Επριατο
παρ
, , ,..,
αυτουpepovr 'θ"
αι ριου ακο
λ'θ
ου ror T'lJΛ'
Elr '\. [
αυτ?!"
'
Υ EYOJIVt''f.
φ
κaταΥρα Ί/.
...
8. Ι Tη~ ~ι ι 5. Ι τofi με" Άμμ[ ω]vaplιp ••• το ~ε 'ΩΦιλουτ". 16. 1. άμ]Φοτ;ραΙ$,
ι 8. κ of και corr. from ι.
, Copy. Το Theon, chief justice and superintendent of the chrematistae and the
other courts, from Ammonarion, daughter of Ammonius, son of Dionysius, and however
else she is described at Ptolemais Hermiu, and from her daughter Ophelous, whose father
is Heraclas, of Oxyrhynchus, the two women acting with their guardian, the }1alf brother of
Ammonarion οη the mother;s side, Besarion, son of Heras, and however else he is described
at Ptolemais, and from ... Antiphanes, son of Ammonius, of the said city of Oxyrhynchus.
We agree with each other as follows :-Ammonarion and Ophelous have given their consent
and have received from Antiphanes from hand to hand ία cash the sum which they severally
consented to accept, Ammonarion, οη account of the dowry, amounting to 800 silver
drachmae, which she brought to her late husband, the brother of Antiphanes' father and the
father of Ophelous, Heraclas, son of Antiphanes, of the same city of Oxyrhynchus, ία
accordance with a settlement completed some time ago through the daybook, and Ophelous
οη her part resigns to Antiphanes her share of all the property left by her Jate father
Heraclas. The said agreement of marriage ίΒ void, and neither Ammonarion nor Ophelous
nor any one acting οη their behalf has any further c]aim against Antiphanes or against the
property left by Heraclas, Ammonarion οη account of the refunded dowry, and Ophelous
οη account of the resigned inheritance, as is aforesaid; and neither of them has any claim
respecting any other matter whatever writtel1 or unwritten of past date dOWl1 to the present
day, and any claim that ίΒ made shall be void and inadmissible. The above agreement has
ηο •• " for which we make due petition.' Date.
Ι. πpo~ τύ ίπιμελε[ί](} τ(ω)ν χρη[μα}rιστωιι κ.τ.λ.: this ίΒ a regular title of the άPXΙ~ΙKασTή$
(cf. e. g. cclxxx. Σ, B...G. U. 455. 2) which must have descended from the Ptolemaic period,
[or the χρηματισταΙ are never heard σ4 apart from thjs phrase, ίη Roman times. Οη the
άρχι8ικαστή" cf. cclx. 13, note.
4. ιΗρ[ατο J' suits the Iacuna rather better than tHp[ ακλaτοJs-, but the latter name is not
impossible.
8. Some alteration is necessary ίη this line, which with ά8Ελφ[ωι] does not construe,
and with ά8Ελφ[ου] makes nonsense; for there is ηο point ίη describing Heraclas as the
father of Ophelous' brother when he was the father of Ophelous herself (Ι 12), and ,vhen
this brother is not mentioned elsewhere ίη the document. The simplest remedy seems to
be to read άδΕλφ[ωι] and to transpose ~έ and τηs-. This will make Ammonarion's husband
the uncle of Antiphanes.
10. κα[τα συ]νχώρησιν: cf. cclxxxi. 6-7 φΕρνη" ~oυσα κατα συνχώρησιν.
~ια τη, JΦημΕρί~οs-: cf. cclxxi. 1 συνχώρησιν ΤEλEιωθ€ίσαν ~ια τη, 'φημΕΡf.80S- 'Του κατaλΟ-'ΕΖου,
and ι Ι ΤΕλΕιωθΕίσαv δια του αύτου κατaλο-,ε[ου. The ordinary meaning of έφημ,Ερίs- is
a journal or (\vith reference to accounts) a daybook. Unless therefore the word is here
used ίn a new sense, it must be supposed that the ΤΕλΕΙωσι, ίη these two cases was effected
by an official entry ίn a register; cf. ccxxxviίi. 9, note. For ΤΕλιίωσιs- δια του καταλΟ-,ΕΙου
cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. Ixviii. 5, lxxiii. 34.
15. 8ΙΕvλvτημfvηs-: cf. cclxxi JξΕvλvτησθαι. Εύλυτόω, 8ΙΕυλυτόω, etc., are the ordinary
forms.
18. σωματ(ισμό,): cf. Β. G. U. 198. 6 sqq. dΠΟ-'Ρ(άΦομαι) Tas- vπαΡχ(ούσas-) ΠΕρ'ι κώμην
ΚaρανΙδα δια δΕ σωματισμον Els- Ζωι[δ]οvv ΠΕτισούχου κλήρου κ[α]τ[οικ(ικου) (άΡούΡαs-). The agree-
ment between Antiphanes and the two women evidently required the sanction of the
άρχιδικιιστής ιn order to become legal, and apparently the sanction consisted ίn the σωμαTισμό~ ;
but the precise meaning of the word is obscure.
19. μη(vοs-) ΝfρωVΕίου ~Eβασ1"oυ: cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CLXXXI. (a) 19, (b) 16. The
month meant is Pharmuthi, cf. Suet. Nere: 55, Tac. Ann. xvi. 12.
21-2. Cf. cccvi, from which the supplement ίn 22 is taken. But there is not room for
Jπ[ακολουθούσιι] α[ύτφ βΕβαιώσΕΙ ~δ έπρ. ίη 2 Ι unless some of the words were abbreviated.
CCLXIX. LOAN OF ,MONEV.
20·5 χ 33 cm. Α. D. 57.

Copy of acknowledgement of a loan of 52 silver drachmae for a term of
rather more than three months from Tryphon, son of Dionysius (cf. introd.
to cclxvii), to Dioscorus. The copy of- this agreement is followed by a short
I_etter from Tryphon to a friend named Ammonas, who is requested to dun
Dioscorlls for payment of the debt. The agreement is thus an enclosure ίη
Tryphon:s letter, and was sent to Ammonas ίη order to acquaint him with the
conditions of the loan.
Col. Ι.
'ΑιιτίΥρα(φον). Δι6[σκοJΡΟ~ Ζηνο8[ώρου Πέρ]σαι Tη~ έπιyoιιη~ Τρύφωιι[ι
Διονυσίο[υ χα]ίρειν. ό[μ]ολΟΥ[ω ,lXfL]V παρα σου έπι του πpo~ ΌξυρύΥχων
π6λει [-Ζaραπ]είου 8ια Tη~ Ά[ρχιβίου] του Άρχιβίου Tpaπέ(η~ dpy[vJplov
~εβαστ[ου '110Jp{apaTO~ 8ρ[ αx]μά~ πεντήκοντα 860 κεφαλα{ου

5 αΊ~ ού8[εν τ]ωι καθ6λου π[ροσ]ηκτ[αΊι, &r και άπ08ώσω σοι τυ τριακά8ι
του Κα[ιιταρεηου μηνΟΥ του [έ]νεσTωTO~ Υ (~Toυy) ΝέρωνΟΥ Κλαυ8[ί]ου
Κα{σαΡ[ΟΥ ~εβ]ασTOϋ ΓΕρμ[ανι]κοϋ ΛύΤΟΚΡάΤΟΡοr xroptr πάσηΥ
ύπεΡ[θέσ]εωr. έαν 8ε μ[η dπ]08(ω]ι καθά ΥεΥραπται έκτε{σω σοι
τ[ο π]ρο[κ]είμενον κεφ[άλ]αιον με.σ ήμιολίαr και του ύπερπεσόν-
' ]ου
10 TOr χρ[ ον \ κα θ'ηκονταf TOKOVS',
TOvr , τηΥ,. . ΠΡαf;εωr
't. ' σου
"
ουσηΥ
~Ii[
ε κ
] ,,... " [ ] των
τ Ε εμου και ε κ
. . υπαρχοντων
t , ,....,
αυτωι παντων
καθάπερ έΥ 8{κηΥ. κυρί[α] ή χε[ι]ρ πανταχη έπιφερομέν[η

και παντι τωι έπιΦέροντι. (~Toυ~) 'Υ Νερω(ν]ΟΥ Κλαυ8ίου ΚαίσαΡΟΥ
~εβασToϋ Γερμανικου [Λ]ύτοκράΤΟΡ(ΟΥ, μ]ηνΟΥ Γερμανικείου ιη ~εβa(σTΏ).
15 ύΠΟΥΡα(Φfjr) άντΕΥρα(φον). Δι6σΚΟΡΟΥ Ζηνο8ώρου [~]xωι TιXr του άΡΥυρίου
8pαxμα~ πεντήκ[ ο JVTa 860 κεφαλαίου και άπο8ώσωι
καθ6τι πρόκειται. Ζα/{λοS' tl Ωρου ~'Ypαψα ύπερ αύτου μη ε[ 1]86TOS'
Υράμματα. (~Toυy) Υ NEprovoS' Κλαυ8{ου Κα{σαΡΟΥ ~εβασToυ Γερμανικου
AiJTOKpdTopor, μηνοr Γερμανικε(ου ιη ~εβαστfj.
20 σημε(ι)ώσε«{Υ) άνΤ{Υρα(φον). ETOVS' Υ NEprovoS' Κλαυ8ίου ΚaίσαΡΟΥ ~εβaσToυ
Γερμα(νι]κοΟ ΛύΤΟΚΡά[Τ]ΟΡοr, μηνοr Γερμανικε{ου ιη ~εβασ(τ)fj.
Βια θέα/νΟΥ του '$ύρου του ΣVνεσTαμενOυ ύπο 'Λρχιβίου τραπε(είτο(υ) ΥεΥΟ
(νΕν) tι 8ιaΥρα(φή)·
Col. 11.
2nd hand. Τρύφων 'Λμμα/νaτι έάll σοι 8υ το άΡΥύριον
τφ [Μ]άκρφ τφ φιλτά- 80Υ aύτφ άποχήν,
τφ χαίρΕιν. έaν 8ύ- 10 " , t,[] '!lS' ασ
και εaν ευ Ρ 'φa-
νπ έρωτηθειr γχλη- λην 80r αύτφ το άρ

5 σον Δ ι6σκορον και ~ι< ,,/ύριον έιιενκαι μοι.
πραξον αύτον το l1σπασαι Toυ~ (σ)ουΥ
X€ιp6ypαφoν και πάνταr. ~ρpωσ( ο].
1. 10. 1. σοι. Ι Ι. 1. μοι for αυ'Τωι. Ι!. 4. η of οχλησοιι corr. from ο. 8. J. aφ.
9. 1. 8ό~; 80 ϊη ι ι.
Ι. 'Copy. Dioscorus, son of Zenodorus, Persians of the Epigone, to Tryphon, son

of Dionysius, greeting, Ι acknowledge the reςeίΡt from you at the Serapeum at Oxyrhynchus
.through the bank of Archibius, son of Archibius, of the sum of 52 silver drachmae of the
Imperial coinage, which is the total amount of my debt. Ι will repay you οη the 30th of
.the month Caesareus of the current 3rd year of Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus
Imperator, without any delay. If Ι do not repay you ίη accordance with this agreement,
Ι will forfeit to you the aforesaid sum with the addition of one half, with proper interest for
the overtime, for which you are to have the right of execution upon me and upon all my
property, as if ίn accordance witll a legal decision. This note of hand is valid wherever
produced and whosoever produces it.' Date, copy of the signature οί the borrower, and
copy of tbe docket of the bank through which the payment was made.
11. 'Tryphon to his dear friend Ammonas, aIso called Macer (?), greeting. 1f you can,
please worry Dioscorus and exact fl"om him his bond. If he gives you the money, give
him a receipt, and if you .find a safe person give him the money to bring to me. ΜΥ
salutations to all your household. Good-bye.'
11. 2. ηρ [Μ]άκρφ: ίι would be possible to read του instead of τω, and Macer may be
regarded as the name ~f Ammonas' father, which will necessitate the correction [Μ]άκρου.
With the reading τφ [Μ}Ικρφ, κα! must be understood between the two words,-unless indeed
we read [μJαKPC:> as an adverb quaIifying Φιλτάτφ, which does not seem very probable.
7. x~ιpόypαΦoJl: i.e. the money to which the x~ιpόypαΦoν referred.
CCLXX. INDEMNIFICATION OF Α SURETY.
Plate νιι1. 38·7 χ 15·8 cm. Α. D. 94.
Agreement executed at Oxyrhynchus ίη .the 13th year of Domitian between

Lucia, with her second cousin Heras as guardian, and Sarapion. Sarapion had
become surety for Lucia for the repayment of a loan of 3500 drachrnae for two
years and interest at the tlsual rate of 12 per cent. a year, lent to Lucia by
Heraclides οη the security of various farms belonging to her which amotlnted
ίη all to 24152" arourae. ΒΥ the present contract Lucia binds herself not to al10w
Sarapion to be called υροη for payment ση her account under penalty of
forfeiting to him the ownership of the property.
With this contract should be compared cclxxxνi, a petition by a woman
who had entered into an engagement simi1ar to that undertaken by Sarapion,
asking for leave to sequestrate the property of certain persons who had faiIed
to fulfil their obligations to her.
The document is a good specimen of the fine semi-unciaI hand which
• characterizes many of the contracts and official documents of the first and
second centuries at Oxyrhynchus. Α noticeable feature is the increased size
of the first letter ίη each line.
JlEToυ~ τρισκαι8Εκάτου AύTOKpάTOPO~ Kαίσαpo~ Δομιτιανού ~εβασToυ
Γι:ρμαΙ 1 ικου, Μεχειρ ,fV Όgυρύ,,/χων π6λει Tη~ Θηβαί80~.
όμολΟΥεί Λουκία ή και Θαισa~ Λουκίου μηTPO~ ~ινθώνιo~ Tη~ θέα/νo~ Περ..
σΕΙνη μετa κυρίου του Εξανεψίου C HpaTO~ του C Ηρακλεί80υ του C Ηρακλεί80υ
\
PLATE νι!!
Νο. CCLXX
5 μηΤΡdr ΠλουτάΡχηr ~αραπίωllοr ~αpαπ(ωιιι τφ κα2 Κλάρφ {~αpαπ(ωνι

τφ και Κλάρφ} ~αΡαπ{ωνοr του (Ηρακλεί80υ μηΤΡοr ΚλάΡαr Tf}r
,
Ν αρκισσου, , ..., "oc.'
παντεr
των απο
'λ "
6υρυΥχων πα εωS', εν αΥυιφ,
Λ ,.
απαρε-
•
1I0Χ
, λ
ητον
' , , 'c. , ,
και ανεισπρακτον παρε6ασ αι 7Όν .ti1 αραπιωνα τον
θ ,~
και
,
Κλάρον και TOVr παρ' αύτου κατα πάντα τρ6πον ύπΕρ ηr πεποlηται
10 ό αύΤΟΥ ~apαπίωιι δ και ΚλάΡοr ΕΥΥύηr (Ηρακλεί8Ί/ Άπολλωνίου
του ΧαιρήμονοS' μηΤΡαr (Hpal80S' Δι8ύμου άπο Tfjr αύτηr π6λεωr
καθ' όμολΟΥtαν 8ια του αύτου μνημονείου τφ ένεστωτι μηνι Με-
,
χειρ,
l'
ων η
« (
ομο
λ
ΟΥουσα
,.. l'
οε
8'
ανεισται παρ
, ,,..
αυτου κατα
' . οανειου
1\' συν·
,
Φ
' .1\' ... , ,.. , '" '''' 'Μ"
Ύρα ην οια του αυτου μνημονειου τφ αυτφ μηνι εχειρ αΡΥυριου
15 8ρ αχμων τρισχιλ{ων πεντακοσ[ων κεφαλα{ου τόκου 8ρ αχμια{ου

έκάστηr pvfir κατα μηνα άπα του αύτου μηνοr έπι ύπoθήKrι Tair
σημaνθ~tσαιS'aiITfjr περι ~ερυφιν έκ του Δημητρίου Μιλησlου κλή-
ρου
" ωνημενηr
,
κατοικικηr και
" .....
apovpalS' ,(,
τρισι ημισει,
" ,..,,..
και εκ του αυτου
κλήρου άπα KαTOtKtKfjS' και α/νημειιηs- άρουρα/ν 8εκα 860 μεθ' &r
20 ,
«'θ ετο Ταα Φ υΥχει
υπε Θ' "
roVlrovor apovpas- t , Tatr
επτα ... λ οιπαιS'
,.."αpoυpαι~
πΕlIτε, και έκ του Καλλlου τρίτφ μερει KaTOlKlKfjS' και ώνημενηS'
άρουρα/ν όκτώ, ~σTιν
lipovpat 860 8lμΟΙΡον, και περι Σύρων
8
,
κωμην εκ του
, ,.. ΙΗρακ λ'.1' ,
ειοου συν τψ
t.' 8ρου κατοικικηS'
'" 'Αλ Ε6αν '" αρου-
, ,
. \
. c. " . . . . 'Αλ c.' l' , Χλλ
patr ε6 ημιτει τε ταρτρ, και εκ του
c , ,
Efjavopov και α ων κα-
25 TOLKtKfjr και ώνημενηr els- κατοικ{αν dpotlpats- εΥκοσι τέσσαρσι τρί
τφ 8ω8εκάτφ, els- προθεσμίαν τριακά8α τυβι τοϋ πεντεκαι
8εκάτου ~Toυ~ ΑVΤΟΚΡάΤΟΡοr ΚαίσαΡΟS- Δομιτιανου ~€βασTOϋ
Γερμανι.κου. έαν 8ε Tη~ προθεσμ[αΥ ένσTάση~ μη άπο8ρ ή ό-
μο λ ΟΥουσα
,.. τφ ,.. cHρακ λ'!'
εΙΟΊ/ ΤΟ , κε Φ α'[λ] αιον 'Tovr
και \' ΤΌκουS', ,
απαι-
30 τηθυ 8ε ύπΕρ αύτη[s- ό :$αΡ]απlων ό και ΚλάΡοr, κυριε(6]ειν αύ

τον ~αpαπίων[αJ τον [και Κ]λάρον των προκειμενω[ν] άρουρα/ν
Είκοσι τεσσάΡω[ΙΙ τρίτου 8]ω8εκάτου eis- τον liπαντα X[pJ6v[ ον ώ-
S'dv ΠΡάσεωr [αύτφ γενο]μενηs- και [ά]ποφερεσθαι τα εξ αύτων
, «, '['
και ETEpOtS' αυ Tar πω
λ) ,.. , «]'εαν
,.. [θ αι roS'
ειν και χρασ
, αιρηται,
ι'" 1\
μηΟΕ-
35 μιαr Tfj όμoλoy o6σ rι η Tαί'~ [παρ' αύTη~ έ]φ[ 68Jov κ[ αJταλειπο-
,
μενηΥ '" τον Jf;ιαpαπιωνα
επι ~ , , και, Κλ'
τον αρον μηοε.1'\ ε'[ ΠΙ'] Tovr
' πα-
ρ' αύτου μη8ε Επι TιXS' OΠpOKEtpEvar άΡούΡαr μη8ε Επι μεροS'
μηΟΕ
1\' "
ΕΠΙ τα
\ 't.
ει;
,.....
αυτων κατα
\ .1\'
μηοενα
,
τροπον,
" [
επαν α νκον
]
ίΊ'
ο αυτην
" c.
παρει;ασ
, θ
αι
,,..
αυτφ
,....
και TOlS- παρ
"αυτου
' " Tavrar
, 1\ ,
οια παν-
,
40 Tor 'ββ'
μεν ε αια~ " παιιτων
απο, ,
πασrι ββ'
ε αιωσει και'θ
κα αpα~ \
άπα 8ημοσίων και τελεσμάτων πάντωιι των gro~ Tη~ προθεσ-
μία~ KJ1,t αύTη~ Tη~ πpoθεσμία~. έαν 8έ τι τούτων ή όμολΟΥοΟσα
παρασυνΥραΦΏ, dKVPOlI [~Jστω και προσαποτισάτω τφ [~JαΡαπ{ω-
νι TCPΛ 'Κλ αρρ
και
' "',...
η TOΙ~ παρ
" Λ
αυτου κα
θ' ο
ι.\ εαιι
,\ [
παρα σ υνΥρα
] Φ l/
Λ ?ί\
ειoo~
45 το
, τε
βλ 'β
α o~ και
"επιτιμον
, ,
αΡΥυριου
, ί\ \
opaxpar χι
λ'
ια~ και
'"
ει~ το
ί\ ,
αημο-
σιον Tar fσαr, και μη8€ν ησσον τα 8ιωμολΟΥημένα κύρια Εστω,

,...'t ' Λ ~ Λ 'Κλ ' ~ , ,. .
Tη~ ΠΡα6εωr yινoμEνη~ τφ ~αpαπιωνι τρ και αρφ εκ τε Tη~
(λ'
ομο OΎoυση~ και
" ΕΚ
, . .των
. ",...
προκιμενων αρουρων
\ 'εκ
και
,. .
των
~/λλ
α ων
t
υπαρχ ον
( ' )-
των αύτfj πάιιτων. κυΡlα'ή όμολΟΥΙα.
3. First v of λονιcιου corr. from ι. 8. 1. παρΕξΕσθαι, so ϊη 39. 18. ο of αpoυpαι~ corr:

from α. 25. Ε of EΙ~ corr. from α. 27. First Ρ of αυTol<pαTOΡO~ corr. from u. 32. Second
σ ίη ΤΕσσαρων above line. 33. αι of αποφΙΡΕσθαι corr. fl"Om α. 45. κ of και ΕΠΙ corr. from Ε.
48. των αλλων υπαρχ by a different hand over an erasure.
18. καTOικικη~ και 6>vημένηι;: cf. cccxlvi. It is not clear whether two kinds of land are
meant. From this expression it might be inferred that the 'catoecic' was distinct from
, bought' land, cf. 2 5 KαTOΙKΙKη~ και 6>νημέvη~ El~ κατοικ[αν, from which it seems that 'bought'
land might be converted into catoecic. But catoecic land could be ceded (παραχωΡΕισθαι)
for a price (cf. e. g. C. Ρ. R. ι) a transaction which practically amounts to a sale, though
where 6>νι'ίσθαι is used ίn contracts for the sale of land, the land ίη question, so far as can be
judged, was not 'catoecic,' and παραχωρΕιν is not often used of land other than catoecic.
What the privileges of owners of catoecic land were is uncertain. The view of Ρ. Meyer
that they were exempt from land taxes is rightly rejected by Mitteis (Hermes ΧΧΧίί. ρ. 657).
The clause which occurs ίη connexion with changes of ownership ίn catoecic land, such as
we have ίn 40-2 below, σnΙΥ means that the new owner was to inherit ηο arrears οΕ taxation
from the previous possessor. But if the holder of catoecic land was 'ipso /aclo a lCάTOΙKO~,
which is likely enough, he was exempt fron1 poll-tax (intl·od. to cclvii); and perhaps this
"ras his only privilege.
41. For the various burdens οη land cf. C. Ρ. R. Ι. 15, 16 καθαρά • •• άπο μ~υ 8ημοσΙωυ
, ,
ΤΕλ Εσματων παπωυ και
, [fΕτερων
, 'J~"" " β.... , β' ,) θ .. " β λ"" ,
Ει οων και αρτα ιων και ναυ ιωυ και αρι μητικων και επι ο η~ κωμη~
και κατακριμάτων πάυτων.
CCLXXI. TRANSFER OF Α DEBT.

37·6 χ 20 cm. Α. D. 56.
Contract between Heraclea, with her guardian Nicippus" son of Nicippus,

a membel" of the Althaean deme, and Papontos, by the terms of which Heraclea
makes oνer to Papontos the right of execution ση account of a sum of 200
drachmae which was due to her, ίη consideration of haνing receiνed from
Papontos the 200 drachmae with interest. The sum due to Heraclea had not
been lent by her, but the right to exact it had itself been transferred to her by
another person who was the originallender of the money to a cet·tain Pnepheros.
Who the original lender was is not made clear owing to a gap ίn line 10 which
has not been fil1ed ίη; but most probabl}7 he was the Irenaeus who appears
ίη 19-20 as having surrendered his rights of execution; cf. note οη 10. Both
the original contract between Irenaeus and Pnepheros and the contract by
which Irenaeus ceded his rights to Heraclea were now to be handed over
intact by Heraclea to Papontos. The usual penalties for violation of contract
are appended. Νο. cclxxii is a similar contract, but less well preserved. «
Οη the verso are four much obliterated lines.
'Λ νΤ[Υρα(φον). ~TOυ.~ 8ευτερου Nεpωνo~ Κλα[υ8ίου K]α(σαpo~ ~εβaσTOύ Γερ-

μ[ανικ]ού AύTOKpάTOPO~,
μηνo~ Κaισαρε(ου ΕπαΥο(μένων) Ύ, Εν ΌξυρύΥχ(ων) π[ 6λει] Tη~ θηβαί80~.
ό[μολο)Υει
<Ηράκλεια <Ηρακλε{80υ άστη μετα [KVp(O]V Νικ(ππου του Ν[ι]κ{ππου
Άλθαιεω~ Παποντφτι ΆφύΥΧΙΟ$ του κ[α!] Ζωίλου των άπ'< ΌξυρύΥχων
π6λεωS'
5 έν dyvttj, παρακεχωρηκεναι αύτφ· πρ[ α]ξιν και κομι8ην dpyvplov ~εβαστου
καί Π[τολε]μαικου νoμίσμα[T]O~ 8ραχμων [8ι]ακοσίων, 6)11 κα2 αύτη <Ηράκλεια
τυΥχ[άνε]ι παρaκεχωρημενη κατa [συν]χώρησιν την τελειωθεισαν
8ιa rfjS' [Ε]φημεΡί80S' του καταλΟΥείου τ[ρ Κα]ισαρε{φ μην;' του ένεσTό31'O~
[8ευ]
8[ε]υ[τΊερο[υ] ί€TOυ~ NEpωνo~ Κλαυ8ίου Kaluap[oS' ~εβaσ]1'OO Γερμανικου
Λύ( το]KpάTOpo~,
10 8aνε[ι]σθεισων 8Ε όπο Πνεφερ[ωτι] ΠαπoνTωTO~ χρ(η]ματ(σαντι
Περ[συ Tη~] έΠΙΥονfjr καθ' έτερaν σ[υνχ]ώρησιν την τελειωθεισαν
Βια το[υ] αύτου κaτaλΟΥείου Ta'ίr ~π[αΥομε]ναιS' του Καισαρε/ου μηνo~ του
πρώτου ETOυ~ Nεpωιιo~ Κλaυ8(ου ΚαqσαΡ]οr ~εβαστoυ Γερμανικου Λύτο-
KpάTOPO~'
π[ρο]σπ[αρ]ακεχωρηκΕιιαι 8' αύτφ ~If[o]{ro~ ~" και αύτη πaρεΚΕχώ
15 ρη[τ ]l!L πραξιν 8ια rfjr elS' αύτην dJS' πρ6κειται ΥεΥονυ[ (α]~ συlΙ[χ ω-
ρήσεωS' των του άΡΥ(υρ{ου) (8ρ αχμων) διaκοσίω[ν, .] ••• ~[.]!, 1!ι;t[ΠΟ]r[τω .] . [••
συν[κεχ]ωρηκεναι αύτην έaυτρ την Π[Ραgιν] καΙ κομι8ην • [.•
Εισ •. !Jτων 1'00 άΡΥ(υρΙου) (8ραχμων) ~ και των τ6κ[ω]ν, και τα d[λ]λα
έπ[ι]τελ[ει]ν καθα
,
και
,Λ
αυTΊJ
,
και
~
τφ
Ε'
ιρηναιφ
" l."
Εf;ην,
"'θ
και αυτο εν
• 1" {\
αναοεοα/κεll
~
1'φ
20 '"
Π απονΤα/ΤΙ ,
TaS- ,
elS- "
αυτηll και"Ε'
τον ιρην αι ον [ . . .J t
roS- ,
πρΟΚΕιται
,
συνxωpησει~ ουο
1\' c..\
α~ και
, , t.
παΡεf;€ται
' θ'
εν εσμoυ~
.,,' λ'
και απερι υToυ~
δια το έξευλυτησθ[α Jt αύτην όπ[ ο] του παπ[ ο ]lJTroTOS- TalS- του

dΡΥ(υρίου) (8ραχμαί$) 8ιακοσίαιs- [κ Jat TOiS- T6KOlS-. την 8[Ε π]αρa ταυτα
έσομΕιιην
fφο8[ ο]ν
dKVPOlJ ε[ί]ναι, ~TΙ και [έ ]κτ{νΕιν [C ΗΡ]άκλειαν ή τον [π]αρ
25 αύ[τη]s- έπ€λευσ6μενoν τ[φ ΠJαποντωτ[ ι] η TOiS- [π]αρ αύτου καθ' έ
κά[στ]ην ~φo80ν τ6 τε βλάβο[S' KJat έπίτιμον dΡ[Υ(υρ{ου) (8ΡαχμaS') έ]κατον και
el[s- το δ]ημ6σιον ras- (σα.s-, και μ[η8]Εν _ησσον κυρία [ή] συνΥραφήι.
3. ο of ηpaKλEι~oυ corr. from η. 1·1. θ of καθ corr.
4. 'Aλθαιέω~: cf: cccxxiii. Generally there is an alternative to this deme-name; cf.
ΣωPΙKόσμιo~ ό και Άλ. Ο. Ρ. Ι. xcv. ι 5, ΦυλαξιθαλάσσEΙO~ ό καΙ -Άλ. cclxxiii. 9, Whel"e the
Nicippus ίn question is perhaps a son of ,the Nicippus here, but is. not likely to be
identical \\'ith him since cclxxiii was written nearlJT forty years after cclxxi.
8. της έΦημfΡlδο~: cf. note οη cclxviii. 10.
ι ο. Α blank space is left after ύπό. As already stated, we think that the name should
have been Irenaeus, who is mentioned ίn 19-20, and whose position, if he was not the
original lender, is quite obscure. The fact that one of the two σVΥχωρήσfιr concerned him
,νίΙΙ then be explained. The objections to this view are (ι) that if the writer of thei."
contract knew that the original lender was Irenaeus, it is very strange that he should have
left a blank, (2) that the έτ'ρα συl'xώpησι~ οη this theory ,νίΙΙ be a contract for loan, nοΙ
a contract for transference of executive rights like the first συl'xώρησι~ mentioned ίn 7.
Οη the other hand, if \ve suppose that the name omitted ίn ι ο was not Irenaeus, it is
inexp1icable how the right of execution conferred by this contract between Χ and Pnepheros
was passed οη to Heraclea and Irenaeus, as is indicated ίη 19-20; and as for the second
objection, not only is συΥχωρείν used ίn cclxviii ίn a sense approaching that of όμoλoy~ίν, but
since the money was lent καθ' έτΕραν συl,χώρησιν, it is hardly possible to give σvl,χώΡησιr ίη
ι ι any other meaning than that of a contract for loan. Το make the papyrus intelligible,
it is necessary to insert Irenaeus' name ίη the lacuna ίη 10. -':
17. αύτην έαυτφ: unless this is a mistake for αύτηΙ) αύτφ the subject must now be
Papontos; ίn άvαδ'lJωΚfV ίn 19, however, Heraclea is once more the subject.
CCLXXII. TRANSFER OF Α DEBT.
31'7 χ 18'3 cm. A.D.66.
Contract, similar to the preceding, between two men called Dionysius and
Sarapion and a woman whose name does not appear, by which they transfer
to her the right of exacting a debt of 249 drachmae from a certain Heraclens.
The total debt of Heraclens amounted to 947 drachmae two obols, and the
collection of the remainder of it was apparently to be shared by all three

jointly; but the details ίη 15-18 are obscure. At the end are (copies of) the
signatures of Dionysius and Sarapion. T11e· upper part of the papyrus is much
mutίlated, but it is not certain that any lines are lost before the first.
The first nine lines begin ;εαρα[, πατ[, και τ[, μον[, με[, θεου r[, όφειλ~[,
ΠTOPO~ Υρ[, κεφάλαια [,
10 δπΕρ του ιc~[ άΡΥ]υρίου 8[ρaχμων 8ιaιcoσίων τεσσαράκοντα
Ενιιεα εZ~ [πλήΡωσιιι ά]ρΥ(υρ(ου) (8ραχμωιι) ενακοσίων T[euuapdιcJOVTa [έ]πτα
~~[oλ(ων)
8ύο των αιp~[ .•.... σ]οι άνθ' ηS' πεποιή[καμεν] ΧΡήσεα/S' του κ[ατa
σΕ μεpoυ~, όμολΟΥ[oJOpev ~xειν σε έξουσί[ αν σε]aυτηι την άπ[ αί-
τη[σ]ιν ποιείσθαι πaρa του (Ηρaκλήου των προκειμένων άΡΥ(υρίου) (8ραχμων)
1\ , []' " , , ~ ,..
15 αιακοσιων τεσσ α ρακοντα εννεα, μεvοvσηr Kυpια~ ηr προεισαι
ήμεΊν άποχηr, τηr 8Ε λοιπηr του (Ηρακλήου όφειλη~ ο(Jση~

τΟΟ[ιι τ]ριων ιcollIijr και Tfjr λοιπηS' Tfjr iιΦ' έτερων iιΠOTελων φα
νη[ σο]μενηr έχθεσεωr των έκ του νομου ώσαύτωr ο(Jσηr
των τρια/ν ιcotv[oηJr, έφ' φ ου ιcaTαλEιφθήσεTαι TOίs' προ')'εΥραμμέ-
20 νοι[~] πασι
.... "
ΕΠΙ
~
Τυν
tl
ετερον
λ"
o')'or περι
"1\'
ουοενΟ$
C
απ
λ'"
roS' ,
τρ οπω ι
ού8εν{, μενοντων κυρίων των ΠΡΟΥεΥραμμενων πάντων.

κυρία ήι χείρ. ύΠΟΥΡα(Φfjr) άντίΥρα(φον). Διονύσιοr Διονυσ[ου του και
Δι8ύμ[οJv
του Διοιιυσίου μηΤΡοr ΠTOλ€μα~ TfjS' "Ερμίππου συνΚΕχώρη-
κα συν τα/ι .Ζαραπ[{]ωιιι την πραξιν τα/ν του άρΥ(υρίου) (8ραχμων) 8ιακοσίωll
25 τεσσαράκοντα έννεα, και ού8Εν ένκαλωι καθωr πρόκειται.
έτέΡα(r) όμοί(ωS'). $αραπίων Δι8ύμου του .Ζαραπία/νοS' μητροS'
Διονυσίαr Tfjr Κλάρου συνΚΕχώρηκα συν τωι Διονυσ(ωι την
πραξιν τωιι του άΡΥ(υρ ίου) (8ραχμων) 8taKoulrov τεσσαράκοντα έννΕa, και
ού8Εν
ένκαλωι KaeJJr πρόΚΕιται. ~Toυ$ 8α/δΕκάτου ΝέΡωνοr
30 Κλαυ8[ου ΚαίσαΡΟS' ~εβασToϋ Γερμανικου AlJTOΙCptXTOpoS', μηνοS'
Γερμαllικείου [Τ ..] ϊέ.
17. φα corr.
18. Exθ'σ~ω,: cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. cxxx"i. 24 and ccxci. 3. The meaning which suits these
passages best is 'list of arrears '; but the connexion between the ίιcθεσι, here and the debt of
Heracleus ίΒ obscure.
s
CCLXXIII. CESSION OF LAND.

13·8 χ 11'7 cm. Α. D. 95.
Agreement between ]ulia Heracla, acting with her specjaI1y appointed
guardian Lucius Ofilius, and Theon, son of Nicippus (cf. cclxxi. 3), by the terms
of which Julίa cedes to her daughter Gaia, as a free gift, fiνe arourae of catoecic
land. Probably Theon \vas the husband, actual or prospective, of Gaia, who
is stated to have been under age; and the agreement is paral1el to those clauses
ίη marriage contracts (e. g. cclxν. 4 sqq., C. Ρ. R. 22. 9 sqq.) ίη which the
parents of the bride settle property upon her.
ΝEToυ~ τεσσαρεσκαι8Εκάτου {ι} AύToκpάTOPO~ Καίσ[αpo~

Δομιτιανου '$εβαστου Γερμανικου, μηνo~ [ΠJι:υν[ι
(2nd hand) λ, (J st hand) εν ΌξυρύΥχων πόλει Tη~ Θηβαί8[ο]~.
όμολΟΥΕί 'Ιoυλ~α C Η]ρακ[λ JιX μ[ε ]τα κυρίου του 8ε8[ομ]ένου
5 αότΌ κατa ΤΙ:[ •• ΊI!ι: .. !'~ • ν όπα Γαίου $ε[ΠT]ΙIf[ίo]~
ο[ύ]εΥε[τ]ου του [ήΥ]εμoνεύσανTO~ άκ[ ολοJύθω~
Tfj Υεν[ο]με[ν]υ ταβέλλιι Λουκίου Όφελλίου Λουκί
ου •.. Φ~Tεινα ~νθ[ΕJστίου Θέα/νι Νικίππου
του Nι~ίππoυ ΦυλαξιθαλασσεΕρ τφ και Άλθ(αι)εΊ
10 εν dyvtq, συνΚΕχωρηκεναι τυ έαυTη~ θυΥατρι
Γα(l/ι Tfj και Ζαραπιά8ι Παυσανίου του και Διονυ
σίου ~σTυάναKTO~ του Tρύφωνo~ Φυλαξιθαλασ
σΕίου τού και (Ηρακλείου ού8έπω οδσυ Εν ήλι-
~
KLtf
"
απο
,..
του
,..
νυν EΙ~
, ,
τον
"~
αει χρονον κατα
" χαριν
15 άναφα{ΡΕτον άπο των ύπαρχουσων αύτΌ

ΠΕρΙ '$ερυφιν Tη~ πpo~ λίβα Toπαpxία~ έκ του
ΝΕικάν8ρου κλήρου άρουρα/ν 8έκα πένΤΕ
Εξ η~ έαν αιρηται τούτων KEφαλη~ !<'~[ ΤΟΙ
KΙKη~ Ύη~ άpoύpα~ πένΤΕ, ;.ι~ και εξέσ[ ται
20 Tfj Talq, Tfj και '$ αραπιά8ι άπα Tησ8~ [Tη~ όμο
λoyία~ 8ί έαυTη~ μετεΠΙΥράφεσθαι [Βια των
[κ]αταλοχισμα/ν, μη πpoσ8Eη~~[ίσΊl τηs-
,. .
TTJY μηTPO~
" [ου λ'ιαΥ (Η
. ρα/( λ α~
ι"\ συ νεΠΙΥρa-
[
φη~. l<ραΤΕΊν, συν και ι<υριεύειν τ( η" ΓaΕαν

25 την
, ,~
και
'1
ιι:;, αραπιααα
'",
συν εΎΎOIl0Ι~
[,
κ αι
...
TOlr
[Π]l!/!' αύTη~ μεTaλημψoμEνoι~ [.
'The 14th year of the Emperor Caesar Domitianus Augustus Germanicus, the 30th of
the month Payni, at Oxyrhynchus ίn the Thebaid. Julia Heracla, acting ,vith the guardian
assigned Ιο hel' by the (instructions) issued by Gaius Septimius Vegetus, the late praefect, ίη
accordance with the letter which he wrote, namely Lucius Ofilius, son of Lucius ... , son
of Antistlus, agrees with Theon, son of NicJppus, son of Nicippus, of the Phylaxithalassean
οτ Altheaη deme (the coηtract being executed ίn the street), that she has ceded to her
daughter Gaia also called Sarapias, daughter of Pausanias also called Dionysius, son of
Astyanax, of the Phylaxlthalassean or Heraclean deme, being under age, from the present
time heJ1ceforth for eνer by an unalterable deed of gift, out of the fifteen arourae owned by
her near SeΙΎΡhίs ίn the western toparchy ίη the 10t of Ν icandrus, five arourae of catoecic
land to be selected at \νίΙΙ from the whole amount, which land Gaia also called Sarapias
shall from the date of this contract be permitted to transfer by herself to another
through the official assignments, without requiring the consent of her mother Julia Heracla
to the transfer. Gaia also called Sarapias shall therefore possess and own tbe land with
her children and heil's . . . '
4. Ιη the present case the κύριος was appointed by the praefect; cf. Ο. Ρ. Ι. lνί, where,
ίη the absence of the strategus and βασιλικός γραμμαTEύ~, a wolnan applies to an ευαpxo~ /ξηyη'Tή~
to appoint a Kύpιo~ for her, and the Geneνa papyrus discussed by El'n1an (Zezlschr. d. Βαυ. St.
xv. 241 sqq.), ,vhere the stl·ategus is competent to appoint a guardian. According Ιο Ulpian,
l\ιlarcus AuIelius assigned the appointment of guardians to the 'iurzaz'cus or ~ιlCaιoδόTη~.
5. Gaius Septin1ius Vegetus was praefect Α. D. 86-88, cf. C. Ι. L. 111. ρ. 856 and Bull.
de corr. Hell. 1896, ρ. 167.
7. lt is possible that Λουκίου ΌφΕλλίου depends upon Tιιβέλλrι, and that Λουκ/ου ..•
'Α7ΙθΕστίου is the name of the κύριος; but the order of the words is rather against this
explanation, and Όφέλλιος, if an official, would be expected to have a title.
2 Ι. μΕΤΕπιγράφεσθαι: this \vord occurs frequently ίn documents dealing with a change
of ownership ίn catoecic land, e. g. Β. G. U. 622. 4; cf. cclxν. 16. Οη the registration of
changes of ownership ίn land see note ση ccxxxνii. νιιΙ. 31.
The supplements of the ]acunae at tl1e ends of 21-3 are from ccc1xxiii. 20 sqq. ιcαι
ίξϊυaι τ[Ώ] ΣΕλήυη απσ τησδε Tη~ συ,,[γραφη~ μΕΤΕΠΙΥράΦεσθαιJ ~ια των κατ[αλ]οχισμων Tα~ ~;Ka
άpoυpa~, μΙη προσ8εηθΕ'σΥ 10 letters JμΕvη~ παpoυσία~ μη8€ συυEπιypαφη~.
22. ιcατaλoxισμoί: the office regulating the transfer of catoecic land; cf. introd. to
ο. Ρ. Ι. χΙν.
CCLXXIV. REGISTER OF PROPERTV.

34'5 χ 21·5 cm. Α. D. 89-97.
T11is papyrus offers an example of a οιΙιστρωμα of the kind to which the
decree of Mettins Rufus (ccxxxvii. VIII. 28 sqq.) refers. It is part of an official
register of real property owned by various persolls, witl1 annotations referring
to' transactions affecting the ownership and payments of taxes thereoll. The
main body of the document was written ίη the year 89-90 (1. 16), an~ gives
S 2
a list of the separate items of property, evidently based υροη the άΠΟΥραφαί of
the owners. Each iteln is separated from the next by a blank space, and
within these spaces and ίη the margin at the side are notes entel·ed by different
hands at diffe[ent times, keeping the t·egister υρ to date, just as Mettius Rufus
ordered to be done. The latest year mentioned ίη these notes is the :first of
Ν erva. Cf. ccclx, which is part of another διάστρωμα of about the same date. .
One colutl1n, which we here print, is fairly complete; parts of thirteen
lines of another colnmn are also preserved.
1st hancl. μΕτηνέχθη.

2nd hand. και Επι του α(ύτου) άμφ6δου έτερα" οΙκία" και αύλη(ν)
<1 ην το πριν ψιλo~ T6πo~, άφ' oV πατρικον μΕν
το ήμισυ, πpo~ ωι κεκλήρωται έκ Tη~ πpo~ τη"
5 πpo~ παTPO~ α(ύτου) θείαll Δημητρουll ~αpαπίωνo~
8ιαιp~σεω~ πλείω πήXEΙ~ εννέα τέταρτον
'/1' ~ "'λ ~' t.
ΟΎΟΟΟ", ων και το ΤΕ o~ Ετα6αν.
και [..] gxEL έπι του α(ύτοίΙ) άμφ6δο[υ] εν ύποθήκηι

Δίου του ΠToλλίωνo~ . . [.. .]~υ μη(Tpo~) ΘEpμoυTO(~) Tη~
10 ~αpαπίωνo~ οίκίαν εν ηι π .•.•. ~or και αίθριοll
και
, 'λ
αυ η,
' ,
ακο
λ'θ
ου ω~
~~' ..,,. [J
αι~ Eypa,l,E
'" ,,, ~ ,
τ φ αυτωι -ι:;,αραπιωνι
[αύT6~ τε] και ή Υυllη αύτοϋ Διονυσία [ ]. του

. [.. ]~[..J~vo~ μη(Tpo~) ~αpαευTO~ Tη~ CΗΡCf~~[είδΟt1
δανείου συνΎpαφαί~ τρισι δια του Εν τηι α(ύτυ) π[όJλει
15 μνημο(νείου), μιαι μΕν τα/ι ( (ετει) Δομιτιανου του κυρίου
μη(νι) Καισαρείωι, την δε έτεραν τωι διελθ(6ντι) η (~Tει)
το .... Η'!1(νι)
Φαωφι, τη[ν] δΕ τρίτ[η]ν τω[ι] α(ύτρ) διελθ(6ντι) (ε'τει) Η[η(νι)
Μεχ]είρ,
τα δΕ προκείμενα αύτου πατρικ[α δ]ηλωθέ!,,[τα
c ,
υπαρχ οντα ,
κατηντ( ησεν) ,
ει~ α(")
υτον μετα , ,
την [
τ ο υJ" ".( , )
πα.\po~
τελευ[τήν.
3rd hand. 20 ιβ (ε'Toυ~), έπαΥο(μενων) ε, δι' ενκυκλ(ίου) ό ά(ύTO~) Υε .• ( ) ~αρα
πίων τετακται T~[λo~] άνανεώ[σ]€ω~
Tη~ ΠPOK€ιμένη~ ύπoθήKη~.
4th hand. ϊΥ (EToυ~), έπαΎο(μένων) ~, δι' ένκυκλ(ίου) Ko~λλήμaTOY ?) Υ ό ~apαπίων
τέτακΤ(αι) τ[έ)λΟΥ έπικaτaκολ(ουθουν) Tη~
όπoθήKη~.
α (gTOVS') Νερούα του KVp(ov, τυβι ϊε, δ $αραπ(ων ό καί Διoyένη~
ΕπήνεΥκ(ε) [•.•
25 .• ~~ 118ειαν κατa Tη~ ΠΡοκ(ειμέvη~) ύπoθή[K]η~.
2η d h an. ("
d υπαρχει 1"'....
οε αυτωι Ε11 ""'"απο λ ι β'o~ If.[ . . . . . .
'.ι.'ι του
γpoυ~ ημισυ μεpo~ τάφου κ[ο]ινωνι[κου πρo~ την

αύτην προς' πατρος' α(ύτου) θε(αν Δη[μ]ητρ[ουν.
5th hand. α (gTOVS') Νερούα τού Kvptov, Χο{ακ Κ, 8ί ένκ(υκλίου) ό α(ύτοS')
-Ζαρα[πίων TέTαKT(αι~ τέλος'
30 τάφο,! [καΙ] ψιλωιι τ6πων γντων Εν τφ lfoPllf( ) έποι[κίφ. . . • • • • . •
Ιηthe left-hand margin, opposite lines 9-Ι3
6th hand. . ] Δ~οJυ
του Π]τολλίωνοS' dVTOS'
Εν τ]φ 8η(μοσίφ) 8ια (?e[a]{8~S'
τηS'] Παυσίριος' δμoyνη(σ{α~)
35 ά8ελ]φης' YVvatKOS' αύτοϋ
Διοv]vσ(αs- άναypα(φoμένη~) Επ' άμφ68(ου)
....] . ~( ) πα( ) ?8( ) οίκ(αν και
αυ'λ']
η ν και ''''θ
αι ριον.
Opposite lines Τ4-23

7th hand. α (~TOVS-) Νερούα του ι«υρίου),
40 μη(νοS') Καισ(αρε(ου) ΕπαΥqμΕνων) Ε, άπελευθερφ
8ια άΥο(ραν6μων) μητ(ροπ6λεωS') ΙΗρακλεί8(ου) To(D) ΔιοΥ(ενουS')
δ '$αραπ{ω(ν) δ και ΔιοΥ(ενηs-) τ[ο(Ο)] και (ΗρακλεΙ8(ου)
έ!,τ~τα(KTαι) πωλ?7σ(αs-) 50 μητ(ΡΟS') ΤαυσίΡΙΟS'
[.] τη ..•.... α ( ) τη(S') κ(αι) Θαλλοv(τοS') elS'
45 .•••• ( ) •.•• λη( ) 4~~~ ) άπο . . ( ) ~ιΑο(ωS') Εξ [σοιι.
Opposite 1ines 29-30
7th hand. (?) παρετέθ(η)
TOiS' ,,!ράι:-τ( ορσι)
55 ... μf.. ) άΠf!ΥΡ(αφ ).
13. The original scribe \vrote T(μ!EυTO~; the first three letters have been crossed out and
σaρα written above the line by a different hand. 16. Above ΕΤΕ of ETEpaV ~!V has been
w\ritt~n by a different hand; cf. 13. 1. Tfi 8ε lT'Pq. or (with the corrector) 8EVTfpg. 17. 1. Tiι
~ι "'ΡΙΤΤ/.
ι. μιτηνlχθη: the heading means that the details following were transferred from a
previous ~ιάσTpωμα. The same word is used ίη the clause of the decree of Rufus \vhich
provides for the periodical renewal of the registers, οιά πινταεTία~ ΕπaνaνεΟ'υσθαι τα ~ιaσTpώμaTα
μεTaΦιψoμέ7Iη~ εΙςο τα καινοποιούμενα Tη~ TελευTαία~ ;κάστου όνόμαTO~ vποστάσεωS' (ccxxxvii. VIII.
41-42).
2 sqq. The owner who is the subject throughout the column is Sarapion also called
Diogenes, cf. ι 1,_ 24.
3. πaτρικδν μεν κ. τ.λ.: particulars as to how owners came by their property were required
by Rnfus' decree, ccxxxvii. νιιΙ. 33.
7. τδ Tέλo~: 1. e. the succession duty, which ίn the second century was 5 per cent., cf.
Β. G. U. 326. 11. 10 εΙκοστη κληρουομιων.
8-9. έν υποθήκηι ΔΙου: cf. ccxxxvii. νιιΙ. 32. The note ίn the margin (31-38)
commencing opposite to Ι 9 also refers to this mortgage of Dius, but it is obscured by
mutilation.
20. οι' lνκυκλΙου': the tax οη mortgages ,vas 2 per cent., cf. introd. to ccxliii.
24-25. έπήνΕ"'ΙΚ(ε) ... ίlδειαν: Sarapion paid off the mortgage upon the property.
27. 8poυ~': the desert was the regular buriaI-ground; cf. G. Ρ. 11. lχχνίί. 22.
μΙΡΟS' τάφου: cf. Β. G. U. 183.24 εΙνaι οε aVToi~ ΚOΙ7lω~ έξ ίσου τήν προσήκουσα(ν} Tη(~)
'Σατa(jοvrοS' ταφήν.
37. Perhaps Ίπ]πέ(ων) πα(pεμ(joλη~), cf. ccxlvii. 2 ι; but, with the foIIowing abbreviation
uninterpreted, this explanation loemains doubtfu1.
CCLXXV. CONTRACT OF ApPRENTICESHIP.

37'9 χ 9'7 cm. Α. D. 66.
Agreement by which Tryphon, son of Dionysius (cf. introd. to cclxvίi),
apprenticed his son Thoonis to a weaver named Ptolemaeus for the term of one
year. Weaving was the trade of Tryphon's family, cf. cclxxxviii.- The main
conditions of the contract are that Thoonis' expenses should ίη the first instance
be borne by his father, but that Ptolemaeus should pay Tryphon an allowance of
5 drachmae a month for food and 12 drachmae at the end of the year for clothing;
that Thoonis shou1d serve his ful1 year, and should make up at the end of it
any days which he had missed ; and that Ptolemaeus should instruct his apprentice
to the best of his ability. Money penalties are imposed οη faί1ure to fulfil
these terms.
(Ο(μ]ο[λ]ΟΥουσιν άλλή[λ]olS' Τρύφων Δ ιονυ[ σίου
του ΤΡύφωνοS' μητροS' [eJapoVV[loJS' Tfj[S'
'ΟννώφριοS' και ΠτολεμαίΌ[S'] ΠαvσΙΡ{ωνοS'
του Πτολεμαίου μητροS' 'ΩφελοvτοS' τηS'
5 ΘέωνοS' yip8toS', dμφ6τεροι των άπ' Όξυ
ρυΥχων π6λεωS', ό μΕν Τρύφων ΕΥ8ε86σ
θαι τφ Πτολεμαίφ τον έαυToίJ υΖον Θοώ-
νιν μηTPO~ $αpaEυTσ~ Tfjy Άπίωνo~ ούδέ-

πω
"
οντα
,..,...."
των εΤα/ν επι χρονον
, ,
ενιaυτον
,
d " ,..., , (' l' :'1 ,~
10 ενα απο τηs- ενεστωσηS' ημεpα~, οιaκονο",\.ντ
τα και
, ποιο υ ντα
["'] παντα
, τα
" επιτασσομε-
,
να αύτφ όπο του Πτολεμαίου κατα την
8
Υερ ιαΚ'lν
~,
τεχνην πασαν
,.. c
roS' και
'"
αυTO~
έπίστα(τα)ι, του παι80Υ τρεφομένου και Ιμα-

15 τι /".'
{ σ } ~oμενoυ '"
επι τον Ι/λ ον
ο '
χρονον ι ~
υΠυ
του παTPO~ Tpύφωνo~ πpo~ 8ν και εΤναι

τα '8 '
ημοσια παντα , του ,.. 1"
παΙuΟf, ε'φ' l'
φ
δώσει αύτφ κατα μηνα ό Πτολεμαίο!;

εί~ λ6Υον 8ιaTpoφη~ 8ΡaχμaS' πέντε
20 κα2 έπι συνκλεισμφ 'Του 8λου χρ6νου
εί~ λ6Υον Ιματισμοϋ δpαxμa~ δέκα 8ύο,
ουκ
, , l:. '
Ει;ονΤΟΥ τφ
Λ Τ'φ
ρυ ωνι
,
αποσπαν τον
,..,
παί8a άπο του Πτολεμα{ου μέχρι του
τον χρ6νον πληρωθηνaι, 8σαΥ 8' Εaν έlI
25
,
τουτρ
, , (' ",
ατακτησυ ημεραΥ ΕΠΙ raS'
>Ι , , '!:. [ ]" ,
ισα~ αυτον παρε6εται με τα τον χρο-
νον ή 4[πο]τεισάτω έκάσ[τ]ηS' ήμεΡar

άΡΥυρίου [δρ]αχμην μ{αν, [τ]ου 8' άποσπa
θηναι ElITOS' του χρ6ν[ ου] EπίT€ιμOν
30 δρaχμaS' έκατον και elS' 'Το 8ημ6σιον
,~,
Tα~ ισα~.
"1"" '[ C] Π το λ εμαιοS'
εαν οε και αυτο ~ ο
,.
μη ΕΥ8ι8άξl1 τον 'lraq 8]0, ~voxoS'
lστω TOΙ~ ισoι~ ΕΠΙΤΕ[ίJμοι~. κυρία
ή διδασκαλική. (lrov~) ΙΥ Νέ[ρ]ωνΟ9 Κλaυ8ίοv
35 Kalaapoy ~εβασToϋ Γερμανικου
AύTOKpάTOPO~, μηνΟΥ $εβαστου κα.
2nd hand. ΠToλεμαΊo~ [Πα]υσιρίωνΟΥ
του Πτολeμαίου μητροS' 'Ωφε
λουΤΟΥ TiJr eErovor tKaura
, , Λ' Λ C ,
40 ποιησω εν τφ ΕlIιαυτρ ΕΙ/Ι.
Zω(λo~ ιlιΩρου 'Του Ζωίλου μητρο,
AtEvTor τηr $o/IC~~~ ~YP(1,ψa

-όπερ afJTof) μη l86Tor Ύράμματα.

~Toυ~ τρισκαι8εκάτου
45 Νέρωνο,; Κλαυ8ίου ΚαίσaΡοr
'Σεβαστου Γερμανικου
Αύτοκράτο[ρο],;, μη(νo~) Σεβαστου κα.
10. v of ~ιαιcoνoυ above line. 25. τ ίn Tα~ corr. from' σ. 43. τα ίn "Υραμματα corr.
'Agreement between Tryphon, son of Dionysius, son of Tryphon, his mother being
Thamounis, daughter of Onnophris, and Ptolemaeus, weaver, son of Pausirion, son of
Ptolemaeus, his mother being Ophelous, daughter of Theon, both parties being inhabitants
of the city of QχγrhΥnchus. Tryphon agrees that he has apprenticed to Ptolemaeus his son
Thoonis, whose mother is Saraeus, daughter of Αρίοη, and \vho is not yet of age, for a term
of one year from this day, to serve and to Ρert'Όrm all the orders given him by Ptolemaeus
in respect of his weaver's art ίη all its branches of which Ptolemaeus has kno\vledge. The
boy is to be fed and clothed during the whole period by his father Tryphon, who is aIso to
be responsible for all the taxes upon him, ση condition of a monthly payment to himseIf by
Ptolemaeus of 5 drachmae ση account of victuaIs, and at the termination of the whole
period of a payment of 12 drachmae οη account of clothing. Tryphon is not to have the
power of taking away his son from Ptolemaeus untίl the completion of the period; and if
there are any days οη which the boy fails to attend, Tryphon shall produce him for an
equivalent numbel· of days after the period is over, or shall forfeit for each day ι drachma
of si1ver. The penalty for taking him away within the period shall be 100 drachmae, and
an equal sum to the treasury. If Ptolemaeus fails to instruct the boy thoroughly he ί8 to
be liable' to the same penalties. This contract of apprenticeship is va1id.' Date, and
signature of Ptolemaeus.
8. ΣαpαEυTO~: cf. introd. to cclxvii.
8-9. οlJ~έπω ίίντα των έτων: cf. ccxlvii. 12, note.
17. τά ~ημόσια: as Thoonis was an ιΊ.φηλιξ (cf. 8), we should have expected that he
",'ould not have to pay any taxes, unless apprentices were liable for the χειρωυάξιον upon
their trade. But of course Thoonis may have reached the age of fourteen during his year
of apprenticeship. Tryphon seems to have paid part at any rate of the YEP~ιαKόν before he
was fourteen, see introd. to cclxxxviii.
Ιn cccxxii, wbich is a similar contract of apprenticeship, it is agreed that Tη~ [ύπε]ρ
του παι8ό~ άπαιτηθησoμ'υη(~) λaΟΥΡ[αΦί]α~ ιcαι xωμαTιιc[oυ] ιcαι ύικη~ oυση(~) πpδ~ [η}]ν θαμούυιοιι
(the mother of t~e apprentice). The χειρωυάξιου was the subject of a special arrangement,
which is rendered obscure by the mutilation of the papyrus. Ιη this case too the apprentice
is described as oύ~έπω &ν των έτων.
19. Ιn cccxxii Thamounion is to receive 4 drachmae a month ιΙ~ λόγοv ~ιαTpoφη~.
24-3 ι. Precise]y the same provisions are made ίn cccxxii, except that the penalty
for removing the apprentice before he had served his time is 60 drachmae instead of 100.
CCLXXVI. TRANSPORT OF CORN.

10'9 χ 10'5 cm. Α. D. 77.
Acknowledgement of receipt addressed by three steersmen οη a cargo-boat,
one of whom is a Jew (... son of Jacob), throngh a soldier of the second 1egion
who was sailίng οη their boat,. to the sitologi of a vil1age. The receipt ηο doubt
related to a cargo of corn which was being conveyed to Alexandria ; cf. Brit.
Mus. Pap. CCLVI. recto (a), which is a similar receipt for a quantity of corn οη
its way to Alexandria, given by the pilot of a public vessel to a sitologus. Ιη
this case also the intel·mediat-y is a soldier; and it may be inferred that soIdiers
or other responsible guards regularly accompanied these freights of grain
belonging to the government during their transportation from the upper country
to the coast.
2nd hand. . . . . λ( ) πλ( )
1st hand. ~EToυ~ 8εΙCά[TOυ ΛύΤΟΚΡ]άτοροS' KatuapoS'
Οόεσπασιαν[ου ~Εβαστο]iJ, μηνοr ~εβαστοϋ
1] 4 ε β(αστύ), εν Ό[ξυρύΥχω]ν π6λει Tfjr Θη {3al8or.
5 όμολΟΥουσ[ι . . . . . .]r '!ακούβου και Πτολ
λαr Νικοστράτου ιc[αι ... ]ων Τρύφωνοr ιcυ
βερνηται π[λ]οίο[υ] ναυλωσίμου, έΙCάTE-
poS' lVES' 8ι' έπ,.ιπλ60υ Κλαυ8ίου ΚέλεΡΟS'
στρατιώτου λεΥεωνοS' 8ευτέραr έκaτον-
10 rapXlar Βραβιρίου, Φρίβι 'Ηρακλήου τφ
συν l1λλοιr σιτολ6Υοιr 8ημοσίου θησαυ
ρου κώμηr ΔεΒμειθων Tfjr l1νω τοπαρ-
,
xtar, παριλ η Φ'
εναι []"....."
πα Ρ Tar
αυτων επισ-
[τ]αλείσα~ α(ύτ]oί'~ ύπο του του νομου στρατη-

15 Υου Κλαυ8[ίου] CHpαKλ~[[o]υ έξ έπιστaληr
ypαφείση[~ όπο ] lιflαp{oυ Οό[t]ν8ικο~
του έπ!τ[
τον[
4. η σ~β inserted by the 2nd hand. 8. 1. εΙ~.
8. ~ι· επιπλόου: cf. Brit. Mus. Pap. CCL νι reclo (a). 2, where read aι.α επιπλ[οJv ΣΕl(rοr
'ATl7lLo, (for ΣΙξτου ΑΤΙlΙίου), CCCI. Io,G. Ρ. 11. χΙνί (a). 7.
Ι
9. λ~'}'Eωνo, δEυT'pα~: ηο second legion is kno\vn to have been stationed ίη Egypt before
the Trαzαnα Fortis, which was not yet created. The Egyptian legions at this period were
the 3rd and the 22nd. If then δEυ1ίpα~ here js nοΙ a mistake for δΕυτέρα, και έll(oσ.,.η~, it
must be supposed that one of the second legions, the Ζϊ Augusfa, or the Ζϊ Adzufrix, or
a contingent from one of them, was transferred for a short time to Egypt ίn Vespasian's
reign.
13. τα, ίπισ[τ]nλείσαs: sc. άpTάβα~.
11. ίπιτ[: perhaps ίπιτΓηρητοϋ, or έπ& τ[υ or τ[φ ... ; hardly ίπιτ[ρόπου, since that title
is usually preceded by the aJjective ιcpάτισTOΙ, and a military title is wanted.
CCLXXVII. LEASE OF LAND.
Lease of 36! arourae of land near tl1e village of Pamis by Dionysius to

Artemidorus for one year. The land was to be sown with corn, and the produce
to be shared equally between Iandlord and tenant, the division being apparently
made at the village granat-y at the end of the year. The cost of transport and
the instruments for (or expenses of?) mowing (lίμητρα) were to be provided by
the tenant, those for harvesting (θ'ριστρα) jointly by both parties. Απ al10vvance
was made to the tenant for land-taxes.
Both landlord and tenant style themselves ' Macedonians ' and ίππάρχαι έπ'
av'tJpiJv, one of the numerous court titles given by the later Ptolemies. Οη the
meaning of the appellation see G. Ρ. Ι. ρ. 40; the occurrence of it after the
Roman conqnest confirms the view there expressed that the addition of €π'
άυδρωυ to ίπ'Πάpxη~ or ήΥεμώυ was intended to distinguish these honorary officers
from real ίππάρχαι and ήyεμόυε~ ίη active service.
The papyrus was written ίη the twelfth yeal'" of Augustus, and the hand-
writing retains a strongly marked Ptolemaic appearance.
ΈμΕσθωσεν Διoνύσιo~ Άλ[ε]ξάν8ρου Μακε8ων Ιππάpxη~

Επ' άν8ρων 'Αρτεμι8ώρωι 'Αρτεμι8ώρου Μακε86νι
Ιππάρ(χ]ηι Επ' dv8pinv &~ Εχει περι παμιν έκ του Φίλωvοr
Κ λ ηρου
, "
αρουρ α~
() ,
τριακοντa
'-'t.
€{;
ι!
ημισυ
,
Τ€TαpToν,
ι!
ωστε
5 σπειραι
,..
ει~
"!\
το οω
8'εκατον ~,
εTO~ πυρωι,
,.. ',ι.!
E't' (
ημεσΙff
, ,
παντωιι
,.. , , , ,..,.. ,.. , ,
των εσομενων εκ Tη~ 'Ίη~ καρπων και y€νημαTων,
Εφ' ~ι ή μεν παραΥωΥη[ι] ~σTαι και τα l1μητρα πpo~ τον Άρτεμί8(ωροιι)

TCι 8ε θέριστρa Εκ του κοινου 80θήσΕται. έaν 8έ τι πραχθΏ
t
Ο
'Α [(j~
ρτεμ lJoropo~ ει~
"το
1οημοσιον
\' '1\,
η ει~
t!,
ετερον τι
(,
υπερ
Λ
~ιoνυ-
10 σ(ου ?1 • [.]τησ[ . . . ]qλΟΥ€Ι τωι 8ε TCι ~[ ••• ]~ • [.]r .. r~f ~ι-

ΟVlltrίωι ημισ!J [..... •]ιου ΤCΟΙ 8ε Δι[ονυσίωι .
πάση ι [β]εβαι[ώσει . . . . • ]μεvηS' 8Ε α[ 16 letters
/(otlIliJS' τα[ . .] . ημα ε[ . . ]yaS' περι Πίαμιν .]~ι[ .
t/λωι,
α .και' [απο
' , τ],.. θ'" t"[]
ων παραστa εντων εχετωι ε κα σΤΟΥ
15 ΤΟ έaυτ[οϋ ή]μισυ.
(lTOV~) ι{β Κα{σαρ]oSt, θ~θ) θ.
2nd hand. 'ApTεμί]8ωpo~ μεμίσθωμαι TfJV Υηv Εφ' ήμεσίq,

καθω~] πρ6κειται.
(~TOΌ~) ιβ Kα{σαpo~, Θα/(θ) 8.
ι. Second σ of ΕμισθωσΕ1J corrected. 5. Ι ήμισιlq.; 80 ίη ι 7.
CCLXXVIII. HIRE OF Α MILL.
34·4 χ 11·9 cm. Α. D. 17.
Lease of a mill by Isidorus to Heracleus, son of Soterichus (cf. cccv), for

seven months, at the rent of 2 drachmae 3 obols a month.
Έμ[ίσθωσεν ΊσίaωΡΟ]S' '~σι8ώpoυ
t'ΗΡα[κλείφ 2"'ωτ]ηρ[ίχου Π]έρ[σ]υ TfjS' Ε[πι
yov[ fj ~ Εκ των] ύπ[ αρ]χ[ 6]Υτων αύτωι
μύλ[ων μύλο]ν lv[ α] τ[έ]λει[ oJv Θηβαει-
5 κον [άπα του έΊνεστ[ω]το)' μηνος' Μεχειρ
~ ρι
μεχ [ Μ εσορ ]"η ~
επαΥομενroν ~
πεμΠTη~
του α[ ύτοϋ Ενεσ]τωτο)' τρίτου g[ τJovS'

Τιβ[ ερ{ου Κ]αί[ σα ]poS' 2"'εβαστοϋ, Ενοικίου
του έσταμέ[ν )ου πpo~ άλλήλουΥ
ι ο ύπΕ[ρ] τοϋ ση μ[αι Jνομενου μύλου έκάστου
μ[ηνοJS' άΡΥ[ vplJov apaXPCtS' 8ύο τριώβολ( ον).
ά[ποδJι86τ[ ωι] δε δ μ[ εμι ]σθωμενος'
Tooft 'Ισι]8ώρ[ω]ι το κατα [μ]ηνα του μύλου
Ενο(ί)κιον dv[ ευ] πάσης' [ύ]πεΡθέσ[ε]ωS'.
15 , ~ t\
aκ ινουνος'
!\'
οε
δ
μυ
~λ[]
Ος' και
, , ενοικ
το
, , ιον
'] S'
παν[ το !\ ~
κινουνου, και' μετα
" τον ~
χρονον
'[] ~
απ οκα ταστησατωι ο(~
μ'!'vηS' τον , μυ'λ ον
ύΥιηι και dσιvηι, olov και παρείληΦΕν,

"
οπου [']' ,
ε αv συντασσηι ο( '1 σιvwροS'
't\_. "Ο -
Εν
20 ξυΡύΥχωv π[6Jλει, 1j τηv έσταμΕνηv

τούτου τ[ι)μη(ν) dΡΥVΡίου 8pαxμa~ έκατ6ιι,
t,
Εκaστου
~'[
οε μ η νo~
]' 1"
ου
,
Εαμ
~,_j)~
μ,l α'Πσσωι,
Το Ενο(Ε)κιον μεθ' ήμιoλία~, Tη~ πρά

ξεω~ [ο]δση~ [τΊα/ι 'Ισι8ώρωι ~K T€ του
25 μeμισθωμΕVΟυ κα[ι] '~K τα/ν 'όπαρ
χ6ντων αύτωι πάντων, καθάπερ
έΥ 8{Kη~. κυρία ή μ[ίσ]θωσι~ πανταχηι
'φ ερομενηι.
επι ~
(~Toυ~) 'Υ Τιβερ[ου Kα{σαpo~ ~εβaσToiJ, Μεχ(ειρ) a.

30 2nd hand. 'Hpά[Kλε]ιo~ ~ωTηp[xoυ μ€μίσθωμαι
τον μύλον gro~ επαΥομεllα/ν
πέμΠTη~, και άπο8ώσω το κα-
τα
, ,...
μηνα
, ~
ενοικιο ν,
[] και
, μ€Tα
\ \
τον
χρ6vον άποκαταστήσω τον μύ-

35 λον ύγιη η την τ[ού(του») τειμην
8pa[x]μa~ Εκaτ6[ν], καθ6τι πρ6
ΚΕιται. Διoνύσιo~ Δ ΙΟΡ[ V Julov
,
'ΥεΎρα
Φ
α
(,
υπερ
,...
αυτου μη
, ει-,
86TO~ Ύράμμα(τa).
40 (gTOV~) 'Υ Τιβ€Ρlου Kα{σαpo~ '$εβαστου,
Μεχε(ηρ α.
Οηthe vtrso
1st hand. lrovS' Υ Τ[ι]βεΡlοv Kaluap[o]S' Ζεβαστοϋ, Μεχ(ειρ) ά.
μ[l]σ[θ(ωσιS')] Ίσι8ώ[ρ]0(υ) ~[poJ~ CΗ[ΡJάκλ[ειο]ν.
Ι ι. ι aΡαχμωv κ.τ.λ.
, Isidorus, son of Isidorus, has Ieased to Heracleus, son of SόterίcΙιus, a Persian of the
Epigone, from the mills which he possesses one perfect Theban mill from the present
month Mecheir until the 5th intercalary day of Mesore of the present third year of Tiberius
Caesar Augustus, at the rent agreed upon by the two parties for the aforesaid milI, namely
2 drachmae 3 oboIs of silver a month. The lessee shal1 pay to Isidorus the monthly
rent of the mill without any delay. 'rhe mill and the rent are guaranteed against all risks,
and at the end of the time the servant shaIl restore the ωίΙΙ safe and uninjured ίn the condition
ίη Wllich he received it, at whatever spot ίn Oxyrhynchus Isidorus may require, or shall pay
its valne as agreed upon, namely, Σ 00 dIachmae of silver, and for every month that he fails
to return ίι, Σ! times the rent; Isidorus having the right of execution upon both the
person and all the property of the lessee, as by a judicial decision. This lease is valίd
wheresoever produced.' Date, and signature of Heracleus written for him ΟΥ Dionysius.
ι Σ. dpyvplov qualifies -τριώβολοιι as well as aρaχμa~ aύο. Not that there were sίlver coins
having the value of an obol at this period; for the 01)01 was, at any rate after the reign of
Ptolemy Soter (cf: Rev. Pap. ρ. 218), always a copper coin. But ίn adding up the instal-
ments of the rent the 3 obols were to ~e calculated as worth half a silver drachn1a, though
a si1ver drachma ίη the Roman period exchanged for seven obols οη the average, not six.
Cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. ix verso. 1, note 1.
17" ό μάιιη~: the word μάιιη~ (or μαJlη~), which is properly a personal name, is known ίη
the sense of slave or servant from Schol. Ar. Δυ. 522, Eustath. 11. ρ. 1220, 4, etc.; but its
OCCUl"rence here is very unexpected: and the context rather requireg ό (HpάKλE'ΙO~, or
ό μεμισθωμέιιo~. 1t is not likel)' that Heracleus himself was a μάvη~. Perhaps there may
be some corruption. The second letter might be read as λ, and possibly an iota is 10st ϊη
a lacuna between that and the first letter.
CCLX Χ Ι Χ. LEASE OF DOMAIN LAND.
14·7 χ 12·8 cm. Α. D. -44-5.

Application addressed to a βασιλΙKO~ ypαμμαΤEύ~ by Theogenes, who was
'desirous of securing a gain to the treasury,' for the right of cultivating 40
arourae of domain land (βασιλικη Υη) near Ν esla at a higher rent than that
paid by the present cultivators. The detai1s of the rent are obscure owing
to the lacunae, but apparently ίη the case of half the land the new cultivator
was to pay his rent ίη corn at the l'"ate of 5 artabae for an aroura J instead of
ίη green stuff. Cf. ccclxviίi, and Brit. Mus. Pap. CCCL, which is a proposal for
the lease of 150 arourae of αlΥιαλίτιs γη, addressed to the βασιλΙKO~ ypαμμαΤEύ~,
and ησ doubt, as Mr. Kenyon remarks, refers to domain land.
From the Oxyrhynchus papyrus it may be inferred that the right of
cultivating the royal domains was assigned to the highest bidder.
Γαλατ![ωι] βασιλιιcφ Υραμματεί:
παρa eeo",/Evov~ του ΘEoy[ενoυ~. βΟ]!1~6μ(ΕνοS')
πλείΌν περιποιησαι Toί~ 8η[μοσ]{οιr,
έπι8έχομαι σvνχωρηθείση[r pJot άπα
5 του f.νεστα/τοS' πεμπ[τ]ου ~TOVS' ΤιβεΡlου
Κλαυ8ίου ΚαίσαΡΟS' ~εβασToϋ Γεpμανι[ιc(oυ)
Λ ύτοκράΤΟΡοr Tη~ ",/Eropy(ar των Ι'ε ...
ωΡΥουμΕιιων όπα υίων eirovoS' Πα-
νΕχώτου περι Νέσλα TfjS' &'νω τοπαΡχ(ίαr)
10 Εν μΈν τφ λεΥομενωι (Ερμτμ βασιλι
KfjS' yfjr άρουρα/ν τεσσαράκοντα,
τε λ εσωι
, "......
αντιτων προτε λ ' ων
ουμεν [
ύπΈρ τούτων TlpfjS' χλωρων Εν στ( ..
1 Cf. Wi1cken, G1'. 0$1. 1. 729 sqq..

, (\, ,.. ~I (, [ , ,
Υενεσι υπερ αρουρων εικοσι εκαστη ~ αρου-
ι 5 pη~ ανα
, \ πυρου
""'β
αρτα a~
,
ΠΕlIτε και
, υ([ περ
,
τα/ν ιiλλων άρουρφν efKOut Εν '![..
4. συ" corr. 12. ΤΕλέσωι: TEλ€ϊ" should have been written. 13. Νοl fV έτ[ fpotr.
CCLXXX. LEASE OF LAND.
14"5 χ 10·3 cm. Α. D. 88-9-
Lease of 5 arOt1rae of land for four years from Dionysius, son of Dionysius,
to Dionysius, son of Harpocration, at the l·ent of 17 bushels of wheat.
For the first three years any crops might be sown except woad (lσάτιS'); ίη the
last year half of the land was to be sown with wheat, half with beans (lίpαKO~).
Ιη the event of a failnre of the inundation ίη any of the years, that year was
not to be counted ίη the lease; cf: note ση 5.
'Εμίσθωσεν Διoνύσιo~ Διονυσίου του Παυ-
,
σιpιωνo~
,...., "oc.'
των απ 6υρυΥχων πα
/λ
εω~
Διονυσ{ρ (Apπoxpατίωνo~ του Zαραπίωνo(~)

των άπα Tη~ αύτη~ π6λεω~ Πέpσrι Tη~ έπι-
5 yoνη~ εZ~ ~τη τέσσαρα βpoxα~ Tέσσαpε~ άπο τ(οΟ)
Eνεστωτo~ όΥ8ώου ~[TOvJ~ AύΤOKράTOPO~
Ka{σαpo~ Αομιτιανου ~εβαστoυ Γερμανικου
τα~ ύπαρxoύσα~ αύτφ περ! Τύχιν Νεκα/τιν
Εκ του μέσου πεpιxώματo~ και τη~ πρ6τερο[ν
10 Άρτεμι8ώρου 8ωpαια~ άπα κοινωνικων
άρουρα/ν άpoύpα~ πέντε, /Jure Επι μεν
, ,..', , '', ,.. , t. λ
τα πρωτα ετη τρια κατ ετo~ σπειραι και 6V α-
" , 1'" \ (,.., ,
μησαι Tαυτα~ oι~ εαν αιρηται Υενεσι xωpι~
Zσάτεω~, έν 8ε τφ Εσχάτ<ρ Ενιαυτφ σπεΊΡαι

ι 5 ,
το
\
μεν
ι!
ημισυ πυρφ
~,
το v1\' α
"λλ
ο
ι!
ημισυ
c.
6V
λ
α-
μησαι άράκρ, άφ' οδ το μεν ήμισυ εZ~ lipωutv

το 8ε ετερον ήμισυ είΥ κοπήν, άποτάκτου
[φ6ρου πυροJV άρταβων 8έκa έπτα άι<ιν-
8[ύνου κ]α,.' gTO~ tl1f9raKTOV 1ΓαIl70~ κιν-
20 [8ύνου), πapα8Exoμένη~ T[q3] μεμισ

[θωμέιιφ T]η~ έσoμέν[η~] T~ τάχιστ[ον
[ 20 letters ]ησ[.Jτ . [..
[ 20 letters ]0 . [. .
Οη the verso
μίσθ(ωσι~) Διοιι(υσ{ου) άρο(υρων) Ε ΠΕρΙ (Τύχιν ΝΕκωτιιι.
2. ξ of οξυρυΥχων corr. from ο. 5. 1. Tέσσαρα~. 9. του corrected. 10. 1.
~ωριίι~. Ι 6. α of αρωσιν COIT. fΙΌm ξ,
, Dionysius, son of Dionysius, son of Pausirion, of Oxyrhynchus, has leased to Dionysius,

son of Harpocration, son of Sarapion, of the same city, a Pel'sian of the Epigone, for four
years and four inundations, beginning with the present eighth γear of the Emperor Caesar
Domitianus Augustus Germanicus, the land belonging to him situated near Tychis Nechotis
ίη the middle basin, and previously held ίη g'ift by Artemidorus, his share, namely 5
arourae, οη condition that during the first three years the lessee may sow and plant the
land with whatever crops he chooses, \νοad excepted, and ίη the last year he shall sow
half the land with wheat, and plant the other 11alf \vith beans, of \vhich half half shall be
ploughed while the other half is cut, at the fixed rent of 17 artabae of wheat gual'anteed
for each year appointed against all Iisks, an allowance being made to the lessee .. "
5. βpoxα~ TEσσαpΩ~: apparently if there was ηο βροχή the year was not to count as one
of the four years. Cf. the clause frequently found ίη leases, e. g. Ο. Ρ. Ι. ci. 24-6, 'άΙ) ai
Ttg Toί~ €ξη~ ;T~σι lI.βρoxo~ Υί1lηται, παρα8ιχθήσΕται τ4> μΕμισθωμf1lφ.
8. Τύχιν Νεκωτιv: cf. ccxc, 6, which shows that the name consists of two words,
not one.
9. Π'ιρίχωμα ίβ here used for a space sUl'l·ounded by mounds, not for a mound or
embankment itself.
10. Οη land έ1Ι (jωΡι~'see Rev. Pap. ρ. 137. Land and even villages were assigned
by the Ptolemies to court favourites.
ι 2 ξυλαμησαι: cf. 15 and Ο. Ρ. Ι. ci. ι ι, cii. 12 ; the word does not seem to occur
outside the Oxyrhynchus papyri. The context here anti ίn 15 shows that ξυλαμαν expresses
a process parallel to sowing, and is not contrasted wίιh ίι
14. lσάΤΕω$: cf. ο. Ρ, 1. ci. 12, where it is coupled with όχομέιιιον.
CCLXXXI. COMPLAINT AGAINST Α HUSBAND.
18·1 χ 9'3 cm. Α. D. 20-50,
Petition addressed to the άρχιδικαστήs- by a woman- who had been deserted

by her husband, and who wished to recover the dowry which she had brought
him οη her marriage. Cf. introd, to cclxvi and cclxxxii.
This papyrus was found with cclxxxiίi, ccxciv, and a number of other
documents dated ίη the reigns of Tiberius, Gaius, and Claudius, and belongs
to the same period.
<Ηρακλείδη ι ίερεί και άρχι8ι- ήβουλετο λαΎον ov 8ιΕλΕΙ-

,.. , , ,.."
,.. , "
'βρι-
καστηι και ΠΡοr TlJ επιμε- πεν κακουχων με και υ
λεί,!, των χρηματιστων και των [(Jrov και TaS' xeipar Επι
Ιίλλων κριτηρίων φερωll και των άναΥκαί-
5 παρα ~ύρα~ TηSΙ eeroVOS'. 20 ων έν8εη καθιστάS', υσ
συνεβΙωσα ~αραπίωνι φερνην τού τερον 8ε και Ενκατε-
τφ 80υσα κατa συνχώρησιν eiS' λιπε με λειτην καθεσ
λ6Υον άΡΥυρίου 8ραχμων 8ιακοσί- τα/σαν. 8ιο dgtro συντάξαι
ων.
" ~,
ΕΥω μεν ουν επιοεΙδαμε-
";'" l:. ' καταστησαι aVTOlI Επι σε
ι Ο νη αύτον ε iS' τα των Υονέων 25 ()πωsι έπαναΥκασθΥ συν
μου οlκητήρια λειτον παν εx6μενo~ άπο80υναι [μ]
τελωS' lJντα άνεΎκλητον μοι την [φ]ερνην συν ήμι-
, , ,
εματην εν απασει παρειχο-
ι ..... ,
ολ ,
τω "ν[ ]
l'f. ' rq.e
μεν , α~'λ -
μην. ό 8ε '$αραπίωll κατα λων των οντων πρosι
"[" " αυτο,,',
15 xpησάμενosι τηι φερνfj είsι 8" , ,
30 αντεχομ[ αι και" αν B'l:.
Efiopat.
3. και των: v above line. 6. v of 'Του above line. 8. σι of aιακοσι above 1ine.
15. σα of ΧΡησaμ~VΟf; above line.
'Το Heraclides, pIiest, chief justice, superintendent of the chrematistae and the other
courts, froIll Syra, daughter of Theon. Ι married Sarapion, bringing him by cession a
dowry amounting to 200 drachmae of silver. As he was destitute of means Ι received him
ίηΙο my parents' house, and Ι for my part conducted myself blamelessly ίη all respects.
But Sarapion, having squandered my dowry as he pleased, continually ill-treated and
insulted me, using violence towards me, and depriving me of the necessaries οΕ life;
finalIy he deserted me leaving me ίπ a state of destitution. Ι therefore beg you to
order him to be brought before you, ίn order that he may be compelled perfo~ce to pay
bac}{ my dowry increased by half its amount. This petition is without prejudice to any
other claims which Ι have or D1ay have against him.'
1-4. άΡχιaικαστηι Κ.Τ.λ.: cf. cclxviii. ι.
6-7. Φιρνην ••• κατΔ συJI)(ώρησιν: cf. cclxviii. 10.
28-30. For the supplements cf. cclxxxii. 18-21, cclxxxvi. 22-5.
CCLXXXII. COMPLAINT AGAINST Α WIFE.
Plate νιΙ. 17·5 χ 9·1 cm. Α. D. 30-35.
Petition to the strategus from Tryphon, son of Dionysius, complaining that

his wife Demetrous had left him and carried off νaΓίοus articles belonging to
him. Α list o'f the stolen property was added, but this is lost.
Demetrous was the first wife of Tryphon (cf. introd. to cclxvii), who married
Saraeus ϊn Α. D. 36. The date of this papyrus, which is' written ίη a large uncial
hand, cari therefore be placed with some certainty between the years 30 and 35.
,Α [λε]ξάιι8ΡωΙ στρατηΥΡ Tl!', <'
ημετερa ων το κα-
"',
παρα Τpύφωιιo~ του Δ ιο- θ' ~ν ύπ6κειται. 8ιο άξιω

,
νυσιου
,.. "'OlbVPVY-
Τα/ν απ
' 15 άχ[θ]ηναι ταύτην [έ]πι σ~
[χ]ων π[ 6Jλεω~. συνεβίω- 8Πα/$ τύχπ ων προσή
5 [σα] Δημ[η]τρουτι <Ηρακλεί: [κει] και άπ08φ μοι τα
oov,
1\ [' '] \
ιcα ι ε Υα/ μεν ουν Ε-
\ .,.,
(
ημετερα.
, ,.. \
Τα/ν μεν Υαρ
,
, <
dλλων των 8νΤα/ν
Υ""
πεχορηΥησα αυΤl1 τα Ε-
l" ,<,
bη~ ιcαι υπερ ουναμιν.
1\'
20 μο[ι J πp[o~] αύτη" άνθ6ξο-
η
t 1\'
οε α'λλ'
οτρια Φρονησα-, μα[ι] κα[ι άJJιθ~ξομαι. εύτύχ(ει).
10 σα Tη~ Koιvη~ συμβιώ. [~στι J 8Ε των ύφιειρη(μένων)
[σεα/~] κατα πέρ[α]~ ~ξη [.•.• .]φαιον dgtov (8ραχμων) μ
[λθε] και άπηνε(Υ)καντο
5. ι of ηρaκλιι above line. 6. Υ of ~y~ corr. . 14. αξιω: ω was begun next to ι
and then rewritten over the line. 20. 1. alJTεχομαι. 22. 1. vφl/ρη(μένωll).
'Το Alexandrus, strategus, from Tryphon, son of Dίοnγsίus, ofthe city ofOxyrhynchus.
Ι married Demetrous, daughter of Heraclides, and Ι for my part provided for my wife ίη
a manner that exceeded my resources. But she became dissatisfied with our union, and
finally left the house carrying off property belonging to me a list of which is added below.
Ι beg, therefore, that she be brought before you ίη order that she may receive her deserts,
and return Ιο me my property. This petition is without prejudice to the other claims
which Ι have or may have against her. The stolen articles are :-a ..• wol"th 40
drachmae ... '
12. άΠ'1l1έ('Υ )Ka"TO: the plural indicates that Demetrous had an accomplice; very likely
her mother was concerned, cf. cccxv, another petitiol1 against Demetrous, written two γeal'S
later.
CCLXXXIII. ΡΕΤΙΤΙΟΝ ΤΟ ΤΗΕ STRATEGUS.

}t'r. (ό) ι 2 χ 16·1 cm. Α. D. 45.
Petition to the strategus Tiberius Claudius Pasion (c( cclxxxiv, cclxxxv),
from a certain Sarapion. The account of the circuιnstances out of which
Sarapion's case arose is lost owing to the muti1ation of the papyrus; but it is
clear that several persons were concerned ίη it, and one of these, a slave named
Euporus, had after a struggle been captured by Sarapion at Memphis. The
τ
274 ΤΗΕ QXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
present letter to the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome was written οη the
day of the capture; and Sarapion requests that Euporus should be properly
guarded, and that the praefect ]ulίus Postumus should be notified of the
impending triaI. The date thus supplied for the praefecture of Postumus is
of importance. He is known to have still been ία office ία the year 47 from
OtelI. Inscr. Latt. 709; cf. C. Ι. G. 4957. 27.
Fr. (α). Τιβερ{ωι Κλ[αυ8{ωι] Πα[σί]ων[ι στρα(τηγφ)]

πaρα [~]apaπ[{ωνo~ τφ . ~T€Ι
Tιβ€p[{oυ] Κλαυ[δΊου Kα{σ)αpo~ ·~εβ,!,(T[Toϋ Γερμανικοϋ
AόTOKpά,TOPO~ [•••••••• '•• •]!J reroTEp[ ου • 11 .] •• o/pα~ ••••
5 [. . ]9 σ[ 20 letters ]~r[.]~ • [. • • • •]TO~ § . . . . [. . .
Fr. (δ). T€ ~μoι '!!μ[ letters ]τ α • [..] ~~l! •••••••••

20
άΡ'γυρίου ταλ[ά]ντων Tet~ • ••• [••••••.] •• μo~ ~,>:-dn'!l παρηκο
λ[ούθ]ηΚΕν, πpo~ 8Ε την ')'εΥονοι[ιαν μαι Ε]π!1θε]!Τfr και. [•. ] • παρΥ[ν.
/
καταπλ εων , 'Αλ ε(;ανορε
νυν ει~ t.' 1\ [ι] αν, οπου
" " cο ~Λ pEtf?f και' α«
εστιμ
10 Eυπopo~ Kα~ ό του Άπίωνo~ [ά]8ελΦo~ και έπίTpoπo[~ Kα]λλι8άμα(~),

και yεν6μενo~ Εν rfj Μέμφει το ϊΈ)Ιουλ{tf [~J€PaUTfi του Ενι:στα/
TO~ μηνo~ Κaισaρείου συνέλαβον τον σημαιν6μενοu 80ύλον
Εγπορον Εξ 00 8εήσει Υνωσθηναι πασαν τηll περί τα/ν προ
ΥΕΥραμμέlιων άλήθειαν, 8ν καΙ dye(oxa Επι σΕ μεσ lKavfjr
Λ
15 Tη~ 'θ' 'λ '" , Φ Λ Ι' αυτου
YEyoνoιια~ μοι ΕΠΙ εσεω~ και π ηΥων επι opα~ υπ
, , Λ ΤΕ
και των συν αύτφ ΠΕριχυθεντων. 8ιο προηΥμαι το όπ6μνημα έπι80υ-

, α(;ιωι
ναι, και 'l, '" εαν
" Φ'
αινηται "
εν ασΦ α λ'
ELff ~
εχειν "
τον αυτοιι , 8ου"'λ ον και" ,
εκπεμ-
"'ψ1' αι ΕΠΙ
, \τον
, ,
κυριον C ,
ηΥεμονα '1'λ
ου ιον (Π']
οσ τομον "την
ΠΡοr ,) επ ,αυτου'"
έσομένην ύπ έμου περ2 l)λου του ΠΡaΥματοr προσελευσιν &ν προσήκει
20 τρ6πον. (lTovr) Ε Τιβερίου Κλαυ8ίου Kαίσαpo~ [$]εβαστου Γερμανικοϋ
AόTOKpάTOPO~,
μη(1I0~) K(atuapJe{ov ίΕ Ίουλίff ~Eβασ[T]ηι.
8. 1. ΥΙΥονυ[ϊα,,; so ϊn ι 5. 14. 1. άΥηοχα. 1 8. τη" f1T: Ε corr. from v.
1l.9-21. 'Οη my voyage to Alexandria, therefore, where Areus and Euporus· and
Apion's brother and guardian, CaIlidamas, live, Ι reached Memphis ση the day Julia
Augusta, the 15th of the present month Caesareus, and seized the above-mentioned slave
Euporus, from whom the whole truth respecting the aforesaid matter will have to be learnt;
and have brought him to you at the expense of a severe and violent attack upon myself by
him and those by whom he was surrounded. Ι am, therefore, impel1ed to present thi~
petition, and beg you, if you think 6t, to keep the said slave guarded, and to send word to
the 10rd praefect Julius Postumus with a view to the proceedings which 1 shall take at his
court ίn the proper manner concerning the whole matter.' Date.
4. φωραθ. • • cannot be read.
5. As many as a dozen lines may be ]ost between this 1ine and the next.
ι Ι. Tjj ιε Ίoυλl~ Σεβαστό του • •• ΚαισαριΙου: cf. C. Ι. G. 4957. 3 Φαωφ" α Ίοvλlf!. Σεβnστfj
(Α. D. 68), C. Ρ. R. 25. Ι Μεσορη ι<α ••• έπι Ίoυλία~ Σεβaστη~ (Α. D. 136), Β. G. U. 252. 2
Χοίοl< ιcη ••• έπΙ 'Iοvλ(lαs-) [Σεβaστη~J (Α. D. 98). There seem to have been a number of
days cal1ed 'Ιουλία Σεβαστή, as there were many ήμ'ραι Σfβασταl, cf. note ση cclxxxviii. 5 1.
lt is curious that ίn another papyrus of Claudius' reign (cclxiv. 2 ι) Caesareus 15 is called
not Ίουλlα Σεβαστή but Σεβαστή simply.
14. άΥή0χα : unless Pasion was himself at or near Memphis the perfect must be
proleptic; for this letter was, written οη the day οη which the capture was effected (cf. ι ι
with 21), and Sarapion could not of course have got back from Memphis to Oxyrhynchus
the same day.
CCLXXXIV. EXTORTION ΒΥ Α TAX-COLLECTOR.
16.,1 χ 8·2 cm. About A.D. 50.
Petition to the strategus Tiberius CΙaιιdίus Pasion from a weaver οί

Oxyrhynchus, complaining that a tax-coIlector named Apol1ophanes had unjustly
compelled him to pay 16 drachmae ϊη the year 47-48. The petition was
apparently sent ίη a year or two afterwards, though probably not later than
Α. D. 50, since Pasion was aIready ίη office ίη 45 (cclxxxίii). Cf. the following
papyrus, and cccxciίi-iν, two simίlar. petitions written ίη Α. D. 49-50; and
ccxxxix-xl.
Τιβερίωι Κλαυ8ίωι ΠασΕ(ωιιι) στρa(τηΥφ)
παρa. 'Αλεξάιι8ρου του 'Απολ(λωνίου)
[τ]α/ιι άπ ΌξυρύΥχων π6λEω[~
[Υερ]8ίων λαύΡar 8ρ6μοv
5 θοήΡι80r. 8ιασείσθην όπο
, Α πoλλoφάlloυ~ Υενομ(εν)ου
πpάΙ<TOPO~ τωι η (~T€Ι) Τιβερίου
Κλaυ8ίου Kaluαpor ~EβασToυ
Γερμallικου Λύτοκράτορ[o]~
10 ι<aτa μεpo~ άΡΥVΡί(οJv 8Ρaχ(μar)
1 Prof. Wilcken (Gr. Ost. Ι. 813) explains the two instances ο! E'Π~ 'Ιοvλlαf Σεβαστηf differently, giving
them a local meaning, and even throws doubt οη the ordinary interpretation ο! C. Ι. G. 4957. 3, which how-
ever is amply confirmed by the Oxyrhynchus papyrus. The two cases with Επί are, we admit, open to doubt ;
but we adhere to our former view.
1'2
8εκα ~ξ. 8ιο άξιωι 8ιαλα

βειν κατ αύτοϋ ώ~ έάιι σοι
80K(iJ)·
5. 1. 8ι.ισιΙσθηιι. ι ι. ~ of l}ιαλαβιιv corr. from α.
ι Το Tiberius CIaudius Pasion, strategus, from Alexandrus, son ο! Apollonius, a weaver

of Oxyrhynchus, living ίη the quartel· of the square of Thoeris. Apollophanes, ex-collector
of taxes, ίη the eighth year of Tiberius Cl~udius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator
extorted from me among other people 16 drachmae of silver. Ι therefore beg you to
proceed against him as you may think fit.'
6. 'Απολλοψάvοvr: cf. cclxxxv: 5.
7. τωι η (εΤΕΙ): that the date refers to Β,ισιΙσθη", not ΙΥινΟ/λΕJlου, is shown by cccxciii.
7 sqq. ~ιισlσθηll -ύπο Δάμιτοr ΎΕιιομ'ιιου πράΙCΤΟΡοr τωι με" 11 (;τιι) ••• ~paXIlQr Bίιcα lE, ιcαΙ 'ι"φ
aΙΕλληλvθότιι θ (Ετιι) ίJ.λλαr ••••
CCLXXXV. EXTORTION ΒΥ Α TAX-COLLECTOR.

24'4 χ 9·8 cm. About Α. D. 50.
Another petition to the strategus· Pasion complaining of exactions by

ApoIlophanes, the same tax-collector who was impeached ίη the preceding
papyrus, ία the first and the ninth years of Claudius. At the bottom of the petition
and οη the verso are some unintelligible lines, written ίη large rude uncialletters.
The writer was perhaps a boy practising his hand. Cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. xc. 6-7.
ΤιβεΡlωι Κλαυ8{φ Πασlωιι[ι] στρ[α , " 'Ν'
pε~, και απο μηιιo~ ~ Ει-ιασ-
εου ~ Q
(τηΥΡ) . . " ~
ι 5 του ειιατου εToυ~
Τ (.) ,
LtJ€plOV
παρa ~αpαπίωιιo~ τοϋ Θέωιιo~ Κλαυ {8} 8ίου Kα(σαpo~ ~Εβαστοϋ
..
των απ " 'Ol.' 'λ εω~
6υρυΥχωιι πο Γερμανικοϋ ΛύTOKpάTOPO~ Ιω~
Ύερ8ίωιι λαύpα~ 8ρ6μου Γυμν[α Φαρμουθι, μηιιων lξ, κατa μηιια
5 σlοv. Άπoλλoφάνη~ yειι6μ[ειιo~ 8pαxμα~ 8ύο, αΙ συιιαΥ6μειιαι (Βράχ-
,
πρακτωρ xιpωιια~ιoυ Υερ-
c' μαι) ι<8.
8{ωιι τφ α (~Tει) ΤιβερΕου Κλαv8[lοv 20 ,,8ιο άξιω 8ιαλαβειιι κατ' αύτοϋ
KαEσαpo~ ~εβασToϋ Γερμαιιικοϋ ι "
ω~ εαιι σοι
Φ ,
αιιιηται.
,,
Ευτυχει.
AύTOKpά[T]Opo~ πολλυ βίrz, χρώ-

10 μεΙΙΟΥ α'φ' ~ ημηιι
ηρπασΕΙΙ οιι ~ 2nd hand. θεουκa,ιπιαπενικαιαΥυIΙΙ
έν8ε8υμενo(~) χιτωνα ~~!νoϋιι Kαπιoυyειιεπιιι~ινKαπι
ιiξι(ο)ιι 8ραχμων όκτώ, και 8ιε σεουκ αι σοφο>νεκ αισο
σισειι με dλλa~ 8ραxμa~ τεσσα-

Οη the verso, at the top
25 2nd hand. [... ]!!υκαισεραθευ/(αισ
At the bottom, reverse direction

ουκαιουνεσουκaισθευπιθοσ
KatUOVKatUOlIl[1!°VKatuB
Ι ι. Final " of λιι"συ" above line. 13. 1. rέσσαΡαr. 27. π corr.

'Το Tiberius Claudius Pasion, strategus, from Sarapion, son of Theon, a weaver of
the city of Oxyrhynchus, living ίη Gymnasium square quarter. Apol1ophanes, ex·~collector
of the tl"ade tax υροn \veavers, ίn the first year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus Imperator using great violence seized from me a linen tunic which Ι was·
weal'ing, worth 8 drachmae. He a]so extorted from me four more drachmae, and two
drachmae each month during the six months from the month Neos Sebastos ίn the ninth
year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator to Pharmtlthi ί
totaJ, 24 drach~ae. Ι therefore beg you to proceed against him as you may think fit.'
6. χ"ρω"αξίσυ j'fΡ8lων: this tax, wllich more usual1y appears ίn the papyri as the
/,ιp8ιαι<όrι, seems to have amounted to about 36 drachmae a year; cf. introd. to cclxxxviii.
CCLXXXVI. CLAIM OF Α CREDITOH.
17·3XI3·5cm. A.D.82.
Petition from a woman to a high officiaI, perhaps the σTpαTηyό~. Owing

to the los8 of the beginning some points are obSCtlre; but apparently the writer
and her mother Thaesis, who both lived outside the Oxyrhynchite nome (cf. note
ση J5),had borrowed from a woman called Philumene the sum of 2000 drachmae
οη behalf of Heron, the son of Phi1umene, and Zenarion who was probably
Heron's·wife, whi1e Heron and Zenarion had made a contract with the writer
that they would take all the responsibility for the repayment of the debt. The
term of the loan having expired, the writer was called upon by Phίlumene for
payment, and accordingly appeals ϊη the present document for leave of execution
upon the property of Heron and Zenarion, as was guaranteed her ίη het· contract
with th~m. The writer thus occupied much the same position with regard to
the original loan as the surety,in cclxx, who was guaranteed by the borrower
against 1055; cf. 9-13 here with cclxx. 7 sqq.
[• • • • • •] • ~[IO lettersJp[. •]ησ •• [•••••• ] • α ••••••

"
8απavησασl!' • του Ι
• ε!~!I ωμολΟΥηΚΕν
t ~Z'
Την ηνa-
ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS ΡΑΡΥΡΙ
ριον
, 1\ ,
αΠΟΟα/σειν μετ
, ~I
ετη πε
'[
11] τε Λ
ΤΊ/ του
" "Η
pωvor μητρι
'
[Φ]ιλουμενΊ/ "Hprovo[r lir έ8]ά[νεισ]~!, ή Φιλουμενη έμοΕ'
5 τε και· Tfi μητρ{ μου Θ[αήσι] ~f!ιT~ συνypf!ιΦ[ ην τελ]~ιω~[ ei]g-f!ι!' "
8ια' του,,'εν ΤΊ/Λ'Ο 6υρυΥχω
C. ' ['Jλ
ν πο ' · τφΛ',
ει μνημονιου ενατφ ",ετει
θεου Ούεσπασιανου Φαρ[μ ]οϋθι άΡΥυρίο[ υ δρα ]xpar δισχει

λ{αr κεφαλαίου και Tovr τούτων έξ dpxijr μέχρι Tfjr
" 8 ocreror
απο ' ,
Toκoυ~, και " πaρε6εσ c. θ αι "
εμε τε "
και την μη-
10 τέρα μου Θαησιν άπαρενοχλήτουr και άνεισΠΡάκτουr

-Λ" θ
Λ
-Λ βλ
"
κατα παντα
,
ΤΡΟΠΟΡ, η εκτεισειν ο
c.\"
εαν πραχ ωμεν η a-
βα/μεν
.... ,
τουτων
,
χαριν
, ( λ'
συν ημιο Llf
'φ'
ε
'r'
oι~
"'λλ
α
( , φ 1λ
olr η ασ u εια
περιέχει. Tη~ δε Φιλουμενηr παρ' lKacrra διοχλοvσηr με
προελθεω ήνάΥκασμα" και άξιω συντάξαι Υράψαι τφ του
15 ΌξυρυΥχείτου ξενικων πράκτορι μετa80ϋνaι Tfj τε
Ζηναρίι:Ρ και τφ "Ήρωνι του8ε του ύπoμνήμαTO~
[α'] νΤΙΥρa
, Φ
ον
ι!
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ημa~
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,
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η~
και άπ08ώσειν ταϋτα, ή εΙδωσι έάν ,:ι lr ταύτην πραχθω

20 έσομενην μοι την πραξιν παρά τε αύτων και έξ ~"
" ι, ,......"...., ι , ,
εαν ευρισκω αυτων επι Τα/ν ΤΟΠα/ν υπαρχοντων και
σειτικa)ν
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ε και
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ι 'r'
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ετερων '"
εχω '"
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υΠΟ1lτων μοι
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ι καιων παντων
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και αν-
, t.
25 θ Ε6 0μαι
'
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του χρη-
ματισμου τελείωσιν 8ιαπεσταλμαι (Ηρακλεί8ην (Ηρα

κλεί80υ.
2nd hand. ώr καθήκει. (~TOυ~) πρώτου AiJTOKpriTopor Kαίσapo~
[Δομιτι]ανοϋ ~εβασToϋ μ[ηνΟ$] Γερμανικείου κβ.
30 Ιη the left-hand margin opposite line 28 ώ~ (έτων?) ~.
Οη the verso ... του ΌξυρυΥχ(ίτου) •.. [
, ... (Heron) agreed that Zenarion would repay after 5 years to his mother Philumene,
daughter of Hel·on, the 2000 drachmae of silver \vhich Philumene lent me and my mother
Ί'haesίs by a contract completed through the record office at Oxyrhynchus ίη Pharmuthi
of the ninth year of the deified Vespasian, both the capital and the interest οη it from the
beginning up Ιο the time of repaytnent, and would guat·antee me and my mother against
any trouble or liability whatsoever under penalty of paying us ίη full any 1088 ΟΤ damage
which we might incur ίη connexion with the transaction, ίη addition to half the amount,
with the other guarantees contained ίη the agreement. Since PhiJumene is continually
pressing me to repay, Ι have been forced to come forward, and request you to order the
collector of external debts ιο be instructed to serve Zenarion and Heron with a copy of
this memorandum, ίη order that they may secure us against any 1iability or tIoouble ίn
connexion with the aforesaid debt, and may repay it, or take cognizance of the fact that, if
Ι am made to pay anything οη this account, Ι shall have the right of execution upon both
their persons and any property which Ι may find ίη their abodes, whether granaries or
other possessions. This petition is without prejudice to other claims which Ι have or may
have against them, and to all my legal rights. Ι have dispatched as my agent Herac1ides,
son of Heraclides, to conclude the transaction.' Date.
15. ξενικων πράκτορι: this official ίΒ known ίη the Ptolemaic period from Turin
Pap. χΗί, where he is mentioned ίη ,connexion with the exaction of a debt from one
Egyptian to another. Revillout (Rev. Egyp/. 11. ρ. 140) supposes that by ξΕρικοί are D1eant
native Egyptians, who would be forejgners ίη the eyes of the Greeks. But this is not at all
probable. ξένη ίη the papyri (e. g. ccli. ι ι, cclίii. 7) often implies merely a place outside the
nome ίη which a person was registered; and ίη the present case the writer clearlΥ lίved
some distance from the abode of Zenarion and Heron, probably ίη a different nome, cf. 15,
21, 26. The function of the πράκτωρ ξενικων wouJd therefore seem to be that of a collector
of ξερικά or debts owed to ξένοι ίη the limited sense of persons who were living ίη another
nome, and therefore were under the jurisdiction of a different set of officials.
CCLXXXVII. ΡΑΥΜΕΝΤ OF CORN.
12'5 χ ι ι cm. Α. D. 23.
Receipt for 40 artabae 3 choenices of corn paid by a tax-collector οη

behalf of certain villages ίη the western toparchy to the sitologi of a division
of the Iower toparchy. Similar certificates issued by the sitologi are very
common among, the Fayum papyri (cf. Kenyon, Cat. 11. ρρ. 88-94). Other
instances from Oxyrhynchus are ccclxxxiii-v and ο. Ρ. Ι. Ιχχχίχ.
['ΈToυ~] δεκάτου Τιβερίου Kα[{σαpo~ ~εβασToϋ,
[μηνo]~ Νέ[ου] ~εβασToϋ Kt;. [όμολΟΥει .••••
[καη μέτοχοι οί σιτολΟΥοv[ντεS' TJ.yv πpo~
[... ( )] μεΑί8α) Tη~ κάτω τοπαΡχ((αS') [μεμεΤΡ]9 σθαι
5 [πα]ρa Άριστάν8[ρ]ου του Άρίστων[ o]S' ύ(πΕρ)
[λι]βοS' τοπαΡχ(ίαS') Άπίων[o]~ κωμων πυρ(ου)
[σύJrπαντ( α) άPTάβα~ τεσσαράκοντα μ(αν χ(oίνΙKα~) Υ,
(/ (πυροϋ άρτάβαS')] μα x(otvtKaS') Υ.
'The tenth year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, 26th of the month Neos Sebastos.
Ι,.••, and my associates, overseers of the corn supply of the ... division of the lo\\'er
toparchy, 'acknowledge that we have received by measure floom Aristandrus, son of Ariston,
οη behalf the villages of - Αρίόη ίη the western toparchy, of wheat ίη alI 41 artabae
3 choenices, total 41 artabae 3 choenices.'
Ι. [lTov~J: or perhaps [(E'Toυ~) έν- or Βω-].
4. For μ.εpί~E~ ίη the toparchies of the Oxyrhynchite
nome cf. ccclxxxiii-iv.
6. Άπίωνo~ κωμών: perhaps the Αρίοn who gave his name Ιο these villages was an
ancestor of the family of Flavius Αρίοn which ίη the sixth century played 80 important
a part at Oxyrhynchus, cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. cxxxiiί-cxxxix.
7. σύvπαvτ(α): this word (abbreviated συvπ~) also occurs ίn ccclxxxiv πυρού τριω( )
σύvπ(aυTa) [ίvJ~fι(α τέταρτο".
CCLXXXVIII. ΤΑΧΑΤΙΟΝ ACCOUNT.
36·3 χ 18 cm. Α. D. 22-25.
Copy of receipts for various taxes paid, usnally throngh a bank, from the
eighth to the ~leventh years of Tiberius by Tryphon, son ofDionysius (see introd_"
to cclxvii), and his father Dionysius; cf. cclxxxix, a copy of similar tax
receipts forty years later referring to Thoonis, probably a relative of Tryphon,
and cccviii-cccxiii. At the end of the present document is a copy of an
extract ft·om an ~πίKρισι~ of the year Α. D. 11-12, giving ·the names and ages
of the tnale members of the famίly of Tryphon's grandfather, Tryphon himself
being set down as three years old at that tinle. Οη the εΠ{Kρισι~ see introd.
to cclvii. Here too the persons included ίη the list are privileged, probably
paying less poIl-tax than others; and, as will appear, there is reason for
connecting Tryphon's family with the class of μητροπολιταιδωδεκάδραχμοιmentioned
ίη cclviii.
F our different taxes occur, (ι) the γερ'διακου (Ιππο'δρ6μου, (2) the Επικεφάλαιορ
(Ιπποορόμου, (3) the ύική, (4) the χωματικόυ. The first of these is the tax οη
weaving and a branch of the χειρωυάξιου or tax οη trades (cf. cclxxxv. 6), and
the second is of course the poll-tax, which is generally called λαογραφία. The
point of the' addition of (Ιπποδρόμου is that it is the name of the lίμΦoooυ ίη
which Tryphon lived at this time; cf. cccxcii. Simi1arly ίη cccviii the χωματικόυ
and Ύερδιακόυ are described as Ί"''εμευ(ούθεωs); TEIλEvovOts, or as it is variously
spel1ed Tεμyευoϋθι~, TεμΙEυoυθι~, Τεγμοϋθιs or TEPΙOVEVOiJOlS,was the name of an lίμΦoooυ
at OxYl·hynchus which is frequently mentiQned ίη the papyrί. The amouηt paid
here [οι· poll-tax (12 drachmae) corresponds to the sums paid οη account of
λαΟΥρaψ[α by Thoonis forty to fifty years later; cf. ccclxxxix. The progressive
rise of this tax, which stood at 20 drachmae ίη the Fayum from Domitian's reign
onwards, cannot at present be clearly traced through the earlier part of the
century, but the publication of Profes~or Wilcken's Grl:echische Ostra~a wiIl tht·o,y
much lίgl1t οη the subject 1. It iS not even certain whether, except ίη the case of
privi1eged persons, the tax was the same tht·oughout Egypt. Α comparison,
however, of the amounts paid here and ίη cclxxxix with those ίη cccxiiί and
ccclxxxix, where apparently there are cases of payments of 16 drachmae, and
with Brit. Mus. Pap. CCL (cf. introd. to cclvii), makes υΒ incline to the view that
120 drachmae, at any rate ίη Nero's and Vespasian's reigns, probably also ία
that ofTiberius, were less than the usual amonnt at Oxyrhynchus; and that both
Tryphon here, as ίΒ indicated by the mention of him ίη the extract from the
έ7TίKpισι~, and Thoonis ίη cclxxxix, belonged to the same privίleged class as the
writer of cclvίi, that of the μητροπολ,:ται δωδεκάδραχμοι. The amount of the Υερδιακόυ
seems to have been about 36 drachmae, the total of the sums paid under this
head by Tryphon ίη the ninth year (20-6) and by Dionysius ίη the eleventh year
(200-24); cf. cccix and cccx, which give the same result. The payments for
Υερδιακόυ by Tryphon ίn the tenth year amount to 3Ζ! dr. (11-15)+71 (31-4),
total 39i dr. Ιη the eighth year (209-31) he only p.aid 71 dr. ; but the returns for
this year may be incomplete, as ίη cccviii, or what is more likely, Tryphon, who
entered his fourteenth yeat· ίη the eighth year of Tiberius, had οηlΥ just reached
the age at which he became liable to the tax. It is noticeable that there is ηο
payment recorded ίη the eighth year for poll-tax, which was paid from the age of
fourteen to sixty (introd. to cclvii). The Υεροιακόυ for the eighth year may therefore
be left out of account. Probably the amount of these taxes οη trades varied
somewhat ίη different years according to the inconles of the tax-payers 2.
The ύική or tax ση pigs (1 Ο, 19, Ζ 8, and cf. note οη 28) is ίη the present
papyrus uniformly Ζ dr. lt obols. Ιη cclxxxix, cccνiii, and cccxiίi the an10unt
is rather less. Ν ο doubt it depended οη the number of pigs kept 3. The
χωματικ6υ, or tax for the maintenance of embankments, ίΒ 6 dr. 4 obols both ίη
this papyrus (10 and 200, where the obols are mistakenly omitted, cf. 28, note)
and ίη cclxxxix, cccνiii, cccix, and cccxίii; the same amount ίΒ found ίη second
century Faytiffi papyri (Kenyon, Cat. 11. ρ. 103). Mr. Kenyon (ι. c.) thinks that
it was paid ίη lίeu of the customary five days' work οη the embankments, which
is a very probable supposition, though there is ηο direct evidence to connect the
tax with the evasion of the corvee 4. For other liabi1ities ίη connexion with
the maintenance of dykes see introd. to ccxc.
1 Gr. Osl. Ι. 230 sqq. He there shows clearly that the amount of the pol1-tax varied ίη different places
and even ίη different λαυραι of the same place. Ιn the Theban ostraca the payments vary from 10 to 24 dr.
ίη the several λαυΡαΙ; at Syene the λαΟΎpaφία was 16 dr. from Tiberius' time to Α. D. 92, rising later to
17 dr. ι obol.
2 Cf. ορ. cil. Ι. 172. Οη the Theban ostraca sometimes 2 dr., sometimes 3 dr. S! obols are paid for
'j'ΙΡδι.a"όν.
3 Cf. ορ. cl1. 11. Νο. 1031 (Α. D. 31, sum not given).
4 Cf. ορ. cit. 1. 333 sqq. 6 dr. 4 obols is the χωμσ,τιιιό." also found ση nearly all the ostraca.
The first four lines of the document are written ίη an even) careful cursiνe,
the rest ίη a larger and freel hand, but there seems to have been only one scribe.
8
The copy is not likely to have been made much later than the eleνenth year
of Tiberius. Lines 7-11 are reproduced ίη cccxi.
Ιn this and the following papyrus the number of the day of the month
(or, when there are two figures, the second of them) regularly has a horizontal
stroke above it, which, for conνenience of printing, we have omitted ίη the
transcripts.
ΆlIτίΥρα(φον). ~Toυς' ένάτου ΤιβεΡtοv Κα{σaΡοr ~EβασTOϋ, μηνοr Νέου

$εβαστου Ι"", 8ιαΥεΥρα(πται)
Υερδια/(οϋ (Ιππο8ρ6μο(υ) Τρύφωll ΔΙΟllυσίο(υ) δια Παά[πιο]ς' δΡaχ(μαS') (
τριώβολοll, / (δΡαχμαr) ( (τριώβολοll).
Χο{αχ ΚΕ ό α(ύτο]ς' (δΡαχμαS') Υ (τετρώβολοll) (ήμιώβολοll), / 'Υ (τετρώβολοll)
(ήμιώβολοll). Τϋβι ε ό αύτος' (δΡαχμαr) Υ (τετρώβολοll) (ήμίωβολοll).
ΜΕχειρ ιθ ό αύτος' (8ΡaχμαS') ( (τριώβολοll), / (8ραχμας' ( (τρι6Jβολοll).
Φαρμουθι λ ό αύτος' (δΡaχμαS') Υ (ΤΕτρώβολοll) (ήμιώβολοll), Ι Υ (τετρώ
βολον) (ήμιώβολοll).
5 Πaχ ωll 8 (δΡαχμαS') 'Υ (τετρώβολοll) (ήμιώβολοll), / (δΡαχμαr) Υ (τετρώβολον)
(ήμιώβολοll). Παϋιιι '$εβαστηι ό αύτος' (δΡαχμαr:;) Υ (ΤΕτρώβολον)
(ήμιώβολοll),
l1λλαι (8ΡαχμαS') β (όβολοll) (ήμιώβολον), / (8ΡαχμαS') β (όβολοll) (ήμιώβολοll).
-~i~~r έιιάτου Τιβερ{ου Κα{σαΡοr :$εβαστοϋ, Παυιιι β, 8ιαΥέΥρα(πται)
δια Διoyένoυ~ Tpα(πε(η~) έπικεφαλ(α{ου) ΙΙππο8ρ6μου Τρύφων Διονυσ{ου
συll καταΥωΥίωι (8pαxμα~) ιβ,
[/ (δpαχμα~)] ιβ, και τηι κΟ του Παυνι
Ίο ύι/(ηr:; ό αύTO~ (δpαxμα~) β (όβολον) (ήμιώβολοll), / (8ΡαχμαS') [β] (όβολοll)
(ήμιώβολον), και τηι 8 του Μεσορηι χωματικ(ού)
(8Ρaχμαr) " (τετρώβολον), / (8paxpaS') ς (τετρώβολον). [gJTOll~ 8εκάτου
ΤιβΕρίου Kαίσαpo~
$€βασTOυ, Χο{αχ ι(, 8ιaΥέΥρα(πται) yep8taKofJ ΙΙππ[ο]δρ6μου
Τρύφοον Διονυσίου δια Παάπιo~ (8ΡαχμαS') { (τριώβολοll), / (8Ρ αχμαr) {
(τριώβολοll). ΜεΧΕΙΡ ι"
ό αύτοS' (δΡαχμαr) ( (τριώβολον), / (8ΡαχμαS') (τριώβολοll). ΦαρμοfJθι κβ
ό αύτος' (δΡαχμαS') ( (τριώβολον), / (BpaxpaS') ( (τριώβολον).
15 Παυνι η [ό α]ύτοr (δραχμαS') Ύ (ΤΕτρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον), / (8paxpar) ί'
(τετρώβολον) (-ήμιώβολοll). Μεσοργιι Ύ ό α(ύτοS') (8ΡαχμtιS') ς.
ΙτουΥ 8εκάτου ΤιβερΕου ΚαίσαΡΟΥ Ό$εβαστου, Μεχειρ ΙΥ,

8ιαΥεΥρα{πται) 8ια Διoyειιoυ~ [τ]ρα(πέ("ηΥ) Επικεφαλ(αίου)CΙππο8ρ6μου Τρύφων
Διονυσ{ου συν κα(ταΥωΥίωι) (8pαχμα~) η, και τηι κ8 του Φαρμουθι
Επικ(εφαλαίου)
ό αύΤΟΥ (8pαxμα~) 8. Πα,υνι ι:q, ~εβασTηι ύικηΥ (8pαχμa~) β (όβo~oν)
(ήμιώβολον).
20 Έπειφ ι, χωμα(τικου) (8ραxμa~) c;. ~Tovr ια ΤιβερΕου
Kαίσαpo~ [-Ζε]βαστου, [μ]ηνοr $εβα[σ]του ΙΥ, 8ιαΥέΥρα(πται) Υερ8(ιακοϋ)
c Ιππο8ρ6μ[ο]υ Διον[ύ]σιο[Υ • • • • • • • •] 8ια Διον(υσΕου) (8Ραχμαr) ((τριώβολον),
και τηι ιθ του τυβι (8pαxμα~) ( (τριώβολον), [καΗ Tfj~ [••] του Φαμενωθ
(8Ραχμαr) (" (τριώβολον),
και τηι ι(" [TOJD Παυνι, (8Ραχμαr) (" (τριώβολον), και τηι ιε του Έπειφ
(8p a Xpar) ς-.
25 ~Toυy ια Τι[β]ερ{ου Καίσ:αΡΟΥ .Ζεβαστου, Μεχ(ειρ) ιε, 8ιαΥεΥρα(πται)
8ια ΔΙΟΥενουΥ Tpα(πε(η~) Επικ(εφαλαΕου) CΙππο8(ρ6μου) Τρύφων ΔιονυσΕου συν
κα(ταΥωΥ(ωι) (8paxptxr) η,
και τηι ΙΥ τοϋ Παχων έπικεφαλ(αΕου) (8paxptxr) 8, και τηι ΙΥ του Έπειφ
ύι(κ)ης' (8paxpar) β (όβολον) (ήμιώβολον), και τη[ι] κη τοϋ Έπειφ ύικηr
(8ρ αχμας') " (ΤΕτρώβολον).
~Toυς' η Τι(β]ερ{ου Kαί[σ]αpo~ ~εβασTOυ, Μεχειρ ιη,
30 8ιαΥεΥρα(πται) Υ[ε]ρ8ιακοϋ rΙ]ππο8ρ6μου Τρύφων Διονυσίου
8ια Πα[άπ]ιος' (8paxpaS') (" (τριώβολον). ΕτουΥ ι Τιβερίου K~ίσαpoς'
~ε[βαστοJυ, [Φαω]φ~ ~[ε]βασTηι, 8ιaΥέΥρα(πται) Υερ8ιακοϋ CΙππο8(ρ6μου)
Τρύφων Δι[o]νυ[σί~υ] 8[ια] Παάπιος' (8p a XpaS') Υ (τετρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον).
μηvοfJt Νε[ο]υ ~εβασ[Toυ] Υ ό αύΤΟΥ (8ρ αχμας') Υ (τε τρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον).
35 άρτίΥρα(φοιι). έ[ξ] έπικρίσ[ε]ως' μα (~TOVS') Kα{σαpo~.
ΤΡύφωvοr του Δι8ύμου ό κύριος' YEp8(Lor) (έτων) ξ8.
Δί8υμος' vloS' μητ(ΡΟS') Τιμωτος' YEp8(toS') (έτων) λ(.
ΔιονύσιοfJt ά8ελ(φοr) μητρο~S') Tfjr α(lιTη~) YEp8(toS') (έτωll) λβ.
Τρύφων vl[or] μηTPO~ Θαμούνιοr (έτων) Υ.
40 Θ[ο]ωνι[r ΤΡύφωνοS'] μηΤΡ~fl) Τιμωτοr YEp8(tor) (Ετων) κα.
και ~ξ άΠ[ΟΥΡαφfjr κω]μΟΥραμματεων
μβ (~TOυς'), (eocOvtr ΔιοJνυσίοv α (lTovr).
6. 1. ΙΙλλαs-. Ι Ι. ~ of 8Εκατου corr. from ι. 23. Second το\} corr.
39. V of vι[οs- c9rr. from τ.
5. Παυνι Σεβαστηι: the number is omitted, but was probably the same as that ίη 19,
where unfortunately the reading is uncertain. Αη astonishing number of ήμ;ραι Σεβαστaί
occur ίn the first century Oxyrhynchus papyri (see Index ίϊί). Outside Oxyrhynchus it is
rare to find any notice taken of them 1. Ιn some months, e. g. Mecheir, Pharmuthi,
Pachon, and Payni, more than one day was Σεβαστή, even ίη the same reign; cf. cclxix. Ι.
14 with cclxxxix. Ι. 4. Νο doubt the Σεβασται ήμέραι were ίη some ,vay ίη honour of the
Imperial family; but ση what principles particular days ,vere selected is unknown. Cf. also
note οη cclxxxiiί. ι ι for an interchange of Σιεβαστή with ΊουλΙα Σεβαστή.
7 sqq.: cf. cccxj, probably the original receipt of which this entry is the copy.
9. συν καταγωγίωι: the point of this addition, which recurs ίn 18 and 26, always ίη
connexion with Tryphon's payment of the poll-tax, is obscure. It does not occur ίη cclxxxix,
cccviii, cccxi, cccxiii. Ιη Louvre Pap. 62. V. 17, 2 Ι καταγώγιον means the 'expenses of
transport' (of copper). But that sense does not suit here.
20. (8pαxμα~) ~: probably the sign for 4 obols has been omitted by the copy~st, cf. ι ι,
28 and introd. '
22. Probably [ΤΡύΦωνοs], cf. 36 and 38.
28. ύικη~ towards the end of the line is probablya mistake for χωματιι<ου for \vhich
6 dr. 4 oboIs were the regular payment, \vhereas Tryphon is just before stated Ιο have paid
2 dr. ι l ob. for the pig tax.
40. The lacunae ϊη this line and 42 are filled up frO!11 cccxiv, an extract similar to the
present one, but referring to the follo,ving )'ear, so that the persons are all one year older.
. 42. Ιη cccxiv the younger Thoonis is mentioned ίn his natural place after his brother,
the younger Tryphon.
CCLXXXIX. ΤΑΧΑΤΙΟΝ ACCOUNTS.
21·6 χ 53 C1Jl. Α. D. 65-83.
Copies of tax receipts, similar to cclxxxviίi, for taxes paid chiefly by

Thoonis, son of Thoonis, ίη various years from the twelfth of Ν ero to the second
of Domitian. The entries have been pιtt ίη at different times, but apparently
are all ίη the same hand. Their chronological order is Ι. 1-10: 11, Ι. 11-20.
Ι. 17-20 are wt·itten paral1el to Ι. 11-16, to the left of them. The entries for
the eighth year ofVespasian (11.18) are incomplete,and it is probable that there
\vas once a third colunln containing the rest of the entries for that year and those
for the four fol1owing years, which are missing.
Three of the four taxes mentioned ίη cclxxxviίi occur here, (ι) the poll-tax
(here called as usual λαογραφία) amounting to 12 drachmae, regularly paid ίο.
two instaltnents of 8 and 4 drachmae, (Ζ) the pig tax, which general1y amounts
to ι dr. 4t oboIs, (3) the tax of 6 dr. 4 obols for maintenance of dykes. Ιη
additi.on to these a tax, of which the name is much abbreviated, of ι drachma
occurs ίη Ι. 8, 10) and possibly another tax is mentioned ία 11. 7.
ι Cf. Wilcken Gr. Οι!. Ι. 812, where the evidence hitherto available is collected.
The upper parts of the columns are written ϊη a flowing but clear cursive,
but ίη the lo,ver parts the hand tends to degenerate into a scrawl. Abbrevia-
tions are very frequent, and the meaning of some of them is obscure.
Besides the two names of taxes already mentioned, we are unable to resolve
the abbreνiation which is commonly fOtlnd before Thoonis' name, e. g. ίη Ι. 2, 15
(? λ(αlJpα~) Π( oιμ.ευΙKη~ ), and another which generally occurs before the sign for
drachmae. άΡΥ(υρίου) would natural1y be expected; but the letters, where they
are not a I!1ere flourish, are irreconcίlable with αΡΥ. The first letter appears to
be σ. Both these abbt·eviations recur ίη cccxiiί, and the second occurred ίη
ο. Ρ. Ι. xcix. 19 before the sign for δpαxμά~ 1.
Since the papyrus covers the eventful period of reνolution 68-70, it is
interesting to note the method of calculating the years. The year 67-8 is the
14th οΕ Nero, the latest date mentioned ίη it being Payni 4 (Ι. 9). The year
68-9 is treated as the second year of Galba up to Phaophi 5 (11. ι). Phamenoth Ζ ι
(March 17), however, and Germanicetls 5 (April 30) are ίη the first year of Otho,
whose name appears here οη a papyrus for the first time, though he is known
from Alexandrian coins and a Theban hieroglyphic inscription to have been
recognized ίη Egypt 2• As a matter of fact he died οη April 12. Vitel1ius
is ignored ίη the papyrus, though coins were struck ίη his name at Alexandria ;
and the year 69-70 is the second of νespasian, who had been crowned at
Alexandria οη July ι, 69.
Col. Ι.
, ιIETovr ι{3 Nεpωvor Κλαv8l0V ΚαίσαΡοr ~εβασ'TOυ Γερμανικου AόTOKpdTopor,

'. Φαμε(νωθ) κθ ~€βασTηι, 8ιαΥεΥρα(πται) 8ια Δα/Ρί(α/νοr) καΙ ΧαΙΡή(μονοr)
ΤΡα(πε(ηr) λaοΥ(Ραφίar) ιβ (lTovr) λ π Θoω(νι~) Θοώ(νιοr) του Χαιρή
(μoνo~)
μη(Tpo~) Τετεο( ) Εύ8α(ίμονοr) σ ••. (8paxpar) όκτώι, / η. μη(νo~) Γερμανι
κείου (3 λαΟΥ(ρaφtαr) ι{3 (~Tovr) ό α(ύτοr) ιr ... (8paXpar) Tf.uuapar, /8.
μη(1Ι0r) ΓΕρμανικε[ου κθ ~EβασTηι ύΙK(η~) ιβ (~TOυ~) ό a(iJTor) και ΕiJ8α{ίμα/ν)
ά8€λ(Φo~) (8ρ αχμαΥ) τρείΥ τριώ(βολοll), / Ύ (τριώβολον).
5 ίΕπεΙ]φ [•.] Xα/μα~TΙKoϋ) ιβ (~Tovr) Θoα/(νι~) Θοώ(νιοr) του'σννώ(ΦΡιοr) μη(Tpo~)
Τε'Τ-οεο{ ) Εύ8α(ίμονΟΥ) (8paxpar) ~ξ τετρ(ώβολοll), / t:; (τετρώβολον).
[ύΙK(η~) ιβ (lTOVS') ό a(iJTor) σ.] •• (8ραχμην) μίαν, / α. ΙΥ (~TOVS') μη(νοr)
Γερμανικε(ου κθ '$εβαστηι λαoy(pαφία~) ΙΥ (~TOVS')
1 Prof. Wilcken (Gr. Ost. Ι. 736) proposes to read there στα(τηρο!;); but we now ηο longer think that
the second and third lettel's of the abbreviation are τα.
2 Also from several of Prof. Wilcken's ostraca, ίη none of which is there a mention of Vitellius.
286 ΤΗΕ OXYRHYNCHUS PAFYRI
ό a(VTor) ~[••• (8pαxμα~) όκτώι], / η. Έπειφ ε λαoy(ραφία~) ΙΥ (~Toυ~)

ό α(ύTO~) σ ••. (8pαxμa~) Tεσσapα~, / 8. ύΙ(Kη~) ΙΥ (EToυ~)
(8ραχμην) μ{[αν, / α]. Φ() ΙΥ [(εToυ~) δ) a(ύTO~) σ .•• (8ραχμην) μίαν,/ a.
μη(νo~) Καισαρείου ε xω(μαTΙKOfι) ΙΥ (~Toυ~) ό α(ύTO~) θοω(νιS') Θοώ(νιοS')
(8paxpaS') ~~ [τε]τ[ρ(ώβολον)], / c; (τετρώβολον). μη(νοS') ~ωTηpείoυ Υ λαΟΥ(ρα
φίαS') ι8 (ETOVS') ό α(vτοs-) σ ••• (8paxpaS') όκτώι, / η . . Πa(υνι) 8
10 λαOΎP(αφία~) ι8 (~Toυ~) ό α(ύTO~) Θoω(νι~) σ ... (8pαxμα~) τεσσαραS', / δ.
ύΙK(η~) ι8 (~TOVS') ~ '!(VTOS') (8ραχμην) μίαν (τετρώβολον) '(ήμιώβoλ~ν),
/ α (τετρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον). φ() ι8 (~TOVS') ό aCVTOS') σ .•• (8ραχμην)
μίαν, / α.
~Toυ~ τρίτου AVTOKptXTOP0S' Τίτου ΚaίσαΡΟS' ουεσπασιανου ~εβασTofj,
Μεχ(εφ) κη, (8ια) TfjS' Xαιpή(μoνo~) και μετ6χ(ων) ΤΡα(πεζηS') λαoy(pαφία~)
Υ (~Toυ~) λ Π Θοα/(ν~S') Θοά(νιοS') σ .•• (8pαxμα~) όκτώι, / η.
μη(νo~) Γερμα(νικείου) ε λαΟΥ(ΡαφίαS') Υ (ETOVS') ό α(VTOS') σ •.• (8ΡαχμαS')
τεσσaΡαS', / 8. ύικ(ηS') Ύ (~TOVS') ό α(ύTO~) (8ραχμην) μίαν τετΡ(ώβολον)
(ήμιώβολον), / α (τετρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον).
ΈπεΙφ Ε χωμα(τικου) Υ (ETOVS') σ •.• (8Ρ αχμαS') ~ξ (τετρώβολον), / C; (τετρώ
βολον). α (~TOVS') AύTOKpάTOPO~ Kα{σαpo~ Δομιτιανου
15 ~εβασToυ, μη(νo~) Γερμανικείου ΙΥ, λαΟΥ(ραφίαS') α (~TOVS') λ Π Θοα/(νιS')
ΘΌώ(νιo~) σ ••• (8pαχμα~) τεσσαραS', / 8. ύικfj(s-) α (ETovr) ό aCVTOS')
(8ρ αχμην) μίαν (τετρώβολον), / α (τετρώβολοιι). έπα(Υομένων) Υ
χω(ματικου) α (~rovr)
ό α(ύTO~) (8paxpaS') ~ξ (τετρώβολον), Ι c; (τετρ6Jβολον).
~TOVS' δευτέρου AVTOKpdTOPOS'
ΚαίσαΡΟS' Δομιτιανου ~εβασToυ,
Μεχ(ειρ) α, (δια) TfjS' ΧαΙΡή(μονοs) και μΕτ6(χων) ΤΡα(πε(ηS')
20 λαΟΥ(ραφίαr) β (~TOVS') λ π eore(vtr) eoC:J(vto~) σ . .• (8paxpaS') όκτώι, / η.
Col. 11.
~TOυ~ β ~εpoυίoυ Γάλβα AvrOKpfiTopOS' Kαίσαpo~ ~εβασToύ, Φαα/(Φι) €,
8ιaΥεΥρα(πται) Βια Δωpί(ωνo~) και XatpIι(povoS') ΤΡα(πεζηS') χωμα(τικου) α

(~TOVS') λ Π Θoα/(JlΙ~) Θοώ(νιοS') -του Όννώ(ΦΡΙΟS') (8ΡαχμαS') ~ξ ΤΕτρώ
(βολαν), / C; (τετρώβολον).
~Toυ~ πρώτου AύTOKpάTOPO~ MdPKOVJlOerovo~ Κα{σαΡΟS' ~ε{3ασToυ, Φαμε(νωθ)
κα [
8ιαΎΕΎρα(πται) Βια Arop{(rovor) και ΧaΙΡή(μοvοr) ΤΡα(πε(ηr) λαΟΥ(Ραφtar)

α (~Tovr) λ Π Θοώ(vιr)
eotd(lIlor) του Όννώ(φΡιοr) σ ••• (8paxpOιr)
όκτώι, / η.
5 μη(νΟΥ) Γερμανικε{ου ε λαΟΥ(Ρaφtαr) α (~Tovr) ό α(ύτοr) '! ... (8paxpar)
Tluuapar, / [8]. ύικ(fjr) α (ETovr) ό α(ύτοr) (8paxpr]lI) μ{αν τετρ(ώβο
λον) (ήμιώβολον), / α (ΤΕτρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον).
β (~Tovr) ΑύτοκράΤΟΡΟΥ ουεσπασιaνου Κα{σαροr ~εβασ[To]υ, μη(vοr)
'$εβαστου Ε, χωμα(τικου) α (~Tovr) λ π
θοώ(ιιιr) Θοώ(vιοr) (8ραχμαΥ) ~ξ (τετρώβολον), / t;' (τετρώβολον). .. ~ ) α
(lTovr) 8ια Δι8(ύμου) 'χε( ) όβολ(6ν), / (όβολ6ν). β (~Tovr) Φaμε(~ωθ) 'Υ
. λαΟΥ(Ρaφtαr) β (~Tovr)
Θοω(νιr) Θοώ(νιοr) σ ... (8Ραχμαr) όκτώι, / η. Φαρμ(ουθι) Kt:; λαοΥ(Ρaφ{αr)
β (~Tovr) Θοώ(νιr) eoJJ(lIlor) σ ••• (8Ρ αχμar) TE[u]uapar, / 8. ύικ(ηr)
β (~TOυy)
ό a(iJTor) (8ρaχμην) μ(aν ΤΕτρώ(βολον) (ήμιώβολον), / α (τετρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον).
μη(νοr) Κaισαρείου κη χωμα(τικου) β (~Tovr) ό [a(VTor)] (8Ραχμαr) (~ξ]
(τετρώβολον), / " (τετρώβολον).
10 Ύ (~Tovr) Φαμε(νωθ) Ύ λαοΥ(Ραφίar) Ύ (~Tovr) λ π ΘοωνΙ$ Θοώ(νΙΟ$)
l! ••. (ορaχμaΥ) όκτώι, / η. μη(νΟ$) Γερμανικείου ε
λaοΥ(Ρaφ{αr) Ύ (~TOVS') ό a(iJTor) σ . .• (8paxpar) TEuuapar, / 8. ύικ(ηr) Υ
(~Tovr) ό α(vτοr) (οραχμην) μίαν τετρώ(βολον) (ήμιώβολον), / α
(τετρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον). μη(νοr) Καισaρε(ου Ύ χωμa(τικοθ) Ύ (lTovr)
λ π Θοώ(νι r) Θοώ(νιοr) (opaxpar) ~ξ (τετρώβολον), / t;' (τετρώβολον). 8
(lTOVS') Μεχ(ειρ) κθ (8ια) Tfjr Χaιρή(μονΟ$) και 'Απολ(λων(ου) τ!>ρ
If(at) ••• ( ) ΤΡα(ΠΕ(ηr) λaΟΥ(ραφίαr) 8 (~TOυ$) Θοώ(νιr) Θ[οώ(νιοr)
σ ... (8ραχμαΥ) όκτώι, / η. μη(νοr) Γερμaνικείου ε λαΟΥ(ραφtαr) 8 (grovS')
ό aCvTor) jj ••• (8ραχμaΥ) TEuuapar, / 8. [ύ]ικ(ηr) 8 (~TOυy) ό α(ύτοr)
(8ραχμην) μίαν (τετρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον), / α (τετρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον).
ε (~Toυy) Φαα/(φι) ε 8[ια
XatpιIι(povor) καΙ υίων 'Λπολ(λωνίου) T~V If(at) •.•• ( ) τρa(πέ(ηΥ) χωμα
(τικοΟ) 8 (~Tovr) θοα/(νΙΥ) Θοώ(νΙΟΥ) (8Ρ aχμar) ~ξ (τετρώβολον), / c;
(ΤΕτρώβολον). ΦαpμJ..oυθι) κ( $Εβαστηι λαΟΥ(Ραφίar) ε (~Tovr) eooo(vtr)
[Θοώ(νιοr)
15 σ ••• (8ραχμaΥ) όκτώι, / η. Πα(υνι) β λaΟΥ(Ρaφtαr) ε (~Tovr) Θoώ(νι~)
θοώ(vιοs) jj • •• (8Ραχμαr) τεσσαρa$, / 8. ύικη(r) Ε (~Tovr) .ό a(ύτοr)
(8ρaχμην) μ{[αν (τΕτρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον), / α (ΤΕτρώβολον) (ήμιώ

βολον).
ς (~TOυ~) Φαωφι 8 ~!f1q.<rrfi! χωμα(τικοϋ) Ε (~TOυ~) Θoα/(νι~) Θoώ(νιo~)
(8pαxμα~) Ιξ τετρ(ώβολον), / C; (Τετρώβολον). μη(νo~) Γερμα(lIικεΕου) β
λαoy(pαφEα~) 'i (~TOVS') λ π Θ οα/(lIΙS') Θοώ(lIΙΟS') σ ... (8pαxμα~)
[όκτώιJ, / η.
Πα(υνι) Ύ λαΟΥ(ΡαφlαS') 'i (~TOVS') ό α(ύτοS') σ ... (8pαxμa~) τέσσαΡaS', / 8.
ύικ(ηS') 'i (~TOVS') ό a(VTOS') (8ρα,χμην) μΕaν (τε τρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον),
/ α (τετρώβολον) (ήμιώβολον). ((~TOVS') μη(νοr) '$εβαστοϋ ! [χω]μα
(τικοϋ) 'i (~TOVS') λ Π [eord(VlS')
Θοώ(νιοS') (8ΡaχμaS') ~ξ (τεΤΡώβολjJν), / 'i (τετρώβολον). η (~TOUS') Φαρμ(οϋθι)
Ε λaΟΥ(ΡαφtαS') η (~TOυ~) λ π eocd(VlS') Θοώ(lIΙΟS') σ ... (8ΡαχμαS')
, //
ΟΚΤα/Ι, η.
Ι. 2. Thoonis' grandfather is here called Chaeremon, but this Thoonis is nevertheless

probably identical with the Thooηis whose gI"andfather is called Onnophris ίn Ι 5, 11. 2, 4,
and' the woman TETEO(VS'?) ίη Ι. 3 is a]so the same as the woman ΤεΤΟΕΟ(US'?) ίη Ι. ,5.
Thoonis was probably connected with Tryphon's family; but he cannot be identical with
either of the two persons of that name mentioned ίn cclxxxviίi. 40 and 42. He may, how-
ever, be identical with the Thoonis of ccciv.
4. The sum paid for ύική here by Thoonis and his brother is exactly double that paid
by Thoonis a]one.
5. The χ ωματικό71 ίη this papyrus, as ίn cclxxxviii, is regularly paid during one of the
months of the inundation, Epeiph, Mesore (ΚαισάΡΕΙΟS-), Thoth ('Σ.~βαστόs-), or Phaophi, a cir-
cumstance which agrees very well "rith the hypothesis that the tax was the alternative for
five daγs' personal work (introd. to cclxxxviii). Ιn most second century receipts for xωμαTιιcό7l,
however, e.g. Β. G. U. 359, Brit. Mus. Pap. CCXCVI, the payment takes p]ace much ]ater.
9. ~ωτήΡιοr= Payni, cf. Brit. Μ us. Pap. CXLI. 2; but there is' an error here, for the
second instalment of λαογραφία is paid οη. Πα-, i. e. πα(υνι), 4. Πα(χώ7l) is unlikely there
because ίn this papYl"US that month is calIed Germaniceus, and ία 11. 6 Πα- must be
Payni since it is clearly distinguished from Germaniceus. Moreover, even if Πα- ,ίη Ι. 9
could mean Πα(χώ7l), the order of the months would be wrong. Probably, ·therefore,
~ωTηpείoυ is a mistake for either ΓEpμανιιcείoυ or Φαμενώθ, ίn which months the first instalment
of λαογραΦία was paid ίη the oth~r years.
11. 7. ~E( ): or, possibly, ά~E(λΦoV).
ccxc. WORI( ΟΝ ΤΗΕ EMBANKMENTS.

27·8 χ 9·1 ctJz. 83-84 Α. D.
Part of a 1ist of' private embankments.' The portion preserved refers to

an embankn1ent ίη process of construction at the vil1age of TVXLi NEKωTΙ~, and
a statement is given of the persons erecting it and of the size of their respective
holdings, ίη proportion to which their contributions were estimated. The

'private' embankments were the resnlt of individual enterprise, and are opposed
to the public embankments (cf. Ι 34), whi.ch were more directly under the
control of the state.
The imposts upon landowners ίη connexion with the dykes are referred
to ίη the puzzlίng word vaVβιοv, cf. note οη cclxx. 41 and introd. to ccxcvi.
Γpαφrι Ι8ιωτικ(ων) χωμάΤ(ων)

του 'Υ (lTOVS') ΑvτοκράτοροS'
ΚαίσαΡΟΥ Δομιτιανου
~εβασTOυ Γερμαιιικου,
5 εΙναι δε·
ΤύΧ(ΙΟΥ) Νεκώ(ΤΙΟΥ), χα/μα λεΥ6(μενον)
Πάψι~, το dyqpevov) κατ έπιβολ(ην)
~ν εκαστ(oS') lxEt (άρουρα/ν)
ύπα των ύΠΟΥεΥραμμε(νων)
10 άν8(ρων), σχοι(ν{ου) (ημισυ τεταρτον) ι~·
cnplrovoS' ΙΑρπαήσΙ(ΟΥ) (αρουραι) t'i",
ΔημήτΡΙ(Ο)S' και Θεα/ν άμφ6(τεροι)
Δι8(ύμου) Εξ (σου ν" (τρίτον),
Διδύμη CΩρίωνο(S') και c.ApeoOO(VlS')
15 Θοώ(νιοS') του c.Λpθoώ(νιoy) και Τανεχώ(τηS')
(nptro(voS') ιη,
$αμβοϋr Διονυσίου Υ,
~αpaπ(ία/ν) και Χαιρή(μων) κ[αι] Δι[ο]νυσΕα
ΟΙ Υ Διον(υσίου) $αραπ(ίωνΟΥ) Άθηνα(ίου) qa,
20 των Εκ του O(KOV (δια) C Ω ptro(lIor)
προστάτου ~,
Πετσί(ΡΙΟΥ) το(υ) κ(αι) Άντιτ( ) Πετσί(ΡΙΟΥ), T~TEλ(EσTaι)
(δια) TOTOEroS' 'ΟννώΦ(ΡΙΟS')
άποπιμπ(λαΥ ?] α,
25 ΤασενθέωΥ 'ΟννώΦ(ΡΙΟΥ) β,
ΤσενυΡΙΥ ΈΡΥεώ[τ(ου)?] Υ,
~rρούθηS' ~Tpoύθ(oυ) ro(iJ) Πετσί(ΡΙΟS') α,
<Ηρακλείδ(ηΥ) <Ηρακλ(εί80υ) άποπιμπ(λαΥ?) α,
Τιβερίου Κλαυ8(ίου) elrovo{r) υιιο(υ)
u
30 '$αpαπίωνo(~) ς,
ΠETσίpιo~ To(iJ) κ(αι) Άνικήτ(J-υ) Ίναρω(
υίων Ύ (ημισυ),
/ ' l1ρο(υραι) υα (ήμισυ) (τρίτον).
και άπο λιβ(o~) 8ημοσίου xώμαT(O~)
35 [. . .]ΟΙ[ • •] • δημοσι( )
25. β corr. from α.
6. τι'ι χ ( tos-) Νεκώ( TΙOSΙ): cf. cclx ΧΧ. 8.

7. κατ' lπιβολήv: the general meaning of the passage clearly is that the contributions
of the individuals, mentioned were proportional to the extent of their property. Ιη Petrie
Papyri, 11. ΧΧίίί, the word is used ίn reference to χώματα ίn the sense of 'building up';
while ίη C. Ρ. R. Ι. 16 έπιβολη Kα/μηsι is one of the burdens imposed upon land. Neither of
these meanings suits the present passage, which is rather to be compaIed \vith Β. G. U.
444. 19 τα] κατα την ~ιαίΡEσιν ί'Ε')'Ενησθαι κατ' επιβολήν.
10. The length of the χωμα was apparently l* of a σχοινίον. For σχοιιιίον as a measure-
ment of land, cf. Petrie Papyri, 11. χχχνί, and Brit. Mus. Pap. CLXVII, where Mr. Kenyon
(Cat. 11. ρ. 130, note) gives it the value of 100 cubits. The Tabulae Heronianae mention
σχοινία of 40 and 48 cubits; but more probably the longer σχοινίον is meant het-e, for t! of
Η, if the σχοιυίον refers to the length of the χωμα, is ίη any case a very short distance.
ι Ι, 12. (Ωpίωνosι ••• Δημήτρι(o)sι: throughout the list the nominative and genitive cases
are indiscriminately used ίn the names of the landowners.
21. προστάτου: cf. note οη ccxcix. 4.
22. τετέλ(Εσται) απoπιμπ(λάsι): the meaning may be that Petsiris had discharged his
obligations ίn th,e matter; άποπιμπ(λά,) recurs ίη 28. If τεΤΕ'λ(εσται) 18 right Πετσl(ριοS') 7"O(V)
should have been ΠεTσί(pιsι) ό. '
CCXCI. J.JETTER OF Α STRATEGUS.
23 χ 15 cm. A.D.25-26.
Letter from Chaereas, who was strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome
(cf. ccxlvi. Ι), to Tyrannus, OΙOΙKηTή~, with reference to certain detaίls of financial
administration. Of the position and duties of the οιοικητήs at this period lίttle
is known; but the rank of Tyrannus was clearly very different from that of the
high official of the same title who is dignified by the adjective KράTισTO~, and
is sometimes referred to ίη papyri of the third century. The tone of this letter
(cf. also ccxcii) shows that the status of Tyrannus was probably inferior to
that of the strategus, who places his own name first and writes ίη the most
familiar manner. Ιη the Ptolemaic period there seem to have been subordinate
dioecetae besides the chief of the treasury at Alexandria (Rev. Pap. ρ. 123);
and the chief financial officials of the nome, the oeconomus and antigrapheus,
were under their control. But the relations of the OΙOΙKηTή~ ϊη the Roman
period Ιο the strategus, who now became the most important financial official
ίη the nomes, is ,uncertain 1.
The letter is written ίη a fine, bold, semi-uncial hand, with an unusual tendency
to separation of words. ccxcii, which is also addressed to Tyrannus, is ίη the
same handwriting; probably both letters were written by a professional scribe
attached to the strategus.
x.aιpεa~ Τυρά,'νωι τωι φιλτάτωι

πλ€ισTa XatPEt1l.
τ[ r]1l] ~κθεσι1l του ίβ (~TOttS') Τιβερίου
Κα~σαΡ]οr ~εβασTOυ σειτικην και
5 dp[ιyJVPlKfJV εύθέωr γράψον,
έ[πει] ~εoυηpo~ μοι εvετεtλατο
'lTpoS' άπαίτησι1Ι· και προέΥρα-
ψ[άσοι] άv8ΡaΥαθί[v] και άπαιτείν
P[ExJpt ύΥια[(Jvωv παρ[ aJ'Υέvωμαι.
10 [μη' ]";'
Ο υν ,
αμελ'
ησΊJ~ και '"
τα ,
απο
[. (ETOVS') μ]εχρι ια (~Tovr) έτο[ίjμα ποίησον

[eiS' τη]ν άπαίτησιν σιτικα και
[ άpyυPΙKά~.
Ν
εΡΡωσο.
Οπ the verso
15 Τυράννωι 8ιοικητηι.
3. fl<θεσιv: Ι( is written above a χ which has not been deleted.

'Chaereas to his dearest Tyrannus, many greetings. Write out immediately the list
of arrears both of corn and money for the twelfth year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, as
Severus has given me instructions for demanding their payment. Ι have already written Ιο
you to be firm and demand payment untίl Ι come ίn peace. Do not therefore neglect this,
but prepare the statements of corn and money from the .•. year Ιο the eleventh for the
presentation of the demands. Good-bye.' Addressed' Το Tyrannus, dioecetes.'
3. ίκθεσιν: cf. cclxxii. 18, note.
7. 1ΓPO~ άπαίτησιν: cf. ccxcνiii. 19.
1 Cf. Wilcken, Gr. Os/. Ι. 492 sqq. He thinks that each nome had a διoι"ηrή~ ίη the Ptolemaic period,
and that these δΙΟΙΗηταί were in the Roman period succeeded by imperial procuratores.
υ~
CCXCII. LETTER OF RECOMMENDATION.
20 χ 14-7 C1Il. About Α. D. 25.
Another letter to Tyrannus (cf. introd. to ccxci), from Theon, introducing

and commending to the faνourable notice of the dioecetes the writer's brother
Heraclides.
The letter is ίη the same handwriting as ccxci, but is rather more cursiνely
written.
Θέων Τυράννωι τωι τιμιωτάτωι
πλεΊστα χαίρειν.
cHpαKλ€ί8η~ ό άπoδι80ύ~ σοι την
~πισToλήν ~σTίν μου ά8ελφ6~·
5 8ιο παρακαλω σε μετα πάση~ δυνά-
.J/ , , "
μεω~ εχειν αυτον συνεσταμε-
νον. '"
ηρωτησα .ί\\'
οε και cEρμι/[]
α ν
τον ά8ελφον δια γραπτου άνηΥε![σθαΕ

σοι περι τούτου. χαρ(εσαι δΕ μοι τα μέγιστα
10 έάν σου Tη~ έπισημασία~ τύχηι.
προ 8Ε πάντων -όΥια(l)VEtv σε εγχ[ 0-
μαι άβασKάνTω~ τα liptura
πράττων. ~pρω(σo).
Οη the verso--
Τυράννωι 8ιοικ(η Tfi)·
9. σοι περι inserted above line. 1. χaρΙσει.
'Theon to his esteemed Tyrannus, many greetings. He]-aclides, the bearer of this
letter, is my brother. Ι therefore entreat you with all my power to treat him as JTour
protege. Ι have also written to your brother Hermias asking him to communicate with
you about him. You will confer υροη me a very great favour if Heraclides gains your
notice. Before all else you have my good wishes for unbroken health and prosperity.
Good-bye.' Addressed' Το -Tyrannus, dioecetes.'
6. συν€σταμένoν: literally' as one recommended to you.' Or perhaps συν€σTαμένO~ here
has the sense which it has ίn the phrase συνεσTαμένo~ ύπό (e. g. cccxxxi-ii), i. e. ' give him an
appointment.' But though this was probably the writer's real meaning, the use of ;x~ιν is
ίη favour of the other interpretation.
9- xapί~σaι: for the form cf. G. Ρ. 11. κίν (c). 7 xapI€ισα! μοι TOV'tO πoιήσα~.
FIRST CENTUR Υ DOCUMENTS
CCXCIII. LETTER ΤΟ Α SISTER.

23 χ 12'7 cm. A.D.27.
Letter from Dionysins to his sister asking for instructions about some
clothes.
ΑιονύσιοS' Δι8ύμl1 τηι ά8Ελ-
ΦΌ πλειστα χαίρειν και 8ια
παντο[S'] ύΥια{νειν. [/f] ού8εμί-
αν μοι
Φ ασιν
' "
απεστει λ aS' πε-
5 ρι των ίματίων ογΤΕ 8ια Υρα-

,...
πτου '1
ουτε 1\ \
οια </) ου,
σημΕ ι α'λλ' JI
ε-
τι και νυν ΚΕΊται μέχρι ου α-

'λ 115'
ποσΤΕΙ μοι Φ'
ασιν. τφ
1"'1 1'\
οΕ
Φ εροντι
" σοι την \'επιστολ'
ην
10 θEω[ν]~T~ ίκανον πο(ησον

(πε]ρ[ι OV έ]αν θiλυ. ~ ούκ ~σTιν
( ]λο[ ]0S', έa[ν] 8Ε με-
[. · ]Τ![ ] και προσελ-
[ 13 letters ]ειραν • . 05' πωS'
15 [ 15 letters ]-ι.r • [•••• • •
[.. έπ]!σκοπ[ου 8J~ ύμαΥ και
[πά]νταS' ,-ov[S'] Εν οΥκφ.
~ppωσo.
(~TOVS') ι8 Τιβερίου ΚαίσαΡΟΥ '4εβαστου, Άθυρ
ιη.
Οη the verso
20 άπ68ο(S') παρa Αιον[υσίου
Δ ι8ύμυ τηι άδε[λφυ.
, Dionysius to his sister Didyme many greetings, and good wishes for continued health.
Υ ou have sent me nο word about the clothes either by letter or by message, and they are
still waiting until you send me word. Provide the bearer of this letter, Theonas, with any
assistance that he wishes for. . .. Take care of yourself and all YOUl· household. Good-
bye.' Date. A'ddressed' Deliver from Dionysius to his sister Didyme.'
10. θfω[v]ατι: or perhaps θεωνι το [κανόν.
15. The papyrus is ϊη two fragments, the upper of which ends with 1. 15, and one or
two lines may be 10st between this and 16.
16. [έπ]ισκοπ[ου: cf. ccxciv. 3 Ι.
CCXCIV. LETTER FROM ALEXANDRIA.
23·1 χ 13 C1Jl.· Α. D. 22.
This Ietter iS of more than ordinary intel'est, but it has unfort,unately

suffered by mutilation. Sarapion, the writer, was concerned ίη some case which
was to 'go to the praefect's court. Apparently ne\ινs had reached Sarapion
οη arriνal at Alexandria that among other events his house had been searchecl
during his absence, and he now sends to his brother Dorion for ftlrther information,
with a νiew to a petition to the praefect. He adds for Dorion's benefit a few items
of news: that he was thinking of entering the household of the chief attendant
at the praefect's court, which would strengthen his position at the trial; and
that two officials ίη the retinue of the strategus (of the Oxyrhynchite nome?)
were under arrest by order of the praefect untίl the session commenced.
Whether the officials ίη question were connected with Sarapion's case does not
appear. The writel" concludes with some jocose remarks about his friends.
ι Ο 8ιαλΟΥΙ[σμοS' . . . .'. . • . . . .
$αραπίων Δω[ρίωνι τφ άδελφφ χαί-
, 1" 'Ι[' "Λ
ριν και οια πανTO~ ~ Υιαινιν. επι τφ ΥεΥΟ-
νέναι έν Άλε~αν8Ρί<f [Tfi . • του ύΠΟΥε-

5 Υραμμενου , '~'[θ
μηvοS' εμ α ον παρα ' τινων
α
'
«λ ιε~ν "Λλ
EtS' t.' l' [ ιl
.L'J. Er;aVOpt αν . . . . . . . . . 0-
τι ~α[• . ]ειλλα προσοινθ[ . • . . . . . . . . . .

παρ
, εμου
, ,..,εν αυ'λ" , ( [';"
Ί/, και ο ο tKOS' . . . . .
ΣεK6ν8α~ ήραύνηται κ[αι . . . . . . . . . .

10 ό έμ[o~] olKO~ ήραύνητ[αι .
και σΕσύνηται εΙ ταυτα O{)Tω~ ~xι άσφα-
λω~. εο ουν πoιήσι~ ypάψα~ μοι άντιφώνη(σJιv
, , ,.. , ( ')' " , l' .... ,
περι τουτων Εινα και Ε Υω αυTO~ επιοω ανα-
C:, ' "

Φ '
οριον Λ
τφ ηΥεμονι. ''ί'
μη ουν Βλλω~
α, πoιησι~, εΥω
ι 5 8Ε' "
αυTO~ ,,,
ουπω ου'8"'λ
Ε ενη Επα EroS'
d ακουσω
" ,
Φ ασ-
ιν παρa σου περι άπάντων. ΕΥα/ δΕ βιά(ο-

μαι όπο φίλω[ν] Υενέσθαι OlKtaKOS' του άρχι
σTάTOPO~ ~πoλλωνίoυ είνα συν αύτφ Επι 8ι
αλΟΥισμον ~~[θ]ω. [ό] μΕν ήyoύμEνo~ του στρα-
20 [τ]ηΥου κ[αι 'ΙοD]στο~ ό μαxαιpoφ6po~ εν ~oσ-
[T]ω8ε[ί~ εΖσ[], ώ~ έπεταξεν ό ήΥεμών, Eω~

έπΊ 8ιαλ[oyισ]μ6~, ~αν μή τι πίσα/σι τον άρχι-
,
στατορα
8ο [""'υν] α,ι ( ,
εικανον eros-
t/ "1\
fΠΙ
λ
υια 0-
Υισμ6ν. περι 8ίε] του φαλακρου Υρά'Ψον μοι πωf

25 πάλιν livro λαλαχεύεται. μη ουν dλλωs- ποι
ήσΊ/S'. εΙπον ~~ ΔΙΟΥενι τφ φtλφ σου μη ά8ικη-
σαί με πε[ ] els- 8απάνην 00 ~xι μου'
συνανα~[ Υ)αρ τφ άρχιστάτορι, έρωτω δε σε
και παρακαλ[ω ypdJtEt μοι άντιφώνησιν περι
30 των Υενομεν[ων. πρ]ο μΕν πάνΤα/ν σεαυτου
έπιμελου είν' ύ[Υιαίν17S-]. έπισκωπου Δημητρού[ν
και Δωρία/να [τον πατ)ερα. g[Ρ]Ρωσο.
(~Toυ~) θ ΤιβfΡ[ου Κα[σαΡ[Οf ~εβασToϋ, Χο]Ιακ ΙΕ.
aη the verso
άπ68ο(f) Δα/ρίωνι τρ ά8ελφωι.
22. 1. ~ιαλoyισμ.όν. 24. ιc ίη Φαλακρου corr. from α or λ. 27. After μου a blank
space. 29. 1. ΥράΨαι. 3 ι. Ι 'πισκοπου.
'Sarapion to his bl'other Dorion greeting and good wishes for continued health.
Οη arriving at Alexandria ση the ... of the month below written, Ι learned from some
fishermen who were at Alexandria that ... and that Secunda's hou8e has been searched
and that my house has been searched, and •.. whether this is certainly so. Ι shall there-
fore be obliged if you will write me an answer ση this matter, ίη order that Ι may myself
present a petition to' the praefect. Be sure to do this; Ι am not 80 much ~s anointing
myself until Ι hear word from you οη each ρσίηΙ Ι am being pressed by my friends to
enter the serνice of Apol1onius, the chief usher, ίn order that Ι come to the session ίη his
company. The marshal of the strategus and Justus the 8word-bearer are ίη prison, ίη
accordance \vith the instructions of the praefect, until tlle session, -unless indeed they
persuade the chief usher to give security for them until the session. Let me hear about
our bald friend, how his hair is growing again ση the top; be sure you do. Ι t91d your
fl"iend Diogenes not to rob me over the expense of what he has of mine; for Ι am . " . with
the chief usher. Ι beg and entreat you to write me a reply concerning what has
happened. Before all else take care of your health. Look after Demetrous and our
father Dorion. Good-bye.' Date. Addressed,' Deliver to my brother Dorion.'
ι. This remark inserted at the top of the letter perhaps informed Dorion of the date
when the session would commence. For l)ιαλΟΥισμ.ό~, cf. e. g. Β. G. U. 19, 1. 13 τφ l)Ιfληλvθότι
~ιαλoyισμφ.
Ι ι. σfσύvηται is a curious \vord; there is ηο doubt about the reading. Perhaps
σfσύληται was intended, and fl ταυτα ιc.T.λ. may be an elliptical indirect question.
15. Jvήλfπα: a strangely formed perfect from έι/αλιlΦω. Ιη another (unpublished)
letter from Oxyrhynchus a man declares to his sister that as a token of sympathy he has
not washed for a month. The division Φάσlιν violates the ordinary canon; the writer else-
where shows him8elf to be rather uncducated.
25. λαλαΧΕύω iS a new verb having the sense of λαχν&ω.

26-28. This remark is perhaps a humorous allusion to Sarapion's relations to the
αρχιστάτωρ : - ' Ι have told your friend to mind what he is about, for have Ι not the usher
at my back ?' ΠΕ[ρισσά] is rather long for the lacuna ίn 27, and πέ[ραJ scarcely fills it up.
CCXCV. LETTER OF Α DAUGHTEl<.
25 χ 8·4 cm. About Α. D. 35.
Α short letter composed of a series of Iaconic messages from a daughter

to her mother.
The papyrus was found with ccxcίii, ccxciv, etc., and is of the same early
period.
Θαεισσϋr ~υpαTΙ Tfi κ[α. Υράψον μοι
" tf , t'
μη τρι. ΥινωσΚΕ στι ΙΟ την ημεραν.
,
~~λευκοr έλθα/ν
,ι
ασπασαι συ
&8ε πέφευΥε. Άμμωναν

5 μη σκ{ λ }ύλλε ~α το[ν] d8ελφ6ν μου
την ένπηναι. καυ] . eαπ[.]ν και
προσδέχου lr τον 15 [τJη[ν &8ε]λφην
ένιαυτον Αου- [. · • · · .]ι;t[. · ·
Ιη the Ieft-hand margin

και Θεωναν τον πaτ[ε]ρa.
C Thaisous to her mother Syras. Ι must tell you that Seleucus came here and has fled.
Don't trouble yourself to explain (?). Let Lucia wait until the year. Let me know the day.
Salute Ammonas my brother and ... and my sister ... and my father Theonas.'
6. /νπηναι: for /μφηναι? But the sense is obscure.
7-8. προσ13έχου ••• AOVKla: the same construction occUl·S ίη cccxcviii. 22-3 ΚλΕόιιικο,"
vπαΥΕ, και ίlλλo" ΙλΕύσΕται. Perhaps the full-stop should be placed after /νιαυτόν.
CCXCVI. LETTER CONCERNING ΤΑΧΑΤΙΟΝ.
ι 1·3 χ 7·4 cm. First century.
Letter from Heraclides to Asclatas, asking him to pay the bearer the poll-
tax for Mnesitheus and the vαVβιοv. The meaning of this word has long been
a puzzle to editors, but there is ηο need to discuss here the various solutions
which have been suggested, since much fresh light will be throWl1 οη the question
by Mr. Snlyly ίn his new edition of the Petrie Papyri. The υα6βιου tax, ί. e. the
duty of supplying υαύβια, was one of the irnposts upon land, and is connected
with 'the building or repair of dykes or houses; cf. ccxc, Brit. Mus. Papp.
CCCLXXXIII. 2, CXCIII. 6, 7, 281. The papyrus was ,vritten ίη the first
year of an emperor, who is probably Gaius, Claudius, or Nero, οη the back
of a piece of accounts.
(ΗΡακληεί8ηr 'Λσ/(λατaι
χ(α{ρειν).
80~ τφ κομεΙ(οντ{ σου την
έπιστολην την λαΟΥραφ{αν
5 Μνησιθέου και το ναύβιον,
και πέμψον ήμειν περι
των βιβλίον Τι έEήpTισα~.
~pρω(σo).
(~Toυy) α, μηΙΙΟΥ Φαμε(νωθ) κη.
Ι. 1. ΙΗραl(λΕl~η~: the ~ has been corrected from σ. 3. 1. σοι. 7. 1. βιβλίων.
'Heraclides to Asclatas greeting. Give the bearer of this letter the poll-tax of
Mnesitheus and the naubion, and send me word about the documents, how you have
completed them. Good-bye. First year, Phamenoth 28.'
7. έξήpτισa~ is probably equivalent Ιο έT~λ~ίωσα~, cf. note οη ccxxxvίii. 9, and Ο. Ρ. Ι.
cxvii. 4, 5.
CCXCVII. LETTER CONCERNING Α PROPERTY RETURN.
31.6 χ 9'4 cm. Α. D. 54·
Letter from Ammonius to his father, requesting him to send information

for a supplementary return of lambs born since the first return of sheep [or
the year had been dispatched; cf. ccxlvi which is an ex~mple of such
a supplementary return. cccxxνi is perhaps another letter from the same
Ammonius to his father.
1 Ιη the last case the figUTes applied to the ναύβ(ιον), which the editor explains as drachmae, are much
more probably the numbers of the ναύβια to be supplied. Αη individual ναύβιον was worth extremely
1ittle, as is shown by Petrie Pap. Ι. χχΗί, and the tax of 100 drachmae per aroura for ναύβιον which the editor
supposes would be incredibly high.
Άμμώιιιo~ 'Αμμωνίωι' την πρώτην άπο-

,..,
τωι πατρι
" χαιρειν. 10 Υραφην έπι- .
Kαλω~ πoιήσει~ [.. .]TEVTq[. άποJλΟΥισμ(ο.)
',,1,. l' , ,
ypα,l,ει~ οια πιττακιων [. • · •]~T!!'[. • •~pp]~σο).
5 τον άπολΟΥισμον [(~TOVS')] !~ Τιβερίου [Κλα]υ8ίου
των [πJΡ[οJβάτων Kαίσαpo~ ~εβασToυ
τί σοι προσεΥενετο 15 Γερμανικοϋ AiJToKpdTOP(O~),
, , αpνεα~
απο
" πaρα
,
'Επειφ K~.
Οη the verso
, Λμμωνίωι τ[α/ι πατρί.
" Ammonius to his father Ammonius greeting. Kindly write me ίη a note the record
of the sheep, how many more you have by the lambing beyond those included ίη the first
return . . . Good-bye. The fourteenth year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus Imperator, Epeiph 29.'
CCXCVIII. LETTER OF Α TAX-COLLECTOR.
2209 χ 18·5 cm. First century Α. D.
Α long and rathel· garrulous epistle, which occupies both sides of the
papyrus, from a man to a friend. The names of both writer and recipient
are lost, but the former was an official apparently ίη the finance department.
Η e talks of visiting various nomes and getting ίη arl"ears of payment, and
of reports received from Alexandria. Bttt the letter is for the most part
occupied with private affairs.
17 letters )ωι τα/ι φιλτάτωι χαίρειν.
[Ισχον έπιστολην παρ]a ΠαυσιρίωνΟΥ τυ κε του ένεσTωTO~ μηνo~
[ 17 1etters "
] και' ανεΥνων τα οια αυTη~
'1" '''' ΥεΥραμμενα
, , .πρω-
.,
[τον περι 9 letters ]~ του KaTαKp(μaTO~ (8ραχμων) $ 8τι ό πυpo~ Tή~

'Αρσου-
5 15" ]θη, και lJTt ή θρεπτη άπε[8]ρα σε, και lJTL παρa
Παυ-
'
[σιpιωνo~ "']β'"
Ta~ αρτα α~ οκτω ουκ ~'λ
ε α β ε~ , [tf]
και 01' ι ~
Την ,
αποχην ' 1\
'Ε υοαι-
[μ J2 letters πε]ρι μΕν ουν του KαTαKρίμαT[O]~ τον πυρον πώλη-

[σον 12" K]ι;t~ πλήρωσον ~π€ι όφείλομεν 8ημοσίων και
[ 16" ]~y 8ύο άμφι8άφουΥ άΥ6ρασον και 8ύο ~πιβo-

10 (λa$ 24" ] ... ΕΙ •••• !" άμφι8άφου ~~1
[ 20" ] στατηραΥ πορφύ[ρ]αΥ άΥορασον lr κιθα/(να)
[ ]6 " ] f)atuovTL l1λλο oiJBEv. ταϋτα ουν οΙκονομήσαΥ
[ 6
Ι,,, ] • μετa' ,τηΥ
. . ,μεικραΥ
. . . . επε
, ι'λ'ιαv αυτηv
,,)?: '"
επι~ηToυ·
[ 14 " '" ασχολ'ημαΤΟΥ εαν

τ]ου 'θ'"
'" επ, αΥα ,
φ παραΥενπ παν-
J5 [ 15 " (
] υπομνηματισμοι, ηνεχ
, , θ'
ησαν μοι
, ,
απ
'Λ λ
ε-
[ξαν8ρεΙαΥ •.. περ]ι των κληρονομιωv. έαν δε τι l1λλο προσοφεί-

[ληται 12 letters ]μενo~ εύθέωr άπολήμΨΏ Εν τ6σφ και εΙΥ
[τον πo]~ιίTην 8ιαβαΙ,,'ω. μεμενηκa Εν τρ Λη-
[τοπολείτΤ/ ήμέp]α~ Χ, poytr (8pαxμa~) Χ άπαιτήσαf. διέΥρaψα
20 [ 17 letters ]ι θέμα 8ε8ώκασι των καταλοχισμων, και
[ 1 7" J~ 8'
παι ιωι
~ ,
~ αραπιωιιι
(, [ ]'"
ιματ ι α πεποιηκ!ιι
, ,
ΕΙΙ ου-
[ 14" θαι]σοϋτι ούχ [eep]opev την άποχη." Επειι-

( 17" ] 4νενεΥΚ[.•. μο]ι ΈΙΥ Μέμφιν και τα σύμβο..
λα.
aη the verso
Col. Ι. Col. 11.

25 περι Έρμ08ώρου Υράφε(Ι]Υ ίίλλΟΤΕ σοι ~ypαψ[ α
μοι λ[αν αύΤον βαρύνο- '1
ινα
"
εαν
tf
ευPΊJ~
,
αΥ
[
0-
μαι, πάλι Υαρ πάντα ταράσ- ραστην του μερ[ουΥ

σει.
"d
εαν ευPΊJ~
"
παρα σοι 50 τη$' οΙκ(α$' Tη~ ~[ν
νεώτερον έντ[άσ)ι:ειν Τaνάει ίνα ΠΡαθii
30 έν Torr Υράμμασ[ι ] ~νεyκoν, περι 8Ε Tη~ άπar
, "
επει 't.
αποταsασθ αι ''''
αυτρ θρωπΙα$' των άπ[ αιτη
θέλω, και δ 'Λνoυβa~ αύ σάντω(lΙ) ΕΥα/ α~[O~. ••
[TO]V ούχ ήδέωf [β]λέπει. 55 . . . [ά]πο8ώ[σ]ω [. . . .
l1σπασαι Πτολεμα[ν] και TOVf .λ[
35 uovr πάνταΥ κατ 8νομα. έπι(ητ? T~ ~ • [ • • • •
άσπά(εταί σε ~αραπίωιι aυτου
, απoy~
,.... και, ουκ , [
•.
και πάνTε~ ΟΙ παρ ήμΦιι. κτισται Εωf
tI παρaΥ(ενη-
'
. οiJπφ πολλη ύπώρα ΕΥΕlΙε- 60 Tα~ άσπαλίσαι ήμ~"

το Εν Μέμφι Επι του παp6ντ[o]~. , οικιαν
την " '..[..•
και
40 έπέμψαμεν ΤΟΙ$' παι8l0Ι($'

του ά8ελφου σου Kυάμoυ~ Φ και μη

λα ιγ, και Tfi ά8ελΦΏ σου
'Απολλωνοϋτι μηλ( α) jί και Tfi
μεΙΚΡi-. ~ppω(σo). Παυνι K~.
· 45 λίαν ά8ημονουμεν χάρ[ι]!,
Tη~ θpεΠTη~ ~αραποf)τοr.
9. 1. άμΦΙTάπoυ~; so ίη 10. 38. 1. Δπώρα. 60. 1. άσΦαλlσαι.
25 ff. C Υου write to me about Hermodorus that Ι am too severe with him, for he is
upsetting everything again. If you find where you are a young man to replace him, tell me
when you write, since 1 wish to get rid of Hermodorus, and Anoubas looks upon him with
πο kindlyeye. ΜΥ salutations to Ptolema and to all your household individually. Sarapion
salutes you and so do we all. There has not been much fruit at Memphis -up to the
present. Ι send however for your brother's children 500 beans and 50 apples, and 50
apples for your sister Apollonous and the little one. Good-bye. Pauni 26. 1 am exces..
sive1y concerned οη account of the foster-child Sarapous. Ι wrote to you οη another
occasion, if you find a purchaser for the share of the house at Tanais, to let ίι be sold. As
for the cruelty of the col1ectors, Ι myself will be responsible for that ...'
ι. The number of letters 10st at the beginnings of the 1ines is of course uncertain;
it is estimated throughout the column οη the basis of the supplements proposed ίη 2 and
6, which seem very probable. Οη the other hand ίη 16 and 19, where the lacunae are of
the same size as ίn 2 and 6, the sense is completed with a rather shorter supplement; so
possibly Tά~ should be omitted ίη 6 and a shorter word (? Φάσιν) substituted for έπιστολήν
ίn 2.
J 8. -πα]λΕlτην:
the name of a nome is to be supplied.
ι 9. άπαΙTήσα~: cf. ccxci. 7, 12.
26. 1t is not clear whether λίαν αύτον βαρύνομαι is for λΙαν αύτφ βαρύνομαι or for λίαν
αύτδν βαρύνω. The first makes better sense, but the second is nearer the Greek.
46. Tη~ θPEΠTη~: cf. 5.
58. Oιιιc άΠΟ;Ιf[;ιαλά]Ιιcτισται? But the subject can hard]y be the μικρά mentioned ίn
13 and 44, for she was old enough to eat apples.
59. ;ω~ παρα;ι[ ένη]ται: it is not clear whether this goes with what precedes or with
what follows.
CCXCIX. LETTER CONCERNING Α MOUSE-CATCHER.

5'4 χ 10·8 cm. Late first century.
Letter from Horus to Αρίοη about the payment of a mouse-catcher and
other matters.
'ί'Ωpo~ 'Απίωνι τφ τειμεΙα/τάΤα/Ι χαΕρειν.
Λάμπωνι μυοθηρευτfj ~8ωKα αύτφ οια σου άρα-
βωνα (8pαxμα~) η (να μυοθηρεύσει Ιντοκα. καλωΥ πoιήσEΙ~
ΠEμψει~ μαι αύTά~. και ΔΙΟllυσίφ προσ(τ]aΤl1 Νεμερων

5 ;
ι<εκρηκα
(1\opαxμα~
, ) η και
" ταυταΥ ουκ
, , ,επεμ,l,
"Ι,."
ε, ινα
'1''''
EloΙOf.
~ppωσ(ο). Παυνι κ8.
5. 1. κfΧΡηκ.u.
'Horus to his esteemed Α ρίοη greeting. Regarding Lampon the mouse-catcher

Ι paid him for you as earnest money 8 drachmae ίη order that he may catch the mice while
they are with young. Please send me the money. Ι have also 1ent Dionysius, the chief
man of Nemerae, 8 drachmae, and he has not repaid them, to which Ι call your attention.
Good-bye. Payni 24.'
2. δια σου must from the context mean 'οη your account,' i. e. ύπέρ σου, not
'through you.'
4. προστάτιι: cf. ccxxxix. ι Ι, CCXC. 2 ι. The πpOσTάrη~ κώμη$ was probably tbe village
, sheikh ' and chief of the πρεσβύτεροι or council of elders.
CCC. LETTER ΤΟ Α RELATIVE.
ι 1·6 χ 10·8 cm. Late first century.

Letter of a woman called Indike to Thaisous, probably a near relative
as she is addressed as κυρία) about the dispatch of a bread-basket. It is
addressed ση the verso to Theon, an EλaιoxpίσTη~ at the gymnasium, probably
the husband of Thaisous.
Ίν8ικη θαεισουτι TV ΚVρ[lf
χαίρειιι.
~πεμψά σοι 8ια του καμηλείτου
'
Ταυρεινου ,
το παιιαρι ο ν,/ () '1
περι '
ου
5 καλω~ ποιήσειr άντιφωνήσασά

μοι δτι έκομίσου. άσπά(ου Θέα/να
τον κύριον και Νικ6βουλοJl και Αι6Ο'/(0
ρον και Θέα/να και C Ερμοκλην TOV~
α'β'
ασκaνToυ~. "?:
aσπα~εTαι ι ....
υμα~
10 A0'Y'Y€tvos-. ~ρpω(o'O).
μη(νo~) Γερμανικ( ) β.
Οη the verso
εΙ~ το Υυμνάσι(ο'll) Θέα/νι Νικοβούλ(ου)
έλεΟΧΡΕ{Ο'τηι.
ι 2. 1. ίλα, οχρΙσ".ηι.
'Indike to Thaisous greeting. Ι sent you the bread-basket by Taurinus the camel
man; please send me an answer that you have received ίι Salute my friend Theon and
Nicobulus and Dioscorus and Theon and Hermocles, who have my best wishes. Longinus
salutes you. Good-bye.'
9. άβασl(άπoυ~: cf. ccxcii. ι 2.
Ι ι. ΓEpμaνιιc(Elov) or ΓEpμaνικ(ου), cf. cclxvi. 2.
VI. DESCRIPTIONS
OF FIRST CENTURY PAPYRI.
(α) Literary.
CCCI. ΣΙλλυβo~ intended to be attached to a roll (cf. ccclxxxi) containing the
title ΣΩΦΡΟΝΟΣ ΜΙΜΟΙ ΓΤΝΑΙΚΕΙΟΙ, written ίη uncials. Late first
or early second century. 2·8 χ 12·5 Cffi.
CCCII. Fragment of a historical work containing the ends of 8 lines and
beginnings of 7 more. Co1. 11. 3-7 begin (Κυ)ζικηυωυ [, πληρωσαι τα[,
μευ τηι πόλ[ ει, ... άποκ[, εΙ[S' Χ]Ρυσόπολιυ [. Early first century uncial.
6 χ 8.6cm. >
CCCIII. Prose 1iterary fragment containing the beginnings οί 9 lines. Line

4 ληυrι~ κύκλου ()~ ε1Τ[, 5 €λάXισTO~ άπο τα/υ [. Careful uncial. First century
Α. D., probably not later than Ν ero's reign. Ξ is formed by three distinct
strokes (cf. ρ. 318). 7 χ 7·2 cm.
(δ) Papyr1: concerning Tryphon, son of Dionysz·us, and documents

/ound with them.
CCCIV. Acknowledgement by Tryphon of the loan of 104 drachmae from
Thoonis, son of Thoonis (cf. cclxxxix), with signatures of Tryphon and
Thoonis, docket of the bank of Ammonius and Epimachus, and receipt
for the repayment. Cancelled as far as line 28. Same formula as
cclxix. Dated ίη the second year of Ν ero Claud. Caes. Aug. Germ.
Imp. (Α. D. 55). Complete. 36.. lines. 36 χ 13·9 cm.
CCCV. Acknowledgement by Heracleus, son of Soterichus, and his wife Ther-
moutharion, απελευθ'ρα Σωτάδου (cf. cclv. 8),of the loan of 104 drachmae
from Thoonis Πατβ'ωS'. The money was paid through the Ιοιωτικη τράπ€ζα
of Harpocration. Signatt1re of Heracleus, docket of the bank, and
receipt for repayment. Cancelled as fal- as line 30. Same formula as
cclxix. Dated ίη the sixth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug. (Α. D. 20).
Nearly complete. 32 lines. 33·9 χ 16·5 cm.
CCCVI. Gizeh Museum Ιηv. Νο. 10003. Acknowledgement by Antiphanes,

son of Heraclas (cf. cclx. 8, cccxviiί), of the repayment by Tryphon of
a loan of 160 drachmae contracted δια του μυημουε{ου ίη Payni. Dated ίη
Epeiph of the fifth year of Nero Cland. Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp. (Α. D. 59).
Practically complete. 281ines. 37·4 χ 12·5 cm.
The papyrus concludes μη €λαΤ(T)oυμέυo(υ) του ΤΡύφωυ[οs-] €υ τυ
εζαKOλOυθOύσrι Τψ Άυτιφάυε[ι] βεβαιώσει ηs- ήΥ6ρασευ παρ' αύτου ol[K ]ί[α] s-
ακολούθωs- Tfi Els- alJTO[V] YEyovvlq. κα[ταΥ]ραφΌ; cf. cclxvίii. 2 ι -2.
CCCVII. Gizeh Museum Inv. Νο. 10012. Horoscope. Imperfect. First century
Α. D. 201ines. 19·7 χ 19·6 cm.
CCCVIII. Copies of tax receipts, simi1ar to cclxxxviii and cclxxxix, ίη two
columns, recording various payments by Tryphon for Υερδιακου Τεμευ(ούθεωs-),
λαΟΥραφία, ύική, and χωματικου Tε(μευoύθεω~-), from the sixth to the tenth
years ofTib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp. The payments tIllder the last
two heads are 1 drachma 4 obols, and 6 drachmae 4 obols respectively,
those for Υερδιακ6υ and λαογραφία do not appear to be complete ; cf. introd.
to cclxxxviίi. The entries were made at different times. Α. D. 45-50.
Nearlyperfect. 17lines. 24·5x51·zcm.
CCCIX. Copies of tax-receipts, simίlar to the preceding papyrtls, ίη four short
columns, referring -to varions payments by Thoonios άπελ(εύθεΡΟS)
Πτολ(εμαίου). The second column records the payment of 36 drachmae
ίη all (cf. cclxxxviii) for Ύερδιακ6υ of the fifth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug. ;
the third, also dated ίη the fifth year of Tiberius, mentions payments
for χωματικόυ (6 drachmae 4 obols) and other taxes; the fourth column,
dated ίη the fourth year, also mentions χωματικ6υ (6 drachmae 4 obols), &c.
The first column, which is incomplete, records payments of γερδιακ6υ.
Α. D. 17-19. Ν early perfect. 23 1ines ίη all. 8 χ 40.8 cm.
CCCX. Receipt showing that Αρίοη, son of Tryphon, had paid 36 drachmae
ίη all for the γερδιακου Τεvμε(vούθεωs-); cf. introd. to cclxxxviii and
cccviii. Dated ίη the second year of Ν ero Claud. Caes. Aug. Germ.
Imp., Payni 20 Σεβα(στηι) (JL1ne 14, Α. D. 56). Complete.. 6 lίnes.
11·7 χ 14 cm.
CCCXI. Receipt showing that Tryphon had paid ίη the ninth year of Tiberius
Caes. Aug. 12 drachmae for Επικ(εφάλαιου) Ίπποδ(ρ6μου), 2 drachmae
ι i obols for ύική, and 6 drachmae 4 obols for χωματικόυ; cf. cclxxxviii.
7-11. A.D.22-3. Nearlycomplete. 6lines. II·zx8cm.
CCCXII. Receipt for a payment through the bank of Dorion and Ptolemaeus
of 3 drachmae 4! obols (ί. e. a little over half the full amount) for x(~μαTΙK6υ
of the twenty-second year of Tiberius by a person whose name is lost.
DESCRIPTIONS OF FIRST CENTURY PAPYRI 305
Dated ίη the fil*st year of Gaius Caes. Aug. Germ.) Mesor~ (Α. D. 37).
Ν early complete. 3 lίnes. 15 χ 20 Cffi.
CCCXIII. Receipt for the payment by Paesis, son of Paesis, of taxes for the
seventh year of Claudius. The amounts paid are for ~q.lJYF!(aιpta)
12 + 4 = 16 drachmae, for χωματικόυ 6 drachmae 40bo1s, for ύική Ι cir~chma
4t obols. Dated ίη the eighth year of Tib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ.
Imp., Phaophi (Α. D. 47). Ν early complete. 5 Iίnes. 22-3 χ 24·7 cm.
CCCXIV. Extract from an ~πίKpισι~ similar to that ίn cclxxxνiii. 35-40, but
for the forty-second year of Caesar (Augustus); cf. note οη cclxxxviii. 40.
Practically complete. Early first century. 8 lines. 17·5 χ 17-5cm.
CCCXV. Petition to Sotas, strategus, from Tryphon, complaining of an assault
by Demetrous and her mother υροn his wife Saraeus ~l'Kυoυ [ου]σαυ;
cf. introd. to ccIxνii. Written ίη Epeiph of the first year of [Gaius]
Caes. Aug. (Α. D. 37). Incomplete. 24lίnes. 25·2 χ 8·7 Cffi.
CCCXVI. ' Fragment of a petition addressed to Tiberius Claudius Pasion,
strategus (cf. cclxxxiii-ν), by Tryphon ίη the eleventh year of Tib.
Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. (Α. D. 50-1). 22 lines. ι 7·2 χ 7·6 cm.
CCCXVII. Duplicate of ο. Ρ. Ι. χχχίχ (cf. ρ. 319). Nearly complete. 13lines-
Written ση the verso, the recto being blank. As a junction between
two selztles occurs, this is a clear instance of an exception to the rtlle
about recto and verso. Α. D. 52. 29·2 χ 14·8 cm.
CCCXVIII. Contract for the loan of 160 drachmae from Antiphanes, son of
Heraclas (cf. cclx. 8, cccvi), to Tryphon. After xωpι~ πάση~ ύΠEpθέσEω~
(cf. cclxix. 8) the papyrus proceeds fCP' <Ρ fπάvαγκοv ~πι rn
του αργυρίου
αποοόσΕΙ ποιήσΕΙ ό 'AυTιφάυrι~ 7Τεριαιρεθηυαι του €αυΤOυ υίου 'Αυτιφάυηυ
αφή[λ]ικα (&]φ' ώυ π'πρακευ ό δEδαυEΙK~~ 'AυTιφάυη~ τφ [τρ]υφωυι [γυτ]ω[υ]
έπΙ του πρo~ Όξυρυγχωυ πό[λ]ΕΙ Σαραπ[ι JElov fV τηι [τω]υ Ποιμέυωυ λ[εJΥομέVl1
λαVΡq, και έΦ' €[T]'pOV τόπου τουτ[ο]υ &υα[Υ]ραφη[υ]αι, τωυ Tη~ μεTαπoιη~ [KΊ~Ι
ά:πoyραφ[η~] δαπαυημ&τωυ [ό'υ]τωυ π[ρο]s- του οεο[α]υΕι(κ]ότα Άυτιφάυ(ηυ). lav
οΕ [T]η~ μεταπ[οιηs- Y]Eυ[oμ]'υ[η]~ μη [&]ποδ[ωι] δ δEδ[α]υ[Eισμ'υo~ καθα y'γ~pα[ΠTαι,
έΚ]ΤΕισ[ά]τωι κ.τ.λ.
Cf. cccvi, the repayment of the loan. Cancelled. Dated
ίn the fifth year of Ν ero Claud. Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp. (Α. D. 59).
Imperfect. 34 lines. 30 χ 18·4 cm.
CCCXIX. Acknowledgement by [Thamonnis], daughter of Onnophris, ΠΕρσίυη
(cf. ccli. 3, cclxxν. 2), of the 10an of 16 drachmae from her son Tryphon.
Same formula as cclxix. Dated ίη the second year of Gaius Caes. Aug.
Germ. (Α. D. 37). Imperfect, the beginnings of liηes being lost. 26 lines_
36 χ 8-7 cm.
CCCXX. Contract for the Ioan of 314 drachlllae from Tryphaena, acting with
χ
her son-in-law Dionysi\,\s, to Tryphon, Saraeus, and Onnophris, Tryphon's

brother. Similar formula to cclxix. Dated ίη the fifth year of Ν ero
Claud. Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp., Payni 25 (the day added later) (Α. D. 59).
At the end a docket (ίη a second hand) with same date οι' Άπολλωvtοv το
, ( ')~ I~ '"' , (,,.. , '( ,
πριυ κεχΡη μαΤΙΚΟΤΟ$ ~EI59~PVQV του συυεστaμευου υπο Τα/υ μfτοχωv αΥΟ ραυο-
μα/υ) κεχρη(μάτισται). Cancelled. Endorsed οη the verso. Practically

. complete. 28 lines. 36 χ 17 cm.
CCCXXI. Beginnings of 27 lines of an agreement between Tryphon and
Saraeus concerning the ntlrture of their infant daughter. Cf: introd.
to cclxvii. Written ίη the reign of Gaius or Claudius. Cancelled.
26-2 χ 7 Cffi.
CCCXXII. Contract between Thamounion, acting with her son Tryphon, and
Abarus a weaver, apprenticing to him her son Onnophris (cf. cccxx) for
two years. Simi1ar formula to cclxxv. Dated ίη the twenty-third year
of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Sebastus (Α. D. 36). Incomplete. 47 lίnes.
34·8 χ 9·5·
CCCXXIII. Part of the signatures to a loan of money (cancelled), with acknow-
ledgement of the repayment to the lender and docket of the bank of
Pamphilus stating περιλlλvται ή ΟιαΥραφήι. One of the parties was a member
of the Althean deme. Repayment dated ίη the twenty-second year of
Tiberius Caes. Aug., Choiach (Α. D. 35). 18 lίnes. 18·3 χ 12·2 Cffi.
CCCXXIV. Latter part of a petition, addressed probably to the strategus,
by Tryphon, complaining of an assault upon him and his wife Saraeus by
a woman and other persons unnamed; cf. introd. to cclxvii. Signature
of Tryphon (ίη a ·second hand) written by Zoίlus. Dated ίη the eleventh
year of Tib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. Ιηιρ., Neos Sebastus (Α_ D. 50).
15lines. 18·3xll·2cm.
CCCXxv. Two fragments of a letter to Onnophris from his father (whose
name is lost), asking him to come, &c. Dated ίη the second year of
Tib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp., Ν eos Sebastus 20 Σεβαστρ
(Nov. 16 Α. D. 41). 28 lines. 18·5 χ 7·8 cm. (fragment δ).
CCCXXVI. Recto. Letter from [Ammoni]us to l1is father Ammonius (cf.
ccxcvίi) chiefly about writing materials. Lines 7-14, ούκ lλαβοv apyvpLov
παρa [τωυ πρ]οπόλωυ αφ' ου απεοήμη[ σα. π]αματlθεικα τηι μητρι Φιλου[μ'υ]ηι
το βροχίου του μΕλαυΟ$ (' the ink pot ') καΙ
TOV$ κ[αλά]μου$ καΙ το σμηλtο[v δ]πω$
Υακήσ'l1 TOV$ καλάμου$ ΥεΥΡ[αμ]μ.Eυoυ~ καΙ τ[ου] τριβακου· [••••••] καΙ του
Χιτωυα. Incomplete. 15 lines. About Α. D. 45. Οη the verso address,
and ίη the same (?) hand a short account, τιμη($) συρι() 4 drachmae,
σκάφη($) ••, K'υTpω(υo~) .., σακ~f(οv) εΙ~ σάΥμ(α) •., KEVTpoovop(tov) .., καμη-
DESCRIPIlONS OF FIRST CENTURY PAPYRI 307
λίωυo(~) 3 clrachmae ι obol, σάyμαTO~ 2 drachmae, Ιμ.αυταρίου 2 obols.

17 χ 12·5 cm.
(c) Notzces /0 the agoranomz·.
CCCXXVII. Ν otice sent to the agoranomus by a person whose name is lost
and ΟΙ μέτοχ(οι) to register (κατaΥράφειυ) the sale of the half share of
a slave Dioscorus also cal1ed Dionysius, about thirty years of age.
Same formula as ccxli-iii. Late first century. Imperfect, only the
beginning being preserved. 8 lines. 4·5 χ 8·2 cm.
CCCXXVIII. Beginning of a notice to the agoranomus from Theon, son of
Sarapion (cf. cccxxxvi), to register (κaταΥράφειυ) a sale. Same formula as
ccxli-iii. About Α. D. 85. 5 lines. 5·6 χ 7·6 Cffi.
CCCXXIX. Beginning of a notice to the agoranomus from Theon δ συυεστα
μέυo~ ύπο Διου(υσίου) καΙ τ(ων) μΕτόχ(ωυ) to register a contract of loan.
Same formula as ccx1i-iii. Late first century. 7 lines. 5·5 χ 6-4 cm.
CCCXXX. Ν otice from Claudius Antoninus, δ συυεσTαμ'[υo~ ύπο] Σαpα'Πίωυo~,
to the agoranomus to register tlle sale of Ι! βικοι (cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. C. 10) of
ψιλοι τόποι near the Serapeum Επι τ[ρ λεγομ.έυl1] τωυ (lππέωυ χορτοθήκηι at
the price of Ζ40 silver drachmae. Same formula as ccxli-iii. A.D. 77-83 ;
cf. ccxlii, cccxxxi. Imperfect. 17 lines. 13·7 χ 10·3 cm.
CCCXXXI. Notice from [Chaerernon] δ συυEσTαμ'υo~ ύπο Κλa[υ]δίου (Άυτω
υ~ίυoυ] (cf: ccxliii. ι) to the agoranomus to register the sale of i of a house
at the price of 400 silver drachmae or 30 talents of copper (cf. introd. to
ccxlii). Same formula as ccxli-iii. Dated ίη the third year of Imp. Caes.
Domitianus [Aug. Germ.], Phaophi (.Α.• D. 83). Imperfect. 30 lines.
24Χ 9·5 Cffi.
CCCXXXII. Beginning of a notice to the agoranomus from Dionysius ό συυ
EσTaμEυo~ ύπσ Zήυωυo~ (cf. cccxxxvii) to register the sale of the third part
of a slave Sarapous, aged fourteen. Same formula as ccx1i-iii. About
Α. D. 89, cf. cccxxxiii. 10 lines. 7 χ 8·5 Cffi.
CCCXXXIII. Notice from Zeno to the agoranomus to register the sale of
a house (?) sold for 700 silver drachmae or 52 talents 3000 drachmae
of copper (cf. introd. to ccxlii). Same formula as ccxlί-iii. Dated ίη
the eighth year of Imp. Caes. Domitianus Aug. Germ., Κaισαρείου ίπαγο
μ-Ευωυ ά (Aug. 24 A.D. 89). At the end a docket (cf. ccxliii. 45, sqq.)
οιαΥρa(ψη) τυ ά τωυ Ε7ΤaΥομ(Ευωυ) fVKVKAtO(V) χaλκ(ου) 7TPO~ άΡΥ(υριου) (τάλαυτa)
Ε 'Αφ
(i.e. lc} of the price ίη copper). Perfect, but defaced ίη parts. 13
lines. 21·3 χ 10·2 cn1.
CCCXXXIV. Notice from ApoI1onius δ σ(υυ~σTαμ'υo~) ύπσ Διδυ[μου του] σ(υυ-
Χ 2
εσταμlυου)ύπο Κλαυδίου ' Αυτωυε[ίυου (cf. ccxlii) to the agoranomus to register

the sale of a house at the price of [60Ο drachmae of silver or] 45 talents
of copper. Cf. intl·od. to ccxlii. Same formula as ccxli-iii. Dated
ίη the reign of Ιωρ. Caes. Domitianus [Aug.] Gerrn. About 81-3 Α. D.
Imperfect. 16 lines. 14·8 χ 7·5 cm.
CCCXXXV. Notice from [Theon], son of Sarapion (cf. cccxxxvi), to the
agoranomns to register the sale of the sixth part of a house €π' dμφόδου
Ίουδα(ι)κ(ου) bought by NLKαlq, Σιλ[βα]υφ Ψουβίου τα/υ άπ' Όξ(VΡvγχωv)
π6λ(εω~) 'Iov[oJaCrov from Παυλo~. Same formula as ccxli-iii. About
A.D.85· Impet·fect. 12 lines. 9·3 χ 7 Cffi.
CCCXXXVI. Notice from Theon, son of Sarapion (cf. cccxxxv), to the
agoranomus to register the sale of a slave Ammonous ([ΟΙΚΟΥε]υή)',
probably a chί1d) at the price of [140 silver drachmae or] 10 talents 3000
drachmae of copper; cf. introd. to ccxlii. Same formula as ccxli-iii.
Dated ίη the fifth year of Imp. [Caes.] Domitianus Aug. [Germ.] (Α. D.
85-6). Imperfect. 10 lines. 6·1 χ 7·4 Cffi.
CCCXXXVII. Conclusion of a notice from Dionysius (cf. cccxxxii) to the
agoranomns to register a sale at a price of 300 silver drachmae or
2Ζ talents 3000 drachmae of copper; cf. introd. to ccxlii. Same formula
as ccxlί-iίi. Dated ίη the eighth year of Imp. Caes. Domitianlls Aug.
Germ., Pharmuthi (Α. D. 89). 9 lines. 9·3 χ 8·2 cm.
CCCXXXVIII. Notice from Caecίlius Clemens (cf. ccxli, cccxl) to the
agoranomus to register the sale of the half share of an αvλη έπ' αμφ6δου
Μυροβαλάυου for 60 drachmae of silver or 4 talents 3000 drachmae of
copper; cf. introd. to ccxlii. Same formula as ccxli-iii. Dated ίn the
third year of[Trajan]; cf. cccxl (A.D. 99-100). Nearly complete. 171ines.
13·5 χ 6·2 cm.
CCCXXXIX. Ν otice from Phanias δ συvεσταμlυο~ ύπο Φαυίου Σαpαπίωυo~ to the
agoranoml1s to register (αυαγράφειυ) a contract of mortgage of three-fifths
of a house and its appurtenances επ' αμφόδου ρόδου (= υότου ?) δρόμου
for a period of three years. Instead of receiving interest the mortgagee
was to have the right of 1iving ίη the house (ευOίKΎJσι~) οη condition of
making a yearly payment, the nature of which is obscure, of 4 talents of
copper. Same formula as ccxli-iii. Dated ίη the reign of Imp. [Caes.]
Domitianus [Aug. Germ.] (A.D. 81-96). Nearly complete. .23 lines.
J4·2 χ 10 cm.
CCCXL. Notice from Caecilius Clemens (cf. ccxli) to the agoranomus to
register the sale of house property at the price of 180 sί1ver drachmae or
] 3 talents 3000 drachmae of copper (cf. introd. to ccxlίi). Same form111a
as ccxli-iii. Dated ίη the second year of Imp. Caes. Ν erva Trajanus

Aug. Germ. (Α. D. 98-9). Nearly complete. 19 Iines. 19·4 χ 6.8 cm.
CCCXLI. Beginning of a notice from Phanias and Diogenes also cal1ed
Hermaeus, οί lισXOλ(OύμEυOΙ) Toυ~ KαTαλoxισμoύ~ (cf. Ο. Ρ. Ι. xlvand χΙνί),
t<;> the agoranomus concerning a cession of land. Same formula as
ο. Ρ. Ι. χΙν-νίί. About 95-100 Α. D. 13 lines. 10-2 χ 6·6 cm.
CCCXLII. Sirhίlar notice to the agoranomus from Phanias and Diogenes
concerning a cession of land. Cf. cccxli. About 95-100 Α. D. Incomplete.
16 lines. 10·1 χ 7·3 cm.
CCCXLIII. Notice to the agoranomus (probably by Phanias) announcing
the payment of the tax οη a mortgage of 2! arourae of catoecic
land ίη the Kληpo~ of Theodotus near Psobthis ίn the upper toparchy.
Same formula as cccxlviii. Dated ίη the third year of Imp. Caes.
Nerva Trajanus Aug. Germ., Sebastus (Α. D. 99). Incomplete. 19lίnes.
17·5χ6·1 cm.
CCCXLIV. Notice to the agoranomi fronl Panther and Hermogenes ΟΙ ΠΡΟΚΕ
χωρισμέυοι ύπο ΤιβΕρίου Κλαυδίου του lισχoλoυμ(EVOV) Toυ~ καταλοχισμ( ovs-) -rfjS'
ΑΙγύπτου of a cession (παραχώΡησιs-) of catoecic land near the village
Μουχίυαξα ίη the Kληp~ι of Theodotus and Drimakus. Same formula as
cc'Cx~~. Late ·first century. ~ncomplete, the end being Iost. 24 lines.
ι 6-7 χ 9·6 cm.
CCCXLV. Notice from Plutarchus (cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. clxxiv) to the agoranomi
announcing the payment of the tax οη a mortgage upon land ΠΕΡΙ
Σ~σΦα . • • ίη the western toparchy. Same formula as cccxlviii. About
Α. D. 88. Incomplete. 18 lines. 11·5 χ 7·1 cm.
CCCXLVI. Notice from Dionysius also called Amois, €ΠΙTηP'ηTη~ καΙ XEιpισTη~
καταλοχ(ισμωυ) Όξυρυγχείτου, to the agoranomi concerning the cession of
50 arour~e of land KαTOΙKΙKη~ καΙ (ε)ωυημέvηs- (cf. ccIxx. 18) near Skt>
ίη the Kληpo~ of Strabas. Same formula as cccxli. Dated ίη the fourth
year of Imp. Caes. Nerva Trajanus Aug. Germ., Phaophi (A.D. 100).
Complete. 191ines. 17·7 χ 7 4 cffi.
8
CCCXLVII. Ν otice to the agoranomi from (Phanias], Heraclas, and Diogenes

(cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. xlv) of a cession of (catoecic) land. Same formula as cccxlvi.
About 95-100 Α. D. Incomplete. ι ι lines. 7·2 χ 8·6 cm.
CCCXLVIII. Notice addressed to the agoranomi announcing the payment of
the tax upon a mortgage (τεταΥμΕυου EΙ~ καταλοχισμ,οvs- ΤΕλοs- ύποθήκηs-)
of 40 arourae of catoecic land near Psobthis ίη the Kλήpo~ of 01ympiodorus,
and of other land near Σιυάχ ίη the κληροι of Heracles and CaIli-
stratus. Same formula.as cccxliiί and cccxlv and, with the substi_tution of
τεταΥμέυου κ.τ.λ.
for παρακεχωρημlvου, as cccxlί and ο. Ρ. Ι. χΙν-νίΙ Late
first century. Imperfect. 16 lines. 8·7 χ 8·8 Cffi.
CCCXLIX. Beginning ofa notice from [.]μηυιo~ and Didymus οΙ συυεστα[μέ]υοι ύπο
'Ιουλίου Μουσαίου to the agoranomus, requesting him to free (πρo~ fλεvθέρω
σιυ, apparently a blunder for δ6~ ~λ.) a female slave έλευθερουμέυυ ύπο
Δία Γηυ tιΗλισυ; c( ο. Ρ. Ι. χΙνiiί-ίχ. Late first century. 7 lίnes.
$ χ7cm.
(d) aΠΟΥραφαί.
CCCL. Return addressed to Chaereas, strategus, by Thais, of sheep and goats
tι υΕμήσουται . • • δια [υο]μlωs- Διουυσίου . • . λαΟΥραφουμέυου Els- Ταλαώ.
Same formula as ccxlv. Dated ίη the eleventh year of Tiberius Caes.
Aug. (Α. D. 24-5). Οη the verso scribblings. Imperfect. 17 1ines.
21 χ 10·8 cm.
CCCLI. Return addressed to Chaereas, strategus, by Taosiris, ofsheep and goats.
Signatnre of Sarapion, ΤΟ1Τ(άρχηs-), as ίη ccxlv. Same formula as ccxlv.
- Dated ίn the fourteenth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug~, Mecheir (Α. D. 28).
Perfect. 24 lines. 29·7 χ 5·8 cm.
CCCLII. Return, probably addressed to Chaereas (cf. cccl), of sheep and goats
pastured near a village τη!) Θμ[οι]σεφω τ[οπαρχί]αs- (cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. lxίi verso, 8),
with the signature of an official. Same formula as ccxlv. Dated ίη the
fourteenth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Mecheir (Α. D. 28). Incomplete.
15 lines. 13·7 χ 5 cm. ~
CCCLIII. Return addressed to Chaereas by Sambathaeus, of sheep and goats
pastured near Pela, the shepherd λαΟΥραΦουμέυου [πε]ρΙ το Σατύρου fποίκιοv.
Same formula as ccxlv. Written ίη the thirteenth year of Tiberius Caes.
Aug. (Α. D. 27-8). Nearly complete. 22 lines. 17·5 χ 5·5 cm.
CCCLIV. Return addressed to Theon, τοπάρχη), by Heraclίdes του (Ηρακλίδου
Χαριτησίου ..• ~1Tί τιυωυ χΡόυωυ κεχρηματικότοs- [•••] TΙO~ (' sometime cal1ed
. . . tis '), of sheep and goats pastured περι Σε[φω Tη]~ Θμευσεφω (τοπαΡχίαs-].
Same formula as ccxlv. Written ίη the twentieth (?) year of Tiberius
Caes. Aug. (Α. D. 33-4). Imperfect. 17 lines. 12 χ 7-5 cm.
CtCLV. Return addressed to Theon, τοπάρχη), by Tsenpalemis, of sheep and
goats. Same formuIa as ccxlv. Written ίη the fifth year of Gaius Caes.
Imp. (Α. D. 40-1). At the top ίη a second hand Νερωυείο(υ) ••. Incomplete.
15 lines. 11.8 χ 5·6 cm.
CCCLVI. Return ofsheep and goats with the signature of Apollonius, ΤΟΠ(άΡΧ1}S-).
Same formula as ccxlv. Dated ίη the thirteenth year of Tiberius Caes.
Aug., Mecheir (Α. D. 'Ζ7). Imperfect. 20 lines. 14·5 χ 5·2 cm.
CCCLνlι. Return addressed to a strategus (?) giving the number of sheep and
goats ίη the owner's possession compared with that of the previous year,
which were registered lΠΙ του ΠάγΥα ΕΙσείου (cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. ciii. 7). Same
formula as ο. Ρ. Ι. Ιχχίν. Late first century. Incomplete. Joined
οη the left to a simίlar ιlπoγραφή, of which the ends of a few lίnes remain.
18 lίnes. 15 χ 10 Cffi.
CCCLνιιι. Conclusion of a property return dated ία the ninth year of Imp.
Caes. Domitianus Aug. Germ., Pharmuthi (Α. D. 90). Cf. ccxlvίi and
note οη ιlπoyραΦαί ccxxxvii. VIII. 31. 12 lίnes. 17·2 χ 10 Cffi.
CCCLIX. Beginning of a property return addressed to Epimachus and Theon
(cf. ccxlvίi-ix) by Ammonius. Same formula as ccxlίx. Written ίη the
.. reign of Titus or Domitian (probably ία Α. D. 80 or 90; cf. note οη
ccxxxvii. VIII. 31). 11 lines. 7·2 χ 7·5 Cffi.
CCCLX. Fragment of a 1ist of owners of real property with marginal and inter-
linear annotations, simίlar to cclxxiv. First century. Parts of 26 lines.
20 χ 15·1 cm.
CCCLXI. Conclusion of a census return (cf. introd. to cclίv), containing
a list of persons with ages, ending ή οε μήτηρ ή[μ]ωυ ίΥαμήθηι T(~Ι πατp~
[ήμωυ προ του] ζ (ΙTOυ~) NEρωυo~ (cf. cclvii. 24), καΙ [ό]μVΎoμευ Αύτ[ο]κράτορα
/
Κ αισαρα \ ~ε
-ι Ο υεσπασιαυου
' , α, λη ]0"'"
~ β αστου "
η ειυαι τα ΠΡΟΥεΥραμμευα. Λ
ευορκουσι
μΈυ ήμεϊυ [Ευ εlη κ.τ.λ. Dated ίη the ninth year of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus
Aug. (Α. D. 76-77). 13 1ines. 16·8 χ 18·6 cm.
(ε) Contracts, wz"lls, leases.
CCCLXII. Acknowledgement by Sarapous, acting with her cousin ApolIonius,

of the repayment by Adrastus of a loan of 500 silver drachmae contracted
οια του μυημουείου three months previously. Dated ίη the seventh year
of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus Aug., Mecheir (Α. D. 75). Nearly complete.
19 lines. 12·8 χ 13-1 cm. .
CCCLXIII. Fragment of a simίlar acknowledgement of the repayment of
a loan contracted ίη the eighth year of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus Aug.,
Germaniceus. Written ίη Α. D. 77-79. 20 lines. 8·3 χ 10·5 Cffi.
CCCLXIV. Beginning of a contract by which Tiberius Claudius Sarapion τα/υ
ήΥοραυομηκ.ότωυ 'AλEεαυδpεία~ appoints Theon as his agent to collect certain
debts (συυεστακΕυαι •.• άπαιτήσουτα). Dated ίη the thirteenth year of Imp.
Caes. Domitianus Aug. Germ., Germaniceus (Α. D. 94). ]oined οη the left
to a piece of another contract. 14 lines. 9·5 χ 10·6 cm.
CCCLXV. Conclnsion of a contract, simiIar to ο. Ρ. Ι. xcvii and cclxi,
appointing a representative to appear at court. Late :first century.

13 lίnes. 16..3 χ 8·4 cm.
CCCLXVI. Agreement by which Sarapion, son of Ptolemaeus, cedes to a
woman acting with her guardian Thoonis 4! arourae of catoecic land.
Dated ίη the first year of Tib. [Claudins (?) Caes.] Aug. (Α. D. 41).
Imperfect. 241ines. 15 χ 11·2 cm.
CCCLXVII. Two fragments of an agreement concerning a ΎεpOιαKO~ ΙσTό~
(cf. cclxiv). Dated ίη the fourteenth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Pachon
(Α. D. 28). 19 lines ίη al1. Fragment (b) 11·1 χ 9·2 cm.
CCCLXVIII. Beginning of a contract for the lease of domain Ιaήd (άπα βασιλι•
. κα/υ γεωργίωυ) near Pela from Sarapion also called Didymus to Artemon
for one year; cf. cclxxix. Written ίη the fourth year of Tib. Claudius
Caes. Ang. Germ. Ιωρ. (Α. D. 43-4). 6 lines. 7·1 χ 13·6 cm.
CCCLXIX. Acknowledgement, similar to ccclxii, of the repayment of a loan
of 430 silver drachmae contracted ίη the second year θεου Τίτου. W ritten
soon after Α. D. 81. Nearly complete. 28 lines. 12 χ 8·6 cm.
CCCLXX. Conclusion of an agreement concerning a payment of 3320 drachmae,
ending a~ Kal διαΥράψομευ επι τηυ οημοσίαυ τράπεζαυ TαΙ~ ώpισμ'υαι~ πpoθεσμίαι~
κατα Το ~θo~ καΙ εΙσοίσομευ τα ύπαλλάγματα €φ' φ μευει ήμιυ ό λόyo~ περι Toυ~
εΠΙTηprιTa~ κατα το αυάλΟΥου Tη~ ύ'Πoσ[τάσεω~]. Dated ίη the second year of
an emperor. Late first century. 14 Iines. 10·3 χ 12·2 cm.
CCCLXXI. Beginning of a marriage contract, dated ίη the first year of Ιωρ.
Ν [ erva] Caes. Aug., Caesareus (Α. D. 97). Parts of 5 lines. W ritten οη
the vertical fibres (cf. ο. Ρ. Ι. cv). 4·4 χ 14 cm.
CCCLXXII. Fragment of a marriage contract, beginning εξ'οοτο Tαoυυωφpι~
(the mother of the bride). The dowry included a surn of 160 drachmae.
Cf. cclxv. Dated ίη the seventh year of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus [Aug.]
(Α. D. 74-5). Parts of 15 lines. Written οη the vertical fibres; cf. ccclxxi.
10 χ 14 cm.
CCCLXXIII. Loan of 1120 drachmae from Selene to ApoIlonia with her
guardian Themistocles Kαισάpειo~ ό και [. . •• Ιη the event of Apollonia
failing to repay, Selene was to take possession of 10 arourae of catoecic
land belonging to Apollonia near Sinaroi ίη the lower toparchy, the
neighbouring landmarks being βορρα Ύύη~, απηλιώτου πλευpισμό~. Cf.
cclxxiii. 21, note. Dated ίη the second year of Imp. Titus Caes. [VespJ
Attg.] (Α. D. 79-80). Imperfect. 32 lίnes. 13 χ 10·Scm.
CCCLXXIV. Conclusion of a lease. After the usual penalties for non-payment
of the rent, the document ends €πάυαYKOυ οε του με[μ]ι[σθωμ]'υου κυπηρο
λΟΥήσειυ και παραδουυαι τα/ι Διδύμωι τηυ γηυ κ[αθ]αραυ απο Kυπήρεω~. Dated
ίη
"the thirty-sixth year of Caesar (ί. e. Augustus), Phaophi (Α. D. 6).
8 lines. Οη the verso, two lines of an account. 7 χ 12·8 cm.
CCCLXXV. Contract for the sale of a female slave Dionysia, aged thirty-five,
and her two (?) children at the price of 1800 (?) silver drachmae. The
sale was made [jπι] Ταρουθίυου και Θ[ε-]μιστοκλ€οv~s καΙ] Φιλίσκου (the
agoranomi). Formula :-jTrplaro .•. καΙ αύτόθε-υ παρε-ίληφε-υ .•• καΙ απ€
σΧΕυ .•• 'Προ'Πωλε-ι Kα~ βε-βαιοΙ. . •• Written about Α. D. 79 (cf. ccclxxx).
Incomplete. 24 Iίnes. 16'1 χ 11 cm.
CCCLXXVI. Agreement, simi1ar to cclxi, by which Titus Flavius Clemens,
a soldier of Legio Ι/Ι (Cyren~ica), appoints a representative to appear
at court; cf. cclxi. Dated ίη the ninth year of Imp. Caes. Vespasianus
Aug., Epeiph (Α. D. 77). Imperfect. 18 lines. 17·2 χ 10·5 cm.
CCCLXXVII_ Contract between Thelnistocles. - . δ Kα~ Εlλείθυιοs and his (?)
freed woman Apollonarion, by which the latter undertakes to nurture
a foundling chi1d; cf. Ο. Ρ. Ι. χχχνίί. Dated ίη the first year of Lucitts
Livitts Sul[picius Galba ...] Imp., Caesareus (Α. D. 67), Much mutiIated.
26 lines. Joined to another document (fragmentary). 20 χ 11·8 cm.
CCCLXXVIII. Parts of 14 lines from the beginning of a contract. Dated ίη
the reign of [Imp.] Caes. Domitianus [Aug. Germ.]. 7 χ 8·2 cm.
CCCLXXIX. Wίll of a woman, bequeathing to her two brothers Pachois and
Sus (Συτι dative) and her sister Takois (?), or their offspring, her house
~π' άμφ6δου [υό]του Kρη'Πε-ϊδo~, and the half share of another οΙκίδιου, with
appurtenances, and the rest of her property, οη condition that they shall
make some provision for Demetrous, perhaps the daughter of the testatrix.
Formula simi1ar to Ο. Ρ. Ι. civ. Dated ίη the reign of Imp. Caes. Domi-
tianus [Aug. Germ.] (Α. D. 81-96). Imperfect. 30 lines. 20 χ 14'5 cm.
CCCLXXX. Contract made before [Taruthinus], Themistocles, and Philiscus
(agoranomi, cf. ccclxxv) for the sale of a female slave Sarapous, aged 30.
Same formula as ccclxxv. Dated ίη the [first] year of Imp. Titus Caes.
ν esp. Aug., ΙΤΠΕρβε-ρετε-ίου •• . Καισαρείου ~παγOμ€υωυ ς Σεβα(στfj) (Aug.
29 Α. D. 79). Imperfect. 15 lines. 9·2 χ 10'1 cm.
(f) ΤαχαtΖΌn αnd ACCOU1ttS.
CCCLXXXI. Strip of papyrus containing the words θ (ITovs) Ούε-σπασιαυου

μυημουικωυ Ι μηv(οs) Νέου Σε-βαστου αυτίτομ(ου).
Perhaps a σlλλvβοs, cf. ccci.
Α. D. 76. Perfect. 2 Iίnes. 4 χ 30-5 cm.
CCCLXXXII. Notice from Phanias, τοπάρχηs, concerning a payment of
&φε-ιλ(ήματα) (cf. ccclxxxiii), concluding with a βασιλΙKO~ ~pKOS. Written
ίn
the reign of Tiberius Caes. Aug. (Α. D. 14-37). Incomplete. 7 lines.
9·5 χ 7·7 cm.
CCCLXXXIII. Lower part of a series of receipts for cot·n, containing a receipt
for :3 artabae δημοσίωι μΕτρωι of wheat, being δφ€ιλ(ήματα) of the twelfth
year of Tiberius, measured by two sitologi τιυωυ ~ωμωυ ίη the eastern
μfρί~ of the upper toparchy. Cf. cclxxxvii. Dated ίη the thirteenth year
of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Mecheir (Α. D. 27)· 91ines. 9 χ 6·7 Cffi.
CCCLXXXIV. Receipt for 1It artabae of wheat, όφ€ιλή(ματα) of the eleventh
year of Tiberius, from the village of Taruthinus, measured through the
sitologi of the middle μ.~pί~ of the eastern (?) toparchy. Cf. cclxxxviί.
Dated ίη the twelfth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Phaophi (Α. D. 25).
Nearly perfect. 6 Iines. 9·4 χ 13 cm.
CCCLXXXV. Receipt for a payment of corn through the sitologi of the
eastern toparchy for the seventh year of Imp. Caes. Domitianus Aug.
Germ. (Α. D. 87-8). Imperfect. 6 lines. 7·3 χ 8·7 cm.
CCCLXXXVI. Receipt for 8 and subsequently 2 drachmae paid by Onnophris
and his son for a tax the name of which is illegible. Dated ίη the
seventh year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Mecheir (A.D. 21). Complete.
7lines. 13·1x6cm.
CCCLXXXVII. Οη the recto, fragment of account of money payments (?) by
various persons. Οη the verso, part of an account of payments ίη kind
(wheat, meat, wine) ίη a different hand, headed Σfβαστηι ίυ ΣευΕ'Πτα.
Amongst the persons who appear as receiving (or paying?) are a
σταθμ.oϋx(o~), an ίKφόδιo~, O€KαυOί, and a 'Πpoφήτrι~. First century. Οη
the recto 23, 011 the verso 18 Iines. 16·8 Χ 10·2 Cffi.
CCCLXXXVIII. Fragment of an account of payments for wine, hay, a mill-
stone, &c. First century. Οη the verso, part of an account. Οη the
recto 12, οη the verso 10 lίne~!__ 8·8 χ 6·,~ cm.
CCCLXXXIX. . Part of an account ίη two columns of which the first has οηlΥ
the ends of lines. Co1. 11. 1-$, an account connected with buίlding, headed
Kα~ τηι κε του μη(υo~) ΝΕου Σεβαστου. Among the entries are κασοπ( ) 11,
η'Πη( ) μη, κλ(.]Ο( ) ιβ, &q-ΤΡολ( ) Ο, olKOO( ) η, ~pyα( ) Κ. There follows
an account of payments for λα(ΟΥραφία), χω(ματικόυ), and ύικ(ή); c( introd.
to cclxxxviii-ix. -The entries are-Θεω .. ( ) λα(ΟΥΡ.) 80 dr., χω(μ.)
14 dr. ι ob., ύικ. 5 dr. [5l ob.], total 100 dr. ! ob. Άμόι(τοs) λα(ΟΥΡ.)
40 dr., χω(μ.) 136 dr. ι} ob., ύικ. 14 dr., total 194 dr. Ι! ob. Ζ'υω(υ)
λα(ΟΥΡ.) 20 dr., χω(μ.) 67 dr. 5! ob., ύικ. 12 dr. l ob., totaI 100 dr. ~Hpα
«λείδ(ου) χω(μ..) 12 dr. 3 ob., ύικ. 26 dr. 4ί ob., total 391 dr. 11 ob. (Αρθοώ_
(υιo~) λα(ΟΥΡ.) 16 dr., χω(μ.) 6 dr. 4 ob., ύικ. 13 dr. 30b., total 36 dr. ι ob.
ΆTpίωυo(~) λα(ΟΥΡ') 24 dr., χω(μ.) [3]3 dr. 2ob., ύικ. 6 dr. [4! ob]., total
64 dr. l ob. *~Qvvσι(ου) λα(ογρ.) 12 dr., χω(μ.) 6 dr. 4 ob., ύικ. 5 dr. 5l ob.,
total 24 dr. 3t ob. Παρ( ) λα(ΟΥΡ.) 20 dr., χω(μ.) 9 dr. 31 ob. Since the
χω(ματικόυ)
tax was normal1y 6 dr. 4 ob. for each person (see introd. to
cclxxxviίi),
only the entries concerning Harthoonis and Dionysi\ls seem
to be individual payments; ίη these two cases the payments for λaΟΥραφία
are 16 and 12 dr. respectively; cf. introd. to cclxxxvίii. 32lίnes. Early
first century. 21'2 χ 12·8 cm.
CCCXC. Fragment of an account of money payments for various purposes.
Among the items are τα/υ ιπαλαιστροΦυλ(άκωυ) ι dr. 5 obols, χάρτου
ι dr. 3 obols. The month Germanicus (cf. cclxvi. 2) is mentioned. Οη the
verso, another account. First century. 34 lines ίη all. 23'2 Χ 12 cm.
CCCXCI. Part of an account of receipts of wheat headed λόyo~ λημμά(τωυ)
Λ μετα λ'
π υρου
[]
,
ΟΥου [..... L'lne 4 b · . 1αγορaσται''f'
egtns ( τιμη, προσκειτ
ωυ ?Ί , ()
αι .
Οη the verso, parts of 3 lίnes of another account. First century. 13 lίnes

inall. Il·SXI2cm.
CCCXCII. Fragment of an account of money payments by various persons.
Before each name is the title of an lίμφoooυ (cf. note οη ccxlii. 12), e. g.
Θoή(ριδo~), (1 πποο(ρόμου), cf. introd. to cclxxxvίii, Ποιμ(EυΙKη~), .ι\v~fω(v)
1Jα(ΡΕμβολη~). First century. 19 lίnes. 14·6 χ 13 Cffi.
(g) Petitions and Letters.
CCCXCIII. Petition addressed to Tiberius Claudius Pasion, strategus (cf.

cclxxxiv), by Aristas, weaver, of the λαύρα CΙ'Π'Πέωυ 'ΠαΡEμβoλη~, complaining
of the extortion of Damis,. yευόμEυo~ 'Πράκτωρ, ίη the eighth and 'past ninth
year' of Claudius. Same formula as cclxxxiv-v; cf: note οη cclxxxiv. 7.
Written ίη the tenth year of Tib. Claudius Caes. Aug. Germ. Imp. (Α. D.
49-50). Nearly complete. 18 lίnes. 15·6 χ 6'3 cm.
CCCXCIV. Conclusion of a simi1ar petition complaining of the extortion of
24 drachmae and a Ιμάτιου worth 16 drachmae. About Α. D. 49. 7 Iίnes.
21 Χ 8'2 cm.
CCCXCV. Part of a declaration by various persons, concluding with a βασιλΙKO~
ί$pKO~. The word συυTαυPOTάφo~ occurs. W rittel1 ίη the reign of Imp.
Caes. Domitianus Aug. Germ. (Αι D. 81-96). 19 lines. 10-2 χ 7'1 cm.
CCCXCVI. Beginning of a letter from Dionysius to his brother Sarapion,
commencing Δίι]oυύσιo~ Σαραπιωυι τωι άοελφωι [χa[ρειυ] και δια 'Π[αυT]O~
έppωμ~υφ εύτυΧΕϊυ. Postscript added at the top Όvvωφρι~ δέ σοι μεyάλω~
ευχαριστεΙ. επει δΕ μετρίωs εΊχε ύ'Πο τηυ I!Jpav ευεσημάυθη ουκ εlσχυσί σοι
ΥΡ[ά]Ψαι. Address οη the verso. Late first century. 9 lines.
5·1 χ cm.
12·1
CCCXCVII. Letter written by Glaphyra announcing the dispatch of various
articles, &C. The words βουκίαι and κολλύραι occur. Early:first century.
Nearly 'complete but effaced ίη parts. 31 lίnes. 20·5 χ 7 Cffi.
CCCXCVIII. Letter beginning ά-πήΥγελται Πτολεμ[α]ίΌ[s ύ]πηΡ€τηs, much effaced.
Dated ίη the ninth year of Tiberius Caes. Aug., Phaophi (Α. D. 22).
13 lines. 1\fter a blank space is another letter ίη a different hand, dated
Payni 19, mentioning the eleventh year (Α. D. 24-5). Incomplete. 16 Iines
35·5 χ 7·1 cm.
CCCXCIX. Letter from Α pollonius to Dionysius announcing the despatch of
an 6vηλάτηs with two donkeys, and asking for news. First century.
Incomplete. 17 lines. 13 χ 9·S Cffi.
CCCC. Letter from Dionysius to another Dionysins about a cargo and the
dispatch of wine, bread, cheeses, ~c. Late first century. Complete, but
stained ία parts. 30 lines. Ζ3· 8 χ 9·5 Cffi.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
ΤΟ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI, PART Ι
.ι
ΤΗΕ principal reviews of onr first volume and articles upon individual papyri
contained ίη it are :-Athenaeum, Aug. 20,1898, ρρ. 247-8 ; F. Blass, Literarz'sches
Centralblαtt, July 16, 1898, ρρ. 1074-6, Neue 'Jahrbucher f. k/ass. Alterthutn,
1899, Ι. 30-49 (οη νiί, νίiί, ίΧ), and Her1nes χχΧίν. ΡΡ. 312-5 (οη cxix); W.
Cronert, Pre,/&ss. 'Jahrb. xciv. ρρ. 527-540; Ο. Crusius, Beil. zur MU1zch. Allgem.
Zeit., Oct. 5, 1898, ρρ. 1-4; Α. Deissman, Theolog. LiterαturΖeΖΊung, Νον. 12,
1898, ρρ. 602-6 (οη χχχίίί); Η. Diels, Sitzungsber. d. k. Preuss. Akad., July 7,
1898, ρ. 497 (οη νΗ and νiiί); G. Fraccarolli, Bollett. dz: Fz·lol. class., Oct.-Nov.
1898 (οη νίi, Χίν, χν), and Rivistadi Filol., xxνίi. Ι ; Α. Hainack, Sz'tzu1zgsber. d. k.,
Preuss. Akad., ]uly 14, 1898 (οη ίν and v); Η. JtH"enka, Wiener Studz'en, 1899,
ρρ. 1-16 (οη νΗ) ; L. Mitteis, Hermes χΧχίν. ρρ. S8-106 (esp. οη ΧΧΧίii, ΧΧΧίν,
xxxνiί, χΙ, xlνiίί, Ινί, Ιχνίί, Ιχνίίϊ, Ιχχί, cxxix, cxxxνi); Τ. Mommsen, Sitzungsber.
d. k. Preuss. Akad., ]uly 7, 1898, ρ. 498 (οη ΧΧΧίίί); Τ. Reinach, Rev. des etudes
grecques, 1898, ΡΡ. 389-418 (οη ix); F. Rtihl, Rhein. Mus., 1899, ρρ. 151-5
(οη Χiiί); Κ. Schenkl, Zeitschr.j. Oesterr. GY1nn., 1898, ρρ. 1093-5 ; ο. Schulthess,
Wochenschr.f klass. Philol., 1899, ρρ. 1049-1058; C. Taylor, 'The Oxyrhynchus
Logia and the Apocryphal Gospels,' Oxford, 1899 (οη ί); Ρ. Viereck, Berl. Philol.
Wochenschr., 1899, ρρ. 161-170; G. Vitelli, Athene e Roma, Τ. ρρ. 297-302;
Η. Weίl, Rev. des It. grecqttes, 1898, ρρ. 239-244 (οη Χίν and ΧΧΧiiί); U. νοη
Wilamowitz-Mollendorff, GόΊtΖ"ng. gel. Α1ΖΖ., 1898, ρρ. 673-704.
We giνe below those corrections of the texts with which, after consulting the
papyri, we agree. Questions of interpretation are not entered upon as a rule. Ιη
the case ofthe papyri at Gizeh we postpone the consideration of proposed sugges-
tions untίl we have again seen the originals. Where ησ name is given, the
corrections are our own.
v. Another fragment has been found containing line 4 (recto), which now
reads πληροι του l!ιυθρωπoυ, καΙ F. C. Conybeare (Α thenaeum, ] uly 9, 1898),
Α. Harnack (Ι. c.), and V. Bar.,tlet (Athenαeum, Oct. 6, 1898) have pointed out
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
that lines 1-9 of the recto are a quotation from the Shepherd of Hermas, Mαnd.
xi. 9.
νίί. 5. &μβΡΟΤΕ is for ημβΡΟΤΕ (Diels). The ode has probably lost nothing at
the beginning.
xίi. Ι. 13-15. 1. τόυτωυ καία του τρίτου ε(πι <Pώμη~ 01, τι]μηταΙ πρω[του εκ] του
δΏμου ύρέθησαυ (Wilamowitz).
xv. 11.5,10,15. 1. ΑγλΕI ΜΟΙ for ΑΥλΕIΜΟI (Wi1amowitz).
ε
χχνί. 11. 7. 1. δτ[ι] for ότι, and 1V. Ι οιαβαλλ6υτωυ (Blass).

Our arguments from the resemblance of this papyrus to the Bacchylides
MS. have failed to convince Mr. Kenyon, who (Pαlαeogrαphy, ΡΡι 75-7) adheres
to his former date for that MS., the first cent. Β. C. We should, however, be dis-
posed ίη the present state of papyrus palaeography to place less relίance than he
does upon C test letters ' for distinguishing the hands of different periods. The
two letters which he selects (ρ. 73) as the most decisive criteria for literary papyri
of the Ptolemaic period, the Α ίη which the right hand oblique stroke is formed
separately from the rest of the letter, and the .Ξ. ίη three disconnected strokes,
are hardly satisfactory. This form of Α is νery common ίη the Roman period,
as wel1 as ία the Ptolemaic, e. g. the Harris Homer (Brit. Mus. Pap. CVI1,
probably of the :first cent. Α. D.), Ο. Ρ. ι. νiί, xii, Χίii, xv, xνίίi, ΧΧίίί, ΧΧίν, χχνί,
xxνίiί, besides numerous instances ίη the present volume; and Ξ. made by three
distinct strokes is commonly used ίn ccxxiii, which is of the third century, just
as the archaic Ι (1) occurs ίη the Roman period, e. g. G. Ρ. Ι. ίί, and ccxiί of this
νolume. The Ptolemaic characteristics of some letters, especial1y Μ, Ξ, Υ, ίη the
Bacchylides papyrus, do not seem to us to outweigh the Roman characteristics
of others, especially Ε, Κ, Ν, ~, W, and the general resemblance of the MS. to
some uncial papyri of the first and second centuries Α. D.
xxxii. The lower part of this papyrus has been found since our original
publication. The end of the letter runs as follows:-
22 m[.• . ι • • •] • ι -irJ (!s[t . ...•. ι ι •
c[ ι hα~[ . ........•.
••]
h[ ι ι ι ι et [ ••] ι •••••
25 tor ι ! · .[ · . ι Jif!J[ ι ι ι ι •• •
1:llum· ut[. ι .]upse[. . ι inter- ••
cessoyz's u[t il]lul1Z co[mmendαrem

estote jelz·cissi[mi domine to-
!is αnnis cum [tUZ·s omnibus
30 ben[e agentes
hαnc epistulαm αnt( e) OCU-
ΤΟ OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI, PART Ι
los habeto domine puta(tJ!J

me tecum loqui
uale
xxxίiί. 11. 13, note. άφιλοκαΥαθΙa is a mistake for άφιλοκαλοκαΥαθία (Crusius).
Mommsen considers that the emperor ία the papyrus can be Commodus,
since Μ. Aure1ius is called divus Antoninus ίη C. Ι. L. 111. 239--
χχχίν. Ι. 5. 1. [flJ~ Τ9 [τρια]ΚΟΥτάκλειυου, and Ι Ι. 7 lίλλo τι for lίλλoυ
(Wi1amowitz).
χχχίχ. 4. 1. (Φaρμουθι κθ) ΣεβασT(fι) for σεσημ,( ειωμ'υη~); cf. the duplicate copy,
cccxviί, where Σεβαστρ is clear.
xliii verso. Ι. 7, 10. α/. Wilamowitz suggests that the abbreviation at the
beginning of the line is for 'Πpό~, which makes good sense, but the comma-shaped
sign which would represent the π comes after the ρ, not above it.
V. 6. 1. ΚόλοβΟ$ for Koλoβό~ (Wίlamowitz).
χΙν. 2 and χΙνί 2. 1. οΙ ασχολούμευοι for διασχολούμευοι.
χΙνiiί. 6, xlix. 8. 1. ύπα Δία Γηυ dΗλιοv (W. Μ. Ramsay, Wilamowitz).
lii. 16. περιωμάτωυ=πελιωμάτωυ (Wilamowitz).
lix. 14. 1. Ά'Πολλοθέωυα (Wilamowitz).
lxiί verso. 8. 1. Θμοισεφω for Θμoισαφω~.
lxvi. 10. 1. Μητροδώ[Ρου ....•.•." for Μητροδώ[ρου άυοριαν, and ίη 18 άυορίαιι
(ί. e. αυδρείαυ) for αυοριαυ (WiIamowitz).
lxviίί. delete note οη 34-5 (Wilamowitz).
Ιχίχ. 14. Ι (δέ)ουσαν for ovuav (Wί1amowitz).
Ιχχίί. 5. 1. ΣΕυεπτα for 1(Ευεπτα.
Ιχχίν. 21.1. & υεμ.ήσουτ(αι) 'TrEpl, and ίη 23 υομου δια, cf. ccxlv.
lxxviii. 16. Σαλοσταρίου may be read Σαλουταρίου. The Latin Salutaris
is meant (Wi1amowitz).
lxxxi. The verso contains eleven lines of an account.
lxxxvi. 20-2. 1. εΙ~ ~!'[ ά]ΡI[ κηυ] μ.ε καταστ/ιιαι τφ μΙ(ουι προ[ σέΙτι ί]ντvxιιυ
(Wi1amowitz).
Ιχχχίχ. 4 and xc. 3. 1. (δια) σι(τολόΥωυ) for λ( ) σί(του) , cf. cclxxxix.
xcvi. 2 and 26. 1. σtιυ αλ(λοιs) for σvυαλ(λαKTή~?) (Wilcken, Gr. Ost. Ι. ρ. 576).
Cί cclxxvi. ι Ι.
c. 4. 1. [.]ειταυαβατείφ τφ και Άλ θαι. ει, the name of a deme; cf. Xcv. 15
Σωσικοσμ'ου του και ' Aλθαιέω~.
cv. 13. 1. 'Άμ,]μωυo~, Ι 6 Δια§' Ε'Π' ά,ετφ, and 19 ['Π]ρ[Ο]τομ,η Φ"λ[ο]σόφου
(Wilamowitz).
cxvi. 19. 1. καληs for μάχη§' (Wilamowitz).
cxvii. Οη μετεωρίδι(ο )υ, cf. introd. to ccxxxviii.
320 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS ΤΟ PART Ι
cxviίi. 21-3. 1. &Υα[θα εύ]x6μευo~ [€ιπίθυ]ε

(Wilamowitz).
CXiX. 12. 'ΠΕ'Πλάυηκαυ ήμα~ €KE[Ι iSwhat iS meant (Wilamowitz) Blass, Hermes
Ιc.); but ημω~ was apparently written, not ημα~.
13. 1. λυπόυ (ί. e. λοιιπ6υ) for λύρου (Wίlamowitz).
cxxii. 5. 1. [ήδ]'ωs- for [εvθ]lω~, and ίη 12 ~ χρή[σl1 ήδε1ω[s (Wi1amowitz).
cxxίii. 3. There should be a ful1 stop after ύμα~ (Wί1amowitz). Delete note
οη Ι.
clxvii. Written ση the verso. Οη the recto ends of :five Jίnes.

clxx.. Date about Α. D. 77-9, cf. ccxlii-iii.
clxxί. Text of the census return given οη ρ. 208 of this volume.
clxxviii. For Seras read Heras.
INDICES
..
Ι. NEW CLASSICAL AND THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS.
Numbers in heαvz·er type αre those 0/ the PaPY1/i,. smαll Romαn
numerαls indz'cate colum11s.
άΥαθό!' 210. verso 4 εl saep. ; αιcoύEιν 211. 9, 38; 214. reclo ίlνθρωπo!' 210. verso 28; 211.
211. 15,47. ι ι ; 218. ίϊί. 20. 12; 214. verso 18; 215.
ΆιΥάθων 212 (δ). 4. , AKpayαVTLvor 222. i. 18. i. 17, ίί. 24; 216. ϊί. 7.
ΆΥαμ'μνων 221. νΙ 28. άλάστωρ 211. Ι Ι. ί1ιιoμo~ 221. Χ. 34.
ι7ΥΥελοS', 210. reclo 5, 6. άλEΙCTωp 21θ. 9, 2 Ι. ι ιlνTιβoλEϊν 212 (α). ίί. 6.
ltyfι" 211. 26. άληθινός 212 (α). ii. 14. ιlvrικατaλλάσσΕιν 216. i. 3.
'ΑΥησίλαοr 222. ίϊ. 29. άλlδροσοS' 219. 11. ΆΙΙTίλoxo~ 221. νΙ 27.
'ΑΥησιaαμοr 222. i. 16. )ΑλιcaίνΕΤΟS' 222. ίί. 7. ιlvτιμαρτvρε'iν 221. χνίί. 14.
dΥκ&λη 21θ. 14. )Αλιcaίοs- 221. χΙ 9. ανTΙo~ 213 (α). 12.
άΥνΟΕίυ 221. i. 2 Ι • 'Αλκμάν 220. ν. marg. aνΤιτάσσΕιν 221. Χίν. 32.
άyopανoμΙKό~ 221. Χ. 16. &λληλoΦάΎO~ 221. Χ. 12. αντωνυμία, 221. χνίί. ι 2.
άΥών 221. νίί. 16. αλλοιουν 221. i. 7. άνώιστο!' 214. rec10 Ι.
άΥων{α, 221. Χίί. 36. fιλλω~ 212 (α). ίί. 8. t1ξιο~ 212 (α). ίί. Ι 7; 221.
άδελφόS' 211. Ι Ι. άμαPTύρω~ 221. Χ. 12. χι Ι, Χίν. 14.
αδικεί" 215. ίί. 14. άμΕίνων 214. verso 16; 217.2. ιlοιδότατοs-, 221. ix. ι 4.
lJ.ζισθαι 213 (α). 12. tf.μμοr 221. Χ. 2 2. άπaλ6~ 221. Χίν. 9.
άθάllατο!' 214. reclo 10. 'ΑμμώνιοS' Άμμωνίου ρ. 66. aπάvευθε 214. recto 9.
άθET~'ίν 221. xv. 8, 25. άμύνΗν 214. reclo 6. άΠΕιλή 216. i. ι, ίϊ. 19.
'Αθηνά 221. xv. Ι. ανaΥινώσΚΕιν 221. i. 3. άπιέναι 211. 4.
Άθηναιο!' 216. ίϊ. 2 Ι; 221. Χ. άιιάΥκη 216. ίί. 9. αΠOθν!ισΙCEιν 218. ίί. 8.
16; 222. i. 26, 40, 43. ιίνάζΕσιr 221. xvH. 18. αποκόΠ'ΤΕιν 220. νίίΙ 16.
ιΊθρόω, 221. Χίϊ. 9. άναΙΡΕίν 221. νΙ 14. αποκτείνειν 218. i. 13.
αΙανήr, 213 (δ). 5. ΆνaKp~όVTEιoν 220. νiΪ. 3, άπολείχι:ιν 221. ίίί. 33.
Α Ιylα~ 222. ii. 10. νίϊί. 18, ίΧ. 5, Χ. 11. 'Απολλ6δωΡΟS' 222. ίί. 2 ο.
ΑΙΥίδα!' 222. ίί. 26. άνάμνησι~ 218. i. 6. άπολλύναι 211. 43; 216. ii. ι
Aίyινήτη~ 222. i. 15. ανάπαιστο!' 220. νίί. Ι Ι, Χ. 3, 9. 21θ.16.
AlllEar 221. Χίν. 33. ανaπτύσσΕιν 221. i. 22. 'Απόλλων 211. 43.
αίρΕίν 214. verso 13. άνaτιθέναι 215. i. ι ι . αποπνίΥειιι 211. Ι.
ΑΙσχvλοS' 220. v. 6, χι 4. άνEμιαΊo~ 212 (α). ίί. 10. άΠΟΡΕίν 21θ. 15.
αΙχμάλωτοS' 216. ίί. 3. ιινήρ 21θ. 20; 221. ΗΙ. 7, άπόρθητοs- 216. ίί. 10.
άκαίρω!' 221. xvi. ι 3. Χίϊ. 17, χν. 11, 18. αποτείνΗν 221. χι 25.
άκάρδιοr (?) 213 (α). 8. aνθpώπειo~ 221. ίΧ. 34. αΠΟΤΕλείν 220. ίΧ. 10.
aκόπωs- 211. 5. ~/Ανθρωπο!' 222. ίί. 3. αποτΙμνΗΙΙ 218. ii. 4.
Υ
322 INDICES
άποφaΙνιιν 221. ix. 6. άΦι/(νιισθαι 215. ίϊί. 10. Δάv~ιr 222. i. 8, 20.
άποφορά 221. χνίϊ. 8. άΦΙστασθαι 220. Χ. 15. ~απαναν 221. Χ. 29.
ίlΠTιιν 220. vii. 10. f1φο80r 221. χν. 12. ~άΠTει.ν 213 (α). 10.
ΆΡΥι'iοr 214. reclo 4, 8, 13, ,AΦpo~ITη 211. 16; 220. ΔάΡ~αvοr 214. reclo ι Ι.
14; 222. i. 2, 6, 8, 20, νίίί. 13. ~ασύpειν 221. χίν. 2.
3 ι, 39, ii. 28. 'Αχαιός 214. recto 17, 18. δε80ι/(έναι 215. i. 7, ίί. 13, 26.
.,Apyor 221. χνί. 29. ιAxελ~oς 221. ίΧ. 2 el saep. ~ιιίλη 221. ίίί. 6.
άΡΥVΡο~lvηr 2~1. ίΧ. 2, 9. 'Αχιλλεύ r 221. Χίί. 18, 25, ~εlΕλοr, 221. ίίϊ. 4, 8, 12,
άρήΥιιν 214. verso 19. Χίν. 31, xv. 13. ΧίΙ 2.
.,Aρη~ 218. ίί. 8. δεικιιύναι 221. νΙ 6.
Άριστάρχειοr 221. ίν. 22, βα~Ιζειν 211. 7; 219. 15. ~εlλη 221. ίίί. ι, 9, ι Ι,
χί. 15. βάθοr 221. ίΧ. 27. Χίί. Ι.
Άp(σTαpxo~ 221. ίν. 7, ίΧ. 6, βαθur 218. ίί. 16. ~ειν 215. ίί. 25.
Χ. 31, Χίν. 16, χν. 17, χvίί. βάρβαρος 216. ii. 20. ~€ιν6r 216. ίί. 14.
20. βαρυτονειν 221. ίϊ i. 2 2. δ//(τηr 218 (c). 13.
t Αριστόvιl<οr 221. ίίί. 30. βασιλεία 217. 4. δένδρον 210. verso 16.
tlptUTo~ 214. reclo 4. βΙβαιοr 215. i. 15. ~εξίωσι.r 221. xv. 19.
,Αριστοτεληr 221. ίΧ. 37, βιάζεσθαι 218 (c). 5. ~lor 215. ίί. 8.
Χίν. 30. βlο~ 21θ. 19. ~fσπόTLr 213 (b). 10.
Άρισ10Φάvηr 221. ί. 18, Χ. 36, βιουν 211. 2. ~'Xεσθαι 211. 32.
xiii. 20. βλαβεϊν 215. ίί. 30. Δημήτηρ 221. ίΧ. 18.
ΆρΕστων 222. ίϊ. 16, 33. βλάβη 215. ίίϊ. 3, 12. δημοκρατία 216. ίί. ι Ι.
ίl.Pμ.α 221. Χίϊ. 32. βοηθείν 221. Χίν. 30. ~ημo~ 218. ίί. 14.
tl.poTor 211. 39. βούλεσθαι 211. 25; 215. i. 9. δημόσιo~ 218. ίί. ι Ι; 221.
t Apulλoxor 222. i. 5. βραχύς 220. ίίί. 20, νίίί. 4, xiii. ι 4;
222. i. 6, 3 Ι.
άρxαϊo~ 221. χνίί. 33. ίΧ·9· διάβασι~ 221. i. 9.
ίlΡXειν 217. 10. βωμόr 211. 24. ~ιαιpιϊν 221. Χίν. ι.
αρχή 211.46; 217.11; 220. ~ιd/(οσμοr 221. νΙ 17, 22, 23.
Χ·4· yάμ.o~ 211. 50. Διακτορί~ηr 222. ίί. 9.
tJ.ση 221. χι
18. Υαυριαν 220. ν. 3. ~ιαλaμβάιιε"ν 215. ί. 19; 221.
ΆσKληπιά~Hoν 220. Χίν. 9, 14. Υενετήρ 214. recl() 10. νί. ι, 10, Χίί. 2 Ι.
aσπί~ 221. νίί. 13. ΥΕvιl<όr 221. i. 25. ~ιαλλάσσειν 211. 45.
ΆσTιpoπαΙo~ 221. νΙ 19, ylvor 220. νίί. 9. ~ιάληψιr 215. i. 23.
νίϊ. 6. ylρα~ 214. reclo 8. ~ιαμαPTάνειν 216. i. 7.
άστοχιιν 219. 2 ι. Υη·211. 51; 221. xvii. 29. ~ιανoείσθαι 2ί5. i. 2 Ι.
ιΑστύλοr 222. i. 4, (Αστυρος) ΥΙρεσθαι 211. 18, 46; 214. ~ιαΡPεϊν 221. i. ι 7.
i. 17. reclo 13; 215. ί. 2; 218. ~ιαστJλλειv 221. Χ. 17.
ίίτοποr 221. Χίν. 32. ii. 18. ~ιάσTημα 221. iii. 14.
Άττικόr 221. Ηί. 10, 27. γινώσ/(ειν 221. xvi. 33. δι.ατρίβειν 221. ίίί. 28.
αύλητικόr 221. ίΧ. 12. Γλυ/(έρα 211. 45. ~ίαvλοr 222. i. 8 el saep.
αύλών 221. Χίν. 18, 19. Υλωσσα 221. Χ. 28. ~Ιβpαxυ~ 220. ί. 8.
αυξάνειν 221. ίί. 6, Χίίϊ. 25. Υvήσιοr 211. 38. ~ι~6ναι 211. 39.
αύξητικως 221. Χί. 3 Ι. yovv 211. 26; 220. viii. 7, Δl8vμοr 221. Χ. ι 2, χνίί. 27.
αυριον 211. 8. ίΧ. ι ι, 17. ~ιηyεί:σθαι 218. ίϊ. 23.
άΦαιρείν 211. 25; 220. ΎιlvαιlcείΌr 301. ~ιηΥηματικόr 221. χΙ 3.
ix. 7. yυvΉ 212 (α). i. 6; 218. 8ικάζειν 216. ίί. 23.
άφαlρεσιr 220. ίίί. 3. ίί. 2. 8Ι/(η 211. 32.
άφανΙ'ειν 221. Χίί. 35. δΙμετροιι 220. νiίί. 6, ίΧ. 18.
άφανιστικως 221. ΧΙ 14. ~αιμόνιoν 215. iί. ι 7. ~ιoρθωTι/(ός 221. χν. 25, χνίί.
άφιέναι 211. 8. ΔαμάΥητοr 222. ίί. 17, 30. 31.
1. NEW CLASSICAL AND THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS 323
~ιπo~lα 220. νίίί. ι. "Ελλην 211. 33. luBlftJI 221. Χ. 23, χνίί. 28.
~ισύλλaβo~ 220. ίίί. ι 3, χι ΙEλληνΙKό~ 219. 18. ;σπιpo~ 221. ίίί. 14.
10. έλπΙ~ 216. ii. 8. εTεpo~ 211. 49.
~ίυYPO$ 213 (α). 6. έμμένειν 216. ίί. 13. έTίpω~ 221. ίχ. 16.
διχ ως 221. Χ. 31. εμπαλιν 213 (α). 8. έToΙμo~ 214. verso 5.
~ol(είν 220. νΙ 1, vii. 10. 1μ'Πε~o~ 214. υεΥSO ι 4- εύαγΥ/λιον 211. 18.
δoλιxό~ 222. i. 9 el sαep. έμποιεϊυ 218. i. 10. ευδαιμονία 215. i. 32.
~όμo~ 213 (b). 2; 220. xiii. 4. Εμφαίνειν 221. ix. ι ι. eiJBvs 211. 13.
δOξάζ€Lν 215. ίϊ. 18. έναλλdσσιιυ 220. ίίί. 13. ιύκαιΡεί" 215. ίί. 2.
~όpυ 214. verso 12; 221. Ηϊ. ένaνTίo~ 221. χΙ 20. εύl(oσμίω~ 218. ίί. 9.
18, vii. 5. ένάρχεσ θαι 211. 23. εvλΟΥΟS' 220. Χίϊ. 10.
(}ουλε{α 216. i. 2. ενοον 211. 2 Ι. εύλόΎω~ 221. ίί. 7.
δουλευειν 216. ίί. 9. 'νδυειν 211. 16; 221. Χ. 23. εύpεTή~ 220. v. 4.
8poσώδη~ 221. Χίν. 9. ένείναι 213 (α). 7. Eυpιπί~η~ 221. νΙ 17.
~υνασθαι 210. recto 3; 215. i. έΡΕΡΥείν 221. Χ. 19. είιΡίσκειν 211. 36.
21; 219. 9; 220. ix. 17. ίνθουσιαν 221. Χίί. 8. εύρύf; 221. ix. 10.
δυσKέλαoo~ 220. ΧΙ 6. έυτολή 221. χΙ 33. εύρωπΙα 221. ίχ. 15.
~υσ'Tυxή~ 213 (6). 8. έξαπΙvη~ 214. reclo 1. εύσέβιια 215. i. ι 6.
8υσxεpω~ 221 (α). 9. έξαπαταυ 216. ϊϊ. 20. εύτυχεΊν 211. 19 J 32.
δύσxpησTO~ 221. vii. 14. έξεναρί(ειν 214. recto 5. εύTυxή~ 213 (b). 7,
Δωδώνη 221. ix. 2 Ι. ιξέρχεσθαι 211. 14. ίΦορμaν 221.' Χίί. 7.
Δωpί~ 211. 2, 14, 22. έξευρίσκ.ειν 220. v. 2. 'ΈφοροS' 221. ix. 21.
έξη~ 220. νiί. 13; 221. Χίί. Εχ ιιν 212 (α). ίί. 2, 4, 6; 213
έΥκa1'αλείπειν 216. ίί. 16 ; 219. 22; χν. 26. (α). 7 ; 214. reclo 18; 218.
22. έξι/ναι 211. 27. ίϊ. 19; 219, 5; 220. νΗ.
Ιί'κλημα 218. ίί. 18. έξοχή 221. ίΧ. 29. ι ι εl saep.
lΥκλίνειν 221. ί. 6. Επιιναι 212 (α). ϊί. 17; 220.
εyxελυ~ 221. ίΧ. 29, Χ. 17, ίΧ.20. CIιKOP0S' 218. ϊϊ. 14.
χνίϊ. 7. fπεξε1'άζfιν 211. 17. (ευΥνύναι 221. χν. 32.
έyx&>pιo~ 218. ίί. 10. ίπέpασTO~ 219. 18. Zεύ~ 211. 20; 212 (α). ίί. ι,
l(}O$ 213 (6). 2, επεσθαι 220. i. 13. 14; 214. reclo 10; 215.
έθέλεl.ν 220. χΙ 2. έπιζη1'ειν 216. i. 6. i. 5, ίϊ. 12; 220. vii. 17;
εl~'ναι 213 (α). 5. lπιλανθάνειν 211. 41. 221. χν. 23.
είl(ελο~ 213 (α). 4. έπιπλεϊν 221. Χ. 2 ι. ζηλόTυπo~ 211. Ι 2.
εΙκιΙνισμα 213 (α). ·3. lπίστασθαι 216. ίϊ. 14. ζην 214. reclo 2; 218 (c). 3.
εΙκών 210. verso 18, 20. ~πισ:oλή 216. Ι.. ι, ίί. 19. ζη1'ειν 218. iii. 12.
εΙσέρχεσθαι 211. 9, 28. επιταττιιυ 216. 11. 22. ζυΥομαχείν 221. χν - 31.
εΙσι'ναι 211. 3 ο, 49. έπιτιθέναι 211. 25; 215. ίΙ ,φον 221. χν. 31.
έκκαλεϊ" 211. 34. 28; 219. 23. Zώπυpo~ 218. ij. 7.
ίκκεϊσθαι 220. νί. 5. lpa 221. Χ. 28.
έKoυσιό~ 213 (α). ι ι. Ερα" 219. 22. rιβα 220. ix. 16.
ίΚΠ[Π1'ειν 221. ΧΙ 2. έpα1'ιινό~ 221. χΙ 6. ήΥεϊσθαι 213 (b). 10.
"ΕΚ1'ωρ 214. reclo 5. έριίυ 210. verso J 3. ήΥΕμονία 216. i. 6.
έλαττουν 215. iΪ. 16, 18. 'ρίπτεσθαι 221. Χ. 29. ήΥΕμών 221. νΙ 25.
έλάXΙσTO~ 303. έρημΙα 213 (b). 4. ήδονή 215. Η. 5.
εΛευθερία 216. 1. 2, ίί. 15. tΕΡμαπίαr 221. ίίί. 17. ΉλείΌ~ 222. ii. 14.
lλιξ 214. verso 14; 221. ίΧ. ερνιον 219. 17. ήλιοS' 212 (α). ίϊ. ι 5; 221.
15· ΙΡχεσθαι 212 (α). i. 2; 214. ϊίϊ. 11.
έλλείπειν 211. 6; 221. vi. 13, reclo 2. ήμέρα 218. ίί. 12.
ίΧ·3 0 • lpω~ 220. viH. 13. ήν[κa 220. vH. ι ι.
Υ2
INDICES
ΉΡaιεύr 221. i. 3. ίερεύS' 218. ίί. 8. κaνουν 211. 22.

(Ηράκλεια 221. ίΧ. 8. (ΙΕρων 222. i. 19, 32, (ιιερώ- κανών'220. ίίί. 6, Χίί. ι ι.
fΗΡακληr 214. reclo 8, ι Ι. νυμo~?) 44. καρδΙα 219. 23.
~ΉΦαισTO~ 221. Χίν. 3 Ι. 'Iησoϋ~ 210. verso 13. Kαpπό~ 210. verso 16; 221.
ήχή 214. verso 8. lθύνειν 214. verso 6. ίΧ.20.
ήώr 221. ίίί. 15. ΙκάΙΙΕιν 221. χίί. 10. καρτερΕίν 216. ίi. 13.
(Ικάνων 222. ίί. 5. καταΥράφειν 220. Χίν. ι ι.
θαKαθaλπά~ 219. 22. ~Iλιoιι 214. reclo 2. καταθύειν 215. ί. 9.
θάλαμοr 214. reclo 9. lλύr 221. ίΧ. 34. KαTαθύμιo~ 219. 16.
θάλασσα 214. verso 3, 4, 13, (Iμεpαίo~ 222. i. 22, ίΙ 24. κατακαΙειν 218. ίί. 6.
17; 221. ίχ. 3, 10. (Ιππεύr 221. νΙ 3. KaTαKλυσμό~ 218. i. 12.
θάλπειν 212 (α). iί. Ι 6. fΙππόβοτοr 222. ίί. ι 3. καταλαμβάΙΙΗν 221. Χίί. 27.
θάμβo~ 213 (α). 7. fr 214. recto 16. καταλέγει" 221. ίΧ. Ι.
θαρσύ"ειν 221. xv. 13. Zuor 214. reclo 12. καταλείπειν 220. νίίί. 3, ίΧ. 12,
θάσιοr 222. i. 13. ίστορείν 218. ίί. 6; 221. Υ. 7, ΧΙ Ι Ι, 17.
θaυμάζιιν 215. i. 22. xiii. 3 Ι. KαTαληKTΙKό~ 220. ίΧ. 19.
θαυμαΖνειν 221. νίί. ι ι . ~ΊστροS' 221. νΙ 29. καταπονείν 221. xvii. 9.
θειί. 218. ίίί. 10. Ισxυρό~ 221. Χ. 33. κατασκευή 221. χΙ 3.
θEαyένη~ 222. ί. 13. ίσω!) 215. i. 12. κατάστημα 221. ίίί. 9.
θέλειν 220. Χ. ι, 7, χι 7. 'Ιταλία 222. i. 12, 16, 25. κατατιθέναι 220. Χίί. 1 Ι.
θεόγvητοr 222. i. 15. Ιχθύβοτο!) 214. verso 15. ~αTέxειν 215. ίί. 27; 217. Ι.
θεόr 210. verso 12, 19, 2 ι ; ίxθύ~ 221. ίΧ. 31, Χ. 17,27, κατηΥορία 218. ίί. 22.
211. 4; 212 (b). 7; 215. χνίϊ. 7. κάτω 220. Υ. marg.
i. 7, ίϊ. ι ι; 218. ίί. 15, Zxιιo~ 221. χν. 20. Κειο!) 222. ίί. 18.
23; 220. νίίϊ. ι ι; 221. Ίωνικό!) 220. νίί. 9, 15· κείρειν 221. ix. 29.
χν. 9, 20. κΙλη!) 222. i. 6 el sαep.
θΕράπων 212 (α). ii. 18. καθαρό!) 221. i. 24. κήτοον 222. ii. 27.
θEσσαλό~ 222. ίί. 21. καθήΚΕιν 215. ii. 6; 221. Χ. 34. Κίμων 222. ίί. 28.
θεωρείν 213 (α). 9. καθησυχάζειν 219. 24. κ.ινδυνεύΕιν 221. χίί. 33.
θιωρΙα 215. i. 3 ι, ίί. 3. καθόλου 215. ίί. 30; 220.ix. 6. K{νδυνO~ 221. xii. 26, 36.
θηβαϊo~ 222. i. 5. και μήν 211. 27; 212 (α). κλαΙειν 219. ι 6.
θήρωιι 222. i. 18. ίί. 13. KλείTαpxo~ 218. ϊί. 7.
θιιΏσΚΕΙΙΙ 214. reclo 4. καΙΗν 218. ίί. 12. Κλεόδωρο!) 222. ίί. 19.
θ"ηTό~ 221. Χίϊ. 23. KάΙKO~, 214. reclo 15. Kλεωναϊo~ 222. ίί. 4.
θρ~ξ 221. ίίϊ. 22, Χίν. 20. Kαινό~ 220. Υ. 4. κλίνΕιν 214. reclo 3.
θυ')'άτηρ 211. 5 ι; 218. ίίΙ 15. KαινόσoΦo~ 220. νΙ 3. κλύειν 214. recto ι ο, 17.
θύιιν 211. 35; 221. ίΧ. 18. καιρό!) 216. ίί. 9; 217. 6. κνΙση 221. χνίί. 21-4.
θύελλα 221. xvi. 30. KαKό~ 213 (b). 6; 218. ίίί. ι ι; κοίλωμα 221. Χίν. 20.
4ύρα 211. 29. 221. χι Ι. κοιμαν 213 (α). 6.
θύραζε 212 (δ). 3. κάλαμοr 221. ίΧ. 12, 16. κοινουν 212 (α). ίί. 18.
Ovpfdr 221. Χίϊ. Ι. καλείν 219. 19. ΚΟΙlIα/S' 221. χι 25.
θωρήσσειν 214. reclo 16. Καλλία!) 222. i. 26. Kόλασι~ 218 (c). Ι 2.
Kαλλ{μαxo~ 221. xv. 33. Kόλπo~ 221. Χίί. 13.
lαμβΙKό~ 220. ίΧ. J 8. κάλλιστος 222. i. 4 ι. κόρη 220. xi. 15.
Zαμβo~ 220. i. 7, Χ. 13. KαλλίσTpαTO~ 221. xvii. 2 Ι. ΚΟΡlvθιος 222. i. 27.
'Idr 221. iii. 23. καλλονή 219. 4. κρατειν 213 (δ). 7.
ί~έα 221. xv. 10. κάλυβι (dat.) 213 (α). 6. KpάTη~ 221. Χίν. 9, χνίί. 30.
1~ιo~ 217. 7. Καλυψώ 221. xv. 3. KpάTισTO~ 222. i. 17.
ί~ιώτηS'215. i. 13; 221. Χίν. 15. καλω!) 211. 14, 40; 215. i. 19. KpdTor 211. 10.
ίένaι 221. νίΙ ι 2. ΚαμαΡινaίοr 222. ίί. 22. Kpή~ 222. ίί. 26.
1. NEW CLASSICAL AND THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS 325
Κρητική 221. XV. 27. μαKάpιo~ 215. i. 17, ίΗ. 18; ναυ~ 214. verso 4; 219. 15.
Κρίτων 222. ίϊ. 24. 219.20. νεανι(κ )fύεσθαι 216. ίί. 18.
κτείνειν 221. ίίί. 7. Mαpfr 221. ίίί. 3. Vfl<pdr 218. ίί. 15; 221.
Κυζικηνόςο 302. ΜaρωνεΙτης 222. i. ι Ι. Χίί. 17.
ι<υκλείν 213 (δ). 10. μάχεσθαι 220. Χ. ι, 7. J/foT'I"lov 212 (α). ίί. 10.
Kύ1<λo~ 303. μάχη 213 (α). ι Ι; 214. reclo pεΦpό~ 221. Χ. 25.
κωλον 220. χι 17. 12; 221. νίί. ι ι, χι 5, xiΪ. vήπιοr 214. verso ι Ι.
κωλύειν 221. νΙ 24. 22, 23. νικαν 216. ίϊ. 17.
l(ωΦό~ 213 (α). 4. μάχιμος 219. 18. Νικάρχειον 220. ίίί. 16.
Μεγαιcλεl~ηr 221. ίΧ. 3. νοειν 214. verso 2.
λαΥχάνειν 214. reclo 8. μέya~ 219. 19. νομΙζειν 215. i. 18, ί'Ι 15, ίίί.
λάθρfl. 212 (α). ίί. 19. μέΥεθος 218. ίίί. 23. 7; 220. ίΧ. 17·
Λάκων 222. i. 9, 14, 35. μιa/ων 214. verso 1 7. νομίμως 218. ίί. 17.
λαμβάνειν 211. Ι ο, 50; 218. μελαlνειv 221. xiii. 13. νόμo~ 215. ίί. 7; 216. ίί. 12 ;
ίί. 2, 17; 220. Χίί. 10; μέλaειν 221. xvii. 27, 32. 217. 8; 221. Χ. 16.
221. Χ.
28. με'λλειν211.27, 38; 221.X.21. νoυ~ 212 (α). ίίί. 2.
222. ίϊ. 1 Ι.
Aaptua'i,or μέλo~ 221. χνίϊ. 28.
Λαxαpίδα~ 222. ii. 3 ι . MεllάλKη~ 222. i. 38. :rάνθο~ 221. χι 9, xii. 23,
Λάχων 222. ίί. 18. Μενε[τηr 220. Χ. 6. Χίνι 32.
λέγειν 210. verso 5; 211. i. 6, Mειι'λαo~ 214. reclo 3. ξανθός 214. reclo 15.
αl. μέριμνα 221. Χ. 37. :Β:εvοπείθηr 222. i. Ι.
λεΙπειν 216. ίί. 6. μ'Ροr 220. νίί. 15; 221. ξlΦo~ 218. ίί. 15; 221.
Λεοντlσ/(ο~ 222. ii. 2, 15. νΙ 25. νίϊ. 17.
Λεπρεάτηr 222. ii. 7. μεσημβρία 221. ίίί. 9.
Λημνοr 220. νίίί. 9. μέσος 221. νΙ 14. ό8εύε ιν 214. verso ι Ι •
ληpo~ 212 (α). ίί. 7. Mεσσήιιιo~ 222. ίί. 2, 15. ό8ό~ 219. 5.
λίθo~ 219. 23. μΕταβαίνΕιν 220. χι :ι:: 9. 'οδύσσεια 221. ίν. 2 ι, Χί. 10,
λιθουll 213 (α). 9. μfταβάλλειv 221. xv. 10. XV·3·
λιθoυPyή~ 213 (α). 3. μεταφράζειν 221. ίίί. 29. Όδυσσεύ~ 221. xv. 4.
λίμνη 221. xii. 9. μετίχειρ 220. ίίί. 14. οίεσθαι 215. ίi. 25, 29; 220.
λίποr 221. χνίί. 25, 30. μ'TPΙO~ 218. (c). 12. v. Ι.
λιχνεύιιυ 221. ίΧ. 35. μέτρον 210. iii. 12 et sαep. οlητέον 221. χι 32.
λΟΥαοιδικός 220. xii. 2, 5. μηδΕ EV 211. 42. oIKεϊo~ 215. i. 4.
λoyισμό~ 216. i. 8. Μιλήσιοr 222. i. 23. oll<Tp6r 213 (α). 10.
λ6γοr 211. i. 4; 218. ίϊ. 24 ; μιμητικόr- 221. Χί. 3. οίμοι 211. 9.
221. χι 4, Χίν. Ι. μίμοr 301. olvor 220. vH. 5.
λoιπό~ 211. 4 Ι. Μιτυληvαιοr 222. i. 7. οtχ.εσθαι 216. i. 5!
Λo/(pό~ 222. Ι 12, 16, ~5, Μοϊρα 213 (α). 12. όλλύναι 214. recto 4.
ίί. 27. μοιχόr 211. Ι Ι. (ΟμηΡικόr 221. ίΧ. 6.
λοπίζειν 218 (δ). 3. μολfΙll 213 (α). Ι Ι. rιΟμηΡοS' 221. ίΧ. 4, }ζvii. 26.
λόΦοr 221. xv. 29. μΟVΟΥfνής 221. Χ. Ι 4. 8μοιοr 212 (α). ίί. 16!
Λυιcεινoς 222. ϊί. 34. μόνo~ 213 (α). 2. όμ.οιοVll 221. xν~ 18, χνί. 18,
ΛύKO~ 222. ίί. 2 Ι. μόριον 218. ίί. 5. χνίί. 28.
Λυκόφρων 222. i. 40. μορφή 210. verso 19; 218. όμονοείν 216. ii. Ι Ι.
.Λύκτιοr 220. Χ. 6. ίί. Ι . δμόπ'l"ολιr 221. νίί. 10.
Λύκων 222. ii. Ι ι. μvθοr 214. recto 12. 6Vfιδοr 212 (α). ίί. 8.
λύσιr 214. reclo I~. όνία 220. ίΧ. 15.
ναΙειν 214. verso 18; 221. gvομα 221. ίΧ. 19, χν. 8, 9.
μάΥεΙΡοr 211. 2 Ι • ίίί. 3. όιιομάζειν 221. νΙ 26.
ΜαιvqλιοS' a22. i. 29. vαvμ α Χ fίll 216. ii. 5. όπλΙπι~ 222. i. 4 el sαep.
INDICES
8πλον 216. ίί. 17. Παppάσιo~ 222. i. 4ι. πoλύπλαγKTO~ 214. verso 3.
ΌΠOύνTΙO~ 222. i. 37, 38. πάσχειν 211. 28; 220. Χί. 2. πoνToπόpo~ 214. verso 12.
όραν 210. verso 25, 26; 212 πάTαΙKO~ 211. 37, 49. πόllTO~ 214. verso 9.
(α). ίί. 16; 213 (α). 3. ,πατήρ 210. verso 6; 211. 17. ποριύιιν 211. 15; 221. ίΧ. 9.
όpαTό~ 210. verso 23. ΠάτροκλοS' 221. νΙ 27. . ΠOPEυTό~ 221. ί. ι ι.
όργΙζεσθαι 218. i. 9. πιδίiιι214. reclo τ. Ποσειδων 221. Χίν. 35.
όpθ6~ 221. ί. 20. πε8ίον 218 (b). 12; 221. Χίί. Ποσει8ωvιάτηr 222. ί. 33.
όpθω~ 211. 20, 37; 215. ίί. 10,29· ΠOTαμό~ 221. ίΧ. 5 εΙ sαep.
29,31. πεζομ.αχείν 216. ίί. 4. πότερα 215. ίί. ι 3.
8pνι~ 219. 16. πείθιιν 221. ίίί. 19. πούr 214. verso 5, 16; 220.
lJΡφανlζειν 213 (b). Ι. πειρα 218. ίί. 2. ίίί. 4, χι Ι ι.
όσοσδήποτε 215. ίίί. ι ι . πέλα~ 221. Ηϊ. 3. πραΥμα 212 (α). ίί. 19; 217. ι.
oυιcoυν 215. ίί. 15. llελοπόννησοr 221. χνί. 28. Πpαξlλλειoν 220. ίΧ. 2.
oύTι8αν6~ 214. verso 12. πέμπειιι 221. χν. 24. πράσσειν 211. 44; 215. ίί. ι Ι,
όψΙα 221. ίίί. ι ι, Χίί. 4. πέιιταθλοll 222. i. 4 εl sαep. 21.
πέρα,; 221. Χί. 19. πρίε:ιν 220. νίίί. 3.
παγκράτιον 222. i. 13 εl saep. περιγράφειν 216. ίί. 7. προαναΦωνειν 221. Χ. 19.
παίζειν 212 (α). ίί. 6. πιριλαμβάΙΙΕιν 219. 17. προηγεισθαι 221. i. 8.
παί~ 211. 39; 212 (b). 6; πεpιμάxηTO~ 216. i. 4. προθυμείσθαι 211. 5.
219. 13; 220. ίΧ. 6; περιορίζειν 221. ίίί. 15. προθυμΙα 2~0. νί. 5.
221. ίΧ. 17; 222. ί. ι εl ΠEpΙπαTO~ 219. 10. προιέναι 220. xiii. 19.
Saep. περισπαν 221. i. 28, ίίί. ι 1, προΙξ 211. 40.
'Πaλαιό~ 220. νίίί. 9, 2 Ο. 22, 26, xvi. 3. προκρίιιειιι 218. i. 8.
πάλη 222. ί. 2 εl saep. πεΡισσόr 221. XV. 26. Πpoμηθεύ~ 220. ΧΙ 3.
πάλιν 211. 44; 215. i. 5, ίίί. ΠEpισσω~ 221. Χ. 33. προπετήr 211. 42, 44.
19· περιστέλλειν 218. ίί. 8. πpδ~ Διόr 215. ίί. ι 2.
πανάpισTO~ 215. Ι 20. πέτρα 218 (α). 4. προσάΥειlI 215. ίί. 9.
παllTΕλωr 220. νΙ ι. πέTPO~ 213 (α). 8. προσαγορεύειν 221. νΙ 29.
πάνυ 211. 3 ι. πη8α" 221. Χίί. 28. πpoσ~OKαιι 215. ίίί. 4.
πάρα 218 (α). 3. πιθανό~ 211. 25. πρόσθα 221. ίΧ. 14.
παραβαίνειν 218. ίϊ. 4. πιμελή 221. Χ. 25. πpόσθεσ,,~ 220. ίίί. 2.
παραγγέλλΕιν 218. i. 7. nlv8ap or 220. Χίί. 17; 221. προσλέγειν 221. χνϊϊ. 13.
παραlJέΧΕσθαι 221. νΙ 23. ίΧ. 11. προστιθέναι 221. χνίί. 34.
παρaλαμβάνειν 220. χίί. 10. πιόTEPO~ (?) 212 (α). ίί. 20. πρόσω 221. νΙ 8.
παρaμΕlΙΕιν 218. ίί. Ι. ΠΙΠΤΕιν 216. ίί. 2. προΦέρειν 220. χΙ 12.
παΡαμήκ.ηr 221. Χίν. 17. πlστιr 221. Χίν. 29. προφυλακή 215. ίίί. 14.
παρανομΕίν 218. ίί. 22. πληθύειll 221. χνίί. 9. ΠρωταγόραS' 221. χίί. 2 ο.
παpαπλησEω~ 220. νίί. 14, πληροVν 302. πτερ6ν 220. viii. 13.
ίΧ. Ι. πλησμορή 221. ΧΙ 18. ΠToλεμαιo~ 221. i. 18, χνί. 3.
παραποτάμιοr 221. Χι 5. πνΕυμα 218 (α). 7. Πυθοκληr 222. ίί. 14.
παΡατατικ.6r 221. ϊί. 6. ποιειρ 211. 2, (κ.αλω~ ποιων) . πύθων 222. ίί. 2 3~
-παρέσxαTO~ 221. χνϊ. 5. 14, αl. πυνθάνισθαι 211. 37.
παρέχιιιι 221. χν. 20. ποιητήr 221. ΧΙ 2. πύξ 222. ί. 3 εΙ sαep.
Παρθ'ΙΙΕΙΟΙΙ 220. Χίί. 15; 221. πυλεμείν 216. i. 9; 221. χι πυρ 221. χνί. 2 Ο.
νίί. 6. 20.
παΡθένοr 220. χΙ 15. πόλεμοr 214. reclo 9. Ρq.~ίω~ 215. Ηί. 8.
ΠαpιωνΙKό~' 220. νίί. 7. Πολέμων 211. 35, 43, 49· ΡΕίθρον 214. verso 15; 221.
ΠαΡμεvl8ηr 222. i. 33, 34. πόλιr 216. 2, 2 ι; 217. 10; ίΧ. 4, Χίί. 29.
παροιιιιίν 211. 13. 220. νΙ 2; 302. ρείν 221. ίΧ. 26.
πάpoιυo~ 211. 47. ΠoλύνΙKO~ 222. ίί. 32. ρευμα 221. Ι 16, ίΧ. 7, 9·
Ι. NEW CLASSICAL AND THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS 327
ΡηΥνύ7lαι. 210. 15. σVYYΕιιής 215. ίί. 4-; 218. Η. Tιμά7lθη~ 222. ίί. 4.
ριπή 221. χνίϊ. 9. 13· Tιρύνθιo~ 222. i. 4- 2.
ρίΠΤΕιν 221. νίϊ. 8. UVOYOYEvlr 218. ίϊ. 3. ΤΟΙΎαρουν 211. 13; 218 (α). 9·
'Pό~ιo~ 222. ίϊ. 17, 29, 30. συΎΎνώμη 211. 48. τόποs- 218. ίί. r Ο ; 221. Χίν. 17.
ροή 221. ix. 16. συλλαβή 220. ίίί. 9, 17, Vlll. TραyιlCό~ 212 (b). 2; 221. ίίί. 5.
ρόμβο,; 221. νίί. 12. 17, ίΧ. 4, 13, xiii. 2. rράχηλοr 221. χν. 30.
pόo~ 221. χι 9. συμΠΕριΦορά 215. ίϊ. 7. τρlΦειν 221. ίΧ. 16.
σvμΠΟΙf'iv 211. 30. τρίμΕτρον 220. Χίν. 4.
ΣαμΙα~ (Ψαυμιs-?) 222. ii. 22. συμΦορά 218 (α). 10. τρισκ.αl<ο8αίμων 211. 3.
Σάμιοs- 222. ίο 24. συll~ιaλλάσσEιν 211. 3 ι. τp,σύλλαβo~ 220. xi. 10.
σαρι<οΦαΥΕίν 221. ίΧ. 29. uvvfl~YJutS' 218. ίί. 19. τρόποS' 211. 33 ; 215. iii. ι ι ;
σάρξ 215. ίί. 15; 221. ίΧ. 34-. συνΕμπίΠΤΕιν 220. Χ. 10. 217.5; 220. ίiί. 15.
σαΦήs- 220. Χι 16. uvVΉBTJs- 221. Χί. 15. τροΦή 219. 17.
σ/βΕσθαι 215. i. 8, 23. σvνθεσίη 214. reclo 13. rpoxaioS' 220. νίϊ. 13.
ΣΕΛΕVΙ<ΟS- 221. νΙ 15, ix. 8. συνθύΕιν 211. 49. τροχός 218 (δ). 9.
σfλή1l1J 212 (α). ίϊ. 15; 220. σύvτομοs- 213 (δ) 3; 220. ΤρύΦων 219. 13.
ix.14· χι 8. ΤρωfS' 214. reclo 13; 221.
σΕμνωμα 215. i. 30. σφόaΡa 213 (δ). 7. χνί. 34.
σΕύΕσθαι 221. Χίν. 33. Σ,XE8ίo~ 221. νΙ 26. τυΥχάνΕιν 211. 48; 215. i. 6.
σημ{ίον 215. ίίί. 1 Ι; 221. xv. σχημα 220. Ηϊ. 4, νϊίί. 2, Χ. 5. Τυρώ 221. Χίί. 10.
12, 17. σχολή 212 (α). i. 3. rvΦλόr 221. Χίϊ. 17.
σημ~ιoυ" ρ. 66. σΨCΕΙV 221. Χίί. 18. TVxYJ 213 (δ). 10.
σθένΕΙυ. 213 (α). 8. ΣώΦρων 801.
σΙΥή 218. ίϊ. 16. ύβρlζΕιν 212 (α). ίί. ι.
σlδηΡΟS' 218. ii. 2 Ο; 221. ίίί. 1 6. τάλαντον 211. 40. ijβριs- 212 (α). ϊϊ. 7.
ΣιδώvιοS' 221. χι ι. τάξΙ$ 216. ίί. 15. ύΎιαΙΥΕιν 219. 24.
ΣΙΚΕλία 222. Η. 2, 15. TαΠEινό~ 215. ίί. ι 7. υΥΙιια 220. ix. 5.
ΣΙΚΕλόs- 218 (δ). 9. TαpavTLvos- 222. i. 10, 28, 36. υΥρ&ς 221. ίΧ. 10.
Σιμωlllδηs- 220. v. mαrg. TάΦo~ 218. ίϊ. 6. 1Jaωρ 220. νίί. 5; 221. jx.
σιωπαιι 221. ΧΙ 32, ΧΥ. 19, .,/θριππον 222. i. ι 8 et sαep. 13, 20, xii. 13, xίiί. 18,
23· τειχΙζΕιν 213 (δ). 6. χνίϊ. 29, 30.
Σι<άμαvδροs- 221. xvi. 1 7; 222. 'TEΙXO~ 216. Η. 2. vιόs- 211. 50.
i. 7. τεκμήριοιι 211. 33. 1Jλη 221. νΙ 7.
σt<ηπτοvχ la 218 (δ). 3. T/I<VOII 219. 14. ύπα/(ούΕιν 216. ίί. 22.
σιcηΠTpoν 213 (δ). Ι. ΤΕλΕυταίος 220. ίίί. 9, Χίίί. 2 ; t)παρ 211. 36.
σ/(ληΡόs- 221. Χ. 26. 221. ίί. 9. lJπάΡΧΕI'V 215. i. 16; 220.
σΙCOΠEϊν 212 (α). ίί. 2; 220. Τ'Ελειουν 220. νΗί. 6. xii. ι, 7.
χι 7, 19· Τ/λλων 222. i. 29. {ιΠ'ΡΕυ 211. 7.
ΣοΦοl<ληr 221. χί. 13. Tfλo~ 221. Χ. 17. ύΠΕρτιθ/71αι 220. xii. 3.
σποv8Είοs- 220. Χ. 12. τέμ7lιιν 220. ίΧ. 3. ύποβάλλειll 218. ϊί. 20.
στά8"ον 222. i. 1 et sαep. ΤΕΡΠΙΚfραvvοs- 220. νίί. ι 7. υπολαμβάΥΕιν 215. Η. 2 Ο."
σΤΕνάζΕι.lΙ 221. χί. 13. TfiJKP0S- 221. νΙ 28. vπόληψιS' 215. iί. 10.
σΤΕvόs- 221. χΙ 9, Χίν. 19, 25. T;ω~ 221. xv. 3 Ι. ιΙιπομΕνΕιν 210. recto 4.
σΤΕνοχωρΕίν 221. ΧΙ 8. τήΚΕιν 221. χνίί. 22. lJπόμ,vημα 220. Χίί. 15.
στέΦανo~ 211. 24. τηλιl<ουτος 215. 1. 2 9. lJποσύρειv 221. Χίϊ. 33.
ΣτησlχοροS' 221. ίί. ι ι. τήλεφοS' 214. reclo 5, 9, 16. ύποτιθέναι 218. ίί. 14; 221.
Στιχ{οS' 221. νΙ 26. τηΡΕίν 219. 14. XV·3 0 •
σTlxo~ 220. νίiί. 5, ίΧ. 2; τιθίναι 220. Χ. 17, Χί. 4 ; 221. ύποχωΡΕΙΙ' 221. χν. 6.
221. νΙ 24. vH. 17. ~$ 211. 21.
σΤΡaτιώτηS' 211. 4 ι . Τ'ιμαν 215. ίί. 2, 26. VOTfpOV 211.23.
328 INDICES
Φαίνειν 211. 26; 220. ίχ. 14. φρόνημα 216. i. 5. χορτ&ζΕιν 221. χι 16.
ΦαλαIKEΙO~ 220. ϊίί. 8, νΗϊ. <ppovTlCetv 221. Ηί. 35. χραισμείν 214. reclo 7.
8, Ι5. Φρύvιχοs- 221. Ηί. 4 ; 222. ίί. 6. χρην 211. 17.
Φάναι 221. i. 33 εΙ saep. Φύfιν 220. Ηί. Ι. χρησθαι 212 (α). ίί. 12; 215.
φέρειν 210. verso ι Ι, ι 4, 15; φυλάσσΕιν 219. 13; 221. χι ίί. 8; 220. iίί. 6, 19.
212 (α). ίί. 18; 215. ίίί. 3 ; 37· xpoνιl<ό~ 221. i. ~ 5.
218. ίί. ι ι ; 219. 17; 220. Φύσι~215. i. 3; 218. ίί. Ι; xpόΊJO~ 218. i. ι ι ; 221. ίϊ. 10.
νϊί. 5. 221. xi. 4. Χρvσόπολιs- 302.
ψΕύγΕιν 220. ίχ. 16. φωραν 218. ίί. 13. χώρα 220. i. 14, ίίί. ι ι, ίχ.
φιλείν 211. 3 Ι. 8, Χ. 14.
ΦιλΕίι.'οs- 211. 5 Ι. xάλl(EO~ 221. νίϊ. 9. χωρίζΕιν 221. ίχ. 35, χνίϊ. 6.
φlλιστοs- 222. i. 36. xαplets-215. ί. ι ι; 220. i. 9. xωpί~ 211. 3; 215. ίίί. 5.
Φίλοs- 211. 45 ; 219. 13; 220. xaplCeuBat 215. ίί. ι ; 220. νΙ 2. xropos- 214. verso 7.
i. ι ο εΙ saep. χάριS' 215. Ηί. 7; 219. 19.
φ,λότιμοs- 218. iiί. 22. χαριστωνία 215. ίί. 10.
ψυχή 219 (b). 8.
φιλοτρόφιον 219. 20. ΧΕιμάρροvs- 221. χίν. 16.
ψυχομαχειν 219. 20.
φλtJκτίs- (φλvητιs-) 221. xvii. 18. XeioS' 222. i. ι.
ΦλυαρΙa 212 (α), ίί. 7. χΕΙρ 221. νΗ. 8.
Φοίνιξ 221. νΙ 27. χειροτονείν 218. ίί. 13. φδή 212 (b). 8.
Φοίνισσαι 221. ίίί. 5. χεΙΡΟΤΟΊJητόS' 217. 10. ώιcεανό~ 214. verso ι?; 221.
φοινίσσΗν 214. recto 15. χειρουν 221. xvi. 16. ίχ. 7, 10.
φράζειν 214. recto 12. χεϋμα 214. recto 15. lf>pa 214. υεΥso ι.
φρήν 213 (α). 10. χθών 214. verso 2, 6. c,σπeΡ 212 (α). ίί. 9, 15.
11. KINGS AND EMPERORS.

PTOLEMY AULETES.
ΠToλEμαίo~ θεo~ Nέo~ Διόllυσο~ Φιλοπάτωρ Φιλά~ελΦοs- 236 (α). ι, (b). Ι. (οω. ΝέοS'
Διόνυσo~?) 236 (c). Ι.
AUGUSTUS.
Καίσαρ 277. 16, 19; 288. 35; 314; 374.
θEO~ Καισaρ 257. 2 ι, 37.
eEOS' z~vs- ΈλeυθέΡΙΟS- ~εβαστόs- 240. 4; 253. 17.
TIBERIUS.
τιβ;ριοs- 235. 5.
Τιβ. Καισαρ Νέοs- ΣεβασTO~ Αύτοκράτωρ θεου Διo~ ΙΕλΕυθερΙου Σεβασ'Γου vΙόS' 240. 3; (οω.
Nios-) 253. 16.
Τιβ. Καισαρ Nέo~ ΣεβασTO~ Αύτοκράτωρ 259.
4.
Τιβ. Καίσαρ Σf{3αστ6s-
240. 9; 244.7; (ΤΖο. Caesαr Aug.) 16; 245& 7, 25; 252. 15,
18; 253. 12, 24; 259. 22; 278. 8, 29, 40, 41; 287. ι; 288. Ι, 7, ι ι, 16, 20, 25,
29, 31 ; 291. 3; 293. 18; 294. 33; 305; 309; 311; 322; 328; 350; 351;
852; 853; 354; 356; 367; 382; 383; 384,; 386; 398.
11. KINGS AND EMPERORS. 329
GAIUS.
Γαίο.ςο Καίσαρ Γεpμανιιco~ Nέo~ Σεβαστo~ Aύτoιcpάτωρ 267. 12, 23, 27, 30, 32.
ΓαίΌ~ Καισ. Σεβ. Γερμ. 312; 31θ.
Γαίo~ Καισ. Σεβ. 315.
Γαιo~ Καισ. Αύτοκρ. 355.
CLAUDIUS.
Tιβέpιo~ Kλαύ~ιo~ Καίσαρ Σεβαστό~ 366.
Τιβ. Kλαυ~. Καισ. Σεβ. Γερμ. Αυτοκρ. 251. 15, 18, 35; 255. 14, 25; 264. 13, 19, 23 ;
2β~ 38; 279.5; 28& 3,20; 284.7; 285.7, 16; 29~ 13; 308; 313; (om.
Αύτοκρ.?) 816; 324; 325; 868; 393.
θεo~ Κλαύaιο~ 250. Ι 4, 18.
NXRO.
Νέρων Κλαύaιο~ Καισ. Σεβ. Γερμ. Αυτο/(ρ. 23θ. 6, 18; 246. ι ι, 24; 250. 6; 260. 5,
17, 21; 261. Ι; 262.7, 13, 16, 20; 268. 19; 269. i. 6, 13, 18, 20; 271. 1,9, 13;
271. ι, 9, 13; 272. 29; 275. 34, 45; 289. i. Ι; 304; 806; 810; 318; 320.
Ν/ρων Καίσαρ ό ι<ύριo~ 246. 30, 33, 36.
Νέρων 243. 12; 248. 32; 257. 26, 31; 258. 22; 861.
GALBA.
Λoύι<ιo~ ΛΙβιo~ Σoυλ[πΙι<ιo~ Γάλβα~ •••] Αύτοκρ. 377.
Σεpoύιo~ Γάλβa~ Aύτoιcp. Καισ. Σεβ. 289. ίί. ι.
ΟΤΗΟ.
Αύτοκρ. Μάρκοs- 'Όθων Καισ. Σεβ. 289. ίί. 3.
VESPASIAN.
AlJroKp. oύεσπασιανo~ Καισ. Σιβ. 289. ίί. 6.
Αύτοκρ. Καισ. Ούεσπ. Σιεβ. 238. 6; 242. 29; 248. 43; 263. 4, 2 ι; 278. 3; 861; 862;
363; 372; 376.
oύεσπασιaνό~ 881.
eEos- oύεσπασιανό~ 248. 15; 249. 14; 257. 13; 286. 7.
TITUS.
Αύτοκρ. TίTO~ Καίσαρ oύεσπασιανo~ ~εβ. 248.35; 249. 25; 289. i. ι Ι; 873; 380.
θεo~ TϊTO~ 369.
DOMITIAN.
Αύτοι<ρ. Κaισ. Δομιτιaνοs- 'Σfβ. 286.28; 289. ί. 14, 17.
AlJTOKp. Καισ. Δομ. Σεβ. Γερμ. 247.38; 257. 9, 39; 258. 13,23,26; 285. Ι; 266.
ι, 13; 270. ι, 27; 273. Ι; 280. 6; 290. 2; 331; 333; 384; 836; 387; 339;
358; 364; 878; 379; 380; 895.
Δoμιτιανo~ ό ι<ύριo~ 274. 15.
ΔoμΙTιανό~ 237. νίί. 39; νίίί. 43.
NXRVA.
ΑlJroΚρ. Nέpoυa~ Καισ. ΣΕβ. 371.
Nέρoυα~ ό κ:ύpιo~ 274. 24, 29, 39.
TRAJAN.
ΑlJτοι<.Ρ' Καισ. ΝΙρουα$ Tpαιανo~ ΣΕβ. rεΡμ. 840; 848; 846.
330 INDICES
HADRIAN.
(A~pιaνό!; Κaισαρ ό κύριο!; 287. νίϊ. 37.
~ A~pιaν6~ ρ. Ι 5 Ι; 237. νίίί. 43·
θEO~ (A8pιaν6~ 237. νίϊ. 20, 30, νΗί. 7·
ANTONINUS PIUS.
Άντωνίνο!; Καισαρ ό κύριο!; 237. νΗί. 18; ρ. 2C'~.
θEO~ Aίλιo~ ΆΙΙTωνινo~ 237. νίίί. 18.
111. ιvfόΝΤΗS AND DAYS.

(α) MONTHS.
Egyptian. Macedonian. ROlnan.
I
~EβaσTό~238. 12; 239.15; 275'.. 36,
47; 276. 4; 288. 21, 34; 289. ll. 6,
θώθ
17 ; 322; 343.
ΓEpμανΙ1(6~ 266. 2 ; 390.
Φαωφι ΔoμΙTιανό~ 237. νίίί. 43.

N'o~ ΣEβασTό~ 261. 2 ; 285. 14; 287. 2;
'Αθύρ { 288. Ι; 324; 325; 881; 389.
ΧοΙακ ΠιpΙTΙO~ 236 (α), (δ) 4.
τυβι
MEXElp
Φαρμουθι NEpώνEΙO~ ΣιβασTό~ 268. 19'
ΦαμΕνώθ
19, 2 Ι !. 272. 3 ι ;
ΓιpμαJlίl(EΙO~ 269. ί: ι 4,
Παχών 286.29; 289. 1.3, 4,6, 15, ll. 5, 10, 13,
{
16; 300. ι ι (?); 363; 864.
Παυνι ΣωTήpιo~ 289. i. 9.
'ΕΠΕίφ
ί
KαισάPEΙO~ 242. 10.; 264. 14, 2 ι, 25;
265. ι; 269, 1. 6; 271. 2, 8, 12;
ΜΕσορή 'ΥΠΕρ{1ΕρίΤΕΙΟ!; 380.
274. 16, 40; 283. 12, 2 Ι; 289. i. 8,
ίί. 9, ι Ι; 333; 371; 377; 880.
/πaΥόμΕναι ήμΕραι
Ν EpώνEΙO~ (i) 355.
(b) DAYS.
Φαωφι α, κατa 8ε άpxαΙoυ~ Φαωφι ια
285. 5.
Mechzr dze ocl. 244. 17.
ήμ'ρα 'ΙουλΙa ~EβασTή (Caesareus 15) 283. ι Ι, 2 Ι.
ήμέρα ΣΕβαστή 387 (?) ; (Sebastus 8) 276. 4; (Phaophi) 288. 32; (Phaophi 4) 289. ίί.
16; (Neos Sebastus 20) 325; (Mecheir 27) 262. 18; (Pharmuthi 27) 289. ίί. 14;
(Pharmuthi 29) 317 (cf. ρ. 3 ι 9); (Phamenoth 29) 28 θ. i. 2; (Pachon) 267. 33;
(Germaniceus 18) 269. i. 14,19,21 ; (Pachon 27) 267.23,28,31; (Germaniceus 29)
289. i. 4, 6; (Payni) 288. 5; (Payni 20) 310; (Payni 2 Ι ?) 288. 19;, (Caesareus 15)
264. 2 ι, 25; (Caesareus 6th intercalary day) 380.
lV. PERSONAL Ν AMES 331
IV. PERSONAL NAMES.

[See also Index νιι.]
ιιAβαρo~ 822. :ΙΆpη~ 235. ι Ι, 15.

ιιA8ραστo~ 362. (Aρθoωνι~ 242.4 eisaep.; 290. 14,15 ; 389.
'Άθηναίος 290. 19. ΊAplσTαν8ρo~ 287. 5.
AΊλιo~ ΊoυσTO~ ρ. ι 5 ι . ΊApισTα~ 393.
ΆKωp,,~ ρ. 208. ΊΑρlστωv 287·5·
, Αλ'ξαvaΡΟ~ 242. 3 Ι; 248. 5; 277. Ι. Άpμι.υσι~ 246. 5.
ΊΑλίνη 259. 12. (Apπαησι~ 241. 5, 8; 242. 3; 290. ι Ι.
Άμιθωνι~ 266. 3. (Αρποl<ρατίων 237. νΙ 36; 280. 3; 805
,AμμOϋνι~ 237. νίί. 3 Ι. Άρσινόη 250. 4.
'Αμμωνάριον 268. 2 εΙ sαep. )Αρσου[ 298. 4.
·Aμμωνίι~ 269. ίί. ι; 294. 12. )ΑΡτιμίδωΡοr; 277.2, 7,9, 17; 280. 10.
Άμμώνιo~ 250. 12; 252. 2, 3; 253. 15, 20; 'Αρτέμων 368.
257. 32, 36; 259. 2; 260. 2; 264. ι, ΆΡχlβιοr; 269. i. 3, 22.
15; 268. 2,5; 297. 1,17; 304; 826; 'Aσίνι~ 243. 19.
359. ιΑσιcλaταr; 296. ι.
ΊAμμωνoυ~ 336. Άσιcληπιά8ηr; 237. ίν. 12, 27.
Άμόι~ 248. 7, 37; 248.7; 346; 389. ΊΑστυάναξ 273. 12.
ΊAνθ'στιo~ 273. 8. ΊΑτρΙων 389.
Άνll<ηTO~ 290. 31. Aύρήλιo~ Παυλo~ 209. 12.
ΊAνoυβά~ 298. 32. )AΦPΙKανό~, 'Σ,aλoυίσT&O~ , ΑΦρ. ρ. ι 5ι; 237.
ΆΙΙTίoxo~ 261. 6. νΗί. 3.
'AΙΙTίπαTPO~ 267. 2, 29. Άφρο8ίτη 285. 8, ι ι, 13, 16.
Άντιτ( ) 290. 22. 'ΑφVΥχιr; 271. 4.
ΆνTιφάνη~ 260. 2, 8; 268. 5 εΙ saep.; 306; ΆxιλλEύ~ 257. 18.
318. ,
Άπωνία 244. 2, 19, (Anioniα) 15. Βάκχη 268. 2.
ΆνTωνίνo~, Κλaύaιο~ ΊΑντ. 242. Ι, 30; 243.2;
Βησαρίων 268. 4.
380; 331; 884. Βίλλοr; 259. 13.
ΆV'Tώvιο~ 287. νίί. 20, 26, 28.
Boηθό~ 267. 36.
Άπιλλα~ 250. 15. Bpαβίpιo~ 276. 10.
'Απία 249. 3.
'Άπι~ 242.3.
Γαία273. ι ι, 20, 24.
Άπίων 245. 3; 267. ι, 34; 275. 8; 288.
ΓαλάTΙO~279. Ι.
10; 299. Ι; 310.
Γη 349.
'AπoλλoΦάνη~ 256.4; 261.3; 284. 6; 285.5.
ΊΑπολλωνάριον 377.
Γλαφύρα 897.
'Απολλωνία 878.
Άπoλλώνιo~ 237. νίί. 2 ι, 39; 246. 28; 255. Δίiμι~ 393.
5, 12; 263. 7; 265. 9; 268. 20; 270. Δfησότη (?) 258. 6.
10; 284. 2 ; 289. ίϊ. 12, 14; 294. 18; ΔημηΤΡlα 261. 4 εΙ saep.
820; 384; 356; 362; 399. ΔημήTPΙO~ 248. 3; 259. 3 ; 200. 12.
)Aπoλλωνoυ~ 298. 43. ΔημηTpoυ~ 274. 28; 282. 5; 294. 31 ; 315;
'AπυΎXΙ~ 250. 25. 379.
Άpβιxι~ 254. 7. Δι8ύμη 237. νiί. 39; 246. 7; 200. 14; 293.
"Apιιo~ 288. 9. Ι, 21.
332 lNDICES
Δί~υμo!; 237. νίί. 25; 243. 4, 46; 251. ι; Ζεύ!) 285. 10, Ι ι; 259. 4; 349.
255. 2; 258. 4, 11, 19; 263. 8; 267. Ζηνάριον 243. 8, 10; 286. 2, 16.
36; 270.11; 272.22,26; 288.36,37; Zηllό~ωpo!) 269. i. ι, 15.
289. ίί. 7; 290. 13; 327; 334; 349; Ζήνωιι 246. 35; 832; 333.
368; 374. ΖυΥόν 235. 8, ι Ι.
Διευ!; 275. 42. Ζωίλο!; 265. 41, 42; 269. ί. 17; 271. 4;
ΔΙΟΎα!; 249. 2. 275. 41 ; 324.
ΔΙΟΥέιιη!; 246. 7; 257. 16, 47; 274. 24, 42,
48;288.8,17,26;294.26;341;342; (Ηλιοδώρα 263. 6.
347. (Ηλιόδωρο!; 237. νϊί. 33; 259. 25.
ΔΙ6Ύιιητο!; 263. 3, ι 7· t'Ήλιο!; 235. 7, 16; 349.
Διονυσία 237. v. 17, νΙ 12, VH!. 3; 242. 9 ; (Hpαί~ 270. Ι ι; 274. 33.
265. 2; 272. 27; 274. 12; 290. 18; (Hpακλίi 273. 4, 22.
375. (Ηρακλαςο 260. 8; 268. 3, 9, 12, 14; 306;
Διονύσιο!; 242. 24; 243. 6, 8; 245. 16; 318; 347.
251. 7; 259. 13, 24; 263. 3, 7, 18; (Ηράκλεια 239. 3; 271. 3 et saep.
264. ι, 18; 265. 2, 6, 10; 267. ι, 25; (Ηρακλε'δη!) 243. 19; 264. 17; 270. 4, 10)
268.2; 269.i. 2; 272.22,27; 273.11; 29; 271. 3; 274. 13, 48, 49; 282. 5;
275. ι; 277. ι, 9, 10, Ι Ι; 278. 37; 286. 26; 290. 28; 296. Ι; 354; 389.
280. ι, 3, 24; 282. 2.; 288. 2 et saep.; (Ηράκλειο!: 245. 2; 278. 2, 30, 42; 305.
290. 17, 19; 293. ι, 20; 299. 4; 320; (Ηράι<ληο!; 272. 14, 16; 276. 10.
329; 332; 337; 346; 350; 389 ; 396; cHpαS' 268. 4; 270. 4.
399; 400. rι ΗΡωll 237. vii. 31 ; 286. 3, 4, 16.
Διoνυσό~ωpo!;, (ουλπιο!; Διον.) 237. νίίί. 2, 13 ;
265·5. θαεχμερή (?) 254. 8.
Δϊος' 274.9. θαησιςο 242. 27; 266. 3, 21 ; 286. 5, 10.
Διόσκορο!; 269. i. ι, 15, ίί. 5; 300. 7; θαί!) 350.
327. θαισα!) 270. 3.
Δρουσο!; 244. 2, 19, (Drusus) 15. θαισου!) 295. ι; 298. 12, 22; 800. Σ.
Δύο Ά~Eλφoί (Δ. )A~. ΙΕρόν) 254. 3, 9. θαλλου!; 274. 5 ι .
Δωρίων 289. i. 2, ίί. 2, 4; 294. 2, 32, 34; θαμούνιον (στ θαμουνι!;) 251. 3, 28, 38; 275.
312. 2; 288.39; 319; 322.
ΔωρόθΕΟ!; 250. 9. θεμιστοκλη!) 373; 375; 377; 380.
θεΟΥένη!) 257. ι et saep.; 279. 2.
ΕΙρηναιο!; 271. 19, 20. θερμουθάριον 255. 3, 8, Σ Ι; 305.
(Ελένη 237. viii. 19. θερμούθιον 242. 23.
Έπίμαχο !; 239. 2, 4; 242. 10; 247. 2; 248. θερμοvS' 274. 9.
ι; 249. ι; 261.10; 11; 304; 359. θεψει!) 258. Ι Ι.
ΈΡΎεώ[τ(η.r)? 290. 26. θέων 243. 45, 48; 247. 2; 248. ι, 8, 13;
CΕΡμαιοS' 341. 249. Ι; 252. Ι; 253. 21; 254. Ι;
ΈρμίαS' ~44. 18; 292. 7. 259.2; 260.19; 261.5; 265.2; 267.
rιΕΡμιππο~ 272. 23. 29; 269. i. 22; 270. 3; 273. 8; 275.
(ΕΡμ{)Υέιιη!; 844. 5, 39; 279. 8; 281. 5; 285. 2; 290.
(Eρμό~ωpo!: 298. 25. 12, 29; 292. Ι; 800. 6, 8, 12; 328;
CΕΡμοι<ληS' 800. 8. 329; 336; 354; 355; 359; 364.
rιΕΡμω71 263. 2. θεωνα!; 298. 10; 295. 17.
Εϋβουλο!; 242. 26. θοηρι!) '241. ι ι; 242. 5.
Εv~αlμων 289. i. 3, 4, 5· θομΠ6κυσι!} 266. 6.
ΕϋποΡΟS' 288. 10, 13. θομφυα!) 241. 29.
Εύτvχl~ηS' 252. ι; 254. ι. θοώιιιο!; 80 θ.
IV. PERSONAL NAMES 333
θoωνι~ 242. 24; 251. 7, 23; 252. 2; 253. Δού/4ιος )οφέλλιο, 273. 7.
15; 255. 4; 256. 2; 275. 7; 288. 40; Αούκιος . . . φΕτεινας-(?) 273. 8.
280. i. 2 el saep.; 290. 15; 304; 305;
366. Μα)'ιανό, 259. Ι 2.
θωνι~ 241. 4; 266. 3. MάKPO~ 269. ίϊ. 12.
θωνίων 270. 20. Μάριο, 276. 16.
Μηβία 237. νΗί. 19.
ΜιιησίθΕος 296. 5.
tιάκοvβο~ 276. 5.
ΜουσαίΌ,349.
(Ιέραξ ρ. 208.
tIvapoo(~)290. 3 I~
Ναρις' 245. 3.
tΙνδική 300. Ι.
)Ιουλία ΙΗρακλα 273. 4, 23. NάPKισσo~ 270. 7.
Ν ειλος 265. 5.
tΙούλιο~ Moυσαίo~ 349.
Nεxθέσopι~ 254. 8.
Ίουστος' ρ. ι 5 ι ; 294. 20.
Νικαία, 335.
C1Ιππαλο~ 245. 16.
Ν ίKΙΠΠO~ 271. 3; 273. 8, 9.
tΙσιδώΡα 257.7,30,41.
Νικόβουλος 300. 7, 12.
)IσΙ~ωpo~ 237. νίί. 21, 31; 278. ι et saep.
Νικόστρατος 276. 6.
'Ίσι~ 241. 12; 242. 5; 254. 2.
Ίσχυρίων ρ. 20~.
~ένων (?) 389.
KαΙKίλλιo~ Kλήμη~ 241. ι; 338; 340. Όνιιωφpι~ 251. 4, 28; 260. 19; 266. 4;
Καλλιδάμας 283. 10. 267. 2, 29; 275. 3; 289. i. 5, ίί. 2, 4;
Kάσιo~ 237. νίί. 40. 290. 23, 25; 319; 320; 322; 325;
ΚέλΕρ 76. 8. 386; 396.
KEνTαυpo~ 249. 3. Όσιρι, 241. 13.
ΚΕφάλων 242. 26. ΟύΙνδιξ 276. 16.
Κήρινθος' 244. 2, 19, (Cerznthus) 15. Oυλ_πιo~ Διoνυσόδωpo~ 237. νίίί. 2.
Κλάρα 270. 6. tοφέλλιος' 273. 7.
Κλάρο, 270. 5 et saep.; 272. 27.
Kλαύ~LOς' )Αντωνινο, 242. Ι, 30; 243. 2;
Πααηιr 267. 30.
330; 331; 334. Πααπις 288. 2, 13, 31, 33.
Kλαύδιo~ Διoνύσιo~ ρ. Ι 5 Ι. Παει, 242. 7.
Κλαύδιο, ΚέλΕρ 76. 8. Παησις' 313.
TιβEPΙO~ Kλαύ~ιoς 344. Παμμένης 266. 4.
Τιβ. Kλαύδιo~ Θέων 290. 29. Πάμφιλος 323.
Τιβ. Κλαύδιο, "ΖαραπΙων 364. ΠανΕχώτης 247. 4, 5, 7; 2'19. 8.
Κλέαν8ρο, 267. 4, 33· Πάνθηρ 344.
Kλήμη~ 241. ι; 338; 340; (TiTOS Φλαούιος Πανπορτως 254. 8.
Κλημ.) 376. Παποιιτως 271. 4 et saep.
Kόλλoυθo~' 245. 4. Πατβ€ύς 305.
Κρόνιο, 256. 11, 12, 14. ΙΙαυλος 209. 12; 335.
Κρόιιος 235. 10. llαVuαlllaS' 273. ι Ι.
Παυσιρις 239. 2; 247. 5; 274. 34.
Λάμπων 299. 2. παυσιρίων 275. 3, 37; 280. ι ; 298. 2, 5.
Λέων 267. 26. ΠαχόιS' 379.
ΛΟ)'ΎΕινο, 300. ι ο. ΠΕταησι, 237. νίϊ. 3 ι .
Λόχο, 264. 1. Πετοσaρaπις' 242. 25; 266. 6, 10, 20.
Λουκία 270. 3; 295. 8. ΠE'Tόσιo~ 243. 5.
Λούκιος 270. 3. ΠEToσίpιr 241. 7; 246. 5, 6; 254. 2.
334 INDICES
ΠΙ:Tσι:pωθωνι~ 241. 6. Σ/(ορπΙος 235. 12, 15.

ΠETσΊpι~ 290. 22, 27,31. Στράτων 245. 18.
ΠλουσΕα 265. 20, 26. ΣTpoύθη~ 290. 27.
Πλουτάρχη 270. 5. . Σύρα 281. 5.
Πλoύταρxo~ 345. Συpίiς 295. Ι.
ΠνEφι:ρω~ 271. 10. Σύρος 269. i. 22.
Πoλυ~EύKη~ 261. 10. Συς 379.
Πόπλιοs- 249. ι ι. ΣωΚΕύς 275. 42.
ΠΡΕίμα 248. 4. ΣωTάδη~ 255. 5, 9; 305.
ΠpoβαTιανό~ 237. νίί. 28. Σωτήριχος 278. 2, 30; 805.
Πρωτας 249.4.
ΠτολΕμα 243. 19; 257. 2, 25; 272. 23; ΤααΥΡΕλλσά 250. 15.
298·34· Τααμόιs- 242. 9, 13.
ΠτολΕμαίοs- 236. (c) 8; 239. 2; 246. 3, 32 ; Τααρθωνις 266. 5.
257. 7, 32, 36; 275. 3 et sαep.; 809; ΤααφυΥχ ις 270. 20.
312; 366; 398. TaftXijKLS- 237. νίί. 3 Ι.
ΠTOλλα~ 276. 5. Τακόις 379.
Πτολλίων 274. 9, 32. ΤαμΕΡ1lις 256. 3, 5.
ΤαVΕχώτηs- 290. 15.
Σαβϊvοs- 287. vii. 39, 42, 43, 44· ΤαΟllνωφρις 372.
Σα[••]Ειλλα 294. 7. ΤαοσΊρις 351.
Σαλουίστιος Άφpιl<ανό~ ρ. Ι 5 ι; 237. νίiΪ. 3. Ταρούθινος 375.
ΣaμβαθαΊo~ 853. Τασι:ιιθΕύς 290. 25.
Σαμβοvs- 290. 17. Τασιυς 256. 12.
ΣαΡaΕVS- 267. Ι, 29, 34; 274. 13; 275. 8; Ταυρινος 300. 4.
315; 320; 321; 324. ΤaυρΕς 254. 7.
Σαραπlα~ 273. Ι ι, 20, 25. Ταϋρος 235. 9.
~αρaπις 241. 12; 242.5, 14, 18. ΤαυσΊρις 274. 50.
ΣαρaπΙων 237. vii. 40; 243. 4, 47; 245. 23; Ταυσοραπις 242. 4.
248. 5 et sαep.; 250. 12; 251. 6, 3 ι ; Τaως 256. 4.
252. 8; 253. 5; 259. 10, 23; 260. ι ι ; Tι:ιrEυpι~ 242. 24.
261.2; 264.7,26; 266.6; 267.4,33; ΤΙΤΕΟ( ) 289. i. 5.
270. 5 et sαep.; 272. 24, 26; 274. 5 et ΤΙ:ΤΟ( ) 289. i. 3.
sαep.; 280.3; 281.6, 14; 283.2; 285. ΤΕως 249. 2.
2; 290. 18, 19, 30; 294. 2; 298. 21, ΤιβΕριος Κλαύδιος 344.
36; 328; 335; 336; 339; 351; 364; ΤιβΕριος Κλαύδιος θΕων 290. 29.
366; 368; 396. ΤιβΕΡΙΟS- Κλαύδιος Σαραπίων 364.
'Σαραπoυ~ 263. 9; 265. 2 et sαep.; 298. 46 ; Τιμωs- 288. 37, 40.
332; 362; 380. T'iros- Φλaoύιo~ Κλήμης 376.
Σι:ιa)νδα 294. 7. Τοξότης 235. 10, 12.
ΣEKoυνδo~ 320. ΤοτοιύS' 290. 23.
Σ'λEυKO~ 295. 3. ΤρύΦαινα 320.
Σιλήνη 235. 9; 373. ΤρύΦων 235. 2; 264. ι; 267. ι, 25; 269.
Σι:μπρώνιος 237. νίί. 21, 24, 26. i. ι, ίί. 1; 278. 12; 275. ι et sαep.; 276.
ΣΕουηρος 237. νϊϊ. 33, 36; 291. 6. 6; 282. 2; 288. 2 et sαep; 304; 306;
Σιλβανό~ 335. 308; 310; 315; 316; 318; 319; 320;
Σιvθιvs- 266. 3. 321; 322; 324.
Σι"θι:ως 254. 1 Ι. TσΙ:lIαμμωllα~ 247. 6, 34.
Σινθοωνις 257. 17. Τσι:νπαλημις 355.
Σιιιθωvιr 266. 6, 10; 270. 3. TσElIυpι~ 290. 26.
V. GEOGRAPHICAL 335
ΤύΡavvοs- 291. Ι, 15; 292. Ι, 14. ΦλαυΙα 237. νΗϊ. 19.
tΥδΡοχόοs- 235. 14. Χaιρήμωιι 237. v. 9, 21j νΙ 12, 32, 36, 38,
νϊί. 5; 243. ι, 44; 261.4, 14; 270. ι ι ;
Φavlαs- 287. vi. ι 2; 248. 7; 33θ; 341; 342; 289. ί. 2 et saep.; 290. 18.
882. Χαριτήσιοs- 354.
Φατρεηs- 242. 3. , XapLTovS' 243. 5.
ΦιλΙσlCo~ 257. 17,20, 28; 262. ι, 19; 375; 'YovfjtS' 335.
380.
Φιλόξινο" 243. 19. <ΩρΙωιι 237. νΙ 13, 18, 19, 33; 246. 32;
Φιλουμένη 286. 4, 13; 326. 254. 2; 290. ι ι, 14, 16, 20.
TiTOS' ΦλaούιοS' Κλήμη" 376. "'ΩροS' 269. i. 17; 275. 41; 299. Ι.
ΦλavησιS' 287. νίί. 30, 3 Ι. ΏΦιλoϋ~ 268. 3 el sαep.; 275. 4, 38.
v. GEOGRAPHICAL.
(α) COUNTRIES, NOMES, TOPARCHIES, CITIES.
ΑΙyvπτιαt<όs- 237. vii. 34, νΗί. 22. ΌξVΡVΥχίτηs- (1I0μό~) 237. νΗί. 28, aΙ.
AlyύTrrtoS' 237. vH. 33, 40, 41; 255.22. 'ΟξυρνΥχιτωιι πόλι" 237. νΙ 12.
AiYV'ltTOS' 287. νΗϊ. 8, 2 Χ, 28; 344. ΌξυρύΥχων πόλι" 236 (b). 5, αl.
ΆλΕξάvaΡ~ιa 236 (b). 3; 260. 12; 283. 9; πέρσηs- rijs- έπιγοvηs- 259. 2; 267. ι; 269. i.
294. 4, 6; 298. 15; 364. ι ; 271. 1 Ι; 278. 2; 280. 4.
)Αλ~ξαvl>ριύs- 255. 20. Πιρσίιιη 2-70. 3; 319.
Άττιιcόs- 234. ίί. 4. Πτολιμα'ιs- <Ερμίου 268. 2, 4.
θη8αt{(όs- 278. 4. CΡωμαvόs- 255. 2 Ι.
θηβαί" 236 (b). 5, αl. 'ΣιιβιιινύTη~ 237. νϊί. 30.
ΊοvaaίΌS' 835. τοπαρχία, tlvω 276. 12; 279. 9; 343; 383.
Κvvοπολίτ/s- 244. 4, ι Ι, 1 8. πpo~ απηλιώτην 246. 9; 384; 385.
Λη[τοπολlrηS'] 298. ,18. θμοισιφώ 352; (θμινσΕφώ) 354.
Λύβιοs- 265. 40. κάτω 239. 5; 287. 4; 373.
ΜαΙCΕl>ώv 277. Ι, 2. ΠΡΟS' λΙβα 245. 13; 248. 20;
ΜΙμφιs- 283. ι Ι; 298. 23, 39. 273. 16; 287. 6; 345.
Μιλήσιο$' 270. 17.
(b) VILLAGES.
)Aπlωνo~ κα/μαι 287. 6. ~EΦώ 354.
ΔιρμΕιθ;;'ν 276. 12. ~ΙlIapoί 373.
KEΡΙC€[• • 248. 19. ΣΙlIάχ 348.
Μοvχίvαξα 344. Σκώ 346.
ΝΕμ'ραl, 299. 4. Σύρων 270. 22.
Ν'σλα 279. 9. Τaλαώ 265. 15; 350.
ΠάγΥα ΕΙσίου 357. Ταvάιs- 298. 51.
παμιs- 277. 3, 13. JTOOS' Έρημο" 240. 2.
Πeλα245. 12,20; 358; 368. Tαpoύθινo~ 384.
ΣέΙΙΕπτα 387. Τύχι" N~{(ωTις 280. 8; 290. 6.
ΣΕρυφι" 270. 17 ; 273. 16. Φθωχιs- 246. 8, 15.
'Σιέσφα 845. ψωβθι" 239. 4; 343; 348.
INDICES
(c) έ'Ποίκια, κληροι.
ιποlκιον ~αTύρoυ 353. Kληpo~ Καλλιστράτου 348.

I(ληpo~ 'Άλιξάν~ρoυ 270. 23,- 24. KTησΙKλέoυ~ 248. 20.
ΔημητρΙου Μιλησίου 270. 17. JOt)Λυβίου 265. 40.
Δριμάκου 250. 2 Ι; 265. 4; 344. Moσxίω1l0~ 265. 15.
Έπιμάχου 248. 23. Νικάllδρου 273. 17.
(HραKλEί~oυ 270. 23. Νικάvοροs 250. 8, 2 Ι.
(HραKλ;oυ~ 348. 'Ολυμπιοδώρου 848.
Θιοδότου 343; 344. 'Σιτραβα 346.
)Iάσ01l0~ 265. 4. φίλω1l0ς 277. 3.
Καλλίου 270. 2 Ι.
(d) ίίμ.φοΟα, λαυραι.
ΓυμνασΙου, δρόμου Γυμν. liμφοδοv 241. 23 ; Λυκίων παρΕμβολη!ι (t1μφοδοv)250. 19; 392.
285·4. Μυροβαλάνου ίιμφοδο'Ρ 338; λαύρα 254. 5.
(Ερμαίου λαύρα 242. 12; ί1μφοδον 243. 14. νότου δρόμου ίιμφοδον 339. .
(Ηρακλέuυs τόπων liμφο~ον 257. 3, 34. ΠλαTEία~ ίιμφοδον 248. 17.
θoήpιδo~ (l1μφοδοv) 392; δρόμου θοηρ. άμφ. ΠoιμEνΙKη~ l1μφοδοv 258. 5; (ίιμφo~oν) 392;
ρ. 208; δρομ. θοηρ. λαύρα 284. 4. λαύρα 316.
Cιππεων παΡΕμβοληs αμ.φοδον 247. 2 ι; λαύρα Ποιμένων λΕΥομένη λαύρα 318.
393. TEμoυEνoύθεω~ λαύρα 251. 9; 252. 6; 253.3;
(Ιπποδρόμου (αμφοδον) 288. 2 el saep.; 311; ΤεΥμούθιωs liμφυδοv 261. 5; Τιμιν(ούθιωs)
392. (l1μφο~οll) 308; TEυμι(νoύθEω~) (αμφοδον)
Kpηπιδo~, νότου Κρηπ. ΙΙμφο~οv 379. 310.
Ίουοαικον ίιμφοοον 335. . Χηνοβοσκων λαύρα 256. 7.
(e) τ6ποι, &c.

Διονυσου τιχνιτων, "όrrοs καλούμΕlΙΟS Διον. ΤΙΧ. Παιταισιιιοιι 250. 5.
ρ.208. Πaμμένoυ~ παράδEισo~ 249. 15.
Διo~ φυλακή 259. 4. Πάψι~, χα/μα 290. 7.
(ΕΡμηr, δ λιyόμινo~ ΙΕρμ. 279. 10. 'Σαραπιειον 242. 12; 243. 14; 247. 20;
(Ιππέων χορτοθήκη, ή λΙΎ. ( Ιππ• ΧΟΡΤ. 330. 254·5; 264.6; 267.3; 269.3; 318;
Kάμπo~ 247. 22. 330.
Όσιριίον 241. 25. ΤαμΕιον 241. 26.
(Ι) DEMES.
, Αλθαιf.VS 271. 4; 323. Kαισ&pειo~ ό καΙ • • • 373.

AύξιμηTόριιo~ ό ι<αι Λήνιιo~ 261. 6. ΜαρωVΕύr 243. ι; 261. 8.
• • • ό και EΙλEίθυιo~ 377. ΦυλαξιθαλάσσEΙO~ δ και. 'AλθαΙEύ~ 273. 9•
ΈπιφάΙΙEΙO~ 263. 3, 18. Φυλαξιθαλάσσειo~ ό Kα~ ΙΗριίκλιιο!ι 278. 12.
V/. SYMBOLS VII. OFFICIALS 337
νι. SYMBOLS.
(α) MEASURES.
σ Ι:ρουρα 290. 8, ι Ι. 1< XOίνΙKE~ TΡEί~ 287. 7, 8.
(δ) COINS.
S ~pαxμή 242. 28, al. 'J,. τάλαντοιι 242. 28, α/.

ϊ. ήμιώ{jολον 288. 3· t " 287. ίv. 14 εΙ sαep.
S " 288. 4 εΙ saep. F ΤΕτρώβολορ 288. 3 εl saep.; 289. ί. 5 εl saep.
J' " 28θ. i. 1 Ο εΙ saep. r τριώβολον 288.2 εΙ saep. ; 289. i. 5 εl sαep.
- lJβολό~ 288. 6 εl sαep.; 289. ϊί. 7.
(c) NUMBERS.
/ 1
Γ 3 290. 31, 33· Ι υ ! 290.10.
Ι Ι 290. 32, 33.
(d) MISCELLANEOUS.
/ ΥίνΕται 245. 24, αl. ~ ;Toυ~, ίτωll 237. ίν. 6 εΙ sαep.
L
~ ~ιά 289. i. ι 2, 19, ίί. ι 2; 290. 2 ο, 23.
ETOυ~, ίτων 237. νΙ 15, αΙ
r πρόβατον 245. 10.
f πpό~ 242. 34.
νιι. OFFICIALS.
(Military and religious titles are included.)
aΥΟΡαllόμο~ 238. 9; 241. 2; 242. Ι, 31; βιβλιοφύλαξ έΥι<τήσιων 237. ίν. 16 j v. ΣΟ, 17,
243. 2, 45; 263. Ι; 320; 327-349; 43·
875; 380. ήyopαlloμηKώ~ ρ. 151; 237. βaσιλΙKό~ ΥΡαμματιύf 237. νΙ 36, νίί. 10;
νίίί. 2. ήΥ. ~AλEξaιιδpEία~ 364. 246. 3, 32, ρ. 208; 255. 2; 257. J 5 ;
άPX"~ΙKασTή~ 237. νΙ 28, νίΙ 14; 260. ι ι. 279. Ι.
άρχι8. και πpό~ Tii
ίπιμΕλείq. των χρηματιστων
Ί'ράφων, ό 'ΥΡ' τόv ΌξυρυΥχΙτην 239. ι. οΙ ΥΡ.
και τωρ t1λλωv κριτηρίων 268. Ι. lfPEV~ άρχιδ.
τό" νομόll
246. 4, 35.
κ.τ.λ. 281. Ι.
yυμνασίapxo~ 257. 20. yυμ.νaσιαρxήσα~ 287.
άpxιπaσToΦόpo~θoήpι80~ KaΙ·lσιδo~ και Σαpάπι80~
νΙ ι 2 εΙ sαep.; 257. 28.
και ~Oσίpιo~ και των συνιιάων θΕων μΕΥίστων
241. 10. 8Εκαvόf 887.
άρχιστάτωρ 294. 17, 22, 28. 8ιl(aιo8όT'η~, Oυμβp"υ~ 237. νίί. 39, 42, 43
(A.D.87)·
βt,βλιoΦίιλαξ 287. v. 15 εΙ saep.; 247. 3; διoιl(ηTή~ 2θΙ. 15; 292. 14.
248. 2; 249. Ι; 869. 8ιo..l(ηT .. l(ό~ ύπηpέ"1~ 259. 13.
Ζ
INDICES
/κλήμπτωρ γEp~ιαKoϋ 262. ι. KoσμηTεύσa~ 246. ι.

tπαρχσr ΑΙγύπτου: see ήγΕμών. KωμoγpαμμαTεύ~ 240. ι; 251. 2; 252. Ι;
ίπαpxo~ στόλου και ίπι των ΚΕκριμΕΡα/ν ρ. Ι 5 ι ; 254. Ι ; 255. 3; 288. 41.
237. νίίΙ 3.
ίπίσκοποr 237. ίν. 10. μαχαιροφόροs' 2θ4. 20.
'πισΤΡάτηΥοr 237. νίί. 32. Bάσσσ~ 237. νίί. 22 μνήμων 237. νΗί. 37.
(Α. D. 129). Πακώνισr φηλιξ 237. νίί. 30,36,
37 (Α. D. 134). παλαιστροφύλαξ 3θΟ.
'πιτηΡητήr 276. 7 (?); 370. 'πιτηΡητηr και πράκτωρ 274. 54; 284. 7; 3θ3. π. ξενικων
XEιpισTη~ κaτaλσχισμων 'Οξ. 346. 286. 15. π. χΕιρωναξίου 285. 6.
έΠ[ΤΡοποr 237. νίί. 14. πρόπολο!; 326.
πpoσTάTη~ 2θΟ. 20; 299. 4.
ήΥεμών 237. v. 15 εl saep.; 2θ4. 14, 21. πρoΦήTη~ 387.
'Ισύλισr Π6στoμo~ ό κύΡιοr ήγ. 283. 18 (Α. D.
45). Λεύκιοr Ίσύλιοςο OύησTEίνσ~ 250. 2 (Α. D. σΙToλόyo~ 276. ι Ι; 383-385. οί σΙToλOί'oϋνTE~
6) Γ aιo~
,.. ~ , ο" Ι t ,
Ι. .wΕπτιμισ~ υεγεTO~ σ ηγεμoνEυσa~ 287·3·
273. 5 (Α. D. 86-8). Mάpl(o~ MlTTιor ιpoυΦσ~ σToλισTή~ 242. 7.
Eπαpxo~ ΑΙγύπτου 237. νίiί. 25, 27 (Α. Ώ. 90) ; σTpaTηyό~ 237. v. 7 el saep.; 244. 12. XαΙPEα~
METTLOS- ~Povepor ό I(pάTιστo~ ήγ. 247. 15; 244. Ι, Ι 7 (Α. D. 23); 350 (Α. D. 24-5);
Μέτ. ΙPσυφo~ 237. ίν. 37 (Α. D. 90). Φλαoύιo~ 245. ι (Α. D. 26); 291. ι ; 353 (Α. D. 27-8);
TΙTιaιιδ~ ό ήγEμoνEύσa~ 237. νίί. 20, 34, 36; ό 351; 352 (?) (Α. D. 28). (Epμία~ στρ. Κυνοπο
KpάTισTO~ Τιτ. 237. νίϊ. 37 (Α. D. 128). λlrου 244. 18 (Α. D. 23). ΆλέξανδροS' 282. Ι
ΠETpώνιo~ MaμεpTείνo~ 237. νίίϊ. 43; ό (c. Α. D. 35). 'ΣώταS' 315 (Α. D. 37). TιβEPΙO~
κράτιστοr Μαμ. 237. νίίί. 8 (Α. D. 133), Kλaύ~ιo~ ΠασΙων 283 (Α. D. 45);' 3θ3 (Α. D.
oύαλέpιo~ Eύ~αίμων ;παPX()~ Αίγύπτου 237. 049-50); 316 (Α. D. 50-Ι); 284. Ι; 285.
νίίί. 8 (Α. D. Ι 38). OύαλEpΙo~ ΠpόKλo~ ό ήγ. Ι (c. Α. D. 50). ΔωΡlωv 255. Ι (Α. D. 48).
ρ. 208 (Α. Ώ. 145-6). MoυνάTΙO~ (φηλιξ) 237. TιβEPΙO~ Kλαύ~ιo~ 'Aμμώνιo~ στ-ρ. και επι των
νίίί. 20 (Α. D. 151). ~IAνllΙO~ 'Συp~αKό~ δ προσό8ων 260. 3, 10 (Α. D. 59)' ΠαπΙσKO~
KpάTισTO~ ήγ. ρ. 151 (Α. D. 163). Φλιιούιοr l<oσμηTεύσα~ και στρ. 246. Ι, 27 (Α. D. 66).
'Σoυλπίl<"o~ Σίμιλιr ~παρχοS' ΑΙγύπτου 237. νίίί. 'ΣoυTώpιo~ ~ώTα~ σTpαTηγήσa~ 257. ι 3 (Α. D.
2 ι; ~ίμιλις 237. νΙ 28; ~. ό ήγEμoνEύσα~ 72-3). Kλαύδιo~ (HpάKλEΙO~ 276. 15 (Α. D.
237. ίν. 36 (Α. Ώ. 182). ΛογΥaίοS' ιpoυφo~ 77). ΚλαύδιοS' ~APEΙO~ 237. νίίί. 28 (Α. D.
ό λαμπp6TαTO~ 237. νΙ 14 εl saep.; Λ. ΙΡου_ 90). ΔιόσKOPO~ ρ. 208 (Α. D. 145-6).
φo~ δ ~ιασημ6TαTO~ 237. νΙ 34, νίί. 6; 'Iσί~ωpo~ 237. νΙ 32 (Α. D. 186).
cροvφοs- 237. ίν. 35 εl saep. (Α. D. 185). συνaλλαyμαToypάΦo~ 237. νΗί. 36.
Πoμπώιιιo~ ΦαυσTιανo~ ό λαμπpόTαTO~ ήγ. 237.
νίί. 6; Π. ΦαυσTιαν6~ 237. νΙ 32 (Α. D. 186). Toπάpxη~ 245. 23 ; 351; 354-356; 382.
ήγoύμενo~ του στρaτηΥου' 2θ4. 19. ToπoγρaμμaTΙ:ίι~ 251. 2; 252. 1; 254. Ι;
255·3·
ίεpεύ~ 242. 33; 281. Ι. lEp. θοήΡι~οr και
~Iσι~o~ και Σαράπι~οS' και των συννάων θΕων ύπηρέ~ηS' 25θ. 13; 260. 19.
μεΥίστων 242. 5. ίερ. '~Ίσι~o~ OeίiS' μεΥlστηS'
254.2. χειριστήr 346.
ίππάΡχηr έπ' άν~pων 277. Ι, 3. χρηματιστήs 268. ι; 281. 3.
V//l. WEIGHTS, MEASURES, COINS lX. TAXES 339
VIII. WEIGHTS, MEASURES, COINS.

(α) WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
lJ.povpa 248. 22, αl. πηχυ$ 242.15; 243. 22, 24, 29,31; 274.
aρτάβη 279. 15; 280. 18; 287. 7. 6. π. ΥfΡaιακό$ 264. 3. Π. ίμβάτου 243.
25, 32, 35·
μέτροιι 243. 28. μέτροιι ~ημόσιoιι 383.
μ,ιιαιηιοιι259. Ι ι, 16; 265. 18, 25. σχοιιιίοJl 290. 10.
παλαιστή 264. 4. χοίιιιξ 287. 7, 8.
(b) COINS.
aΡΥύριον 23.7. ϊν. 19, αl. άΡΥ. Σfβασrοv νομίσ στaτήρ 298. ι ι.
μaΤΟ$ 266. 8; 269. i. 3. dpy. Σf{3αστοv και
Πτολfμαικου νομίσμα,l"Ο$ 264. 8; 26'1. 4; τάλaιιτον 287. ίν. 14 εΙ sαep.; 242 28; 248.
271·5· 42; 283·7·
Τfτρώ{30λον 288. 3 εΙ sαep.; 289. i. 5
~paxμή 242. 28, αl. el saep.
, τριώβ0λον 278. 11 ; 288. 2 εΙ saep.; 289. i. 4
ήμιώ{3nλοv 288. 3 εl sαep.; 289. ί. 10 εl saep. el saep.
μνα 248.40; 2'10. 16. χαλκό" 242. 28; 243. 42. χ. πρόS' άΡΥύριον
242. 34; 243.47, 48; 853.
J{30λό$ 288. 6 εΙ saep.; 289, ίί. 7.
χρυσΙον 259. 16; 265. 18, 25.
ΙΧ. TAXES.
ΥfΡ~ιαt<όll 262. 1; 288. 2 εl sαep.; 308-310. ναύβιον 206. 5.
~ημόσιa237. ίν. 28; 2'10. 41; 275. 17; τ/λισμα 270. 41.
298.8. Tέλo~ 245. 22; 274. 7, 20, 22, 29; 348.
ίΎκύι<λιον 238. 16; 242.32; 248.46; 274. ύι/(ή 288. 10 εl sαep.; 289. i. 4 εΙ sαep. ;
20, 22, 29; 333. 308; 311; 313; 380.
ίΠΙΚΕφάλαιοιι 288. 10 εΙ sαep.; 311.
φ( ) 28 θ. i. 8, 10, ίί. 7.
ι<aτα')lώ;ιιον 288. 9, 18, 26.
Χfιρωvάξιοll285. 6.
λaΟΥΡαφla289. i. 2 εΙ sαep.; 296. 4; 808 ; χωμaτικόν 288. 10, 20; 289. i. 5 ~! ~.sαep. ;
313; 380. 808; 309; 311-318; 889.
Ζ 2
340 INDICES
Χ. GRAMMATICAL.
CLERICAL ERRORS.
1 for 'Π 221. νϊί. 10. Lipography 266. 3, 6; 269. ίί. 13.
8 " λ
221. νΙ 24. Metathesis 221. νΙ 26; 260.17.
η " Ι( 221. χνίί. 18. Omission by omoioteleuton 227. ίν. 14,
η " μ (?) 216. ίί. 16. ν. 2 1; 231. 8, 9; 237. ί V. 1 ι, νΙ 15;
λι " μ (?) 222. ίί. 8. 265. 14; 275. 14.
fT " η 221. Χίν. 13. Wrong case by attraction 243. 3, 26, 33;
τ " ')Ι 221. xv. 28. 269. ί. 10.
Dittography 237. v. 7, νΙ 23, νΗ. 13; 256.
2; 267.39; 270.5.
DIVISION OF W ORDS.
Ι
ΠE~aίρoυlσ' (lyrics) 224. 10, 27. ούlκ 208. fol. 2 rec/o, 12; 221. χι 12, 18,
πέρlαTO~ (corr.) 221. χι 19. Χίϊ.
28, χν. 26.
φάσΙιιι 294. 15. ώl~ 270·32.
INTERCHANGE OF LETTERS, &c.
(α) Vowels.
αι for Ε 221. Χίν. 23; 222. i. 22; 223. ι. omitted after α292. Ι ι.
102 (?); 237. νίί. 36; 241. 29; 243. 38 ; " "ε 269. ί. 20; 293. 6.
280. 10. ι. " "ο 278. 14, 23.
ι for αι 221. ίΧ. 17; 222. i. 22, ίί. 7 ; 223. ι. for ιο 285. 12; 200. 12; 300. 4.
53 εΙ sαep. (see note ad loc.); 246. 16, 38; ι adscript, misplaced :
252. 9; 267. 35; 300. 13· after α 211. 45.
ε for η 235. 2. ε for ει 269. i. 20. " η 211. 45; 251. 2 Ι, αl.
ει" η 223. 128; 254. 5; 282. 22. " ω 215. i. 5, 15, ίί. 3, 10; 218. i.
Ef,,, i and vzce versa, passz·m. 6, 7, ίί. 2; 219. (α) 16, 17; 251.
ΕΙ" r 209. 3; 221. Χ. 17; 223. 201; 12, αl.
237. ίν. 35 εl saep., νΙ 33, νίί. ι ι, νίίί. 35, ο for ω 209. 7; 221. χν. 18; 237. νΙ 33,
41, 43; 243. 36; 252. 2; 270. 3; 278. νίί. 35, νίίί. 36; 243. 23, 30; 252. 6;
4; 281. 13; 294. 13, 18, 23, 31; 396. 254. 3; 298. 7.
η for αι 259. 11, 17. οι for υ 267. 39; 283. 8, 15.
η " Ε 267. 29. v " ο 269. ίί. 9, ι Ι; 298. 38.
η " ι 218. ίί. 10; 234. ϊί. Ι. υ "οι 242. 13, 18, 20; 258.5; CL 206.3.
η " ΕΙ 241. 12. v " ω 269. ίί. 8.
ι omitted before ο 266. 4. ω " ο 200. 2, 5, 7; 241. 10 εΙ sαep.;
" " ω 222. ί. 17, ίί. 26. 243. 10 εΙ saep.; 280. 6; 294. 31.
Χ. GRAMMA TICAL 341
(δ) Consonαn/s.
β for Φ
258. 5. σ' for '275. 15.
')' " ι(
267. 38. .,. " a 257. 20; 267. 38.
~ " τ 267. 36; 298. 9, 10 (αJlιΦ,,8αΦo~ for ττ " τ
287. νίίί. 43.
άμΦΙTαπo~?); 339. Φ " 287. νΙ 18; 240. 8; 248. 25;
π
~~ for ~ 285. 16. 260. 16; 298. 9, ι ο (?).
Ι( " Χ 221. νίί. 8 (corr.); 222. ίί. 18, 28; χ for ι( 272. 18; cf. 291. 3.
227. ϊί. 12; 259. 28; 299. 5. Assimilation: ιγδιδάσl<ιιrι 275. 32. 'Υ δΙ/(η~
Ι(ξ for ξ 259. 18. 267. 16; 269. i. 12; 278. 27. E')'διl(o~
λ " Ρ 242. 12. 261. 14. 'γλήμπτωρ 262. ι. ;xθEσι~
π " Φ 223. 64, 23 Ι; 295. 6; 298. 60. 272. 18; 291. 3. μέμ μοι 240. 8; 253.
Ρ " λ 222. i. ι 7. 22.
ABNORMAL FORMS.
άιιθ&ξομαι 282. 20. μετοξύ 237. v. ι Ι.

βέμβλετο 221. χΙ 35. vεαvιl<ιύεσθαι ίί. 18.
216.
~EιΙλη 221. ίίί. 6. πάλι 298. 27.
~ιευλυ.,.είν 268. 15. ~ξ~υλv'l'~ίrJ 271. 22. ποεί" 211. ίί. 2, Σ 4, 30.
ίματου 219. (α) 23 ; 281. 13. έατου 205. 5. στά'Yε~ (?) 213. (α) i. 5.
ipavvfιrι294. 9, 10. συνοικΙσιον 286. Ι Σ.
ήμέσια 277. 5, 17. Tεσσαpεσιcαι~έl(αTO~ 264. 22; 278. ι.
ΟυΙων 221. χίϊ. 6. νlTό~ 257. 20.
Ι(άλυβι (Dat.) 213. (α) i. 6. ύό~ 211. ίί. 50.
ι<ιθών 298. ι Ι. φώσα~ 234. ίί. 2.
λαλαχεύει" 294. 25.
ACCIDENCE.
ιt')'είoxα 283. 14. έπεπόμφοσαν 226. ii. 16.

άvα')ll(άσθαι 237. ίν. 2 Ι. ήKoυιcέναι. 237. vH. 23.
άΡΥυροδί"α (Gen.) 221. ix. 2. ημη" (= ηv) 285. 10.
dΡούΡη~ 279. ι 4. -l<υΙη~ 211. ίί. ι 9. μεTαπoίη~ θι:oy/vην 257. 7. ΔΙΟΥέvηv 257. 16.
318. Ιεpέo~ 254. 2.
-ασθαι for Εσθαι (Fut.) 228. 104 (corr.); lJμώμιl<a 251. 30.
260.ι ι ; 270. 8, 39. Periphrastic Perf. 268. 6.
βεβαιωσθαι (Pres.) 265. 22. " Pluperf. 285. 10.
'l<ομΙσου 300. 6. σννέστακα 261. 13, 16; 364.
έλl(~ (Imperf.?) 250. 28. "'Eσσαpε~ (Acc.) 280. 5; 285. 14.
ίμΕν (= 'μΕ)
219. 22. ύφιειρημέvωv 282. 22.
ίνΥιΥύημαι 250. 7. χαρΙεσαι 292. 9.
IIlE')IΙCEL 210. verso 14. χρασθαι 270. 34.
IVΉλεπα 294. 15. ώνημiνo~ 270. ι 8, 19, 25; 346.
'π~vη')lμ'"ωv 237. v. 27.
342 JNDICES
SYNTAX.
Anacolutha, &c. 237. νΙ 31; 242. 6, 7; Gen. Abs. for Acc. before In[. 237. νίί. 26.
242. 27 (cf. 266. 7; 269. i. ι; 270. 7); ήλΙKO~ \vith Dat. 234. ίί. 2 Ι.
252. 14; 253. ι ι; 254. 7; 268. 15; Imperative 2nd [ΟΙΟ 3rd Person 295. 7.
274. 16; 278. ι Ι; 279. 12; 288. 6; Indic. Fut. for Subj. ίνα μυοθηΡΕύσΕΙ 299. 3.
2θΟ. ι ι, 12 sqq. μη πoιήσι~ 294. 1 4.
alJτό~ redundant 29 θ. 2. Inf. &v ι:Ιναι 254. Ι ο; 256. 8. ιΙνaι δΕ 290. 5.
άφαιριίσθαί τινά TΙΙΙO~ 237. νίί. 4ι. Fut. coupled with Λσι·. 259. 18; 374.
Concord: Masc. for Fem. 295. 24. οικιαν Jussive 38 8. ~ιa μη ι:ίδΙναι 267. 27.
και αύλην Δ ην 274. 2. (ζφα) ζυΥομαχουντα καΙτοι κριθέν 237. νίϊί. 30.
ιν~ί~ωσl.ν 221. xv. 32; πρόβατα & νιμήσιται κλυθ! μοl. 223. 115. κλυτέ μοι 214. rec/o 10.
245. 10. κοσμητι:'ύι:ιν with Gen. 246. Ι.
ίάν with Indic. 237. νίί. 28, νίίί. 34, 38. μέν alone 270.40. μέν .•• τε 237. νΙ 37-8.
ίάv for ί!.ν with relative 221. Χίν. ι 3, 14; μέχρι with 8ubj. without /lv 260. 14; 291.9.
237. ίν. 28, νΙ 8, vH. 42, νίίί. 32-3; 268. 80 μέχρι oV 293. 7.
37,43; 270·34,44; 273.18; 275.24; μή with Inf. after verbs of saying 237. v. 8,
278. 19, 22'; 280. 13; 284. 12; 285. νίί. 23, 28, 34, νΗϊ. 28. With Participle
21; 286. ΣΙ, 21; 293. 11. 237. v. 20, vί. 28, νίί. 26; 252. 10; 253.
έaυTη~ for alJTij~ 242. 2 5. έαυToύ~ for άλλήλοvS' 7, αl. After έπι:ί 237. νΙ 26.
260·9, 15· μήΤΕ • •• μη~έ' 237. νίί. 28; 255.21-2; 263.
ιι with 8ubj. 237. νΗί. ι 4, 15. ι Ι, 12; 266. 17 (cf.268. 15).
ιΙ for η with μήv 240. 4; 255. 15; 259. &=8τι 237. v. 10.
6; 260. 7. oϋTΙ~, μηaεμlav . • • υπ' 0γTινo~ 237. νΙ 18.
ιΙ ιΤτι 237. νίΗ. Σ 4. OV μόνον for ού μόνον ού 237. νίί. 16.
έKάTEPO~ for εKασTO~ 256. 3. έκάTΙPO~ ενις Parataxis 297. 3, 4; 299. 3, 4; 396.
276·7· ΠΕιθαρχι:'ίν Tινo~ 265. 13.
έξευλυτείν τινά ΤΙΙΙΙ 271. 22. πλήpη~ έκτίνειν 237. ίν. 14.
έπιτρέπι:ιΙ) τιν1 έπΙ τι 237. ίν. ι ι. 8ubjunctive, final after ό 237. v. 10. ΒΥ
έΦ) φ ού 272. 19. Attraction 260. 15.
• ;ω~ with 8ubj. without tlv 259. 30; 294. 15; ΤΕ, superfluous 237. νίίί. 16. ;ΤΙ τι: καί 237.
298·59' νίί. 14.
;ω~ ίπΙ 2θ4. 21, 23. ύμα~ reflexive 293. 16.
ΧΙ GENERAL INDEX, GREEK.
άβάσl(αvτο~ 292. 12; 300. 9. αΥοράζι:ιν 242. 8; 298. 9, ι ι ; 306.

άyaπηTό~ 235. 2. άΥορανομι:ιον 238. 3; 249. 22; 250. 17;
άyaθό~, έπ' άΥαθφ 298. 14. 266. 12; 274. 41.
ΙΙγειv 237. νΙ 3; 282. 15; 283. 14-; 290. 6. άyopασTή~ 298. 48; 391.
άΥνΟΕίυ 237. viii. 24. tJ.ypαepo~ 237.4; 5.6; 267.19; 268.17.
ίlyνoια 237. νίίί. 36. άΥυιιί 261. 8; 265. 9; 266. 7, 20; 270. 7;
άΥυωμονε'ίν 237. v. 40. 271. 5; 273. 10.
άΥορά 237. νί}, 20. άΥών 237. νΗϊ. 17.
ΧΙ. GENERAL /NDEXι GREEK 343
άδημονείν 298. 45. 12; 252.12; 253.10; 258.20; 262.4,

ά~ιl(εϊν 294. 26. 10; 274.36; 818; 889.
αδΖκημα 237. νΙ 20. άναδέχεσθαι 237. ϊν. 14.
άθφo~ 237. νίίί. ι 7. άναδιδόιιαι 237. v. 41, νΙ 13, 36; 266. 14;
afOYELoS' 234. ίί. 46. 271. 19.
αΙδείσθαι 237. νΙ 28. άναζυΥή 266. Ι 5.
αίθριον 241. 18; 248. 16; 24:'1. 24; 248. αιιακομιδή 265. 34.
19; 268. 22; 274. 10, 38. άνακομίζΗν 237. νΙ 14.
αίξ 244.8. ιlναλαμβάυEιII 284. ίϊ. 19; 937. νίίί. 16.
αΙρεϊν 265. 43; 270. 34; 278. 18; 280. αvάλΟΥΟS' 870.
13· αvαμφό~αΡχοr 257. 22.
aXPEUtS' 237. ν. 41. dlIl1ViroULS' 274. 20.
αlτεΊιι 237. νίϊ. 25,42. αναπέμπειν 265. 3 ι .
αιτιασθαι. 237. νΙ 33, νίί. 27, 3 Ι. ιΙναπλειν 259. 27.
άκlvδυvοS' 278. 15; 280. 18. άυαστρΙφειν 237. νίί. 23.
άιroλoυθε;ν 287. νϊί. 34. αvαφαίρεrοS' 273. 15.
(lκόλοvθοS' 237. ν. ι 4, νΙ 16, 34, 38, νίί. 4, 8 ; άναφέρειν 237. ίν. 35, v. ι, 30, νΙ 41;
248·36; 247.36; 248.33; 249.20; 298. 23.
252. 8; 253. 5; 268. 22; 273.6; 274. αναφορά 237. ίν. 36.
ι ι; 306. άναφόριον 294. 13.
ακούειν 237. νίΙ 23, 34; 294. 15. αναχωρείν 251. 10, 13; 252. 9, 13; 253.
tlι<ρατοS' 237. νίί. 40. 6, 10.
άκριβΕια 237. νίίί. 39. άνδραΥαθείν 291. 8.
ι;κριβήr 237. v. 15, νί. 31, 41. ιίvέΥl<λητοr 281. 12.
άκρωτηριάζειν 237. νί. 7. άVflσπρακτοS' 270. 8; 286. 10.
ίl/(υpo!; 265. 22; 268. 12, 18; 2'10.43; άνεπίl(ΡΙTO~ 257. 23.
271.24· άνηγεϊσθαι 292. 8.
aκύΡωσιS' 266. 15. aνήκειν 237. v. 19; 250. 29.
ίlKων 237. νΙ 18; νίί. 5, 12, 22. αvdJlotoS' 237. νΙ 29.
αλειφειν 234. ίί. 29. lJ.voJloS' 287. vii. ι ι.
αλήθεια 255. 16; 283. 14. llvovS' 237. νΙ 22.
άληθήS' 237. ν. 8, 14; 251. 21; 253. 18; αντέχεσθαι 281. 30; 282. 20, 2 ι; 286.
258. 25; 262. 15; 361. 24·
άλιεύS' 294. 6. άνΤΙΥράφειν 23'1. νΙ 3 ι, 39.
αλλαχόθε-ν 237. ν. 15. άντίΥραφον 237. v. 18, 29, 32, νi. 16, νΗΙ 2
άλλήλοvS' 237. vH. 23; 264. 8; 265. 27, 37 ; εΙ saep.; 259. ι; 260. Ι; 268. ι, 20;
267.17,19,20; 268.6; 278.9. 269. i. ι, 15, 20; 271. 1; 272. 22; 286.
t1λλοτε 298. 47. 17; 288. ι, 35.
άλλότριος 282. 9. άνTίδΙKO~ 287. νίί. 24, 32, νίίί. ι 2.
ίlλωS' 277. 14. άντικατάστασι)' 260. 10.
άμελείν 237. ν. 42, νί. 40; 291. 10. άντιλέΎειν 237. ν. 13.
t1μητροv 277. 7. αV'Tlov 264. 4.
αμφισβήτησιS' 237. νίίί. 17, 23. άιιτίτομον 381.
αμφίταποS' (?) 298. 9, 10. άνrιφωνείν 300. 5.
άναΥΙΥνώσ/(ειν 237. v. 13, νίί. 29, 33, 35, 36; αvτιφώvησΙ!t 294. ι 2, 29.
298·3· ά7lvπέρθιτοS' 259. ι 7.
αναΎ/(άζειν 237. ίν. 2 ι, νίίί. 15; 286. 14. ΙΙ7lωθε71 237. νΗί. 3 ι.
αναΥκαίοS' 235. ι; 281. 19. ίJ.ξιοS' 237. ν. 16; 282.23; 285. 12.
ανάγκη 237. ίν. 33. άξιουν 237. ν. 9, 42, νί. 14, 17, 38, νίί. 5,
aναΥράφειν 241. 3; 242. 2; 248. 3; 251. 8, νΗί. 20; 251. 12 ; 252. 12; 258. 9; 262.
344 INDICES
9; 268. 19; 281. 23; 282. 14; 283. απόυοια 237. νΙ ι 7.

17; 284. ι Ι; 285. 20; 286. 14. αποπιμπλάυαι 290. 24, 28.
αξίωσι~ 237. v. 38, 42. άποσιωπαυ 237. νϊί. 24.
απαΥΥέλλειυ 398. αποσπαιι 237. ίν. 22, vίί. 5, 12,22,32; 275.
dπάΥΕΙV 2S7. νΙ 18. 22, 28.
άπαΙΤΕιυ 237. ίν. 2 Ι, Vlll. 9, 13; 270. 29; άποστΕλλειv 293. 4, 7·
291. 8; 298. 19, 53; 364. άποστερειυ 237. νί. 22.
"παίTησι~ 272. 13; 291. 7, 12. άπόσToλo~ 210. 15.
άπαλλάσσΕιυ 237. vii. 13; 265. 17; 267. άπόTαl(TO~ 280. 17, 19.
17, 20. άποτάσσεσθαι 298. 3 Ι.
άπαυθρωπΙα 237. νίί. 35; 298. 52. άποτΙνειυ 275. 27.
ίJ.παξ 237. νίί. 42. άποτομlα 237. νίί. 40.
απαPEυόxληTO~ 270. 7; 286. 10, 18. άποφαΙυειυ 237. νίί. 23.
άπαυ~αυ 237. νίΗ. ι 2. άποφ;ριιν 270. 33; 282. 12.
αΠΕιλΕιν 237. νΙ 4. άποφορά 265. 20.
άΠEλEύθEPO~ 237. ίν. 8; ρ. 208; 255. 8, 2 Ι ; αποχή 267. 22; 269. ίί. 9; 272. 16; 208.
274. 47; 305 ; 309. 6,22.
άΠEpίλυ'TO~ 237. νίί. 28; 271. 2 Ι. άπρόσδεKTO~ 268. 18.
άπεpίσπασTO~ 286. 17. apαKO~ 280. 16.
απΕχειυ 237. ίν. 20, νίίί. 12, 20; 263. 13; άρ}'υpΙK6~ 291. 5, 13.
264. 16; 266.7, 18 j 267.34; 268.6. apισTO~ 292. 12.
ιIπισΤEύ~ιυ 237. v. 4. άριιΕα 297. 8.
άπλάVΗTO~ 237. νί. 30. αριιεισθαι 237. νίίί. 14.
ΙΙπλω~ 237. νΙ 21 ; 265. 36,42; 266. 22 j apυε~ 244. 10; 245. 12; 246. ι 7 εΙ saep.
268. 16. αρραβα/υ 299. 2.
ιΙΠΟΥράφε'σθαι 237. Vll1. 3 Ι, 40; 245. 5; άpσεVΙK&~ 235. 8 et saep.
246. 10, 18; 247. 9; 248. 6; 249. 5; άρxαίo~ 235. 6.
250. ι ; 252. 4; ρ. 208; 257. 26. ί/.ρχεσθαι 243. 20.
αΠΟΥραφή 237. ν. 23, νίίί. 33, 39, 41; 244. αρχή 286.8.
5, 13, 19; 246. 20; 248. 33; 274. 55; ί/.pωσι~ 280. 16.
288. 41; 297. 9; 318. κατ- οίκ{αυ αΠΟΥΡ. άσεβή~ 237. νΙ 13.
ρ. 208; 257. 27. ί/.σημo~ 251. 39; 256. 9, ι Ι, 14.
ιιποδημείυ 326. άσθ€νεια 261. 13.
αποδεικρύυαι 237. νί. 38. άσιυή~ 278. 18.
άπόδειξι~ 257. 19, 35. άσπάζεσθαι 269. ii. 13; 295. ι Ι; 298 34,
άποδιδόυαι 237. ίν. 9 et saep., v. 3, 4, νίί. ι ι, 36; 800. 6, 9.
viii. 12, 16; 267. ι ι, 13, 26; 269. i. 5, 8, άσTό~ 259. 13; 261. 4, 5; 271..3-
16; 270. 28; 278. 12, 22, 32; 281. αστρυλ( ) 389.
26 j 282. 17; 286. 3, 19; 292. 3; 293. άσυ/(oΦάΙΙTηTO~ 263. 9.
20; 294.34; 298.55; 318; 875. ασφάλεια 252. 9; 253. 6 ; 283. 17 ; 286. 12.
άποδιδράσκΕιΙΙ 298. 5. ασφαλή~ 269. ίί. ι ο; 294. ι Ι.
άπόδοσιS' 237. ίν. 25, 33, νίίί. 10 ; 286.9 ; 318. άσΦαλΙζειυ 257. viii. 6; 298. 60.
άπο(ευ}'ιιύυαι 237. νίϊ. 25. άσχολfισθαι 341; 344.
άποκαθιστάναι 237. νίί. 42; 259. 7; 278. άσχόλημα 298. 14.
17, 34· ατακτειυ 275. 25.
αποκλΕίειν 265. 14. ίJ.TεKlIO~ 249. 13; 265. 30.
άποκρίυΗυ 237. νίί. 25, 33. ίiTEXιιO~ 251. 8, 4 ι ; 254. ι ι ; 256. 9, 12, 14.
απολαμβάΙΙΗΙΙ 237. ίν. 2 ι, νΙ 27 ; 298. 17. αύθEΙΙTΙKό~ 260. 20.
άπολείπειν 265. 10, 32, 45; 268. ι 2, 14. αυλή 241.19; 243.17,28,32; 247.26;
άπoλσyισμό~ 297. 5, ι Ι. 248.19, 29; 274. 2, ι ι, 38; 294.8; 888.
ΧΙ. GENERAL lNDEXJ GREEK 345
αfJ".όθεv 271. 19; 375. Yfpator 252. 3; 262. 4; 275. 5; 284. '4 ;
αύτοκράτωρ 237. νΗ. 18. 285. 4, 6; 288. 36 e/ saep.
άφαιρείν 287. νίί. 41, 43. ΥεωΡΥε'ίν 279. 7.
ιlφαpπάζειιι 285. 10. i'eoopyla 279. 7; 868.
άφηλιξ 256. ι ι, 14; 265. 28; 318. ΥΙΥιι6>σκειν 287. ν. 32; 288. 13; 295. 2.
άΦιΕναι 237. νΗί. 9. Υλvκύr 234. ίί. 6, 2 ι.
άφορμή 237. vij. 2 Ι. Υνώμη 237. νΙ 13, viii. 8.
l'οvιύS' 237. ίν. 39, νίίί. 35; 258.8; 281. 10.
'γονή 246. 15, 2 Ι.
l3αλάιιινo~ 265. 3.
Υόνυ .. 255. 10.
βαρύVfΙV 298. 26.
Ύράμμα 237. Υ. 6, 25, vi. 3, 5, 37, vii. 18, νΗί.
βασιλικόr 279. 10; 868.
14, 15; 251. 34; 263. 20; 264. 19;
fJ'fJator 287. v. 33, 43, νΗ. 18, νΗϊ. 16, 40;
267. 27, 30, 37; 269. i. 18; 275. 43;
270·40.
278. 39; 298. 30.
βεβαιουν 268. 15; 264. 1 ο, 17; 265. 22;
Υραπτόν 292. 8; 293. 5.
375.
Ι'ραΦή 255. 17; 257. 21,37; 290. Ι.
βεβαίωσι~ 264. Ι ι; 270. 40; 277. 12; 306.
Υραφιιοιι 288. 4.
(jημα 237. Υ. 13, νίί. 20; 260.12.
"ύηr 373.
βία 237. νΙ 18, 22, 33, νίί. 24; 285.9.
Υυμνάσιον ρ. 208; 257. 6, 22; 300. 12.
βιάζειν 294. 16.
yvvaLKfioS' 261. 12.
βιβλί8ιοιι 237. ίν. 35, v. 7 e/ saep.
Υων[α 248. 2 τ.
βιβλιοθήκη 237. νΗί. 30, 32, 38.
βιβλίον 296. 7.
~αllείζειν 257. ίν. 10, 26; 270. 13; 271.10;
βιβλιοΦυλάκιον 237. ίν. 38, ν. 24, νίί. 17, νiίί.
286.4; 818.
25,37· ~άιιειoν 287. ίν. 16, ν. 2 ι; 241. 3; 270. 13;
βλάβη 283. 7.
274. 14.
βλάβοr264. 12; 270.45; 271.26.
~ανεισTή~ 237. ίν. 29, viii. 32.
βλάπτειν 286. ι Ι.
~απάνη 287. ίν. 28; 286. 2 (?); 294. 27.
βλ'πειν 259. 32; 298. 33.
l3απάιιημα 318.
βοήθεια 237. v. 39.
~ειl(νύνaι 287. νϊ. 2 Ι •
βοηθειν 237. νίίϊ. 7.
~εΙ" 287. ίν. 38, vii. 23, νίίί. 29, 30; 285.
βΟΡΡιvόr 248. 2 Ι.
βουκία 397.
13; 283. 13.
~ειvόr 237. νΙ 2 Ι •
βούλεσθαι 237. νΙ 24, νίΙ 15 e/ saep.; 244.
~ιίσθαι 237. v. 8, 26, 37, 39, νίί. 10, νίίί. 41.
3,20; 265.17,19; 279.2; 281.16.
Βεξιόr 255. Ι Ο; 256. 13.
βoϋ~ 284. 1 Ι) 30.
~εόΙΙTω~ 287. νί. 39, 40, νίίί. 40.
βροχή 280. 5.
~ηλoυν 237. v. 8, 19, 34, νΙ 11, νίίΙ 33;
βροχίον 326.
248.36; 257.6,12; 268.13; 274.18.
~ημόσιοr
237. ίν. 39, νίίί. 28, 35; 276. 1 ι ;
Υακήσl1 (?) 326. 290. 34, 35; 870. τό l3ημόσιοv 265. 7 ;
i'aλάκτιvοr 26'1. 7. 270. 45; 271. 27; 274. 33; 275. 30;
γαμείν 23'1. νίϊ. 29, νίίί. 24; 257. 25, 30; 277. 9; 279. 3. fjtll ~ημoσίoυ 237. iv. 6
265.6; 361. el saep., Υ. 6, 19.
Υαμικόr 237. νίΗ. 23. ~LafjatvELv 298. 18.
'γάμοr 237. νίί. 12, 28, νΗϊ. 4, 5, 6; 266. 15 ; ~ιάyειν 237. ίν. 30.
268. 13. διιίΥvωσιr 237. ν. 7.
Yfveutr 235. 2. διαΥράφιιν 288. ι et saep.; 289. ί. 2 el sαep. ;
ΥΕνημα 209. 12, 13; 277. 6. 298. 19; 870.
Y'J/or 237. v. 4; 279. 14; 280. 13· fjιαΥΡαφή 241. 32; 242. 34; 243. 47; 284.
Υερ8ιaκόr 264. 3; 275. 13; 367. 26; 267.34; 269. i. 22; 323; 832.
INDICES
~ια~EXEσθaι 237. νΙ 37, νίϊ. 10. οραχμιαιος 243. 39; 270. 15·
~ιαζηTEϊν 237. νίίϊ. 2 Ι. oύναμι~ 282. 8; 292. 5.
~ιαθήι<η 249. 24. ούνασθαι 237. ίν. 12, ν. 13, 38, νΙ 8, 26,
ο,αΙΡΕσι!; 274. 6. νίί. 7, νίίί. 7 ; 261. 1 ι; 269. ϊί. 3.
C1ιαΙ<ΟVfίV 275. 10. ούΡΕιν 235. 15.
~ιαKpoύEιν 237. νίίί. 10. ~ωΟfκά~ραχμοs 258. 8.
~ιαλαμβάνEιν 284. Ι Ι ; 285. 2 ο. ~ωPEά 280. 10.
~ιαλιίΠfLν 281. 16. δωροδΟΚΕίν 237. ίν. 7.
oιαλoyισμό~ 294. ι e! sαep.
~ιαμάxη 237. νίί. 22. ,α" 242. 17.
~ιαμέvειv 237. νΗί. 40. (yyovos 265. 2 Ι; 278. 25.
οιαποστέλλειv 286. 26. ΕΥΥραπτο!; 268. 16.
~LαaElEιV 240. 5; 284. 5; 285. 13· 'γΥράΦΕιν 237. ίν. ι ι, ν. 14.
~ιάσημo!; 237. νΙ 34, νίί. 6. EyyραΦo~ 237. νίί. 12.
~ιάσTpωμa 237. νΗί. 30, 39, 40, 42. IΥΥυαν 259. 7.
~ιάTαϊ'μα 237. ίν. 37, νίίί. 7, 26. IΥΥύη 270. 10.
~ιάταξιr 237. νΗί. 23. 'Υκαλείν 237. νΙ 5, νϊϊ. 26, νίίί. 15; 265·42;
~ιαTάσσειυ 237. νΙ 6. 26~ 1~ 2~ 21; 267.36; 272.25,28.
ι8ιατιθΕναι 242. 8. 'ΥκαταλΕΙΠΕιν 281. 2 Ι •
~ιατίμησι~ 267. 18. 'y/('λEυσι~ 237. v. 15.
οιατροΦή 275. ι 9. lΥιcλημα 237. νίί. 16, 27, νΗϊ. 10, 20.
~ιaΦlpειν 237. νίϊ. 29; 265. 17. 'ΥκλύζΕιν 234. ίί. 44.
~ιαΦopά 267. 19. lΥκτησιr 237. ίν. 16, ν. 10,17, 43, νίΙί. 29,32.
~ιoaσι<αλιι<&!; 275. 34. lyιcυo~ 267. 20; 315.
οιοόναι 235.3; 237. ίν. 17, νΙ 10, 17, νίί. 41, ΕΥχυμα 234. ϊί. 42.
42; 269. ii. 8, 9, 11; 273. 4; 275. 18; ιyxώpιo~ 237. νίίΙ 22.
277. 8; 294. 23; 296. 3; 298. 20; Εοαφο!; 249.21, 24; 286.22.
299.2. ;eor 370.
~ιέΡXEσθαι 238. 5; 242. 10. Ειδέναι 237. νϊ. 2,17, 19; 251.33; 263.20;
ΟΙΕυλυτι:ιν 268. 15. 264. 19; 267. 27, 30, 37; 269. i. Ί7;
οιιέναι 234. ίί. 6, 9, 2 ι, 39. 275. 43; 278. 38; 286. 19; 299·5·
~ΙKάζHν 237. νίϊ. 32. Eloo~ 23'1. νίίϊ. 43; 270. 44.
οιι<αιοοοσία 237. ν. 37. ΕίσάΥΕιΙΙ 259. 10.
SlfCαtor 237. νίίί. 13. δίκαιον 237. ίν. 23, 32, είσέΡΧΕσθαι 237. νίίϊ. ι 7.
v. 4 et sαep. ; 247.37 ; 248. 34; 286.24· ΕΙσιlllαι 243. 41; 267. ι Ι.
~ίκη 237. v. 26, νίί. 16, 33, νίίί. 12, 13, 38 ; Είσοδο!; 241. 19; 247.27.
267. 16; 269. i. 12; 278. 27. ΕίσΦέρειν 237. v. 24; 370.
~lμοιΡΟS 248. 27; 270. 22. 'ιcάΤEPO!; 256. 3; 276. 7.
διο{ιcησιs 237. νίίί. 29. ίκοτονταρχ ία 276. 9.
διομολΟΥΕίν 270. 46. 'l<βιβ(1ζειν 260. 15.
(1ιορίζΕιν 237. ίν. 32, νίΙ 4 ι. 'ιcδΙOάσΚEιν 27-5. 32.
οιοχλι:ιv 286. 13. 'κοιο6νaι 237. νίί. 28, νίίΪ. 4, 5; 275. 6; 372.
~ιπύPΎΙO~ 247. 23. lKoLKos 237. νίi. 39; 261. 14.
οίστεΥΟ!; 243. 15. ;ιcBeuts 272. 18; 291. 3.
οίχα 237. viii. 37. 'ΚI<Είσθαι 237. νΗί. 20.
ΟΟI<Ειν 237. v. 12, νίί. 25, νΗί. 5; 284. 13. 'κλΕΥΕιν 237. ίν. 8.
~όl<ιμοr 265. 25. 'κπέμΠΕιν 237. νϊϊ. 25; 283. 17.
δουλο!; 237. ίν. 8; 244. 3, 20; 262. 3; 263. 'l<πράσσΕιν 269. ίΙ. 5.
9; 265.21, 22,26; 273. ;12,11. 'κτίVΕΙV 237. ίν. 14; 259.15; 264. ι Ι; 267.
opav 259. 35. 14; 269. i. 8; 271. 24; 286. ι ι; 318.
ΧΙ. GENERAL /NDEX, GREEK 347
'ι<Φόδιo~ 387. έvιιβρίζειν 237. νΙ 1 7.

~λαιoxpίσTη~ 300. 13. lvώτιοv 267. 6, 17.
εΛαιών 250. 26. lξακολοvθείv 306.
έλασσουν 268. 2 Ι; 286. 25; 306. Ιξαλλοτρ"ουν 263. ) 2.
ελάσσων 237 νΗί. ι ι. lξανέψιn~ 270. 4.
ίλέΥΧΕιν 237. νίί. 38, νΗί. 40. έξαρτίζΕιν 206. 7.
Eλεyxo~ 237. νίίί. 17. Ιξείναι 242. 2 Ι ; 261. 17; 265. 23 ; 267. 17;
ε'λευθΕρουν 349. 271. 19 ; 273. 19; 275. 22.
ελευθiΡωσιs 349. έξΕρχεσθαι 282. ι Ι.
lλι<ειν 259. 28. έξετάζειν 237. ν. 7, νΙ 3 ι, 40.
έλλΟΥίζειν 250. 23. lξETασι~ 287. v. 12 et sαep., νί. 5, 9.
lμβαίυιιll 259. 31. έξευλυΤΕϊν 271. 2 2.
έμμένιιν 237. ίν. ι ι, νί. 38. έξη~ 257. 27; 265. 33; 282. 7.
εμπίΠΤΗν 243. 26. lξιστάvαι 268. Ι ι, 16.
έμπό8ι.ον 237. ν. 12. έξό~ιoν 248. 16.
;μπροσθεν 252. 4; 253. 2; 268. ι Ι. ;ξo~o~ 241. 20; 247. 28.
έμφαΙΡΕιν (?) 295. 6. εξουσία 237. νΙ 17, νίί. 27,29, νίίί. 4; 25θ.
έμΦαJJή~ 260. ι Ι. 18; 261. 15; 272. 13.
;μφopo~ 242. 20. ~ξω 255. 22.
'νaλειφειν 294. 15. 'παΥΥέλλειv 237. vi. 19.
έναπΙo~ 240.9; 251. 27 ; 253.23; 255. 24; έπακολοvθείv 244. 9; 245. ι ι ; 260. 2 Ο.
259.21; 260. 17; 263. 17; 265.12. έπaναΥκάζειν 281. 25.
Εv13Εή~ 281. 2 ο. έπάvαΥΙ<ΟV 270. 38; 318; 874.
ένδ'χεσθαι 237. viH. 3 ι. έπανανεουν 287. νΗί. 4 ι.
ένδημΕίν 257. 24. lπανάTασι~ 237. νίίί. ι ο, Ι ι.
ένδύΗν 285. 1 Ι. έπαvόρθωσ" 237. νίίί. 30.
'νε~pεύfιν 237. νίϊί. 36. Επάvω 287. νίΗ. 38; 268. 17.
ενεί."αι 242. 16; 268. 18. ;παυλι~ 248. 28.
έ."έΧΕιν 237. νίίί. 18. έπαΦή 268. 10.
Eνθεσμo~ 271. 2 Ι. έπέρχισθαι 266. 16, 2 Ι j 2'11. 25.
;νθETO~ 234. ίί. 23. Επήρεια 23'1. νίϊ. 9.
lνιαυTό~ 237. νίίΙ 23; 275. 9, 40; 280. 14; έπιβολή 290. 7; 298. 9.
295.8. Επιβουλή 237. νΙ 6, 31.
ένιστάναι, EνσTάση~ 270. 28. έΠΙΥlΥvεσθαι 246. 18.
;ννoμo~ 247. 12. έπιγράφειv 251. 32; 263. 18; 267. 29, 37.
ένoίKησι~ 265. Ι Ι ; 339. έπι8;χεσθαι 279. 4; 281. 9.
lvolKLOV 265. 35; 278. 8 et sαep. έπι~ι8όvαι 237. v. 17; 244. 10, 19; 251. 28;
ένοχλειν 237. νΙ 4, νίί. 19. 252. ι ι; 258. 9, 15; 255. 16; 257. 47 ;
;νoxo~ 239. 12; 257. 44; 275. 32. 288. 16; 294. 13. ep2aedoca 244. 16.
ένσημα'υειν 896. Επιέυαι 237. νΗ. ι ι.
ένστάζειν234.ίί. 7,14,22. έπιζη.,-είν 298. 13, 57.
έρτάσσΕιν 274. 43; 298. 29· 'πίθεσι~ 283. 8, 15.
'πέλλειν 291. 6. Ιπιι<αταl<ολουθείν 274. 22.
έντιθέναι 234. ϊΙ 27 et sαep.; 287. ίν. 23, έπικρίνειν 257. 16, 33.
νίίϊ. 26. Iπίl<ρισι~ 257. 5, ι Ι, 15; ~58. 16; 288. 35 ;
ίΠOKO~ 299. 3. 314.
lνTό~ 237. νίίί. 3 Ι; 238. 10; 275. 29. Επιμέλεια 268. Ι ; 281. 2.
έντvyxάνειν 287. ν. 5, 2 Ι, 30, 35, νΙ 10, 16, έπιμελειρ 204. 3 ι.
35, 39, νίί. 7, 9, 24· . έπιμένειν 237. νΙ ι 7.
ίρτυχία 287. ν}. 8, νΙϊ. 5. lπιμεταλλάσσειν 265. 29, 30.
INDICES
έπιμΙΥνύναι 245. τ 5. εύπιθή~ 268. 6.

έπιμνημονεύΕιν 264. 5. εύρΙσκειν 269. ίΙ 10; 286. 2 ι; 298. 22,
ίπίνοια 237. νίί. 35. ~8, 48.
/πιopl<~ί" 240. 8; 251. 26; 253. 23; 255. εlιτυXEίν 245. 22; 251. 27; 253. 14; 282.
24; 259.21; 260. 16; 263. 16. 21; 285. 21; 396.
έπlξεrιο~ 255. 20. ~ύx.αpισTεΙν 398.
Ιπιπλα 265. 32. ευx~σθαι 2θ2. Ι ι.
έπΙπλoυ~ 276. 8. εύχρηστείν 241. 30.
Jπισημασία 292. 10. έΦημεΡίr 268. 10; 271. 8.
έπισl<οπείν 2θ3. 16; 294.31. έφιΙναι 237. νίί. 8, 16, 18.
έπισTάζ~ιν 234. Η. 17. lepo~o~ 268. 14, 18; 270. 35; 271. 24, 26.
έπίσταλμα 237. νΙ ι ι, viii. 37. ίΧΕιν \vith Inf. 237. νΙ 2 Ι.
έπΙστασθαι 237. ίν. 22, 33, νΙ 4; 275. 14.
έπιστ'λλειν 237. ν. 43, νίϊ. 4; 276. 13. ζEυyo~ 267. 6, 18.
Επιστολή 237. ίν. 34, 37, v. 6 el sαep.; 276. ζην 237. ίν. 3 Ι.
15; 292. 4; 293. 9; 296. 3·. ζητειν 237. νΙ 4 ι.
έπίσx~ιν 237. νΪi. ι ι. ζήTησι~ 237. νΙ 7, νίίi. 39.
έπιτάσσειν 275. ι ι ; 294. 2 ι . ,φδιον 235. 8 εΙ saep.
έΠΙTε'λλειrι 271. 18. ζωή 265.41.
έπιτιθέναι 237. νί. 4.
έπίτιμον 237. νίίί. 18; 270. 45; 271. 26; ήΥείσθαι 235. ι; 237. v. 15, 26; 294. 19·
275. 29, 33. ήΥ~μονlα 237. ν. 6, νΙ 41, νίi. 19.
Επιτρέπειν 237. ίν. ι ι, νί. 5. ή~ύι; 234. ίί. 39; 2θ8. 33.
έπITPOΠO~ 265. 16, 28; 283. 10. ήλικ[α247. 13; 273.13.
έπιΦΙρειν 237. v. 9, 27; 257. 19, 35; 267. ήλίκo~ 234. ίί. 20.
22; 269. i. 12, 13; 274. 24; 278. 28; ήμιολlα 264. 12; 267. 15; 260. i. 9; 78.
281. 18. 23; 281. 27; 286. 12.
έπιφορά 283. 15. ήμισυς, έΦ' ήμΕσίιι. 277. 5.
έπίΦopo~ 266. 14. ηπη( ) 389.
έΠΙX~ΙPEίν 237. νΙ 25, νΗί. 10, 15. ησσον 237. v. 29; 270. 46; 271. 27.
έπιχορηΥειν 282. 6. ήσυχ ία 237. νΙ 3.
έπιχώριος 237. νίίί. 34.
Εποίκιον 250. 22; 274. 30. θάrιαTo~ 237. νίίί. 36.
έραυναν 294. 9, 10. θαΡΡΕϊν 237. ν. 6, νίίί. 17.
/ΡΥα( ) 389. θεία 274. 5, 28.
lpLOV 234 ίί. ι ι. θέλειν 237. v. 31, 42, vί. 2, 40, vίί. ΙΟ, 18,
ΙΡι.φο~ 244.. 10. 19, 23; 293. ι ι; 298. 32.
έρμηνΕύς 237. νίϊ. 37. θΕμα 237. ίν. 18; 298. 20.
έρρωσθαι ~ϋ)(oμαι ρ. 151; 287. νί. 35. θEόyνωσTO~ 237. νΙ 29.
ερχισθαι 287. νΗ. 22; 259. 23; 294. 19; θE&~ 241. 15; 242. 6 εΙ saep.; 272. 6.
295·3· θ/ριστρον 277. 8.
έρωταν 269. ii. 4; 292. 7; 294. 28. θιpμ&~ 234. ίί. 44, 48, 49.
ισxαTO~ 280. 14. θΕσιr 257. 43.
έTήσιo~ 237. ίv. 29, v. 4. θηλυκόι; 235. 9.
έToίμo~ 291. ι ι. θησαυρόι; 276. Ι ι.
εvαρεστείv 265. 43. θρέμμα 246. 16, 2 Ι.
elJ~OI<ELV 261. 17. θPEΠTό~ 2θ8. 5, 46.
εlJθ'ω~ 237. νίίί. 16; 291. 5; 298. 17. θυΥα"-ρομιξΕα 237. vίί. 26.
elJOPKfiV 240. 8; 251. 25; 253. 22; 255.
23; 259. 21; 260. 16; 263. 16; 361. I~ιόypaΦoι; 250. 13; 259. Ι Ι.
χΙ. GENERAL /NDEX, GREEK 349
1BtoS' 237. νΗ. 4 ι, νΗϊ. 32. Ιδί~ 237. νίΗ. 9. καταλείπει" 268. 14; 270. 35; 272. 19.
ΙδιωτικόS' 287. νΙ 6, νΗί. 28; 290. Ι; 805. καταλΟΎεϊον 271. 8, 12.
ίΕρόν 242. 21; 254. 3, 13. κατaλοχισμόs 238. 14; 278. 22; 298. 20;
ΙερόS' 263. 10. 341; 344; 346; 348.
Ικαιιοδοτεί" 259. 29. καταιιτάν 247. 30; 248. ι Ι; 249. 8; 250.
lICavdS' 283. 14; 298. 10; 204. 23. 10; 274. 19.
Ιμαιιτάριυν 826. ιcαταπλεϊ" 283. 9.
Ιματίζειν 275. 14. καταπλήσσει" 287. νίiί. 10.
ίμάτιον 265. 38; 298. 5; 298. 2 Ι; 894. ιcαTαΦεύyειν 237. ν. 30.
ΙματισμόS' 275. 2 Ι. καταχρηματίζιιll 265. 12.
luJTtS' 280. 14. l(αταxpημαTισμό~ 237. ίν. 7.
tuoS' 234. ίi. 2; 267. 18; 270.46; 271.27; καταχρησθαι 281. 15.
274. 52; 275. 26, 31; 290. 13. το luov κaταχωρΙζειJl 237. νίίί. 25; 265. 5 (?) ; 268. 20.
237. ν. 17. Τσω~ 287. νΗϊ. 6. ιcατέxε"ιι 237. ίν. 20, 22, 23, νΗί. 22.
Ιστάvα" 264. 7; 278. 9, 20. κατηΎοριίιι 237. νίίί. 14, 2 ι.
ίστόπο8ιS' 264. 5. κατηΥορία 237. νΗί. ι 7.
IUTdS' 264. 3, 15; 367. κατοικ[α 270. 25.
Ζσχύειιι 896. KαToικιιcό~ 248. 18, 22, 25; 270. 18 el sαep.;
273.18; 846. .
KaSapdS' 237. νΙ 24; 270. 40; 3'14. κατοχή 237. ίν. 32, νΙ 5, 22, 39, 40, νίί. ι ι,
καθ· fV 282. 13. 17·
καθή{(ε"ν 237. νiίί. 29; 245.21; 257.15; ιcεϊσθαι 293. 7.
265. 7; 268. 19; 269. i. 10; 286. 28. κελεύειν 237. ν. 35, νΙ 34, νί]. 7 el sαep., νΗϊ.
καθιστάvaι 265. 28; 281. 20, 22, 24. 25,31; ρ. 208; 257. 4.
καθόλου 289. 10; 267. 9; 269. i. 5. κέ"τρων 326.
ιcαιvοπο"είυ 237. νΗί. 42. Kεvτpωιιόpιoιι 326.
KaLVdS' 237. νΙ 22. ιcεΦάλαιoν 287. ίν. 30; 243. 38; 266. 9;
KatpdS' 237. νΙ 27, νίί. ι 1. 267. 9 εΙ saep.; 268. 7; 269. ί. 4, 9, 16;
καίτο" 237. viii. 30. 270. 15, 29; 272. 9; 286. 8.
ιcαKυυxειιι 265. 14; 281. 17. κεφαλή 273. 18.
κάλαμοS' 326. Kί"δυIlO~ 237. νίίί. 11; 278. 16; 280. 19.
καλείν 237. νΗί. 19. KLVEZV 237. νϊί. 26.
καλόS' 237. ίν. 37, νίίϊ. 8, 3 Ι; 259. 35; κληροvόμοS' 298. 16.
265. 3. καΛωS' ποιείν 297. 3; 299. 3; Kληpo~ 248. 2 Ι; 250. 9, 2 Ι; 265. 40; 270.
300·5· 17; 273.17; 277·4; 348; 344; 346;
{(αμάρα 243. 16. 348.
ιcαμηλίτηS' 300. 3. κληρουιι 274. 4.
καμηλίων 326. κλύζιιll 234. ii. 39, 48.
καρπιΙα 265. 1 Ι. κλvσμόS' 234. ίϊ. 36.
καρπίζει" 265. 6, 7. κλ[ • ]δ( ) 389.
καρπόS' 256. 13; 277. 6. ICOLJIdS' 236. (b) 3, (c) 3; 237. ίν. 35; 272.
κασοπ( ) 389. 17, 19; 277. 8, 13.
καστόριον 234. .ii. Ι. ΙCOΙllωνΙKό~ 248. 18 εΙ saep.; 249. 18; 274.
καταβαίιιι"ν 287. νΗί. 33. 27; 280. 10.
ιcαTαyΙιιεσθαι 254. 6; 255. 6; 256. 6. ιcόλλημα (?) 274. 22.
καταΥράφειιι 827; 328. ιcoλλύpα 397.
ιcaTαypαφή 268. 22; 306. I(oμι.~ή 271. 5, 17.
ιcaτάθισιS' 243. Ι ι. KoμΙζ~ιιι 296. 3; 300. 6.
ιcαταιcoλoυθιίιι 237. ίν. 37, vΗί. 27. I<:oιιιιc( ) 274. 30.
ιcαrά«pιμα 298. 4, 1. ΚO'1fή 980. ι 7.
350 lNDlCES
κοστωδεlα 294. 20. μακρός. 237. ν. 20.

κριιτειΙ) 237. νίίί. 34, 36; 273. 24· μάνης (?) 278. 17.
ιcpίνειν 237. νίί. 15, 37, νίίί. 30; 258. 6. μανθάνΕιΖΙ 237. νΗϊ. 22; 294. 5.
ΚΡlσιr 237. ν. 8, νί. 28, νίϊ. 14. • μέγας 237. νΗί. 10, 17; 292. 9; 396.
κριτήριον 261. Ι 2, 15; 268. ι ; 281. 4. μι:θέτερος 237. νίί. 42.
κρόκος 234. ίί. 16. μέλαν 326.
ΚΡοκύr 234. ίί. 3ο. μέλι 234. ίί. 10.
κτασθαι 237. νίί. 42; 259. 6, 18. μιλίχρως 254. 13; 255. ι Ο; 256. 9, Ι Ι.
κτησις 237. νΗί. 32, 34, 35· μ;μΦΕσθαι 237. νΙ 2 Ι.
κ.τήτωρ 237. νΗί. 3 ι. μΕΡΕιν 237. ν. 33, 43, νΗ. 15, 35, 38; 242.
κ.ύαμοr 298. 41. 20; 272. 15, 21; 298. 18; 370.
κvβερvήτηr 276. 6. μερίζΕιν 243. 9.
Kύπηpι~ 374. μέpo~, κατa μ. 284. 10.
κυπηρσλΟΥεΊν 374. μέσος 247. 24; 251. 38; 254.13; 255. 10;
κυΡΙΕύΕιν 237. ίν. 31; 265. 13; 270. 30; 256. 9, ι ι ; 280. 9.
273.24· μΕσουράνημα 235. 13.
κύριος (title), κύΡΙΕ 237. ν ..27 el saep. κυρία μΕτάγεΙΥ 244. 3; 259. 19.
300. Ι. (=guardian) 242. 25; 251. 5, μETα~ι~όναι 286. 15.
32; 252. 7; 253. 5; 255. 4, 13; 256. μΕταλαμβάνιιν 273. 26.·
4; 261. 4; 263. 2, 6, 20; 266. 4; 267. μεTaλλίiY 237. νίί. 40.
2, 29; 268. 3; 270. 4; 271. 3; 273. μι:ταλλάσσειν 247. 32; 249. 12; 250., Ι ι ;
4. (Adj.) 237. ίv. 38, vii. 1.5,18; 261.17 ; 268. 9, 12.
264. 12; 269. i. 12; 270. 46, 49; 271. μεταξύ 237. ίν. 6, ν. ι Ι.
27; 272. 15, 21, 22; 275.34; 278.27; μΕταπαθής 237. νίϊ. 23.
288·36. μι:ταποι{α 318.
κύτινος 234. ii. ι 5. μεταΦέριιν 237. νΗϊ. 42; 274. Ι. -
t<ωλύειν 237. νίί. 23. μετΕγΎυος 266. 10.
κώμη 383. μΕτεΠΙΥράΦειν 273. 2 Ι.
μET€ωpO~ 238. Ι.
λαλαχεύΕιν 294. 25. μETOXO~ 242. 31; 243. 45; 256. 7; 287.
λαμβάνΕιν 237. νΙ 27, νίίϊ. 17, 29; 259. 26; 3; 289. 12, 19; 320; 827; 329.
298.6; 326. μετρειν 287. 4.
λαμπρός 237. v. 18, νϊ. 2, 14, νίΙ 5, 6, 7. μέTPΙO~ 396.
λαoγpcιφεΙσθαι 245. 19; 350; 353. μηκώνιον 234. ίί. Ι.
λΕαίνιιν 234. ίί. 5. μηλον 298. 41, 43.
λεΥεων δευτΕρα 276. 9. μηλωτρ[ς 234. ίί. ι 2.
λήΥιιν 237. νΙ 4. μηTpόπoλι~ 274. 4 Ι.
λημμα 391. μητροπολίτης 258. 8.
λιβανωτός 234. ίί. 38. μητρψος 237. ν. 33.
λινους 285. ι Ι. μικρός 298. 13, 44.
λιτός 281. Ι Ι, 22. μισθουν 277. Ι, 17; 278. Ι el saep.; 280. ι,
λΟΥεία 210. 13; 239. 8. 20; 374.
λόyo~ 237. νίί. 26; 239. 10; 259. 12; μίσθωσις 278. 27, 43; 280. 24.
272. 20; 275. 19, 21; 281.8, 16; 370; μνήμη 237. νί. 30.
391. μνημΟΥΕίον 238: 3; 243. Ι Ι; 270. 12, 14;
λοιδορείν 237. νΙ 2 Ι. 274. 15; 286. 6; 306; 362.
λοιπός 237. iv. 5 et saep., νΙ 2; 242. 18; μνημΟΥικόν 381.
270. 20; 272. 16, 17. μόΥις 298. 19.
μό1l0ς 237. ίν. 23 e/ saep.; 265. 29. μόνον
μακροπρόσωπος 254. 13; 255. 10; 256. 9. 28'7. ίν. 38, νΙ 7, 2 ι, νίί. 4 Ι.
χΙ. GENERAL INDEX, GREEK 351
μύιιrι 284. ίί. 15. όμΟΥνήσιος 241. 27; 247. 9; 249. 10; 274.
μύλΟ$ 278. 4 εl saep. 34·
μυοθηριύιιν 299. 3. όμοιότης 287. v;i. 6.
μυοθηριυτή$ 299, 2. δμολΟΥεΊν 237. ίν. 15; 261. 4, 9; 264. 2 ;
μύρον 234. ίϊ. 9. 266. 3, 20; 267. 2; 269. i. 2; 270. 3 εl
saep.; 271.2; 272.13; 273. 4; 275. ι ;
276.5; 286.2; 287.2.
ναυλώσιμo~ 276. 7. όμολόΥημα 237. ίν. 6 εl saep., v. 1 Ι.
νέμ,ιιν245. Ι Ο; 350. όμολΟΥία 237. ίν. 32; 243. 13,36 j 250.13;
νιωτιpίζfιν 237. ν. 34, νί. 3.
270. 12, 49; 273. 20.
νιώΤΙΡΟ$ 237. νίί. 21; 245. 18; 253. 20; όμομήτριος 268. 4.
283. 4; 298. 29. ρνηλάTη~ 399.
νομεύ$ 245. 17; 350.
όνομα 237. νίίί. 42; 247. 3 Ι; 248. ι ι ;
υομ:ή 244. 5.
249. 9; 250. 11; 285. 45; 298. 35.
υoμΙKό~ 237. νίί. 15, νίΗ. 2, 3. όπ6τι 243. 10.
υόμιμΟ$ 237. ίν. 20, νίϊ. 17.
όπώρα 298. 38.
νόμισμα 237. νίίί. 22.
όραν 237. v. 22, νίί. 7.
υόμo~ 237. νΙ 14, 17, νίί. ι ι el saep., viii.34.
όρίζιιν 237. ϊν. 33; 265. 33; 370.
υοσιιν 237. νίί. 22.
8ΡΚΟ$ 239. 12; 251. 31; 257. 44, 48.
νόσΟ$ 263. 10.
όpoβo~ 234. ίί. 2 Ι, 26.
υύξ 235. 7. (jpOf; 274. 27.
όσδηποτυυν 265. 23.
ξΙυη251. ι ι; 252. 10; 253. 7; 262. 6. όστρακον 234. ίί. 3.
ξευικός286. 15. ούaΙπω 273. 13; 275. 8.
ξυλαμαυ 280. Ι 2, 15. ούλή 255. 10.
OVS' 234. ίί. 24 εl sαep.; 287. νΙ 22.
οlJσία 237. ίν. 25, νΙ 22, 25, 26.
οίισθαι 237. ν. 8, νΙ 14, νίίί. 12. oύσιαl(6~ 237. ίν. 17.
οΙκειν 255. 18, 19. lJΦείλειν 237. ίν. 8, 24, 27, νίίϊ. 13, 14, 16; .
οΙκιΊος 237. νίί. 25. 238. 13; 272. 7; 298. 8.
οlκητήριον 281. Ι ι. lJΦειλή 272. 16; 286. 18.
οlκιακόςο 294. 1 7. όΦ~"λήμα 382; 383; 384.
olιcίδιoυ 379. gΦελο~ (οφελΕ!;) 237. νΗί. 15.
οlΚΟΥενής 336. όΦλημα 287. ϊν. 19, 2 Ι.
οlκοaισΠΟΤfιν 235. 16. όχ λειν 269. ίί. 4.
olKoa( ) 389.
ΟΙΚ(JJ/ομιιν 237. ίν. 7, νίϊί. 29; 298. 12. πaι~εία 285. 24.
οίκυνομΙα 238. 2. παιδΙον 298. 2 Ι, 40.
οΊκος 235. 8 εl saep.; 268. 7; 290. 20; παίς 287. νϊί. 28, 35, νίίί. 6; 265. 24; 275.
293. 17 ; 294. 8, 10. 14 el saep.
οίνος 284. ίί. 38. πανάριον 800. 4.
οΤόςο τ' ιΙιιαι 237. νΙ 5. παιιουΡΥία 237. νΗί. ι 2.
οlσυπηρός 284. ίί. ι ι. πανταχη 267. 22; 269. i. 12; 278. 27.
oλίyo~ 237. iv. 20, ν. 4, νί. 19, νίί. 14. πανταχόθιν 237. νίί. 8.
oλo~ 237. ίν. 25, 31, νΙ 25; 248. 27; 245. παντελή~ 237. νίίί. 1Ο; 281. ι 1.
14; 275. 15, 20; 288. 19. πάππo~ 237. ίν. 10; 248. 12.
όμνύειν 230. 5; 240. 3; 246. 23; 251. 18, παpα"/yέλλfιν 287. νίίί. 12, 36, 41.
29; 253. 16; 255. 13; 257. 38; 258. παραΥΙΥνισθαι 257. ι ι; 258. 15; 291. 9;
23; 259·4; 260.5; 282.12; 263.4; 298. 14, 59.
361. πιlραΥωΥή 277. 7.
352 INDICES
Π'αpά~~ΙΎμα 237. ίν. 37, νΙ 29, νίiί. 8. πεpΙT~ιxΙζ~ιν 242. ι 5, 19·

Π'apα~έx~σθαι 280. 2 ο. πεΡΙΧfίv 283. 16.
παpα~ιδόllαι 374. περίχωμα 280. 9.
παpάθEσι~ 237. v. Ι Ι. περσέα 234. ίϊ. 28.
παρaKαλ~ΙIl 292. 5; 294. 29. πι:ύκη 234. ίϊ. 49.
παρακατατιθέlΙαι 287. viii. 16. 'Πιπράσκειll 263. 5; 264. 2, 15; 298. 51;
παpακ~ϊσθaι 287. v. 10, 19, 2 Ι. 318.
παρακολουθειν 283. 7. πιττάκιον 297. 4. .
παρακομίζειll 237. νίί. 24. πλαναν 237. "ί. 8.
παραλαμβάlJfΙV 237. ίν. 35, v. 17; 276. 13; πλαστόs- 237. viii. 14.
278. 18; 375. πλάTO~ 242. 15.
παραλείπει'ΙΙ 287. v. 20, 22. πλεισTάKΙ~ 237. νΗί. 23.
παραλOΎισμό~ 237. v. 6. πλευρισμό~ 373.
παράIIoμo~ 237. νϊ. 13. πληΥή 283. 15.
παpαπλήσιo~ 234. ίί. 47, 50. πλήpη~ 237. ίν. 14.
παρασυΥΎραφειlΙ 270. 43, 44· πληρουν 275. 24; 298. 8.
παρaτεΙllειν 237. νίίί. 10. πλοίον 259. 28; 276. 7.
παρατιθέναι 237. ίν. 10, 38, v. 7, νΙ 16, νίί. 8, πoι~ιν 237. ίν. 13, νίί. 5, νίίί. 9 el saep.; 242.
9, νίίί. 34; 274. 53; 326. 20; 249.21; 259. 30; 260.8; 270.9;
πaραυτίκα 237. νίίί. 14. 272. 12, 14; 275. ι ι, 40; 291. ι ι ;
παραφέρειll 287. ν. 41, νΙ 36. 293. 10;' 294. 12, 14; 297.3; 298.21;
παράφεΡllα 266. 17. 299. 3; 300. 5; 318.
παραχωρείν 271. 5, 7, 14· πoλtTΙKό~ 259. 8.
παραxώpησι~ 344. πoλύ~ 237. νϊ. 19, νίί. 14, V111. 9,29; 244.
παρειναι 287. v. 9, 13, νί. 7, 37, νίί. 31; 261. 18; 274. 6; 279. 3; 291. 2; 292. 2;
16; 283. 8; 298. 39. 293. 2; 298. 38.
παρέχειll 237. νΙ 22; 270. 8, 39; 271. 21 ; πόνΟ$ 234. ίϊ. 24, 37.
275.26; 281. 13; 286. 9, 17· πόpo~ 251. 22; 252. ι ι, 14; 253. 8, ι ι, 19.
παριστάναι 259. 14; 277. 14. πορφύρα 298. Ι Ι.
πα~, ~ια πallTό~ 293. 2; 294. 3; 396. πρασιι; 237. ίν. 9; 264. 10; 270. 33.
πdσχειv 237. νΙ 21,23,33. πράσον 234. ίί. 43.
παTΡΙKό~ 274. 3, 18. πράσσειν 237. νΙ 13 el saep.; 277. 8; 86.
παTρωό~ 266. 4. ι ι, 19; 292. 13.
παύειν 237. νί. 15, νίί. 19. πpαξι~ 267. 15; 269. i. ι Ο; 270. 4, 7 ; 271.
πειθαρχ ε ϊll 265. 13. 5, 15, 17; 272. 2, 4, 28; 278. 23;
πείθειν 237. νίίϊ. 13; 268. 7; 294. 2. 286.20.
πειραν 285. 3. πρέπειν 265. 24.
πέμπειν 296. 6 ; 298. 40; 299. 4, 5; 300. 3. ΠPEσβύTEΡO~ 245. 4.
πεllθερό~ 237. νϊί. 2 Ι. πρίασθαι 242. 23; 375.
πενταετία 237. νίίϊ. 4 ι . προάΥειν 283. 16.
π'pa~ 237. νϊίϊ. 16; 282. ι ι. πρoαίΡEσι~ 237. νΙ 30.
περιαιρειν 318. προαπογράφεσθαι 249. 6; 250. 3.
πεpίβoλo~ 242. 14. πpoαπόypαΦo~ 256. 15.
περιγραφή 237. νίίϊ. 15. πpoβάTειo~ 234. ίί. 46.
περιειναι 243. 10; 265. 35. πρόβατοιι 244. 8, 12; 245. 9, 10, 23;
περιέΧΕιιν 249. 24; 286. 13· 297.6.
π~pιλύ~ιν 823. προγράφειν 234. ίί. 41; 248. 37; 251. 2 ι,
πεpιopίi" 237. ίν. 22. 30; 272.19,21; 283.13; 291.1; 361.
π~pιπoιειν 279. 3. πpό~ηλo~ 237. νίί. 9.
'Πfριστερεών 248. 29; 250. 24. προέρχεσθαι. 286. 14.
χΙ. GENERAL INDEX, GREEK 353
προθΕσμΙα 23'1. ίν. 19; 2'10. 26 εl sαep.; 370. πωλείν 242.22; 270. 34; 2'14.43; 298. 7.
προιέναι 2'12. 15.
προίξ 287. νΙ 27, νΗ. 28, 42, νίίϊ. 6. pq.~tovpyiα 237. viij. 15.
προιστάυαι 239. Ι Ι. ρητόs; 237. vji. 7.
προμαwιvισθαι 23'1. v. 39. ρήτωρ 237. νίί. 2 Ι εl sαep., νΗί. 19.
πρόνοια 237. ϊν. ι ι, v. 38, νί. 2. ρόα 234. ίΙ 14.
προπυλών 243. 15, 2 ι. pό~ινoς 234. Ι 2, ίί. 10.
προπωλιίν 875. Ρvπώ~ηr 234. ίί. 18.
προσάl,Ειν 267. 9; 269. ί. 5· ρωιστιιcόr (?) 284:. ίί. 5.
προσαποτίΡΕΙlΙ 270. 43. ρωvιιύvαι, Epρωμ'νo~ 396.
προσβαίυΕι)) 257. 5; 258. 6, 12.
προσγl,!ισθαι 297. 7. σάΥμα 328.
προσ13ιίσθαι 273. 22. uaιcKlov 826.
πpoσ~'xισθaι 295. 7. seruus 244. 15.
πpoσ~OKάν 237. νίίί. ι ι . σισύνηται 294. Ι Ι.
ΠΡοσΕίllaι 243. 16; 247. 26. σημαΙνειν 244. 12; 245. 23; 246. 29,
προσέλιvσιr 288. 19. 32, 35; 247. 31; 270. 17; 278. 10;
προσέΡΧΕσθαι 237. νiί. 2 ι; 238. 7. 283. 12.
προσέΧΕιν 237. νΙ 29. σημιίον 293. 6.
προσήκι&ν 287. νίί. ι ι, 43, viii. 38; 265. 15; σημειουν 237. vii. 29; 248. 48; 262. 19.
282. 16; 288. 19. σημιlωσι~ 269. i. 20.
πpoσιcαpTιpιίν 260. 14; 261. 12. σΙTιl(ό~ 286. 22; 291. 4, 12.
πpoσΙCEίσθαι 391. σιωπαν 237. ν. 13, νΙ 8.
προσκυνιίν 237. νΙ 37. σκάφη 326.
ΠΡοσμΙΥvύllαι 284. ίί. 9. σμηλΙον 326.
πρόσo~o~ 237. ίν. 8, 28, 31, 33· σμύρυα 234. ίί. 33.
προσομολΟΥιίν 267. 19. σoύσινo~ 284. ίί. 8.
πpoσoφElλEιυ 298. 16. σΠΙΙΡΗlΙ 277. 5; 280. 12, 14.
προσπαρaχωριί" 271. 14. σTαθμoϋxo~ 387.
προστάσσιιν 237. νίί. 8, νiίί. 26, 38; 247. στιριίν 237. νΙ 25.
15; 249. Q. στοΛή 265. 18, 25.
προστιθέναι 237. νίί. 28. σTpαTEύ~ιν (?) 251. 24.
προστρέχιιν 24'1. 12. στρατηγία 237. v. 32, νΙ 37, νίί. 10.
προσφέριιll 237. νΙ 14, 24, νϊί. 26; 266. 9; σTpaTιώTη~ 240. 7; 276. 9.
268·7· σΤΡΟγΥvλοπρόσωποs; 256. 11, 13.
πρόσφΟΡοr 265. Ι ι. στυπτηρία 234. ίί. 25, 34.
προσφωνΕϊν 287. v. 10 εl sαep. συγΥράΦειν 237. ίν. 10.
προσΦώllησι~ 237. v. 16, 36, νΙ 9, νΗ. 15, συγγραφή 237. ίν. 38, νΙ 23, 31, νίί. 17, νϊϊϊ.
νίΗ. 2. 23,25,26; 241 4; 243. 3; ~δO. 16;
πρόσωπον 23'1. νiί. 34, 40. 259. 10; 261. 18; 266. 11; 270. 13;
προτελΕ':1Ι279. 12. 271. 27; 274. 14; 286. 5.
πpόΦασι~ 287. νΙ 31, vii. 11, 13, 16. συyιcιΊσθαι 237. ίν. '12.
προΦέρΕιν 237. νΙ 23; 261. 9, ι Ι. σVΥιcλιισμόs; 275. 20.
ΠΡΟΧΕιρίζειν 344. συyιcύριιν 241. 21; 247. 29.
ΠΡωτοr 237. iv. 36; 248. ι Ο; 280. 12; συyxpημaTισμό~ 287. ίν. 26.
297. 9; 298. 3· συΥχωριιν 237. νί. 24, νϊί. 27; 265. 9; 268.
πvνθάllισθαι 287. νίί. 37. 5; 271. 17; 272. 23, 27; 273. 10;
πύpl,o~ 243. ι 5, 17, 28; 248. 29. 279·4·
πυp()~ 277. 5; 279. 15; 280. 15, 18; 28'1. συyxώpησι~ 268. Ι ο, 13; 271. 7 el sαep.;
6, 8; 298. 4, 7; 391. 281·7·
Aa
354 INDICES
συζητείν 259. 26. τΕκνον 237. ίν. 39, νίίϊ. 23, 35,' 36; 265. 10
ιfυλλαμβάllειJl 283. Ι 2. εΙ sαep.
συμβα{lιεΙ7J 287. νiiί. ι ι. τελεΊν 237. νίίί. 22; 259. -24;' 279. 12;
συμβιουιι 281. 6; 282. 4~ 290.22.
σvμβίωσιr 282. 10. τελΕΙΟS: 237. νίί. 15; 278. 4.
σύμβολον 298. 23. τελΕιουν 237. viii. 37; 238. 9; 268. 10;
σύμπαs: 287.7. 271. 7, ι ι; 286. 5.
συμπε'θειν 267. 10. τελείωσιS' 286. 26.
συμπέμπειν 237. ν. 29. ΤΕλευταιοS' 237. ίν. 35, νίίί. 42.
συμπεριλύειν 259. 25. τελευτα" 248. 14; 258. 2 ι ; 262. 6, ι Ι.
συμπ[πτειν 248. 28, 30. τελευτή 265. 22; 274. 19.
συμφωνΕίν 260. 7. τέχνη 237. νΗί. 15; 275. 13.
συνάΎΕιν 285. 19. τηρείν 237. ίν. 39, νίίί. 35.
συναλλάσσΕιν 237. νΗί. 24, 36. τιθέναι 243. 10; 250. 13.
συναναιc[ 294. 28. τιμή 237. ίν. 5, 7, 24; 242. 28; 243. 4 ι ;
συllει~έναι 240. 5. 263. 14; 264. 8, 12,' 16; 267.6; 268.
συιιείνaι 237. νίί. 43; 265. 37; 267. 18. 10; 278. 21, 3.5; 279. 13; 326; 391.
συνεμΠ[ΠΤΕιν 243. 33. τlμιοS' 237. νίϊΙ 3, 6; 292. Ι; 299. Ι.
συνεΠΙΎράφειν 265. 16. TOLOVTOS' 287. νίίί. 12, 15, 37.
συνεΠIΙΥραφή 273. 23. τόκοs: 237. ίν. 25, 27, 29, v. 4; 243. 39;
συνεπιτροπεύειν 265. 29. 269. i. 10; 270. 15, '29; 271. 18, 23;
συνέχειν 281. 25. 286·9·
συνεχήr 237. νΙ 19. τολμαν 237. ίν. 34, 40.
uvvevaoιcelV 237. νΙ 24. τόποr 242. 15, 17, 19; 243. 18; ρ. 208;
συνήθηr 237. ν. 37. 274. 3, 30; 283. 20; 286. 2 Ι; 318;
συνιστάιιαι 237. νίίί. 13; 248. ι ; 261. ι 3, 16; 330.
269. i. 22 ; 292. 6 ; 320; 329-332; 334; ToσoυTO~ 237. v. 5, 26, νΙ 3, 5.
839; 349; 364. τράπεζα 241. 33; 264. 7, 26; 267. 4, 33;
συνoιιcιίν 237. νίί. 23, 32, νΗί. 5. 269. i. 3 ; 288. 8 el ιαψ.; 289. 2 el sαep. ;
"'σ1JVΟικέσιον 250. 16; 266. ι Ι. 305; 370.
σvντάσσεΙ7J 265. 8; 278. 19; 281. 23; Tpaπε'ίTη~ 243. 45; 269. i. 22.
286.14· τρέφειν 275. 14.
συντaυΡοτάφοs:395. TpιaKά~ 260.13; 267. ι Ι; 269. i. 5 ; 270. 26.
συρι( ) 326. TpιβαKό~ 326.
σύστασιιr 261. 17. τρίβεΙ7J 234. ίί. 16, 26, 34.
συστρέφεΙ7J 234. ίί. ι 2, 32. τρισκαι~εκaέτηS' 258. 7, Ι 2.
σφάζειν 259. 33. τρόποS' 237. νΗί. 29; 242. 22; 263. 13;
σωματισμόr 268. 18. 265. 23, 36, 43; 270. 9, 38; 272. 20;
286. ι Ι.
ταβέλλα 273. 7. τροφή 237. νΙ 27.
ταμειον 241. 26. τυΥχάνειν 235. 4, 7; 237. v. 9, 40, νη1. 30 ;
Tάξι~ 237. νΗί. 2ο; 262. ι 2. 242. 8; 271. 7; 282. 16; 2θ2. 10.
ταράσσεlΙ7J 298. 27.
τάσσειιι 237. νΗϊ. 18; 242. 31; 243. 46; -ό(3ρΙζειν 281. 11.
245. 21; 257. 23; 259. 3; 274. 7 ~βΡιr 237. νΙ 15, 20, νίί. 27.
εΙ sαep.; 348. -όΥιαίΙ-'ειν 291. 9; 292. ι Ι; 293~ 3; 294.
ταύΡιιοr 234. ίί. 45. 3, 31.
τάφοr 274. 27, 30. ύΥιήS' 278. 18, 35.
τ&χα 237. v., 4, νίΗ. ι ι. ύ8άTινo~ 265. 3.
τ&χιστοS' 280. 2 Ι. ~~ωp 234. ϊϊ. ι 7.
){Ι. GENERAL INDEX GREEKJ 355
υΙΒη 261. 5, 7· φερνή 265. 34, 38; 266. 9; 268. 9, 15;
vίδουt 257. 2 ο. 281. 6, 15, 27.
υlων6~ 261. 7, 14· φεύΥειν 237. νίί. 16; 295. 4.
υπακούειν 237. νίίί. 19. φθάνΕιν 237. νΙ 30, νίί. 42.
ύπάλλαΥμα 370. φθόνος 237. νΙ 21.
υπε'ίναι 237.. ν. 43; 286. 24. φlλoς 269. ίί. 2; 291. ι; 2θ4. 17, 26;
ύπ;pθεσι~ 267. 13; 269. i. 8; 278-. 14; 318. 298. ι.
ύπερπίπτειυ 269. i. 9. φοβείσθαι 237. νίίί. ι ι.
ύπερτιθ;ναι 237. νϊί. 33; 243. 6, 37. φόρο!; 280. 18.
υπηρ;της 398. φορτΙον 242. 16; 248. 27, 34.
υπισχνεισθαι 237. νί. 27. φρέαρ 243. 18, 28.
ύπόβλητοs 257. 43. φροντΙζΕιν 237. νΙ 16, 34.
Vπo ')'ην 235. 15. φυλακή 259. 4, 8, 20.
υπoypάφειv 237. ν. 6, 37, νΙ 40; 2θΟ. 9; φυλάσσειν 237. νίίί. 39.
294·4· φύλλον 234. ίί. 28.
υΠΟΥραφή 237. ν. 9, 18,41, νί. 9, 11; 269. φώΥειν 284. ίί. 2.
i. 15; 272. 2. φωραν 237. νΗί. 9.
ύΠΟΥύωf 237. νΙ 6, νίί. 32.
ύπ6θεσι~ 237. νΗ. 34, νΗί. 2 2. χάλβανον 234. ίί. 8.
υποθήκη 237. νΗί. 32; 241. 16; 243. 3; χαρΕζισθαι 292. 9.
270. 16; 2'14. 8 et sαep.; 348. χάριt 273. 14. χάριν 237. νίί. ι 1; 244. 5 ;
ύποκείσθαι 237. νΗ. 16; 263. ι ι ; 282. 14. 259.23, 27,33; 286. 12; 298·45·
υπoλαμ{3άνειrι 237. ί v. 32. χάρτηt 390.
ύπολέΥειν 259. 23. χείρ 264. 12; 269. i. 12; 272. 22 ; 281. 18.
ύπολεΙπειν 237. ίν. 23, νΙ 22. δια Xftpdt 268. 7.
υπόλοιπο!; 237. vii. 22. ΧΙΙΡΟΥραφία 260. 2 ι.
VπOμ'Jlειν 237. νίίί. 38. χειράιΥραφον 241. 31; 259. ι, 33; 269.
υπόμιιημα 237. ν. 24; 244. 10; 251. 29; ί1. 7.
252. 12; 253.9, 15; 283.16; 286. 16. χείρων 237. νίϊ. 43.
υπομνηματί'ειν 237. νϊί. 38. χιάζειν 266. 15.
υπομνηματισμό!; 237. vii. 19, 29, 36, 39, νίΗ. χιτών 267. 7; 285. ι Ι; 298. ι ι; 326.
6, 43; 298. 15. χλιαίνειν 234. i. 3, ίϊ. 6, 13,
22.
vπόστασιt 237. ~ν. 39, νίίί. 26, 34, 42; 370. χ. λωΡ6s 279. 13.
υποστέλλειν 246. 26.' χολή 234. ίί. 30, 45.
υπόστραβοt 25 θ. 10. χορηΥειν 237. νΙ 26, 27.
υποτάσσειν 237. ίv. 35, νΙ 15 et sαep., νίi. 14, χορηΥία 237. ίν. 8, νίϊ. 10.
νΗϊ. 27. χορτοθήκη 330.
Vποτελήt 272. 17. xpav 299. 5.
VπOTιθέναι !37. νΙ 24, 40; 241. 26; 270. xpElα 234. ίί. 20.
20. χρημα 237. iv. 24, νΗί.
9.
vσΤfΡΟ!;, εί~ vστεροv 28'1. νίίί. 40. 248. 44; 268. 2, 4;
χρηματΙζιιν 242. 30;
ύφαιρείν 282. 22. 271. ι Ο; 320; 354.
χρηματιl<όs 237. νίί. 16, νίίί. 13, 16, 20.
φαΙνειν 237. Υ. 8, 16; 272. 17; 283. 17; χρηματισμό!; 287. ίν. 39, ν. 26, 34, νΗί. 35 ;
285.21. 286.25·
φaλαlCpό~ 294. 24. χρήσιμοt 234. ίi. 3 J •
φανΕρό!; 237. vίίΙ 2 7. χρησθαι 234. ίί. -40; 237. v. 14, 37, 38., νίί.
φάσι!; 2θ8. 4, 8; 294. 15· 27, νiiί. 8; 257. 44; 270. 34; 285. 9·
φέρειν 23'1. νΗ. 26; 238. 14, 18; 244. 12 ; χρησι!; 237. ίν. 39, νΗΙ 35, 41; 272. 12.
269. ίί. 12; 293. 9; 298. 15, 30. χρηστεΙα 242. 18.
Α a.2
lNDICE5
χρηστήρ,οιι 242. 20; 247. 27; 248. 30; ψέλιοιι 259. ι Ι; 265. 3.
250. 20; 265. 39. ψιύδισθαι 237. ίν. 34, v. 22.
χρόιιος 235. 4, 6; 237. ίν. 3 ι, V. Ι ι, νίίΙ 29, +ιλό~ 237. νΙ 11; 243.18; 274. 3, 30;
39; 243. 40; 251. 12; 259. 18; 265. 330.
37; 268. ι ι, 17; 269. i. 10; 270. 32;
273. 14; 275. 9 et saep.; 278. 16, 34; 6>ιιιίσθαι 242. 17; 252. 6; 253. 4; 270. 18
354. et saep.; 346.
xpυσoυ~ 250. ι Ι; 265. 3; 267. 6. &>lIή 242. 2.
χvλό.s- 234. ii. 43, 49. &ρα 235. 7 ; 396.
χωλαίιιιιll ρ. 208. ώpoσιcoπιιιι 235. 13.
χώμα 290. Ι, 6, 34. ώσαύτω~ 267. 19; 272. 18.
ΧΙ!. INDEX OF SUBJECTS

DISCUSSED ΙΝ INTRODUCTIONS AND NOTES 1.
(The numbers refer to pages.)
Accentuation 76, 97, Ι 12, 127· Ares, priests of, 35.
Aeschylus quoted 51. Aristotle, οη βασιλ~la 34; Eth. Nzc. νίi. 4. 2
Age, attainment of legal, 198. (SΆlIθΡωπο~) 87, 93; quoted 80, 82, 83.
Agoranomus and agoranomeion 179-82, Aristophanes frag. 599, context of, 20.
185. Asclepiadean metre 52.
Alcaeus quoted 8 ι. Augustus' introduction of census and ροll-
άλέΙCTωp 39. tax 209-14·
Alexander Aphrodisiensis 011 Anthropos 93.
Alexandrian archives 182. Bacchylides, date of his literary activity 87,
Alexandrian calendar, introduction of, 138. 94; ode ίίί date 93; ode ν date 81, 91 ;
Ammonius the grammarian 53-5. odes νί, νiί date 94·
ίJ.μφoδoιι, meaning of, 189, 225. Bacchylides papyrus, date of, 3·
Anacreon quoted 49, 51. Books, early forms of, i, 2.
Anacreontean metre 49, 51. Byzantine period, uncials of, 3·
annus vαgus 138. Census 207-14.
Anthologia Palatina V. 2 Ι 7, Scaliger's con- Clitarchus the historian 36.
jecture 12. Contractions ίη papyri 2, 8, 10.
Anthropos, the boxer, 93· Copper and silver 187-8, 190,268.
Antispastic metres 43, 52. Cosmetes 197.
άΠΟΥραφαί of property 177-9,193-201, 213- Cyrenaic metre 51-2.
14· άΠΟΥραΦαΙκατ' οΙκΙαlI 207-14· Completion of contracts (τιλιlωσιS') 182-3 t
Apostrophe, use of, ι 15· . 250.

άπο'Τ'lμ.ησιS' 2 Ι 2- Ι 4.
Apprentices, taxes οη, 264. Day and night, calculation of, 139·
Archaizing 2 ι. Deme-names 1 93, 256.
Archelaus the historian 39. Demotic contracts 240.
Archidicastes 230, 249. Digests of άΠΟΥραφαί 176, 259·
1 This index does not include the subject-matter of the papyri, for which see Table, ρρ. vίii-x.
ΧΙ!. lNDEX OF SUBjECTS 357
Dioecetes 290-1. St. Luke's account of the Nativity 211-14 ;
Divorce 239. parallel to Luke νΙ 43-4 ρ. 9.
Domain land 269.
Donatio propler nupttαs 239-41. 111 Maccabees οη αΠΟΥραφαί 210.
Dowry 142-3, 170,239-41, 243-5· Macedonian calendar 140.
Dykes, maintenance of, 281, 288. μdvη~ 269.
Marriage 142-80,235-47.
Egyptian la,v οη marrlage 142-5, 149-50, Meineke οη the Π~PΙ/(~ΙPoμ-ένη 12.
167-175· μεTEωpo~ Ι 80, 182-3.
Egyptians, Gospel according to the, 9. μητροπολίται, privileges of, 219-20, 225-7.
;ιcθισι~ 257. melra derzvαta ία Greek 43.
Ephorus quoted 79. Metrical prose 39.
;πι{30λή 290. μνημoν~ίoν 181-2.
Epicurus, fragment of (?), 3 ο. μνήμων 179-80.
έπlΙCΡισιr 217-22, 224-5. MOl·tgages, tax upon, 190.
έπίτροποι 169. Mule chariot-race, omission of, 86.
έπίΦopo~ 243. Myron, date of, 87.
Eta, ~-shaped, 53, ι 5 ι ·
Euripides' edition of the llzαd 78. Nativity, date of the, 211-14.
έφημ-ΙΡ{r 250. ιιαυβιοιι 296-7.
Naucydes, date of, 87, 95.
Geneva scholia οη Il. xxii 56. Neroneus Sebastus, month, 250.
Germanicus, month, 243. Nicarchean metre 48.
Grapheion 179, 181-2. Niobe, tragedies ση. 23-4.
Greeks and poll-tax 222. νoμιιco[ Ι 72.
Guardians, appointment of, 259.
Gymnasiarchs, privileges of their descen- Obols of silver 268.
dants, 2 Ι 9-2 Ι • Olympia, date of statues at, 92, 94; order
of victories at, 86.
Heracles, epic poem οη, quoted 79. Olympian register 94.
Herondas papyrus, date of, 52-3. Ordeal, trial by, 35.
Hesiod quoted 77. Otho, mention οη a papyrus of, 285.
Hiero's victories at 01ympia 91-3. Oxyrhynchus, name of city, 189.
Houses of the planets 139.
Papyri (new readings or suggestions)
llzαd ΧΧΙ. 515, new reading, 81. Β. G. U. 562 ρ. 224. Brit. Mus. Pap.
lonicus α mαzore 49. CCLVI reclo 265; CCLXV1 187. C. P.R.
'Ιουλία Σι~ασTή 275. 22 ρ. 239. G. Ρ. Ι. χΙν-νί 209-10. Papyrus
lππάpxη~ έπ' άll~pώ" 266. αρ. Revue egypt. Ι. 91 ρ. 240. Pap. Par.
Istrus 78. 13 ρ. 245·
Paradoxographi 35, 39·
Josephus οη άΠΟΥρaφαΙ210-14. Pαragrαphz' 17-20.
lCαTαλo')'~ίoιι Ι 8 Ι.
Parthenean metre 5 ι.
"άτοιιcοι 2 18, 220-2; ιcατoιιcιιcη Υη 25... Palria potestas 167.
ιcαToxή 142-5.
Pausanias οη Olympic victot·s 90-5.
ΠεpΙK€ΙΡOμ.Eιιη, plot of, ι 2-3.
Latin signature 193. π~ρίxωμα 27 Σ.
λαύρα, meaning 0:[, 189. Phalaecean metre 49, 50.
Leglo secunda 265. Philostratus οη the περΙΚΕιρυμ.ένη 12.
Lettel·s, formula of concluding, 168. Phlegon 86.
λOί'~ία 184. Phrynichus quoted 77.
INDICES
Pindar, quoted, 78-9; dates of οι. ί 87, Σ~βασTα} ήμΕραι 284.

91, 93; 01. ίί, iii 91; 01. ίν, v 87, 95; σημ~ιoυσθαι 53-55.
01. ίΧ 86, 92; 01. Χ, Χί 86, 91; 01. xii σlλλυβo~ 303.
9 ι ; 01. Χίν 87, 9 ι. Chronology of Pyth. 92. Silver 235; and see Copper.
Poll-tax 208-14t 217-22, 280-1, 284. Sinaiticus, Codex, 2.
Polycletus, date of, 87, 94. Slaves and poll-tax 222; price of, 233.
Praefects ι 64, 173, 175, 274. Sophocles Αχαιών "Σιύν~Eιπνoν (?) quoted 8 ι.
t
Praxillean metre 50. Sotadean Iηeire 49.

πpoσ1'ά.,.η~ 301. , Soterius, month, 288.
Ptolemaeus Neos Dionysus, mention of, Stage dil·ections ι ι.
140. συνοικέσιον 243, 245·
Punctuation by dots ι ι, Ι ι 8, ι 3 ι. σχοινΙον 290.
Pythagoras of Rhegium, date of, 87, 93. σωμa.,.ισμό~ 250.
Quantity-mark ίη prose 127. Τ elephus 27.
Quarters of Oxyrhynchus 189. Tertul1ian ση the Nativity 2 Ι 3.
Quirinius, census o~ 211-14. Thesmophoriazusae Secundae 20.
Quotations, how noted, 9, 43, 53· Thucydides papyri ι ι 7.
Tiryns 93.
Ramsay, W. Μ., Wαs Chrzsl born aΙ
Toparchies 204.
Belhlehem? 2 ι 1-14. Topogrammateis 204.
Record-offices 181-2. Trial year of marriage 245.
Registration <?f contracts 185. Tryphon, life 04 244-5.
Religion, popular, 30.
Rolls, composition of, 96. ύπόστασι~ 176.
Sale, papyri designed for, 97. Weaving, tax upon, 281.
Sales, tax upon, 186. Women exempt from poll-tax 221-2.
Sappho quoted 50.
~ ίη three strokes 30, 96, 303.
Scholia οη the Ilz'ad 56.
ξΕνικών πράκτωρ 279.
Scholiasts, value of, 87.
ξυλαμίi" 2 7 ι .
Schoolboy exercises 8, 23.
Scribes of the nome 184. Zopyrus the historian 36.
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ΤΗΕ

GRENFELL AND HUNT

EDITED WITH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES

BERNARD Ρ. GRENFELL, Μ.Α.

ARTHUR S. HUNT, Μ.Α.

WIΤH EIGHΤ PLAΤES

111. FRAGMENTS OF ΕΧΤΑΝΤ CLASSICAL AUTHORS, CCXXIII-XXXIII • 96

ΙΝ the present volume a few slight modifications of the method followed

CCVIII. ST. ]OHN'S GOSPEL, CHAPS. Ι AND ΧΧ.

21'2 χ 7·5 Cl1l.

(vJo~ (ο]υ ο(υκ Ειμι aξιo~ ινα λυσω αυ

ι 5 [ν]η~ βαπτι[(ων τη επαυριον βλε

ΥεΥον[εν οΤι ΠΡωτοr μου ην καΥω

[παυριοll ιστηΚΕΙ ο Ια/ανν]η~ ιcαι εκ

[8ελΦo~ • . . . . . . . . . . 8]υο των

μνημ[ ειω εξω κλαιουσα ω~ συν εκλαΙΕΊΙ

9 μου [και ουκ οι8α που εθηκαν αυτοΊΙ

[σα εκεινη λεΥει aυτω εβραιστι ραβ

[αυTOΙ~ ειρηνη υμιν και rJovr' ειπω

[αφεωνται αυTOΙ~ αν τινων] κρατητε

FoI. ι, verso. 3. Either αΠΕσταλμΕΙΙΟΙ (W(estcott)-H(ort) with ~ABCL) or οι αΠΕ-

CCIX. ST. PAUL'S EPIStLE Το ΤΗΕ ROMANS, CHAP. Ι.

Plate 11. 25· ι χ 19·9 cm.

ΠΑΥΛΟC· ΔΟΥΛΟC χΡΥ IΗγ KAHTOC ΑΠΟCΤΟΛΟC' ΑφωΡIC

ΤΑcεωc N€KPΙuN ΙΗΥ ΧΡΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΥ ΗΜωΝ ΔΙ ΟΥ €[Λ]A[B]O

2nd hand. ΑίιΡήλιοr Παυλο[S' . .]ιιυΙΙΙιΤιου των παρα Υ€νήματοr

ccx. EARLY CHRISTIAN FRAGMENT.

[. •]αρτη[. . •]~~ [ ]ll[

11. NEW CLASSICAL FRAGMENTS

CCXI. MENANDER, πεPΙKεΙPOM€NH.

Plate 111 1. 33·4 χ 13·2 cm.

ζηλότυπο!; l1υθρωπο!; ascribed ίη the Etymologicum Magnum and elsewhere to

'Αλλ' lμπη~ ΤΕλlθΕΙ ΜισούμΕυο!;· αυτaρ lΥωΥΙ

Col. Ι. Col. 11.

]ωΝ yn€P€YA€r€lc· BAΔIZ€· rωCΈ~[

15 ~~ε:ι.~ ΑΓΑΘΑ· ΠΟΡ€Υ<;:~Θωcc€: KAT€Γ€Λ[

ΠOΛΛωΦAN€IΓOYN: AΓ€T€[ ••• ]~[

~). • AKOr:JTQ<;~. l[.]Η N~[.]FAt:J[

U[... ]M~[•.]C : ΟΡΘωCΓΑΡΛ€Γ€1 C[

For the following restoration we are ίn the main indebted to Professor

(Δω.) IiTrELatJI ώ~ σέ. (ΠΟλ.) πpo~ θεων οί[ον λέyει~.

αγριον άφήσω, Δωρί, (σ')· άλΧ 8 8ε[ι λέγειν

ώ~ κ[α]τα KpάTO~ μ' εfληφα~. ε(Ζ8έναι παρην 10

και (ηλ6Tυπo~ ιlνθ[p]ωπo~, α[~ - v -

lfΙρχε(ται.) Δωρίι Kαλω~ ποων. Tl έστι, Δωρι φιλ(τάτη;

Δω(ΡIC) κανουν 8Ε που, και τιiλλ' a

μαλλον 8Ε κάΥα/ (σ)τέφανον άπα βω[μου ποθΕν

(n~Τ~IKOC) πάνυ σου φιλω το "[σ]υllδιαλλαχ[θήσομαι."

ΠO]λ€M(ωN) ε[ί'μ' ένθάδ', ά]λλ' ~θυoll (ύJπερ εύ[πραξίαr, 35

πpoπεTε~ πoιήσυ~ μ[η]δε ~ν [~- u -

ΠOλ€(MωN.) ~πoλλoν, 8~ και νυν άπ[ 6Jλωλα πα[ρ' όλίΥον,

έστιν Ύάμoυ~ μοι· Τψ yb.p ύψ λαμβά[να/ 50

Polemo. ' •.. that Ι might drown myse]f.

must be spoken by Polemo, since there is a pαrαgrαphus between 2 Ι and 22 which ίΒ

ΠΑΙ I€I N€XOYCANTI ΒΟΛφ[

Fr. (b). Fr. (c)•

Col. 11. 1-20.

Λ. όβρι(6μεναι. Β. μα ΔΙ' άλλ' ΕΎα/ [~- u -

5 τί έστι τοϋθ' 8 λεΥουσι T[aS' ~ - v -

άλη[θ]ΙΥφ K[at τ]οΟτο. Λ. νη Δ(ί', ώ φίλη, (?)

Λ. 20 έ'Ία/ μ[ε]ν οδτε πι6τερον aύTη~ [v-

CCXIII. TRAGIC FRAGMENT.

Plate IV. Fr. (α) 8 χ 11·3, Fr. (δ) 7·8 χ 8 cm.

(α). Ι. 2. The first letter is probably Π; it could perhaps be read as Υ, hardly as Μ.

[12 letters ] ~tOTOvιrav[.J •• ν ωpαι~