Professional Documents
Culture Documents
of the Paradiso in Florence.3 The following figure shows all the dated and datable
manuscripts identified from nun-scribes in the period (Fig. 1). Those with scribal
colophons are also indicated. The graph illustrates a sharp increase in the production
of dated and datable manuscripts from the mid-fifteenth century through the early
sixteenth century. The late fifteenth century is very full, with numbers double that
of the previous or following quarter century. As far as raw numbers go, the 1480s
had the greatest number of dated manuscripts. However, manuscript evidence from
nuns’ houses relies to a large degree on the presence of a colophon, so this must be
taken into account when assessing the true number of nuns’ manuscripts produced
in the period (i.e., the overall number of nuns’ manuscripts was likely higher than
reported in the pre-1450 period, when colophon use was less common). The pres-
ence of dates in colophons also increases during the period, as more information
began to be included in these inscriptions. Book production increased and so did
colophon use. There were more books, but these books were also increasingly
likely to include the name of the scribe, date, details of its production and use, and
information about the text being copied. The Bridgettine double monastery of the
Paradiso in Florence offers excellent evidence for the increase in scribal colophons
in the late fifteenth century, since a large number of manuscripts survive from their
library, allowing for a controlled comparative study of colophon use by male and
female religious in the same community. The Bridgettine friars began producing
Pious Voices: Nun-scribes and the Language of Colophons 45
books in the early 1400s but male production slowed by the mid-Quattrocento, when
the nuns began working, producing manuscripts through the mid-sixteenth century.4
Though the picture of nuns’ manuscript production shifts slightly with every
new manuscript added to the canon, the general trend of an increase in the produc-
tion of books echoes that of the rise in convent populations in the period. Convent
populations were at record lows after the Black Death and it was only beginning
in the 1430s that they began to rebuild their numbers, which rose steadily to the
1480s. Convent populations in Florence exploded in the late Quattrocento and
continued to rise through much of the sixteenth century. To put this into perspective,
before the arrival of the Black Death in 1348, one in two hundred to two hundred
fifty residents of Florence was a nun; by 1552, one in nineteen was.5 The rise in
scribal colophons has to do with the sheer number of nuns active in the period, the
general increase in manuscript production, and the nuns’ particular demographic,
which increasingly allowed for various forms of female self-identification.6 The
decline in scribal colophons in the late sixteenth century probably has less to do
with nuns’ numbers than it does with the Tridentine reforms placed on female
houses and the overall decline in manuscript production that occurred after the
acceptance of print books.7
Nuns’ inscriptions may include the scribe’s name and affiliation to a religious
Order or particular house, the place and under whose authority it was completed, or
the time frame associated with the work’s production. It can also sometimes include
the date the work was started and/or the day and hour the work was completed,
and for whom, though it would be rare to have all these types of information in
one colophon. There also are many possession notes and other inscriptions in these
manuscripts, but I have focused only on analyzing “scribal colophons” since I am
interested in what the nun has to say and when she thought it appropriate to say
something. Two themes emerge when looking at the group. One is a presentation
of self, based on notions of piety and connected to an identity within the monastic
community. At the other end of the spectrum is a more individualized portrait,
where the nun in some way sets herself apart from her religious community and
traditional notions of piety. The extremes, and the variations in between, illustrate
the great range of voices active in Italian late medieval and Renaissance convents.
Self-Identification in Nuns’ Colophons
Piety is the overriding theme in nuns’ colophons—but how does this manifest
itself in the language used, and within this context—how did nuns use colophons
to frame their spiritual identity through their texts? In about twenty percent of the
manuscripts, the nuns refer to themselves as “indegna” [unworthy], “serva” or
“schiava” [servant], or some version of “peccatrice” [sinner], exclusively in de-
votional and liturgical manuscripts, where the audience was God and/ or the nun’s
fellow sisters—the readers and singers of the convent. The term “indegna” is used
from the mid-fifteenth century through the sixteenth century within colophons that
46 Melissa Moreton
Figure 2: Suor Paola’s colophon at the end of the first of her two volumes containing
Bernard of Clairvaux’s Sermons on the Song of Songs, completed 10 September
1590. Paola was a nun-scribe from the Benedictine convent of the Murate in
Florence. Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1794, fols. 369v-370r.
work “Fu scricto con molta fatica e con molto disagio la maggior parte al lume di
lucerne [It was written with much effort and much discomfort by lamp light],” and
providing the date, 26 April 1495.16 She uses virtually the same phrase in another
collection of Bridget’s writings copied the previous year. She states that she wrote
the work “con gran faticha e disagio la maggior parte di nocte al lume di lucerna
[with much effort and discomfort, most of it at night, by the light of an oil lamp].”
She goes on to plead with the readers “not to look at the roughness of the hand”
but to “take from it the sound and true doctrine given by the mouth of truth and by
the glorious Virgin Mother Mary to our mother Saint Bridget” (Fig. 3).17
The note about the rough simplicity of the letters (her “hand” or handwrit-
ing) is a comment on her humility. Though the manuscript was made fairly early
in her scribal career, Cleofe did go on to become the second most prolific copyist
at her house, with at least seventeen works attributed to her. She does not include
her name in the body of this long colophon, which was common. The longer the
colophon, the less likely the nun was to record her name—another nod to piety.
However, she does include it just below in a possession note, “This book belongs
to the sisters and nuns of the Paradiso. Suor Cleofe,” Cleofe’s choice of the phrase
“faticha e disagio” also connects her to her Paradiso nun-mentor and teacher in the
scriptorium, the accomplished and prolific scribe, Suor Raffaella, who is the only
other Paradiso scribe to use this language. Her inscriptions, filled with pious tropes,
demonstrate her desire to be remembered as a pious member of her community.
As she is connecting herself to models of female sanctity by recording her name in
this particular work, the Revelations of her house’s patron saint, she is also aligning
herself with a respected elder in her community, Suor Raffaella.
A number of female religious scribes also recorded their desire to be remem-
bered in the afterlife by stating in their colophons that they would be found in the
Libro della vita—the Book of Life. As can be expected, references to inclusion in
the Book of Life would show up in liturgical books, since these would be seen and
the scribe remembered each time the choir nuns used them to sing. This colophon
was recorded on the spine of the choirbook decorated by nun-miniaturist Eufrasia
Burlamacchi from the Observant Dominican house of San Domenico in Lucca:
Let it be known to all those who will come shortly after us, that
these songbooks were written around the year of Our Lord 1515
by a devoted servant of Jesus Christ, whose name pray to the
Lord he will be pleased to write in the Book of Life.18
Suor Angela et Suor Lucretia quas deus scribat in libro vite [This book was writ-
ten by two sisters of the monastery of San Jacopo di Ripoli in honor of our Lord
Jesus Christ, whose names, Sister Angela and Sister Lucretia, may God inscribe
in the Book of Life]”19 (Fig. 4). This appears to be a particularly Observant (and
perhaps Dominican) practice for liturgical colophons; however, Bridgettine Suor
Raffaella of the Paradiso also recorded her wish to be included in the Libro della
vita. She added this colophon to her aforementioned 1477 compilation texts by
Enrico Susone and the pseudo-Augustine, “Finito è il presente libro scripto per
mano d’una monacha indegnamente consecrata nel monasterio del Paradiso, il cui
nome sia scripto nel libro della vita, a dì quatordici di dicenbre M CCCC LXXVII
[This book is finished, written by the hand of a nun unworthily professed in the
monastery of the Paradiso, whose name is written in the Book of Life, on the day
14 of December 1477].”20 The act of remembrance was an important element of
Pious Voices: Nun-scribes and the Language of Colophons 51
late medieval convent life, and colophons were an active means through which a
select group of nuns could record their wishes for the afterlife and their desire to
be remembered.21 The act of copying in the convent scriptorium was considered
both practical and spiritual. Nuns made conscious choices in their imitation of
self-identifying language—choices that connected them to the holy women of
their Order, to revered members of their immediate community, and to a heavenly
community after death. These associations would not be lost on the nuns who read
these books during the nun-scribe’s lifetime or after her death.
Appeals for Prayer and the Use of Rhyme
[I pray that God grant eternal peace / to the soul of the one who wrote / this little
book, which I like so much. / And let his saints, as I’m determined, / pray to the
Virgin Mary too, and Saint John, who said so much that was good. / Let it please
Pious Voices: Nun-scribes and the Language of Colophons 53
you to defend her from all things evil, / her soul and body, and protect her from
her enemies. / Help her, Lord, since help her you can.]30
Though the poem does not contain the nun’s name, the female voice is in-
dicated by the use of the feminine pronoun “quella”—“the one”—in the first line
and references to the female recipient of the prayers at the end. If the Paradiso
nun-scribe is the author of the poem, she gets the most out of it—since she attached
it to not one, but three of the devotional works she copied.31 The earliest may be
dated 1414 and, if viewed as a type of colophon, is the earliest in the study. These
pious inscriptions encouraged associations between the nun-scribes and the ideals
of monastic virtue, piety, and humility, within both their temporal and heavenly
communities. Though anonymity was not as essential as it was in the early Middle
Ages, nun-scribes carefully crafted their colophons to express as much piety as
possible, while still retaining the appearance of humility—a fine line.
Three Cases—A Departure from Traditional Associations with Piety
At the other end of the spectrum are nun-scribes who more readily break
from traditional associations with monastic piety and virtue, nuns who named
themselves very directly in their writing. Piera de’ Medici, daughter of Bivigliano
de’ Medici, copied out the missal in 1447 at the Vallombrosan monastery of Santa
Verdiana in Florence and left a markedly personal note about half way through the
manuscript, set off in alternating lines of red and black (Fig. 5). This colophon is
interesting for many reasons. It comes in two inscriptions, perhaps for two different
audiences. The first reads:
[Sister Piera, born of noble Medici blood, / transcribed this holy work of virtue, to
be held / by the virgins called by surname of “San Verdiano.”]
[Piera di Bivigliano de’ Medici transcribed this book, / one of the nuns from the
monastery of San Giovanni Gualberti and the Beata / Verdiana, devoutly serving
God, in the Order of Vallombrosa.]32
54 Melissa Moreton
Figure 5: Nun-scribe Piera de’ Medici’s colophon in her missal of 1447. Detail.
Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Conv. Sopp. Vallombrosa codex
235, fol. 142v. Used with permission of the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana.
The first inscription appears to be an internal record for the women of the house,
identifying the book as belonging to this particular community, while playing up
scribe Piera’s perceived status as an elite, born of “noble Medici blood.” The sec-
ond is perhaps a more public record, recording the scribe by name, her house and
Order—that is of “San Giovanni Gualberti and the Blessed Verdiana.” Here she
identifies herself with her full name, though remaining simply “one of the nuns”
of the house, all of whom “devoutly” serve.33 In neither case is Piera anonymous.
In both cases, she names herself as the scribe. Though she connects herself first to
her community of sisters and second to her house and larger religious order, she is
clear to leave a record of her prestigious familial associations.
Another notable detail is the fact that Piera’s colophon is larger than the body
of the text. This happens in no other cases I have seen from the study. A scribe
Pious Voices: Nun-scribes and the Language of Colophons 55
may formalize a colophon by switching to a more formal script, and here she does
some of that by ornamenting and rounding her gothic bookhand. However, Italian
colophons from female religious houses are usually the same size as or smaller
than the script of the main text, as a nod to the nuns’ professed humility. Piera is
clearly and proudly advertising her skill, identifying herself and playing up her
connections to the Medici family name, even though she was only distantly related
to the main branch of the Medici family who ruled Florence at the time. Giovanni
di Cosimo de’ Medici (1421–63), uncle to the future Lorenzo the Magnificent,
and his wife Ginevra Alessandri Medici (d. 1472), did become generous patrons
of Santa Verdiana, paying for liturgical objects and architectural renovations and
expansions during the early part of Piera’s abbacy which began in 1451 (about
four years after she made her missal) and lasted over thirty years.34 Solidifying her
connections to her prestigious family name and to potential family patrons was a
goal that trumped traditional expressions of female piety, and one that is graphi-
cally visible in her colophon.
Nun-scribe Domitilla Bernabuzi also connected herself to her aristocratic
family in her copy of Gregory Correr’s epistle De commodis vitae regularis seu
de contemptu mundi, copied into the vernacular in 1474. Her colophon states “Ego
soror Domicilla filia magnifici domini Francisci Bernabutii de Faventia complevi
hunc codicem die 21 decembris M°CCCC°74 [I, Sister Domitilla, daughter of
magnificent Lord Francesco Bernabuzi of Faenza, finished this book on 21 De-
cember 1474]” (Fig. 6).35
The letter is a theological treatise discussing the advantages of the religious
life. Bernabuzi’s copy of the book begins with a dedication and goes on to say
that “we” have just translated the epistle, “perhaps ineptly” [Et qual novamente
habiamo traduto, fortasse inepte, de una elegantissima Epistola de Miser Gregorio
Corner Veneto].36 That Bernabuzi was educated in Latin is demonstrated by her
Latin colophon and her ability to translate the work from Latin into the vernacular
of her native Veneto. She also must have had an interest in theology in order to
translate the work, even “ineptly” (this may be her nod to piety). Bernabuzi’s use
of an abbreviated humanist miniscule script indicates that she was likely trained
in writing by a humanist scribe. The overwhelming majority of devotional/theo-
logical works copied by nun-scribes in the fifteenth century were written out in a
simple gothic bookhand or littera textualis. The choice of a humanist miniscule is
remarkable, since it indicates that Bernabuzi was familiar with the humanist texts
and scribes circulating in the period, and that she chose to differentiate the work
from the common conventual script.37 It also indicates that she was likely educated
within a secular aristocratic household before entering the convent. There was a
tradition of educating girls in Latin, penmanship, and a humanist curriculum in
many central and northern Italian cities in the fifteenth century. Bernabuzi’s fam-
ily was from Faenza, thirty miles southeast of Bologna, but at the time she made
the book she may have been living in a convent in Verona, where the work is now
56 Melissa Moreton
housed. As is clear from her colophon, this educated, aristocratic nun’s association
with her family name also remained more important than her identification as a
nun. Unlike Piera de’ Medici, Bernabuzi does not even include the name of her
house or Order in her inscription, but instead connects herself with her aristocratic
father’s name and native city of Faenza.
Maria Ormani’s colophon inscription is the most graphic and elaborate
on the list (Fig. 7). In a 490-folio breviary she copied, she is pictured in her
Augustinian Hermit habit, head slightly tilted and hands held in a gesture of
prayer, inside a cartouche frame of swirling multi-colored leaves. The scroll
floating around her reads: “ANCILLA YHU XPI MARIA ORMANI FILIA
SCRIPSIT MoCCCCLIII [The handmaiden of Jesus Christ, Maria, daughter of
Ormanno, wrote this in 1453].”38 Maria must have been educated in writing, Latin,
and penwork in order to copy the bulk of this work in her well-formed littera
textualis script. Her house is not identified, but the feasts listed in the Missal’s
Calendar may identify it as Tuscan. The common interpretation of Maria is that
she was the manuscript’s illuminator/miniaturist. However, based on the textual
evidence in the colophon scroll and other evidence throughout the manuscript,
I believe she is the manuscript’s scribe. Her portrait on fol. 89r may have been
added posthumously, perhaps because of her revered status in the community.
Art historian Kathleen Arthur has pointed out that the lower register of the folio
where Ormani’s portrait is placed, which begins the Proper of Seasons, is a place
normally reserved for portraits of a saint or a noble family’s coat of arms.39 If
Maria was responsible in some way for this ornate portrait/colophon, the example
58 Melissa Moreton
One question that arises when examining the broader picture of colophon
use and writing is: Do recognizable patterns occur within each house and between
Pious Voices: Nun-scribes and the Language of Colophons 59
the Orders? In several cases, some of which have already been noted, language
is repeated colophon to colophon within a house. This may reflect shared scrip-
torium practice, the copying of exemplars from the convent library, or the desire
to attach oneself to a revered figure through imitation of his or her colophon
language. However, looking across the Orders, the length of the colophons and
the information included in them seem to have more to do with the genre of work
being copied, rather than whether the nun was Dominican, Clarissan, Benedictine,
or Bridgettine. Colophons attached to liturgical works are almost exclusively in
Latin and are generally shorter than those from devotional works. The question is
ultimately one of context. How do we know how what nuns were doing that was
different from their closest male counterparts, the monks or friars in their Order?
Or how it was different from the larger secular scribal tradition? Where did they
learn the common conventions used in colophons? What were their models and
how did they depart from those?
We are incredibly fortunate to have a large body of manuscripts from the
Bridgettine double monastery of the Santa Brigida del Paradiso in Florence. Over
one hundred manuscripts are known from their library, large for a female religious
house of the period, and have been catalogued.41 Of these, fifty-one of the works
were produced by the nun-scribes and eighteen by the friars.42 The friars were the
first to produce manuscripts at the Paradiso, largely for the burgeoning book trade
in early Renaissance Florence, but some works survive that were destined for
their library, among them a number of devotional and theological texts by male
Dominican writers, as well as several works of Santa Brigida and Santa Caterina.
The nuns joined the friars in book production by mid-century and produced works
for their own use and use in the shared monastic library into the sixteenth century.
In looking at the texts identified as being produced by the friars and nuns, most of
the nuns’ colophons are written in the same verbose narrative style that the friars
had displayed earlier. These can be unusually wordy and very often discuss the
author and title of the work that was copied and sometimes the date. Several also
end with some version of “pray for me”—“preghate per me” and “Horate per me.”43
The Paradiso nuns carry on this tradition of wordy colophon inscription but depart
from the friars in the inclusion of a scribal signature and regular dating for the
production of the work. The nuns were up to four times more likely to insert their
name into their colophons than were the friars. The most prolific Paradiso friar-
scribe was Frate Egidio, who copied out at least fifteen works in the mid-1400s, and
signed only one—or about six percent of the work attributed to his hand. This is in
contrast to the most prolific nun-scribe, Raffaella di Arnolfo Bardi, who completed
at least eighteen works between the mid-Quattrocento and the early Cinquecento,
and signed more than sixteen percent of these. Suor Cleofe, the second most pro-
lific female scribe with seventeen works attributed to her, signed almost a quarter
of her copied texts. Ginevra di Lorenzo Lenzi (d.1546) or Suor Cleofe, the name
60 Melissa Moreton
she took in the convent, was an active scribe at the Paradiso from the late 1400s
into the mid-1500s. The general rise in the occurrence of sottoscrizioni or scribal
signatures within colophons is clearly represented at the Paradiso and echoes the
increase in secular sottoscrizioni from the fifteenth through the sixteenth centuries.
It is clear that the Paradiso nuns learned their scribal production practices from
their friars, and looked to the narrative model of inscription-writing produced by
the friars when beginning their work. However, by the mid-Quattrocento, with
colophon use on the rise in Italian society at large, the nuns began to add more
information to the end of their texts, building on the existing scribal traditions at
their individual houses, but inserting themselves into the texts to a degree that their
spiritual brothers had not.
The Choice of Latin or Italian in Colophons
Nuns could also distinguish themselves through the language they chose to
write their colophon in, Latin or Italian. They did have a choice and each choice
carried meaning. It is true that sometimes colophons were simply copied out along
with the exemplar text, but this practice appears to have been more common in
the early Middle Ages, when more formal and archaic Latin inscriptions appear in
copied texts (and is still a choice of sorts). In looking at the language of the main
text, by definition, colophons in Italian belong primarily to devotional manuscripts
written in the vernacular; Latin to liturgical manuscripts. Language is dictated by
use. The Latin ligurgical texts were made to be used by a large community for for-
mal and ancient religious ritual. Devotional texts in the vernacular were made for
informal, personal use in meditation and spiritual contemplation. It is the difference
in language between official public ceremony (Latin) and intimate private devotion
(Italian), and a difference in how those acts are envisioned by the user and maker
of books. In the study group, almost twenty percent of the works are liturgical, and
of course in Latin. More than eighty percent of the works surveyed are devotional/
theological, and they are almost exclusively in the vernacular.44 It is not surprising
that works in Latin (largely liturgical/ceremonial) carry Latin colophons and that
works in the vernacular (largely devotional/theological) carry Italian colophons.
This continuity of language between the main text and the colophon inscription
makes sense. It is the switching between languages that is notable. When do nuns
switch languages between text and colophon? And why?
There are virtually no cases where the scribe copied a work in Latin and
left a colophon exclusively in Italian; however, in a number of cases the nun-
scribe completed a devotional work in the vernacular and switched to Latin in
the colophon. This formalized her inscription and perhaps signaled to the reader
than she was a learned copyist who, though she could copy a 320-folio devotional
work in Italian, was also versed in Latin. This switch happens a third of the time
in manuscripts produced before 1480, from a number of different houses and
Orders. In this earlier period, the inscriptions are usually fully written in Latin.
Pious Voices: Nun-scribes and the Language of Colophons 61
live happily in heaven with the Lord forever. The end. Praise to God. Amen].”48
Though this is a full Latin colophon, it is also an extremely formulaic series of
colophon phrases, which a nun-scribe like Serafina would have had access to at
San Jacopo, a house with a well-stocked convent library and scriptorium. Other
late fifteenth-century examples show a mix of Latin and Italian. Suor Cleofe of the
Paradiso who wrote out devotional/theological works in the vernacular and left a
number of mixed-language colophons in her early sixteenth-century texts, includ-
ing one from 1520 which reads: “Explicit liber iste per me suora Cleophe moniali
Paradissi. Scripto negli anni della incarnatione del nostro signore Yesu Christo M
CCCCC dicianove, si compié di scrivere a dì XV di março. Laus Deo sit semper.
Amen [This book was completed by me, Sister Cleof, nun of the Paradiso. Written
in the year of the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ 1519, finished writing on
the day 15 of March. Praise God always. Amen].”49 The Latin colophon, whether
mixed or written entirely in the Latin, serves to formalize the end of the book and
embellish the appearance of the nun’s work. Here again, from the 1480s onward, the
nun-scribe is less likely to feel compelled to draft an entire colophon in Latin. This
may have to do with the changes in Latin and vernacular literacies in the society
at large, which shift dramatically in the late fifteenth century.50 Italian literacy was
on the rise, fueled by and fueling the new incunable production in Florence and
other Italian cities. Are the nuns a product of this or responding to a growing taste
for written communication in the vernacular?
Conclusions
Colophons took a number of forms and served a number of purposes for late
medieval and Renaissance nuns. For some, they were a means to express piety;
for others, a vehicle for expressing erudition, creativity or personal expression;
for a few, a tool for furthering personal ambitions. This diversity of voices echoes
the shifting demographics in nuns’ houses—patterns that transformed radically
from the early 1400s through the sixteenth century. In Florence, where roughly
eighty percent of my colophon evidence comes from, convent populations grew
dramatically due to a number of economic, religious, social, and political fac-
tors. As noted, the co-incidence in the rise in convent populations and the rise in
nuns’ book production in this period is no accident. In Florence alone, there were
twenty-five hundred nuns accounted for in 1515—in contrast to the five hundred
nuns accounted for in the 1330s.51 Young girls and women, educated in convent
schools or tutored privately at home, were literate, educated in the arts, could
write, and often looked for a means to express themselves within the confines
of the convent. After entering monastic life (most of them involuntarily), many
outwardly associated themselves with their well-born families and cultivated their
familial connections of patronage, exchange, and expression. Of the many craft
industries established at female houses—which included embroidery, silkwork,
the production of devotional objects—book work satisfied this new demographic
Pious Voices: Nun-scribes and the Language of Colophons 63
of women. Aside from being important for the material, economic, and political
advancement of the house, manuscript production was also a means by which
educated and artistic nuns could express themselves—in increasingly personal-
ized ways by the late fifteenth-century. The convents that had an active culture of
book production were some of the wealthiest and best-educated in late medieval
and Renaissance Florence.52 The nuns involved in book production, whether from
well-born families or not, were necessarily literate, educated, and held special skill
sets that set them apart from their fellow sisters and often marked them for leader-
ship within their houses. Several of these important prioresses and abbesses had
worked in book production at their houses before rising through the ranks of their
communities. San Jacopo nun-scribe Angela Rucellai was twice prioress. Nun-
scribes Piera de’ Medici of Santa Verdiana and the young, aspiring Paradiso nun
Cecilia Diacceto, daughter of Florentine humanist Francesco Cattani da Diacceto,
became abbesses of their monasteries. In conclusion, nuns’ colophons should not
be dismissed as simply formulaic expressions. The range in colophons reflects the
diversity of women who were called to or placed in convent life in fifteenth- and
sixteenth-century Italy and demonstrates their adaptability to trends in both their
religious community and the larger secular society. Some voices were pious, some
political, but all were working within the context of their religious institutions to
achieve their aims.
Appendix:
List of Manuscripts in the Survey of Nuns’ Colophons
and Cited in the Essay
Manuscripts not in the survey, but cited in the essay are noted with an asterisk.
All other manuscripts are manuscripts in the Survey of Nuns’ Colophons. Manu-
scripts in the Survey that are specifically cited in this essay are noted in italics
in the Appendix.
Notes
1 The term colophon came into Latin from the Greek kolophon, meaning sum-
mit or finishing touch. Kolophon was also a hill town in Lydia, Western Asia
Minor. The term is generally understood to have been in common use by the
mid seventeenth century, though colophon use—especially in Italy—was
common in both secular and religious production by the fifteenth century.
2 Pamela Robinson, Catalogue of Dated and Datable Manuscripts c. 737–1600
in Cambridge Libraries (Cambridge, UK, 1988), pp. 5–12. In religious book
production, colophon use appeared with increasing regularity beginning in the
ninth century as Carolingian scribal practices flourished.
3 The survey of two hundred manuscripts was compiled for my 2013 dissertation,
entitled “‘Scritto di bellissima lettera’: Nuns’ Book Production in Fifteenth and
Sixteenth-Century Italy” (University of Iowa). The survey gathered information
on all known manuscripts made by nuns in the place and period. Approximately
sixty percent were devotional/theological texts, thirty percent liturgical, ten
percent administrative/archival. Colophon information was not available for
all of the two hundred manuscripts, since the location of some manuscripts is
not known and for others, the author was unable to consult them. The study in
this essay is based on an analysis of approximately sixty colophons identified in
the larger group of manuscripts; these are listed in the Appendix. Eighty-seven
percent of the colophon manuscripts were devotional/ theological, thirteen
percent were liturgical. Eighty percent of these colophons were from houses
in Florence, just over sixteen percent were from central and northern Italy
(Lucca, Prato, Bologna, Verona, Pavia, Vicenza, Venice), and three percent are
not identified with a location. In the larger study of two hundred manuscripts,
just over half are from Florence, so Florentine production accounts for a larger
66 Melissa Moreton
percentage of the evidence in the colophon study than it does in the larger group.
These numbers shift with the addition of each new manuscript to the group,
and I expect to see areas outside of Florence better represented in the decades
to come as new manuscripts are added to the canon, especially in Lombardy,
Venice, Rome, Umbria, and southern Italy. For Florentine manuscripts (eighty
percent of the colophons in the study), information was drawn primarily from
examination of the manuscripts themselves. Information on manuscripts
throughout Italy were drawn from the records of the Manoscritti datati series
and other Italian manuscript catalogues including Rosanna Miriello’s catalogue
of manuscripts from Santa Brigida del Paradiso, I manoscritti del Monastero
del Paradiso di Firenze (Florence, 2007). Other important sources were Luisa
Miglio’s “‘A mulieribus conscriptos arbitror’: donne e scrittura,” in Miglio,
Governare l’alfabeto: Donne e cultura scritta nel medioevo (Rome, 2008), pp.
173–206; Miglio and Palma’s site Donne e cultura scritta nel medioevo (http://
edu.let.unicas.it/womediev) and primary sources that cited book production at
nuns’ houses. For those manuscripts in collections outside of Florence, except
in the case of Paris, the study generally relied on photos of the colophons or a
published transcription of the colophon text.
4 For more on the Paradiso manuscripts, see the catalogue of the Florentine
Bridgettines’ library by Rosanna Miriello, I manoscritti del Monastero del
Paradiso di Firenze (Florence, 2007). All Paradiso manuscripts discussed in
this essay are catalogued in Miriello’s monograph.
5 See Sharon Strocchia, Nuns and Nunneries in Renaissance Florence (Baltimore,
2009), p. xii.
6 The rise in general colophon use also coincides with the advent and growth
of printed books. The inclusion of colophons in early printed books was one
of the many aspects of book production borrowed from manuscript culture
(though the earliest incunables printed in Italy (1460s) did not always carry
a colophon). It can be said that, as colophon use became more common and
increasingly standardized in print books, it did have an impact on the inclusion
of colophons in manuscript books, both secular and monastic. However, this
shift was probably not felt until the early sixteenth century in Italy. The rise
in nuns’ scribal colophons in the late fifteenth century likely owes more to the
increase in nuns’ self-identification and their particular demographic than to
the singular influence of colophons in printed books which were not widely
collected in convent libraries until the sixteenth century.
7 By the late sixteenth century, manuscript production had declined in women’s
houses, probably due to the restrictions placed on women’s mobility, reformist
efforts restricting craft production, access to family, patrons and raw materi-
als. Restrictions were also placed on women’s interaction with secular col-
laborators (illuminators, binders, scribes), with whom they had traditionally
Pious Voices: Nun-scribes and the Language of Colophons 67
collaborated to produce books. The growth of the printed book market and
the publication of handwriting handbooks also lowered the demand for books
from convent scriptoria, some of which had produced devotional manuscripts
for a secular market. For a discussion of the reasons for the early sixteenth-
century decline in secular (not religious) manuscript production, see Armando
Petrucci “Copisti e libri manoscritti dopo l’avvento della stampa,” in Scribi
e colofoni: Le sottoscrizioni di copisti dalle origini all’avvento della stampa.
Atti del Seminario di Erice (23–28 October 1993) X Colloquio del Comité
International de Paléographie Latine, eds. E. Condello and G. De Gregorio
(Spoleto, 1995), pp. 235–266.
8 Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 2102, fol. i’v
9 Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1794, fols. 369v-370r. Thank you to
Rosanno Miriello for passing this shelf mark to me. Miriello is cataloguing
Suor Paola’s two volume set of Bernard of Clairvaux’s Sermons on the Song of
Songs as part of the Manoscritti datati series, catalogues of dated manuscripts
in Italian State collections.
10 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Conv.Soppr. D.7. 344, fol. 203v.
11 Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana MS 1291, fol. 141v.
12 Thanks to Brian Richardson for this reference. There may be no shelfmark for
this manuscript. Lelmi (or de Selmi) was from the convent of San Clemente,
Prato (originally Benedictine), though she later moved with her sisters to the
Dominican convent of San Niccolò in Prato.
13 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Conv.Soppr. B.IV.1503, fol. 117r.
14 Florence, Biblioteca Moreniana, MS Moreni 219, fol. 196r.
15 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina, MS Palatino 84, fol. 144v.
16 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS II.III.270, fol. 137v.
17 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS II_130, fol. 154v. Prieghovi non
ghuardiate alla rusticità della lettera, ma pigliate la sana e verace doctrina
data dalla bocca della verità e della sua gloriosa madre virgho Maria alla
nostra madre sancta Brigida. Suor Cleofe also uses the phrase in a devotional
manuscript copied between 1502 and 1504, saying that the book was written
with extreme effort and discomfort, the major part by the light of an oil lamp,
“Iscricti con grandissima faticha (et) disagio, la maggior parte a llume di lu-
cerna.” (Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Conv.Soppr. G.II.1441,
fol. 204r). The manuscript includes Books 3 and 4 of Simone Fidati da Cascia’s
Esposizione sui Vangeli and two short extracts from other devotional texts (the
Miracolo del Santissimo Sacramento and an extract from Book 2 of Enrico
Susone’s Orologio della sapienza, added after the colophon entry). Cleofe
states that she began the 204-folio work 12 November 1502 and finished it 28
October 1504, a note which provides valuable information about production
68 Melissa Moreton
rates and practices. This is just over four pages a week (two folios, recto and
verso). By scriptorium standards, this is a slow rate of production, even for
this size manuscript [approximately 11.5 x 8.25 inches with 28–30 lines per
page]. The script is a well-spaced littera textualis with cursive influence, a
relatively fast script to write in. The rate of production, the colophon informa-
tion noting that Cleofe worked by lamplight and the fact that the pages are
ruled inconsistently suggests that she copied the work as a devotional act,
as she could, page by page, after Vespers or in between the early morning
Hours. The intention here is not to complete the work as quickly as possible,
but to work in a steady and mindful manner, with the scribe meditating on
each word and phrase of the text. Despite being created privately, perhaps in
her cell (rather than in the communal scriptorium space), Cleofe notes on fol.
206v that the work belongs to the monastery, but says that those who read it
should pray for the scribe (“Questo libro è del monasterio di Sancta Brigida,
decto Paradiso, chi llo leggie prieghi Iddio per chi ll’à scricto”). The volume
is the second in the set of two manuscripts she made. Volume One contains
Books I and II of Simone Fidati’s Esposizione sui Vangeli (Florence, Biblioteca
Nazionale Centrale, MS Conv.Soppr. E.I.1336). Suor Cleofe’s birth name was
Ginevra di Lorenzo Lenzi. For catalogue entries, see Miriello, pp. 119–20
and 131–32. For information on the speed of scribes, see Gumbert, J.P. “The
Speed of Scribes” in Scribi e colofoni: Le sottoscrizioni di copisti dalle origini
all’avvento della stampa. Atti del Seminario di Erice (23–28 October 1993) X
Colloquio del Comité International de Paléographie Latine, eds. E. Condello
and G. De Gregorio (Spoleto, 1995): 57–69.
18 San Rafael, California, Convent Archive of the Dominican Sisters of San
Rafael. The author did not consult this manuscript. The colophon is cited in
Italian Women Artists: From Renaissance to Boroque, eds. Frick, Biancani
and Nicholson (New York, 2007), p. 97.
19 Florence, Museo di San Marco, MS 630, fol. 259v.
20 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina, Palatino 84, fol. 144v.
21 Convent chronicles and necrologies commonly served this purpose, recording a
nun’s “good death” and deeds in life. Convent chronicles have been preserved
from several nun-bookmakers’ houses including Le Murate and San Jacopo di
Ripoli, Florence as have convent necrologies from San Jacopo di Ripoli and
the Corpus Domini in Venice. For published studies of convent chronicles and
necrologies, see the work of Saundra Weddle, Kate Lowe, Sharon Strocchia
and Daniel Bornstein.
22 Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 1709, fol. 26r.
23 Oxford, Bodleian, MS Lyell 73, fol. 84r.
24 Private Collection in Province of Vicenza, MS 18, fol. 45r.
Pious Voices: Nun-scribes and the Language of Colophons 69
34 Sharon Strocchia’s work has uncovered these connections between Piera de’
Medici and Medici patronage. See her forthcoming “Abbess Piera de’ Medici
and Her Kin: Gender, Gifts, and Patronage in Renaissance Florence” (Renais-
sance Studies, 2013).
35 Verona, Biblioteca Civica, MS 1196, fol. 30v. Before the colophon is the text
“Florentie di 7 martij” which likely refers to the date and place Correr wrote
the letter. Correr (b. Venice 1409–1464) was in Florence (1447 or earlier) as
an apostolic protonotary under Pope Eugenius IV. In 1448 he joined the abbey
of San Zeno in Verona, where he served as abbot and lived until his death in
1464. Bernabuzi writes his name as “Corner” (another famous Venetian fam-
ily) but the letter is attributed to Gregory Correr.
36 Fol. 1r. Beginning of text missing. This is first remaining folio. The note sug-
gests that this is her or her community’s translation, not a copy of someone
else’s translation.
37 This choice is particularly striking given the fact that the humanist minis-
cule was developed for Latin humanist texts as an alternative to the gothic
bookhand prevalent in the period. That this is a humanist script in the vernacu-
lar is also striking, since it is more commonly reserved for Latin texts. Some
Books of Hours commissioned from secular scribes utilized the humanist
miniscule, but the script was not commonly used in convent scriptoria both
because of the training involved and because of its common association with
secular humanist texts. Bernabuzi’s shaping of the words of the explicit into
a triangle also suggests she was familiar with early printed books, which
commonly used this decorative typographic device to set off the explicit or
colophon from the main text. This practice came out of manuscript produc-
tion, but was refined and popularized in the age of the incunable. As a girl
growing up in an aristocratic, central or northern Italian household in the
1460s and 70s, Bernabuzi would have seen early printed books, which were
increasingly prevalent in the region from the 1470s onward. Milan, Venice,
Bologna, Ferrara and Florence had active presses by the early 1470s, Venice
by the late 1460s.
38 Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek MS 1923, fol. 89r.
39 Kathleen Arthur is currently researching this manuscript, but it has not yet
been attributed to a specific house. Her early findings were presented at the
Southeastern College Art Conference in 2005, with an abstract published in
the Southeastern College Art Conference Review, vol. XIV, no. 5 (2005), 516.
See also Miglio, p. 197. Many art historians identify Ormani as the miniatur-
ist of the manuscript, and it is discussed as one of the earliest female self-
portraits in the Renaissance canon. Many, including Vasari, cite her portrait.
Few discuss her. Based on the text in the scroll, evidence in the miniatures
and other textual evidence, I do believe Ormani is the scribe (one of at least
72 Melissa Moreton