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a form of social practice. Scholars working in the tradition of CDA generally argue that (non-linguistic) social practice
and linguistic practice constitute one another and focus on investigating how societal power relations are established
and reinforced through language use.
Background[edit]
Critical discourse analysis emerged from 'critical linguistics' developed at the University of East Anglia in the 1970s,
and the terms are now often interchangeable.[2][3]Sociolinguistics were paying little attention to social hierarchy and
power.[4] CDA was first developed by the Lancaster school of linguists of which Norman Fairclough was the most
prominent figure. Ruth Wodak has also made a major contribution to this field of study.
In addition to linguistic theory, the approach draws from social theory—and contributions from Karl Marx, Antonio
Gramsci, Louis Althusser, Jürgen Habermas, Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu—in order to examine ideologies
and power relations involved in discourse. Language connects with the social through being the primary domain
of ideology, and through being both a site of, and a stake in, struggles for power. [1] Ideology has been called the basis
of the social representations of groups, and, in psychological versions of CDA developed by Teun A. van Dijk and
Ruth Wodak, there is assumed to be a sociocognitive interface between social structures and discourse
structures.[5] The historical dimension in critical discourse studies also plays an important role. [6]
Methodology[edit]
Although CDA is sometimes mistaken to represent a 'method' of discourse analysis, it is generally agreed upon that
any explicit method in discourse studies, the humanities and social sciences may be used in CDA research, as long
as it is able to adequately and relevantly produce insights into the way discourse reproduces (or resists) social and
political inequality, power abuse or domination.[7][8] That is, CDA does not limit its analysis to specific structures of text
or talk, but systematically relates these to structures of the sociopolitical context. CDA has been used to examine
political speech acts, to highlight the rhetoric behind these, and any forms of speech that may be used to manipulate
the impression given to the audience.[9] However, there have been flaws noted with CDA. For example, it has been
said that it is simultaneously too broad to distinctly identify manipulations within the rhetoric, yet is also not powerful
enough to appropriately find all that researchers set out to establish. [10]
Norman Fairclough developed a three-dimensional framework for studying discourse, where the aim is to map three
separate forms of analysis onto one another: analysis of (spoken or written) language texts, analysis of discourse
practice (processes of text production, distribution and consumption) and analysis of discursive events as instances
of sociocultural practice.[1][11] Particularly, he combines micro, meso and macro-level interpretation. At the micro-level,
the analyst considers various aspects of textual/linguistic analysis, for example syntactic analysis, use of metaphor
and rhetorical devices.[clarification needed] The meso-level or "level of discursive practice" involves studying issues of
production and consumption, for instance, which institution produced a text, who is the target audience, etc. At the
macro-level, the analyst is concerned with intertextual and interdiscursive elements and tries to take into account the
broad, societal currents that are affecting the text being studied. [12][13]
Critical Discourse AnalysisNorman Fairclough
Abstract
Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a branch of critical social analysis, whichcontributes to the latter a
focus on discourse and on relations between discourse andother social elements (e.g. on how discourse
figures in ideologies and power relations). Critical social analysis is normative and explanatory critique: it
criticizesexisting reality on normative grounds (e.g. on the grounds that needs for human well- being
which should be met are actually not met) and seeks to explain it in terms of theeffects of posited
structures, mechanisms and forces (e.g. the workings of capitalism).There is a long tradition within
critical social analysis of viewing social reality asconceptually mediated: it is events and practices, but it
is also ‘ideas’, and theories,conceptualizations and construals of these events and practices. From this
perspectivethe ‘objects’ of critical social analysis are we might say ‘material-semiotic’, and itsconcerns
are with dialectical relations between the material and the semiotic (or ‘discourse’). A consequence is
that critical social analysis is interdisciplinary or ‘trans-disciplinary’ in character. CDA is best seen as
contributing a semiotic emphasisand ‘point of entry’ into trans-disciplinary critical social analysis. I shall
present oneversion of CDA, and a trans-disciplinary research methodology associated with it,
andillustrate it through a discussion of aspects of the current financial and economiccrisis.
Introduction
Critical discourse analysis (CDA) brings the critical tradition in social analysis into languagestudies, and
contributes to critical social analysis a particular focus on discourse, and onrelations between discourse
and other social elements (power relations, ideologies,institutions, social identities, and so forth).
Critical social analysis can be understood asnormative and explanatory critique. It is normative critique
in that does not simply describeexisting realities but also evaluates them, assesses the extent to which
they match up tovarious values which are taken (more or less contentiously) to be fundamental for just
or decent societies (e.g. certain standards – material but also political and cultural - of humanwell-
being). It is explanatory critique in that it does not simply describe existing realities butseeks to explain
them, for instance by showing them to be effects of structures or mechanismsor forces which the
analyst postulates and whose reality s/he seeks to test out (e.g.inequalities in wealth, income and access
to various social goods might be explained as aneffect of mechanisms and forces associated with
‘capitalism’).
Framing Theory
The concept of framing is related to the agenda-setting tradition but expands the research by focusing on the
essence of the issues at hand rather than on a particular topic. The basis of framing theory is that the media
focuses attention on certain events and then places them within a field of meaning. Framing is an important
topic since it can have a big influence and therefore the concept of framing expanded to organizations as well.
In essence, framing theory suggests that how something is presented to the audience (called “the frame”)
influences the choices people make about how to process that information. Frames are abstractions that work
to organize or structure message meaning. The most common use of frames is in terms of the frame the news
or media place on the information they convey. They are thought to influence the perception of the news by
the audience, in this way it could be construed as a form of second level agenda-setting – they not only tell the
audience what to think about (agenda-setting theory), but also how to think about that issue (second level
agenda setting, framing theory).
The theory was first put forth by Goffman, under the title of Frame Analysis (link to PDF of article). He put
forth that people interpret what is going on around their world through their primary framework. This
framework is regarded as primary as it is taken for granted by the user. Its usefulness as a framework does not
depend on other frameworks.
Goffman states that there are two distinctions within primary frameworks: natural + social. Both play the role
of helping individuals interpret data. So that their experiences can be understood in a wider social context. The
difference between the two is functional.
Natural frameworks identify events as physical occurrences taking natural quote literally and
not attributing any social forces to the causation of events. Social frameworks view events as socially driven
occurrences, due to the whims, goals, and manipulations on the part of other social players (people). Social
frameworks are built on the natural frameworks. These frameworks and the frames that they create in our
communication greatly influence how data is interpreted, processed, and communicated. Goffman’s underlying
assumption is that individuals are capable users of these frameworks on a day to day basis. Whether they are
aware of them or not.
An actual frame.
Goffman, Erving. 1974. Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. New York, NY et al.:
Harper & Row
Fairhurst, G. & Sarr, R. 1996. The art of Framing. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Scheufele, Dietram A. 1999. “Framing as a Theory of Media Effects.” Journal of Communication 49 (4): 103-
22.
Framing the News
BY PEW RESEARCH CENTER: JOURNALISM & MEDIA STAFF
Overview
A Study of the Project for Excellence in Journalism and Princeton Survey Research Associates
What are the narrative techniques journalists use to frame the news?
The Project for Excellence in Journalism is embarked on a multi-year study to try to answer these
questions. Over the next year, it intends to examine what major biases exist in the press, and to try to
quantify to what extent ideological bias exists.
As a first step, the Project, along with professor Jay Rosen of New York University and Princeton
Survey Research Associates, developed a pilot study to identify various narrative story telling frames
employed in presenting the news.
This pilot study — focusing mostly on framing — was meant primarily as a learning device to aid in
developing the larger bias study. Yet it did yield some interesting findings that are the basis of this
report. Among them:
Straight news accounts, the inverted pyramid narrative frame, accounted for a surprisingly small
number of front page stories–only 16%–suggesting the press is becoming increasingly thematic and
interpretative in the way it presents news.
In contrast, the press shows a decided tendency to present the news through a combative lens. Three
narrative frames — conflict, winners and losers and revealing wrongdoing — accounted for 30% of all
stories, twice the number of straight news accounts. The penchant for framing stories around these
combative elements is even more pronounced at the top of the front page and is truer still when it
comes to describing the actions or statements of government officials.Although newspapers
increasingly talk about the need to explain and interpret, the findings suggest they do less of it than
might be expected. Explanatory framesthose that reveal how things work, how they fit into larger
trends, or historical contextaccounted for only 12% of all stories. The findings also confirm a
presumption on the part of journalists that readers don’t care much about policy or its impact. Policy
stories accounted for only 8% of the pieces on the front page.
Local papers tend to rely on traditional straight news accounts and try to explain how things work
more. National papers are more interpretative and try to put news into a larger perspective.
Increasingly, news originates from decisions made in the newsroom rather than by events from the
outside. While statements by government officials represented the most common trigger for front
page news, the next three most common were all newsroom initiated–a decision by news
organizations to show enterprise, to analyze and interpret, or to preview what comes next.
The press is not simply negative or cynical. In those stories deemed to contain some kind of
underlying message, optimism was actually the most common theme (as in suggesting perseverance
pays off). But when stories were triggered by journalists’ own enterprise, the message became more
distrustful.
In preparation for the larger study, this prologue study analyzed front page content of seven
newspapers for two months, beginning January 1, 1999 through February 28,1999. It looked at three
papers categorized as national: the New York Times, Washington Postand Los Angeles Times. It looked at
four papers categorized as local or regional: theAtlanta Journal Constitution, the Idaho Statesman in
Boise, the Rocky Mountain News in Denver, and the Minneapolis Star-Tribune.
It tried to capture four central elements of how journalists present the news: