Irish Language On Rathlin Island

fe
ROYAL
///
IRISH ACADEMY
TODD LECTURE SERIES
VOLUME XVIII
Nils M. Holmer
THE IRISHLANGUAGE IN RATHLIN

ISLAND, CO. ANTRIM
PUBLISHED BY THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

(With the assistance of a grant from
the Langmanska Kulturfonden, Sweden)
DUBLIN HODGES, FIGGIS & CO.,

: LTD.
LONDON WILLIAMS & NORGATE
:
1942
Price Seven Shillings and Sixpence

ROYAL
III
IRISH ACADEMY
TODD LECTURE SERIES
VOLUME XVIII
Nils M. Holmer
THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN

ISLAND, CO. ANTRIM
PUBLISHED BY THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

(With the assistance of a grant from
the Langmanska Kulturfonden, Sweden)
DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS & CO., LTD.

LONDON WILLIAMS & NORGATE
:
1942
PS
\ao5
N/ 1
PRINTED
AT THE SIGN OF THE THREE CANDLES
FLEET STREET
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
IV CONTENTS
ACCIDENCE
Definite Article 72
Nouns 74
Irregular Nouns 84
Adjectives 85
Comparison 87
Pronouns 89
Numerals 100
Verbs 103
Irregular Verbs 113
THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT 121
SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH

'
From the *
Lower End 134
From the *
Upper End 142
From Gortconny, Co. Antrim 148
Specimen of Antrim Irish 154
GLOSSARY 156
PREFACE
THE present work was encouraged by

Commission, and carried out by the support of the Royal
the Irish Folklore
Irish Academy, which in 1937 gave a grant (renewed in 1938)
to cover the expenses of a visit to Rathlin during August, September

and October, 1937 (completed by a fortnight's stay in October,
1938), as well as to the Glens of Antrim and southern Kintyre, in
order to get records of what remains of the Gaehc language in those

parts. The result of this research is the present grammar of
Rathlin Irish.
Rathlin, situated as it is between Ireland and Scotland, and having

figured in important historical events, offers material of greatest
interest to linguists as well as to students of folklore. Irish and Scots

came here into closer contact with each other than elsewhere, so
that a description of its native dialect ought not to be without
interest for both Irish and Scottish scholars.
Though I have done my best in recording the dialect as faithfully
as possible, statements as to sounds, etc., will perhaps appear

occasionally to be more vague than might be desired. The reason
for this is that the Gaelic language in Rathlin is not so well preserved
in any of the places I visited as to make it possible to get a complete
picture of its structure as it was when commonly spoken. Hence

I have preferred not to venture upon dubious or erroneous
statements by trying to get precise information on points where
such information can no longer be had.
The printing expenses have been aided by a grant from

Langmanska Kulturfonden, in Sweden. My thanks are due to the
bodies which have supported and encouraged me in my work,

as also to the priests in the island, Fathers White and Maloney,
VI PREFACE
anil the teachers, who helped nic so much dunng my stay in
Rathhn. To Sean O Suilleabhain, archivist of the Irish Folklore

Commission, I am indebted for a revision of the text. But not
least do I owe thanks to the people who gave mc all the
information they had about their old language, and without whose
co-operation this work would have been impossible.
There is still a great number of short texts, of folkloristic rather
than of linguistic interest, which I hope to publish later on.
NILS M. HOLMER
Kalmar, Sweden.
February, 1939.
ABBREVIATIONS
Numbers within parentheses refer to the hst of Speakers (p. 3).
By *
15, etc.,' will be understood *
15, 15a, 15b, 15c,' or some,
or most, of them. '
An ' and a following number refers to the
speakers from the Glens of Antrim (§ 8).
abs., absolute mterr., interrogative

ace, accusative Ir., Irish
adj., adjective irreg., irregular
adv., adverb
An, the Glens of Antrim m., masc, masculine
asp., aspirate, aspiration M.E., Middle English
M.Ir., Middle Irish
coll., collective (noun)

comp., comparative
n., noun
nom., nominative
cond., conditional
num., numeral
conj., conjunction
O. Ir., Old Irish
ord., ordinal
dat., dative
pers., person, personal
def. art., definite article
pL, plur., plural
def. vb., defective verb
prep., preposition
dem., demonstrative
pres., present
dep., dependent
pret., preterit
E., Engl., English pron., pronoun

prov., provection
f., fem., feminine Rathl. Cat., Rathlin Catechism
fut., future refl., reflexive
rel., relative
gen., genitive
Sc, Scot., Scottish
imper., imperative sg., sing., singular
imperf, imperfect subj., subjunctive
ind., indicative
indef , indefinite v., vb., verb

interj., interjection vb. n., verbal noun
REFERENCES TO OTHER WORKS
DiNNEEN, Irish-English Dictionary. Dublin, 1927.

Kneen, a Grammar of the Manx Language. 193 1.
6 Maille, Urlabhraidheacht agus Graimear na Gaedhilge. Cuid i.
Baile Atha Cliath, 1927.
O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, Past and Present. Dublin, 1932.

6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht Ghaedhilge an Tuaiscirt. Dublin, 1925.
6 TuATHAiL, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh. Irish Folklore Institute, 1933.
Sommerfelt, Dialect of Torr, Co. Donegal. Christiania, 1922.
NTS, Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap.

INTRODUCTION
GENERAL REMARKS ON THE IRISH OF RATHLIN
<§ I >
THE is
present (1937) population of Rathlin Island, Co. Antrim,
about 260, of whom, however, a rather large proportion is
periodically absent from the island. During the time of my

stay (August-October, 1937) there were, for instance, not even
200 people at home, many of the young men and women being
away temporarily at work in Ireland or Scotland. Of those
remaining I have listed 19 persons (including four on the Main-
land) who still speak (or rather remember how to speak) Irish.
Most of these are people over 60 years of age, and are generally
endowed with a very good memory. Naturally there may be a
few others who still know some Irish it is in many cases merely :
a matter of practice in speaking the old language, for the Irish

speakers live scattered all over the island, and their neighbours,
and even families, very often know no Irish at all. Counting these
as native speakers, would appear that about ten per cent, of the
it
population knows Irish. About twenty years ago, when Irish was
still in common use in the island, one may suppose that the
percentage was higher.
In an island such as Rathlin, lying between Ireland and Scotland,
the distance from the former being less than three miles, and from
the latter about fourteen, and where the population used to be
fishermen and sailors, a considerable intermarriage with (Mainland)
Irish and Scots may be expected. Thus, of the nineteen persons
listed as Irish speakers, three have mentioned Scottish parents or
grandparents, three have supposed that their ancestors came from
Scotland, while the rest know of no other than their Irish descent.^
As for those who believe that their ancestors were Scots, it must
be remembered that there is a common theory in the island that
every single family of those living there now are descended from
I. This may mean either Mainland Irish or Rathlin Irish.

'
2 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
Scottish settlers who came to the island after the complete

massacres in the sixteenth or seventeenth century (cf. O'Rahilly,
Irish Dialects, p. 164, note 2).
Leaving the truth value of the historical evidence of a trans-
plantation of the inhabitants aside, it still remains a fact that the
connections with Scotland are important. Many surnames are
characteristically Scottish (McCurdy, McQuaig, McKay), and the
traditions are, to a great extent, connected with Scotland. From the
language and customs it is clear that the relations with Scotland
must once have been very close, which could not be but natural in
the old seafaring days. The relationship of the Rathlin dialect with
Scottish Gaelic will be further discussed in a following chapter. An
indication of what is the popular, and as it seems established, opinion
on this question may be stated here. The natives call their language
and in English Irish.' Both forms, Gaelc
either Gaelc{a) or Gailic, '
and Gailic, of which the former seems to be more common in the

western, more remote, part of the island, are also used in the Glens
of Antrim. probable that Gailic is one of the Scottish words
It is
' '
in the dialect. According to the popular opinion, the Rathlin dialect

is a '
mixture of Irish and Gaelic (Mrs. Glass), where Gaelic
'
'
(pronounced with Engl. means Scottish GaeUc.

*
a ') It appears,
in fact, that the grammar is on all main points that of Scottish Gaelic,
and it is also Prof. O'Rahilly's opinion, based on linguistic as well
as historical evidence, that this dialect is decidedly a Scottish dialect.
O Searcaigh [Foghraidheacht, p. v) hesitates, mentioning, after having
stated the Scottish analogies, that the natives do not consider them-
selves as anything but Irish. On the other hand, the *
Ragheries
'
are quite conscious of their independent position, a feeling that may,

indeed, date back to the time of the petty kingdoms, and is reflected
in the common way of referring to the Irish mainland as îrinn or
'
Ireland,'^ and to Rathlin as an tir seo, '
this country,* thereby
indicating that they were of old neither part of Ireland nor of
Scotland.
I. is sometimes maintained that the Rathlin people used to call the

It
Irish mainland Ireland,' while Scotland was called Jff Tir M6r^ or * the
*
Mainland,' just as is common in the Scottish islands. I have not heard
this myself in Rathlin, neither has anybody whom I have asked said that
this was a fact.
INTRODUCTION 3
THE SPEAKERS
The list of speakers already referred to is the following (arranged

according to households) :
(i) Mrs. Ann Jane Craig {nee McCurdy), aged about 82, living
in Ballycarry, Lower End.
(2) Mrs. Katie Glass, aged about 80, whose grandmother belonged
to Tarbert, Kintyre, and who may thus have more Scotticisms
in her talk than the rest. Lower End.
(3) Miss Annie Black, Kinramer,^ aged about 72, according to
the information of others of a family descended from the old
stock of Irish settlers (cf. below). Upper End.
(4) Alec Anderson, Craigmacagan, aged about 75, whose father
is said to have been of Scottish descent, though born in
Rathlin. Lower End.
(5) Mick Craig, Cnoc na Fiagrach, aged about 70 ; ancestors
are said to be Scottish. Lower End.
(6) Patrick ( 'John Pharaic ) McCurdy, Upper Cleggan, aged
'
about 70, whose mother was Scottish. Upper End.

(6a) Mrs. Murphy, Upper Cleggan.
(7) John (' Michel ') McCurdy, Upper Cleggan, aged about 67,
with no known Scottish connections. Upper End.
(8) Daniel (' Michel ') McCurdy, Kinramer, aged about 65, .
brother of John. Upper End.

(9) Patrick (' Michel ') McCurdy, Lower Cleggan, aged about 60,
brother of John and Daniel. Upper End.
(9a) Mrs. Mary Craig {nee McCurdy), sister of Patrick.
(9b) Miss Annie McCurdy, sister of Patrick.

(9c) Alec Morrison.
(10) Joseph Anderson, Mullindres, aged about 60, same grand-

father as Aleck Anderson. Lower End.
(loa) Miss Anderson, his sister.
(11) Daniel McFall, Kinramer (Glaic an Toighe Mhor), aged about

60 or 70, said to be of Irish descent. Upper End.
I. Now living at Ballycastle, Co. Antrim.

4 THF. IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
(12) Miss Lizzie McKcaguc, Ballyconagan, same grandmother as

Mrs. Glass. Miss McKcague gave mc a short hst of words
in her own spcUing, which I quote in different places.
Lower End.
(13) Mrs. Mary Jane McKinley {tiec Hunter), Church Bay, aged
about 70. Lower End.
(14) Frank Craig, Brockley, aged about 40. Upper End.
(15) John McCurdy, Gortconny, near Ballycastle, the youngest of
a family who left Rathlin 12 years ago.
(15a) Mrs. Mary McCurdy (nee Morrison), his mother.
(15b) Daniel McCurdy, his brother.
(15c) Miss Maggie McCurdy, his sister.
< §3 >
The most important family in Rathlin has always been the

McCurdies. Of these, however, there were several branches: some
said to have come from Ireland, others from Scotland. Mrs. Craig's
(i) people, on her father's side, were said to be descended from the
Marquis of Bute (cf O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 164, note 2), and
to have arrived in Rathlin about 300 years ago (this, however, is
held in doubt by others). But it is certain that these people have

been living in Rathlin for generations. The form of the name
(in English pronounced ma kordi) varies considerably : ma k^rtdti
(15 &c.), ma ma k^d^jri
kiCrd{d)ri, (Mrs. Glass explains this name as
Mac Cuirt a' Righ mak k/C:rtj 9 n;), ma k/Cr'dtri (3), which latter,
Mac Uireatraigh, seems to be the best. When prefixing Clann,

the form is Clann Mhuireatraigh^ hx\an v/Cr'Dtri (3), klain v^rtdti
(15 &c.), hlain v^rdidfi (15a), which bears out the identity with
Mac Mhuircheartaigh, supposed by Prof O'Rahilly {loc. cit). The
present day McCurdies in Arran, Scotland, are few, and are not
known with certainty to be of native stock. ^ The outstanding surname
in Arran is which is thus
Currie, representing Gaelic (M)ac Mhuirich,
thesame as was borne by the famous bardic family MacVurich.
Most of the islanders today are in some way or other McCurdies,
1. Muireatrach is also the Rathlin name of the * sandlark.'
The name appears in two
2. forms : McCurdy (pron. ma kordi) and
McKirdy (pron. ma k'erdi).
INTRODUCTION 5
as for instance Miss Annie Black, by her mother and maternal

grandfather.
Another common Rathlin is McQuaig, Ir. Mac Cuaige
surname in
ma kiCag'd
(3), ma
which evidently corresponds to the
'kiC'Sg',
Scottish MacCuthaige. Mrs. Ann Jane Craig's mother was Esther

McQuaig. Two other Scottish surnames are McKeague and McKay,
of which the Irish form is Mac Aoig ma kE :g' (perhaps a localism
for Mac Aoidh, cf § 81, a). Miss McKeague's father, John McKeague,
was of Islay descent, but her mother, Peggy McKay (or McKeague)
was a native of Rathlin.
The Andersons, Ir. Mac 'ille Andreis (Antrais) mak i H'antri\ (4),
mak i H'andri\ (seldom Mac Aindrea ma^kandra)^ the McQuaigs, the
McKeagues and McKays, and by some also the McCurdies, are
reckoned to be of Scottish descent. Sometimes a theory is put
forward according to which they once left the Mull of Kintyre,
coming to Rathlin by Cushendun, Co. Antrim (4).
Of the Blacks, Ir. Ailte Dhuibh alt\d'ylv, alt^d 'y/Civ (7), there are
three branches, of which one is said to be of Scottish descent. The
second branch is, according to the popular tradition, connected with,
and descended from, one of the men who escaped from the great
massacre at Lag an Bhriste Mhor, and was killed by a raven at the
*
Upper End of the Island. This man is identified with a certain
'
Brian Deargan brin* dârgan, of whom many stories are told. The
titleof the story of the raven, as given by speaker No. 7, is Fiach
Ailte Dhuibh, Black's Raven,' although the narrator thought that
'
the title was the name of the man who was killed. Others, however,
are of the opinion that this man was the famous Brian Deargan.
The third branch of the Blacks are Miss Annie Black's people, some-
times said to have come from Scotland, but more generally supposed
to have been living in the island for a considerable time. Annie
Black's mother was a McCurdy (see above), but her grandmother
was Margaret Bradley (or Broadley), in Irish Maraighead Nic
A' BhroUachan mdrzidd nik' d WT\ahan (3), vrolahan (4), called
Maraighead Og mdrzijd j :g (4).
Other Rathlin surnames are: Craig, Ir. Mac a' Charraic mak 3
xarik' {xarik'd, 5), Horen (Mrs. Ann Jane Craig's grandmother was
Nancy Horen), Hunter, Ir. Mac an tShealgair mak dti tjalgdr,
McFall, Ir. Mac Phail mak fail', McKinley, Ir. Mac Fhionnlaigh
ma k'ztill, Morrison, Ir. Ailtc Mhoirc alt^j vor'c Mailc (=Mac 'ille?
cf. O Tuathail Scanchus Ghlcann Ghaihhlcy p. xxiv) Mhoire mal'd

vor'j (3), and Smith, Mac Gabhain mago-in. Mrs. McCurdy,
Gortconny, was Mary Morrison, and her peopleto Hve used
at Kilpatrick. Mrs. Glass's father was John Smith, of Rathlin,
and his father had married a Scottish lady, a Miss Cameron, of
Tarbert, Kintyre, Mrs. Glass's grandmother. She thus spoke real
Scottish which often appears in the songs and sayings

Gaelic,
Mrs. Glass remembers from her. An interesting instance of a purely
Scottish surname is found in the place-name Tamhnach Mhic Leoid
tavtiiix vi^k'hid^ (15), which even shows the genuine Scottish Gaelic
pronunciation.
The surnames, which are mostly of the Scottish type in Mac,
are now mostly used in English : of the Irish forms, which are not
always remembered correctly, an idea can be had from 'the above

enumeration. When a given name precedes, the Mac is often
changed to 'ac, as Domhnall 'ac Phail dSjl ah fad' '
Daniel McFall,*
Micheal 'ac a' Charraic migal ah d xarik'D *
Mick Craig '
(3). The
women's names are formed by Nic Nic Aoidh
nik'{j), e.g. Beiti
hctji ni ke :j 'Lizzie McKeage (3), except surnames
'
in Ailte and
Maile, as seen above. In the great majority of cases people are not
referred to by their surname, but by their father's, and sometimes
also by their grandfather's, Christian name. Thus, for instance.
Alec Anderson is (or rather used to be) Alec Alastair Mhicheal
ahk aT\jstjr viâl (3), and Patrick McCurdy, at Upper Cleggan, is
still Paddy John Pharaic (cf the above list of speakers).
' '
The family is designated by the word Claim, children,' so that '
the McCurdies are called Clann Mhuireatraigh (see above), the

McQuaigs by Clann 'ic Cuaige kr\an i ^kâg'j (3), the McFalls by
Clann 'ic Phail klan ik'fad' (11), and the McKays by Clann ic Aoidh
kr\an i^kEi (3).
The Language
<§4>
It has already been pointed out in the introduction to this work
that out of the ten per cent of the Rathlin people who are in
touch with the Irish language there are but few who actually use it
'
INTRODUCTION 7
daily, and even by these people English is used to at least an equal
extent. By the majority of the Irish speakers Irish is remembered
merely as something of the past. It should not therefore surprise
anybody if Irish is no longer spoken by the present generation in
the same way as by the last. A typical instance of the simplification
or corruption of the Irish sounds is the present pronunciation of
gh (and dh), which is either silent or has become substituted for
some easier sound (see §§ 51, 81). The true sound is, no doubt,
remembered, but, owing to want of practice in speaking Irish, it
offers difficulties, and is avoided as much as possible.
On the whole, the sounds are now the same in the English and
Irish of the island, but there is no uniformity whatsoever in the
speech of different people. That there are differences in the English

of the different grades of people, according to the sources from
which it has been acquired, is as true in Rathlin as in any part of the
British Islands. But it also applies to the Irish dialects, and there
are considerable individual variations in the native speech of the
island. These are to be classed not as local sub-dialects only (of
which there are two, cf. below), but are also to be considered as
peculiar to certain families (quite independently of geographical

situation), or else on account of varying degrees of corruption in the
language. All these pecuharities will be discussed in the following
chapters.
The English of Rathlin is mainly of the Antrim type, and thus
contains a considerable amount of Scotticisms, so that it may be
said to be a form of the south western (Ayrshire, etc.) Lowland
Scottish. The most characteristic sound is the open e-sound (reminding
one of the English short a, § 17), which is used in the whole of
(northern) Antrim, as in the SW. part of Scotland, for an original
short i (" pedgen," " padgen," for pigeon,' etc.), while short u
'
' ' '
'
is given the same o-sound as in Ireland (" trobble " for 'trouble,'
*'
sommer " for summer,' etc.) This o-sound is different from the
'
original short which is often narrowed to 0, so that bonny

*
o,'
'
and bony are pronounced alike {boni, 9 c)

*
' this is an Ayrshire ;
trait. As in great parts of Northern Ireland today, the Scottish

'
sounds of t in tune,' and d in duty,' which resemble ch
'
'
* * ' * '
and j (see § 44), are prevalent in Rathlin English: thus "Anjun

* '
corn " for '

Indian com,' etc. A most interesting fact is that many
of these sound changes have taken place in EngUsh and Irish aUke,
so that the open c-sound is found also in Irish words Uke giolla,
tionntachadh, biorach, in the Glens of Antrim, also in fios, beag,
where other Ulster dialects (as well as most Scottish dialects) have
a short i-sound (i). The '
slender '
t, d also mostly become (Scottish)
'
ch,' '
j
'
in Rathlin (not, however, among old people in Antrim),
in words that in the rest of Ulster have a palatal t, d {t\ J'), e.g. tig,
tcid, deas. Such analogies serve to show the long and profound
intercourse between English and Gaelic in these parts of Ireland and
Scotland.
<§5 >
An interesting fact that soon became apparent was that the dialect
of those people who claimed Scottish descent in no way differed
from that of the rest, with the possible exception of Mrs. Glass,
who knew and used certain Scottish expressions, not to speak of
a few short stories and songs, while her pronunciation was in general
the same as that of the Lower End.' In the same way the language
'
of Patrick McCurdy, Upper Cleggan (6), whose mother was

Scottish (Lamont), was, as far as I could notice, that of his neighbours
at the '
Upper End.' On the other hand, a remarkable difference
exists between the dialect of the *
Lower End' and that of the
'
Upper End ' of the island, chiefly in the pronunciation, but also
in points of grammar. The *
Upper End ' is the remote western
part of the island, where Irish may still be said to be spoken in three
or four houses, while the *
Lower End ' is the part of the isUnd
round Church Bay, where the piers, post office, school and churches
are situated. Of this between the two extremities,
difference in dialect
which was, of more pronounced in olden times, the present
course,
population is well aware. The reason for the divergence in dialect
seems altogether to depend on a certain segregation of the two
localities, and tends to prove how slight the direct effect on the
language caused by settlers from different parts may be, unless they
come in big crowds. There is also a more central form of Rathlin
Irish (as especially that of speaker No. 13), which embodies features
sometimes from the Upper and sometimes from the Lower End,*
' ' '
and which is taken as standard for the following description.

':
INTRODUCTION 9
To sum Up the dialectal variations in Rathlin, the following may
be said here:
In the pronunciation of the '
Upper End,' (short) a tends to
become j, and (short) s to become from the cases where these
a (apart
changes have actually taken place, see §§ 56, 60), but in many cases
both a and s are pronounced alike all over Rathlin, and so are i, e,
and d. Of the remaining vowel sounds ^ (see § 25) shows a strong
tendency toward 6 at the '
Upper End.' a pronunciation that may
almost be considered normal for the whole island, while in the
typical *
Lower End pronunciation it
' gets the (original) value
of a front u (u). At the same time E and (short) J, which are to be
considered as standard forms, are found in that form at the
*
Upper End,' while the '
Lower End ' shows the perhaps more
original (or even /C) and AT, respectively. The '
Upper End,'
however, almost regularly broadens short £ to 4 (see § 19), especially
before / and palatal sounds even short / may share this development,
;
in the above circumstances (so that tri, suidh, duine sound trni, sni,
dnn'd).^ Speaking of E and /, it seems, however, that the women
favour them even at the '
Lower End,' and that (as Annie Black
believed) / is thought to be more '
polite '
than AT (just as Engl. *
bit
bit is considered more polite than "but" h^t, bEt or bat). Thus
speaker No. i decidedly favours I in many words, while speaker
No. 3 has tiomall t^/CtUDT] for tÎmjl.
We thus get the following comparative table for the vowel sounds
Upper End: Standard: Lower End:
E, n; E: E; E: 0; 0:
I {a); I: I; I: ^ (I); I:
0; 6: <C (0); iC: (o:) u; u:
As of words of the type beag, see §62.

for the pronunciation
With regard to the consonant sounds and other details, there is
just as much variation, but this is not confined to any special part
of the island. It is, for the most part, individual. It is, however,
possible that some families at least at the Upper End had the * '
Irish pronunciation of the combinations tr, tl, gr, ghr, etc., with
I. The pronounciation irEi, sEi, ma.y be considered as *centrar (they

are speaker No. 1 3's), while the * Lower End ' pronounciation is trI: {/ri:)y
sli {slj\ dCn'3 {din' 9).
: : :
'slender* vowels — i.e., as t'r\ t'l', Thus Annie Black and

g'r\ jr'.
•
her brother are said (8) to have pronounced treabhadh t'r'o.ig, which
I think she still does, as well as air an tshliabh cr ?n t'l'iav (almost
k'l'iav, cf. § 42); similarly she also says litrean litJDrjti as against
Mrs. Craig's (i) litr.vi. Patrick McCurdy (6) pronounces an ghrian
DJr'iau, for standard yr'ian (yrian). It further seems that the *
broad' 1
(/, § 40) and the '

slender '
r (r') are better preserved at the Upper *
End,' although speaker No. 7 often says^ for r' and speaker No. 3
has r| for / (see § 40). But it is pretty sure that the women at the
'Lower End' (i, 2, 13, etc.) do not know^ of a 'broader' 1 than
that which they use in English. The hiatus seems better developed
at the Lower End,' while
'
the nasal element (§ 54) is only found
with old people. Finally, I have an indefinite impression of the
'
Lower End pronunciation as coming nearer Scottish Gaehc than
'
that of the Upper End.' *
The following words and word forms are (or were) preferred in
the different extremities of the island
Upper End Lower End

nas fhearr na sz:r {sE:r) nas fhearr na Je;r (e.g. i)
glac sin glak JIw gabh sin gav JJ«

go leor g? Vo:r gos leor g5 ll'oir
cibe ar bith k'eharbi cibe ar bith k'eharbi

fhaghail aal (3) fhaghain a-in'^
thar shiubhal hz^r'/Cjl thar shiubhal hzr\^'dl'^

ar shiubhal (3) r^dl ar folbh dr folv
The pronunciation and forms stated above as being peculiar to

the Upper End
*
are used by most people living there.
'
Speaker No. 3 is said by others to have a different pronunciation

(or rather accent) from the rest, which they attribute to the fact
that her people were of the old stock (8). The typical Lower* ' *
End pronunciation may be heard especially from speakers

'
No. I, 2, 4, 5, while the rest have rather the standard pronunciation ' '
(see above). The Gortconny people (15, etc.), who left Rathlin
1. 1 do not know whether my first impression that the vb. nouns in -ail
were more common at the U.E., those in -(a)in, at the L.E., is quite true.
2. This is according to the statement of speaker No. 11; in my own
opinion, most Rathliners say hz'rbl as for ar folbh, it is not very common.
;
INTRODUCTION II
twelve years ago, but still speak the old language better than many
in the island itself, have certain features of the Lower End dialect ' '
in their speech. This is especially true of Mrs. Mary McCurdy,

who lived earlier at Kilpatrick, between the Lower and Upper
' ' '
End.' Her pronunciation strongly resembles that of Aleck Anderson

or Mick Craig, and with its clear hiatus and slightly rounded u-sound
(w, see § 25) reminds one of the Scottish pronunciation in Arran
or Kintyre. Whether this represents the '
Lower End '
sub-dialect
or is due to an archaism, I am unable to say.
<§6>
Apart from the difference between the eastern and western part of
the island, a dissimilarity is perceived, as has already been indicated,
in the talk of the It is not altogether due to
different individuals.
different generations, asmost of the Irish speakers are old men and
women, but rather to the want of practice the different people have
in speaking Irish. Thus, for instance, certain people (as 14) pronounce
the word duine man as duna (diCud), which is doubtlessly due to
' *
simplification; I have heard the same thing on the opposite coast

of Ireland (bona for boinne '
milk,' etc.). Similarly speaker No. i
pronounces hi (as Engl, 'boy') for boidhche (fo;p), and there

seems to be a certain tendency with some to change -j to -i after
a palatal sound (§ 10),^ so that it is not always clear whether tîni,

mj:ni, kEli, Uli really represents teinidh, moinidh, coiUidh, tuiHdh,
in every case.
Mrs. Craig (i) has in one place du drami for an drama,
John
McCurdy and Mrs. Glass dh din'd hni, where
gre:si for greas(a),
15, etc., would say d^n'd hn3, an duine shona, and in all these and
similar cases I am not quite sure whether the -/ represents an old
form (cf. § 112) or reflects the same change as I heard at times in
the Glens of Antrim, where the termination -adh, which is normally
-a in Antrim (cf. 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, p. 190: do ghoradh),
I . As '
palatal ' historically ' neutral ' con-
consonants in Rathlin are
sonants + semi-vocalic
element (see § 10), this change is analogous to the
one that makes champion,' guardian into champeen,' ' guardeen,' or
' ' ' '
*
Virginia ' into Virginny,' in certain Engl. pron.
' Cf. also Engl,
*
Ballycastle,' etc., for Ir. Baile Chaisteail.
'
12 THl- IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
was pronounced -/ (colladh hli, gcrradh g'ari *hare,' Murlough).^

Otherwise -p may become -a, e.g. luinge lEia, cuigeadh k^:g'a (3),
Garradh Liath gar a I'ia, etc. But the direct influence of English is
hardly responsible for all such changes. The English pronunciation

in Rathlin is stongly coloured by that of the old Irish-speaking
population. In the matter of grammar, and especially of syntax,
there exists, however, a considerable direct influence due to literary
English, so that sayings and stories may not seldom be polished up
according to EngHsh rules.
As in the Scottish Gaelic dialects on the border of the English-

speaking districts, there is in the Irish of Rathlin an immense number
of English loan-words. The adoption of an article or custom, as a
rule, brings in its foreign name, and even modified or improved

products are readilynamed in the same way as in the country from
which they were introduced. It is only seldom that old words like
maide seisrighe ( orig. stick of a team,' primitive plow ') has
' *
been retained for improved or new types, while such plain things
' * '
as kettle,' clover,' knitting ' (ceatal, clobhar, cneatan, cneatail)
have English names. Even abstract terms that do not refer to
anything new in the way of living have often been borrowed, as
*
bit ' (especially used as negative complement), *
spell ' (of time), etc.
Of course, the nature and conditions of the island account for
the lack of certain native words. As there is no single river, many
people have no native name for anything bigger than a stream,
which is called sruthan, for a valley (* glen '), which is more often
called glaic, *
a hollow.' Similarly there is now no native word
for a wood, though the word coillidh must once have been in use
(cf. Lag na Coillidh Boidhche, which is now under-
the place-name
stood as almost anything from na Caillighe Boidhche to na Caoraigh
Boidhche). The EngHsh word bay (be) is occasionally used, *
'
e.g. in Be na h-Eaglaise Church Bay,' but this, the only important

'
bay in Rathlin, is usually called An Locha (* the Loch '). The

word eaglais itself is unknown to many: the Catholic church is
referred to as Toigh an Aifrinn or an Teapal (' the Chapel '),
*
church '
being used only of the Protestant church.
The English loan-words all represent the * Anglo-Scottish
I. No doubt the same change as has taken place in English dialect pro-
nunciation *
Santy Glaus,' *Jemimy,' etc.
3
INTRODUCTION 1
pronunciation (this is also used by 6

term Tuathail, Sgealta Muinntir
Luinigh, p. xxv). The EngHsh spoken in RathUn is essentially
the same as in the opposite part of Antrim (especially Bally castle),
but owing to the fact that it has been introduced later into the island
it is less old-fashioned and more in agreement with standard English;
it is also to a great extent through the school that it has been taught.
Thus forms like droon,' aboot,' which are heard in Ballycastle,
' '
do not occur in Rathhn. The form of the words is therefore chiefly

that of standard English, while the pronunciation, or '
accent,' is
that of Antrim.
The " Rathlin Catechism"
<§7>
In 1722 a book was printed in Belfast,^ entitled The Church
Catechism in Irish. This Catechism, which for its Irish parts uses a
half phonetic spelling, was designed for the teaching of the

Protestant faith in the island of Rathlin.^ The language of this
so-called '
Rathlin Catechism '
is the same as the literary Irish used
at that time both in Ireland and Scotland. This book is meant to
be in the native dialect of Rathlin (some current phrases are especially
given for this purpose), and, as far as can be concluded from the
very defective way in which the pronunciation of the words is
indicated, the dialect seems to be the north eastern or the dialect
of Antrim. This especially appears in the dropping of inter-
vocaHc h (a' are father,' mo vea my life '), the vb. nouns in -a
' ' * '
(a yheana to do,' o phekka

*
from sin,' tigea do riachd thy ' '
Kingdom come,' do choivleena to fulfdl ') instead of '-oo,'3 the *
use of bhfeil (im vel she sa Vaile ?) for bhfuil, etc. But there are
also certain features which point to the present-day pronunciation
1. By James Blow. Prof. 6 Tuathail, of Trinity College, was kind enough
to show me his transcript of the Catechism.

2. But as the Design of this Essay is not to please the Highlands, but
'
incorporate this Island Raghlin and other Natives with the English, we
have used it (the character ch ') as the English do in those words that
'
I have mentioned.'
3. As to the period of the change of -adh to -00 in Donegal Irish, see
O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 67.

14 Tin: IRISH LANGUAGE IN KATHLIN ISLAND
ill Rathlin, as the retention of the c-sound (§ 62) in the words

pekka '
sin,' mo henga my tongue (but Benn woman has now
' ' ' '
the a-sound in Rathhn), the narrow i-sound (f, § 68) in the word
fliios (Ees), the e-sound where the Glens
(§ 59) in saoghal (seahal),
of Antrim have an u-sound (^), the absence of ecHpsis of b, etc.
(see § loi Kam bee tu ad chovne ?), the occasional use of object
:
forms of the personal pronoun when they are subject (§ 53: Ke

an Tire dam vel e?). But the most interesting detail is what seems
to be an indication of hiatus (§ 53). There are words and
phrases as: a'are, a-ar (athair), a Fla'is huas (Flaitheas), da-al
(dThaghail), ar na-hai (ar n-aghaidh), go bee-he she Trocaragh
(go biodh se trocarach), la-ala (laetheamhla), etc. But the use of
thehyphen or apostrophe is not regular: it is absent in la (Id a day'), *
where it is heard in Rathlin today, whereas it is inserted in ree-

achtanach (riachtanach *
necessary ').
But the language of the Catechism also shows many features

which are obsolete in the Rathlin dialect of today, such as the
synthetic verbal inflection, the future, the use of the old subject
forms of the pronoun, the occurrence of the old termination of
the dative plural, etc. It must be remembered that the language
of the Rathhn Catechism is over 200 years old, and that many
important changes have taken place both in Irish and Scottish Gaelic
during that time. It is interesting that Rathlin has in many ways
gone with the Irish mainland since the time when the differences
between Irish and Scottish became estabUshed. Thus the Catechism
has: A deir Abraham ris, a construction which remains in Scottish
Gaehc, but in which Rathlin Irish uses leis (' to him '). Further,
the form dhaibh (yhaiv) survives in Scotland, while modem Rathlin
Irish has the Antrim and Ulster form dofa, and the same is true of
the aspiration in this word and yho to him,* etc., where Rathlin,*
Antrim, and Donegal have do. But the aspiration of d' (* to,' before
a noun) must have been adopted from Scottish usage, if the writings
d'uaskil me (' who saved me '), d'onora (* to honor ') found in the
Catechism represent the older pronunciation in Rathlin. The form
*
is still in use in Rathhn, but chunart danger
*
aikshin seeing '
*
(if correct) is a Scotticism, which has been replaced by cuimtairt.
I quote the Rathlin Catechism in the following chapters in a few
cases, to furnish comparison with the present-day language.

: 5
introduction 1
The Irish of the Glens of Antrim
<§8 >
A description of the Rathlin dialect is hardly complete without

a few remarks on the Irish of the opposite mainland, especially as
it was spoken between Fair Head and Glenarm. This form of Irish
was so closely related to the Rathlin dialect that the people could
easily understand one another, and certain details in the one are
further better explained by comparing with the other. The Irish of

the Glens may easily be said to be dead, although there were three
'
native speakers living in 1937. But in a certain way the Antrim
'
Irish still lives for a number of people in Glenariff and Glenarm,
chiefly those who attended the classes of the late Father Toale
(O Tuathail), and who had known his principal informant, Maire
(' Mhor ') Nic Chormaic. These people must have retained the old
Antrim pronunciation with a remarkable accuracy, as appears from
comparison of their Irish mutually and with that of the native '
speakers.' I here give the list of the people whom I heard in the Glens,
of whom the three first (inch i b) had Irish from their childhood
(i) Mr. James Stewart, Murlough, and his sister
(lb) Mrs. Casey, Ballycastle.

(2) Barney (* Bhriain ') McAuley, Glenariff.
(3) Mrs. McVeagh, Craigagh, Cushendun.

(4) Mrs. Robins, Glenariff.
(5) Miss Mary Robins, Glenariff.
(6) Mrs. Murray, Parkmore, Glenariff.

(7) Miss Maggie McAuley, P.O., Waterfoot, Glenariff.
(8) Mrs. McNeill, Glenarm.
The chief characteristics of the Antrim Irish as distinct from the
Irish of Rathlin of the plural termination
dialect consist in the use
-a, -e instead of -(e)an, the distinction between subject and object
forms of the personal pronouns, the better conservation of the old

synthetic conjugation, as well as of the old future in -f- (-fh-). There
are also other differences, in pronunciation as well as in grammar
and vocabulary, which prove that it is a question of two separate
dialects, but for practical purposes the divergences are very slight
(cf. the specimen of Antrim Irish, p. 154).
THE IRISH OF RATHLIN
PHONOLOGY
General Remarks:
*
Broad '
and '
Slender '
Consonants
<§9>
ONE of the most
and GaeHc sounds
characteristic differences
is the tendency to pronounce certain
between EngUsh
consonants (t, d, n, 1, r, s) retroflex (or '

inverted ') in the
former language,^ i.e. by curhng the tongue backward against the
hard palate, while in the latter it rests low, with the point well to
the front. This peculiarity was strikingly expressed by an old native
speaker in the Glens of Antrim, who maintained that '
you turn the
tip of your tongue upward when you speak English and downward
when you speak Irish,' and he used to test whether words in his
own vocabulary were EngHsh or Irish in this way. It seems that
the whole difference between the English and Irish sound system
is based on this simple rule. At rest, the organs of speech have a
characteristic position in every language, and in the Gaelic dialect
of Rathlin this position is about the following : The lips are slightly
drawn apart side wise (they are never protruded), the jaw is relatively
low, and the middle part of the tongue is low and rather much
retracted, while the point seems to lie opposite the lower front
teeth. The easiest vowel to pronounce, starting from this position,
seems to be a back a-sound (a or :?, see § i6), while all consonants

except the alveolars readily become slightly more '
back ' than in
the ordinary English pronunciation. The alveolars are therefore
replaced by dentals in the native language, while in English words
either alveolar or *
inverted ' sounds are heard. A Rathlin man
always has difficulty in pronouncing sounds which are formed by
advancing the tongue very far (as the French e or i), or by rounding
I. It is the pronunciation in Ireland that I have in view, not that in

England, although the latter is now steadily gaining ground also in Ireland.
'
PHONOLOGY 17
or protruding the lips. The latter articulation never occurs (c£

especially the difference between the French ou and ch, or the
German u and sch, and the Rathlin u and 'slender' s). Nevertheless
front vowels are frequently found, and, as these are usually more
to .the front than in Enghsh, it is clear that it takes an effort to
pronounce them, which also explains the peculiar effect on the
consonant and vowel system, reflected in the terms broad and '
'
*
slender.' Having the above analysis of the rest position of the
'
tongue in view, it is easily seen that the sounds termed broad '
(or '
wide,' as the Irish leathan rather suggests) come more naturally
to a native speaker than those called '
slender '
(the Irish caol also
means narrow '). It is by narrowing the volume of the mouth
'
cavity, by raising and advancing the middle part of the tongue,

that the slender vowels and consonants are articulated.
'
' If the
'
tongue (and other organs which co-operate in forming the slender '
sounds) could be moved from the one position to the other quickly
enough, it would be easy to pronounce broad and slender '
'
'
consonants and vowels after each other in any succession. But this
is not the case, and once the tongue has attained the difficult frontal
position it tends to remain there. It is, therefore, much easier to

pronounce sounds of the same class together (as is already seen in
English '
get ' and '
got,' French qui and cas, where the two first
sounds are either both 'slender' or both 'broad'). In this case

the consonant is automatically affected by the vowel. But if a sound
of one class is followed by one of the opposite class, the tongue does
not get time to move from the one place to the other, and it follows
that a vowel following a consonant will be pronounced during its
first part with the organs of speech still in the position of the
consonant, while a vowel preceding a consonant of the opposite
type will during its last part be articulated to conform with the
consonant.^ This conformation of the vowels and consonants has
resulted in the so-called '
glides,' which are characteristic of most
I. The reason why (in Irish) it is the vowels that are affected by the
consonants, and not vice versa^ would be that the duration of the vowels
is longer than that of the consonants, so that the time required for the shifting
of the tongue, etc., is taken off the former. Of course, this picturing of the
process is altogether unhistorical, as the present '
glides '
are in most cases
relics of old vowels or vowel elements
l8 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
Irish dialects (and even noticeable in southern Scottish Gaelic), and

have so strongly affected the Irish orthography.
< § 10 >
Rathlin Irish is in the same way characterized by the opposition

of '
broad '
and '
slender '
sounds, but it is not always so well marked
in the present-day pronunciation. In many cases it entirely escapes
the listener whether a consonant is
'
broad ' or '
slender,' and it
seems in any case to be of minor importance. In the present

pronunciation the differentiation between the two classes of
consonants tends to be altogether determined by the surrounding
vowel sounds, exactly as it is in Enghsh. In the vowel sounds should
then be included the (semi-vocalic) '
glides.' A *
glide ' in the
Rathlin dialect is the more or less complete reduction of the vowels
I, n or d (£), or the semivowels j or w, according to the different
environment. Some of these *
glides ' exist in the local English,
as in the words " cyart " kârt, i.e. k'art^ '

cart,' " gyarden " gârddn,
i.e. g'arddti *
garden,' 'kettle' k^ztdU y^tdl, i.e. k'ztdU 'blue' hlîC:
i.e. hl'/C:, 'fluke' /î^, i.e. Ji'^k, "baigg" be% i.e. beg' 'big,'
"Moicky " tna^kiy i.e. mak'i (U.E.) 'Micky,' 'Daniel' daWdly de^nhly
de'T\hl,
" Ainjun corn " z^ndidti hrn, i.e. en'dpn {sndpn) hrn 'Indian
com,' '
old '
o"/J, '
fireday '
faiDfy
' '
de :\ etc. In exactly the same
way the Irish words are pronounced, e.g. ceart kârt, i.e. k'art *
right,'
gearradh gârdg, i.e. g'ardg '

cutting,' gioUa g'zb '
boy,' flinch fl'^x
'
wet,' trie (troic) trz^k, i.e. trzk' '
often,' ainm a^nhnty i.e. an'dtn (i)
*name,' bog bo^% i.e. bog 'soft,' fhein /ie;m, i.e. he:n' (but cf.
below) 'self Hence it is also possible for a word as cuirthe k^fd

(i.e. kXr^hh) to alternate with k/Crhi (cf. § 6).
In the above examples, although the different types of consonants

are no doubt mostly quite different, it nevertheless appears that it
I . According to custom, I mark *

slender '
(or *
palatal ') consonants with
the accent (').
'
,
PHONOLOGY 19
is the *
glides ' that make the chief difference. In RathUn (as with
many people in Kintyre) a '
slender ' consonant in contact with
another sound of the same type tends to lose its distinction. Thus
I have noted pronunciations like ghni ni: {nl:, 9) with the same n
'
as in anois a «/J, and slinn j/t;n (15) with the same 'n' as in fion
or claim (cf. § 43, footnote). This and similar circumstances make it
better to answer the purpose of this work to mark with the accent
(') only such '
slender ' consonants as are clearly distinguished from
the corresponding '
broad ' types by any sort of '
glide.' The
absence of the (') where it is etymologically justified thus shows
that a '
neutrahzation '
of the consonant has taken place in the modern
pronunciation, as he lik (better I'ik') 'stone' as sioc îk (better J/fe)
'frost,' cosail hszl 'like' (/ fairly 'broad,' 15) as tuigeal t^g'al, etc.
Further, in words like innte sn'tjd [snt^D, sintjd) 'in her,' the correct
n' is frequently reduced to n. The use of the (') is to be considered

as an abridgement of the lengthy way of representing the '
glides.'
Hence the which are far more audible after long vowels,
'
glides,'
will not be written in words such as amhain d va:n\ cuig hi^ :g'
Uig ^:g\ Sliabh an Fhail \liav d nad' (' Slieveanaille '), etc., although
an / is quite clear. ^ Only in cases where it may be doubtful whether
such a vocalic element is a '
glide ' or a full vowel it will be given,
as in laithean r[aipn (3), buinii hîn (prob. for h£:n'), gruth nuis
gr^ n/Cij (12). The vowel 5, which in many ways shares the function
of the '
glides,' is more often written, as in beal bsdl, iota idt9 (3),
etc. It should be observed that such words are not always clearly
distinct from dissyllabic hiatus-words (see § 53).^
The labial '

glide '
in faoi//;, smaoinigh smlm'i, maorach mEirax
(see § 31) is not represented, as it is often weak, and would only
complicate the phonetic It seldom
writing. attains the full
value of a Wy as is given by Sommerfelt and 6 Searcaigh for

Donegal.
1. Neither in teid /J^.-^/j,

deoch dôXy which are correctly pronounced
tpe:^d^y d^'oXy etc.
2. When Mrs. Craig (i) gave me the word for 'gum(s)' cair, I heard
ka'in; similarly is Annie Black's amhain not unhke p va'in. From this fact
it will further be understood that a '
slender consonant can, through the
'
intervention of an audible '

glide,' be better distinguished after a long
*
back ' vowel than after a short.
20 the irish language in rathlin island
Notes on the Dentals
< § 12 >
Special attention should be called to the pronunciation of the

so-called '
dentals ' (see § 37) in Rathlin. The Irish t, d, n
(in native words) are popularly said to be *
broader ' than in English,
by which is meant that the position of the tongue is lower than in
English, and that the point touches the upper incisors instead of
the alveolar ridge. In Rathlin English, from discussing the matter
with the people themselves (especially 15, 15b and 9c) I have come to
the conclusion that the same consonants are shghtly different, the
tongue being shghtly higher and forming occlusion just above the
upper incisors. Thus '
pronounced
kettle *
k'ztdl (also used in Irish) is
with a different '

t ' from pota
with a pjt3 '
pot ' (9c), '
nail '
a different n from chan

'
fheil
' ha nel (there) is not (15), and it
'
'
would be possible to denote the former by t and «, and the latter

by T and N. But there are several inconveniences connected with
such a transcription. First of all, the difference in pronunciation
between the two series is so slight that it mostly escapes the
listener. Further, the '
broad ' series invariably occurs in native
Irish words, while the other is restricted to late English loan-

words, so that it seldom occurs in the Irish language at all.
A third reason against the use of at least N for the '

broad ' is the
disadvantage arising from the use of that symbol in words like
bean woman,' fan stay,' cosan feet,' which have probably the
* ' '
same n in Rathlin as in Donegal (and other parts of Ireland).

*
'
According to O Searcaigh (Foghraidheacht, § 201) that n is *

'
different not only from the Enghsh n (it is said to equal the ' '
French «), but also the *

broad ' dental '
n ' in ceann *
head,'
fann *
weak,' easconn *
eel.' In Rathlin today there is certainly no
between the n
difference '
' in bean and ceann, whether it be n or N,
but in the Enghsh can *
' (*'cyan") k'an, the final is shghtly
different (9c). Though the above method of transcribing is not
strictly it yet seems to be the most reasonable, and to
accurate,
harmonize with this transcription the broad t and d will * ' *
'
* '
also be represented by t and d, and not by T and D. This is also

in consonance with the transcription of 6 Maille (Urlabhraidheacht,
1
PHONOLOGY 2
§ 112), Sommerfelt (Dialect of Torr, §§ 321-323). But the nature

of these sounds will occasionally be pointed out in the Glossary.^
Semivowels and Diphthongs
< § 13 >
Another principle of phonetic writing has caused some difficulties,
namely, the use of / or j\ u or lu after Here phoneticians

a vowel.
do not quite agree, for in combinations which are no doubt
essentially similar different writers use j\ w (as 6 Maille,
Urlabhraidheacht, § 92,2; §§ 177, 178) and /, u (as Sommerfelt,
Dialect of Torr, §§ 302-306, and Searcaigh, 6 Foghraidheacht,
§§ 103-129). There is no doubt that the so-called diphthongs
'
i ' and '
ow '
in English are phonetically aj and aw (in the standard
pronunciation), and that the Irish words laigh, toigh ought
consequently to be transcribed laj, tEj (in the Rathlin pronunciation).
But this plain truth is somewhat obscured by the fact that words
as doigh *
manner ' and doghaidh '
will burn ' tend to become
one in the pronunciation (e.g. that of 3). If this takes place, it is
because of the same *

breaking up '
of single vowels mentioned in
§ 14, whereby monosyllabic words get an almost dissyllabic (or
diphthongal) pronunciation. In such cases it is inadequate to use
the semivowels, which should then by necessity be extended to all
cases unless confusion is caused. This mode of writing is also in

many cases quite appropriate, as when lae (prop. lEj), traigh
(prop. tra:j) sound something like lEid (11), traid (4).^ In words
1. Speakers No. 15 make a clear distinction between the Engl.

8, 9c,
" cyart " k'ari and the Ir. ceart k'arT, but 3 seems to have the
'
cart '
'
Engl. t,'
'
d,' n (biodag SUag, etc.).
' '
Otherwise Engl. t and d
' '
'
'
are often given the value of/', (§ 42) by old people, as Katie k'et'i (7),
^/' ' '
which accounts for the Ir. forms Ceit k'e.'lj Kate,' Beiti 6etji Betty,' ' '
*
Lizzie,' etc. The broad Irish t,' d are only used before r in
' ' ' ' ' ' '
Engl, words, as trouble Trobsl, wonder v{wônD3r^ etc.

'
Hence ' ' '
speaker No. 4 sometimes says Treivag for Taobhog TEivag (pl.-n.), or

Trzv; for Engl. thing.' '
Speaker No. 9c finds Ir. traigh and Engl. ' try ' identical in his own
2.
pronunciation. That the vowel length is lost when i is used is in conformity
with the rule in § 14. In the same way are naoi and toigh said to rime,
22 TUF. IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
like laiglic, buidhc the i is usually more correct {lah, b^h) —there
is a slight tendency to confuse laigh and laighe, etc. —but some
rather say laj.i, h.(jj. Even in the word boidheach i is found {hiax),
but the correct pronunciation is h :jax, with a long vowel and j
(cf Engl. '
buoyant ' as against '
soya,' '
Maya,' etc.)
Vowel Length
< § U >
There are three degrees of vowel length in the Rathlin Irish:
short, half-long, and long. The short vowels are never too short,
and usually much longer than in English, cf. the difference between
the native '
cat ' kat, with the Enghsh pronunciation of the words
'
cat,'
'
But the vowel length may slightly depend
cut,'
cot.' or '
on the following consonant. Short vowels are here represented by

plain vowel symbols (a, s, e, etc.). The half-long vowels are slightly
longer, and occur only in front of another vowel in hiatus (§ 53),
as well in fmal position (s in de dê is slightly longer and more tense
than in bhfaic vek'). This is true of English as well as Irish words,

e.g. *
cow ' kEu, knUy '
here ' hidr; long lEu, loii
'
ship,' laithean
laipn '
days.' The long vowels (marked by:) are very much drawn
out (about twice the length of a short vowel). In the English of
Rathlin they occur mostly in fmal position (cf. 'do' J^C;, *wee'
v{w)I:)', in other positions original long vowels have mostly been
shortened as in Scottish. This is perhaps connected with the fact
that there is a tendency in Rathlin Irish (as in the remnants of the
Irish dialect of Antrim) to do away with the long vowels altogether.
This may happen in a twofold way: the long vowel is simply
shortened, which mostly happens in words of more than one syllable,
e.g. foghmhar ^.-f^r, ^f^r 'harvest,' thainigh ha:n'i, han'i 'came,'
ag amharc ? ga:r.ik, d garjk (of course chiefly in unstressed position),
or, what mostly happens in words of one syllable, the long vowel
is broken up into a diphthong (i.e. the two vowels belong to the
although not toigh and (ar) t'aghaidh, which latter is '

longer ' (prop. tE'i;
15b). That the vowel was once generally short in toigh is seen from the
fact that it is often broadened to a (tai) at the U.K., which is not the case
in (ar) t*aghaidh.
':
PHONOLOGY 23
same syllable), the last element of which is generally d, as: ta tas
(there) is,
'
thu £d '
you,' Ian V[a3n (3)
'
full,' or odr {oir?, 3) '
gold,'
gan fheith, gan fhuil^c? nzd gd n^l '
without sinew, without blood '
(7),
cradan kraddan '
burdock '
(8) ; cf. also fear /s ;r, fzdr, and other
instances mentioned in § 11. The vowels e;, 0;, /;, and E: show
tendencies to diphthongization to ei, ou, li, Ei, in English as well
as in Irish words (c£ § 18): '
day ' de : - dci, dE ~ dEi, :
'
whey
xwE:-xwEi; fhein hem-^hein 'self,' {a.oi fl: -fli 'below.' All
these changes depend to a considerable extent on environing
consonants.
A long vowel is made vowel in
half-long in front of another
Rathlin Irish. Mathair *
same
mother,' brathair '
brother,' have the
vowel as athair father,' and doghadh burning,' is pronounced
' '
drdg, dj?a, and ta ceo air ta: k'o er (for k'j:) there is mist on (15). ' '
When -j becomes i (as it usually does), the preceding vowel also

shortened, e.g. traigh tra :j beach > trai, doigh dj :j manner > ' ' ' '
dot; faoi/C.y (8) 'under,' becomes either /^/, /£/ or//;.
Insertion and Omission of Vowels

<§i5 >
A so-called '
epenthetic '
vowel is sometimes inserted between
two consonants in order to facilitate the pronunciation. This is
between a liquid or nasal and ch (where it is a)

especially the case
and between a stop and a following consonant, e.g. dorcha doraxD
'
dark,' Donnchadh donaxdg Duncan,' Sliabh an Chonnaidh ll'zvd '
na xonl (pl.-n.) ; naipicin nspdkin '

napkin,' eaglach egdlax '
afraid,'
*
timid,' eaglais egdll^ '
church.' In the latter case the epenthetic
vowel is, however, more instable, cf. eaglais zgr\ij (3), eadtrom
'
e :dr3m light.'
Between a liquid or nasal and a following consonant there is

regularly no vowel insertion in Rathlin Irish, except in the case of
contact between originally broad and slender consonants, as '
'
' '
sea,' from O. Ir. fairggae (with the double rr

'
farraice farik'd
'
broadened '), orainn jrin on us,' cf Early Mod. Ir. oirne, '
O. Ir. fornn; similarly ainm an' dm 'name' (i), but also commonly
ar'm (§ 89). In other cases no vowel is normally inserted, so that
:
24 TUT: IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
the words boladh bjb(i

*
smell,' and bolg hlg '
stomach,' arc dis-
tinguished in the pronunciation (15, But a certain tendency- etc.).
exists to eliminate such type of distinction, which both depends
on the occurrence of an obtrusive epenthetic vowel and on the

obscuration of the unstressed vowels. Thus some speakers pronounce
garbh gar.iv '
rough,' scarbh skarju '
cormorant,' gealbhonn g'ahvan
'graylag' (8, for 'sparrow'?), sugh sealbhan sik (Ji/e) \ar\dvan (3)
'strawberry,' and, on the other hand, figheadoireacht jidtraxt
'weaving,' anam arm, fuarog fodrg (12) 'oatmeal and milk':
whether earn karn '
cart,' has in a similar way arisen from carran,
is not quite certain, as the shorter form is the only existing one
and the plural is formed cairn kEr'n' ; cf. however com, from corran
in the north of Ireland (6 Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh, p. 50)
The Different Sounds and their Occurrence

In the following two sections will be given (i) the extant number
of elementary sounds, found in the Irish of Rathlin, and (2) their
occurrence in words, from a comparative and historical viewpoint.
That these sounds and their application do not perhaps represent
a generation-old state of things has already been pointed out.
The Elementary Sounds

The following elementary sounds may be recognized in the
by their phonetic symbols
present-day speech of Rathlin, given
{A) Vowel Sounds
< § i6>
By this symbol we represent the '
Anglo-Irish '
short a-sound
(' bad '
bad, '
Daniel ' dan'dl, *
fire '
faisr,
'
dry '
drai), which ranges
from a '
back ' a (French has) to a rather '
front ' a (French chat),
the former being more general at the '
Upper End' (" mon " for
'
man,' and eventually passing over to a real j (§ 56). When
etc.),
long or half-long (as in calm k'a :m, car k'a :r, the front pro-
* * *
'
nunciation is the rule, and the native people fmd a marked difference
between their own vowel in mathair mazr 'mother,' and that of
'
PHONOLOGY 25
Donegal Irish, which often approaches j : tmhir\ In unstressed

positions the pronunciation is more lax (cf. the local pronunciation
of '
Islay ' eila), so that it is rather an a or even an <? (see below):
the diminutive suffix -an {-an) should be different from the plural
suffix -an {-3n), but the two often sound ahke.
<§ i7>
This symbol also stands for a wide range of sounds, whose
standard value may be taken as the typical pronunciation of short
EngHsh a, or the local pronunciation of short English e or i
'
(' cellar '
sshr, 'skillet' sk'sbt, 'drive' drziv). At the 'Lower End
the pronunciation is almost that of an open e-sound (French jette,
lait), but at the 'Upper End,' especially in contact with 'palatal'

sounds, it is more or less like an a-sound (English short o; cf. in
the local pronunciation, 'paddy,' 'padgcn,' 'podgen,' 'Moicky,'
for *
pity,' 'pigeon,' 'Micky'). The long (s;) and half-long sound
'
are more tense, and never broader than
where in English '
care,' '
(cf. local Mary,' used of the Virgin). Unstressed, the same sound
'
is more obscure, and interchangeable with d and i.
< § 18 >
is usually narrower than the English short e in
This e-sound
'
let,' and equals the local (and Scottish) pronunciation of a
*
get,' '
in many words (' shape \ep, paper pep^r, Rachel retjdl). It is

' ' ' '
'
narrower at the Lower End (' Rachel is almost Richel with '
'
'
speaker No. 2) than at the Upper End, but the difference is not so
marked as for e. The long sound {e ;) is approximately the EngHsh
sound in '
vary,' '
Sarah ' (cf. local pron. of '
Mary,' as a woman's
name). In unstressed position, this vowel hardly occurs, and can
not be clearly distinguished from s, 5, and i.
E
< § I9>
The third e-sound found in RathUn is a retracted (or mixed ') *
form, pronounced with a half-open mouth and just slightly rounded

'
20 TIIL IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
lips. This sound is chiefly the product of contiguous consonants,

and is in many cases only sHghtly different from e and e. Particularly
after a '
broad '
(especially k, g, x, see below) or neutral consonant E
appears instead o( e (cf.
'
live '
lEv, '
little
'
lEtdl, '
winter '
vEntdr
{inrEiit.n), '
cow '
kEtt, '
quickly '
kwEk'li, in the local pronunciation),
but also occasionally before such a consonant. This sound is typical
of the '
Upper End,' where it is often broadened to <t, or the typical
sound of English short u, § 27: '
quiet ' is rather kwnidt than kwEidt)^
or almost an a-sound (' quiet *
kwaiot). The long and half-long £,
also typical Upper End,' is more tense, and rather a retracted
of the '
form of c;, with which it is often interchangeable ('whey' xwE:,

xwciy 'day' dE:, de:, McQuaig ma kwE:g\ ma kwe:g'). The
' '
unstressed form of these is nothing but an d (see below).

As described above, E may be considered as the standard form
in Rathlin, at least in words which at the Lower End are *
'
pronounced with an or ^ (see below). In front of r, i and u, E is

often automatically changed to 0, d, as in (local) English *
heard
JiErd or hord {liDrd), '
white '
xwEit or xwoit, xwjit, '
cow ' kEu or
kou, k,iu. This rule also appHes to Irish words: O Beirn o ^bEr'n'
or 3 ^bor'n,' o ^hdr'n' *
O'Byrne,' toigh tEi or tdi (L.E.).
< § 20 >
The Rathlin i-sound is rather narrower than the EngUsh short i,
and somewhat equivalent to the local (and Scottish) vowel sound in
certain words ('steel' stil, 'deaf dif, 'lead' lid, 'indeed' dndid).
It is practically the same all over the island. The long 1; is the
same sound sustained, and the unstressed i is only sUghtly obscured,
and may interchange with e and 9.
< §21 >
This is an open, flatly articulated i, bearing the same relation

to I as E to s or e (cf. It is about
local 'wheelbarrow' xwllbard).
identical insound when sustained (/;), but less distinct in unstressed
positions (where it interchanges with i). Except after a velar, it is
seldom sharply distinct from i.
PHONOLOGY 27
< § 22 >
By J the open o-sound of Rathlin English is represented

'
(* trouble '
tnbdl, '
corn '
hrn, '
shop '
pp,
'
Gustie '
gosti,
'
Scotland
shtbnd). This sound, which
is fairly uniform throughout the island,
is narrower than even the Enghsh short o in cost,'

far often,' ' '
but not unlike the vowel in French bonne, epaule (cf Irish trouble,' '
'
cut '). The long form {j :) is practically the above sound sustained,
and thus narrower than in English 'fall' (cf local 'small' smj:l,
'
at all ' 5 tj:l, '
Oh, no' j: uj:). In unstressed positions it hardly
occurs.
< § 23 >
The narrow o-sound in Rathlin is much narrower than any

o-sound in English (cf. the local pronunciation of '
coal ' kol, '
police-
man' Spoilsman, 'boat' hot, 'goats' gots, 'post office' postôfis). It
is perhaps normally the vowel in French eau, beau, but it shows

a strong tendency to become u (English 00). The long 0: is about
the English (non-diphthongal) o in 'go,' but often narrower as in
French jaune, and occasionally bordering on 11 : (local '
low '
is often
pron. lu:, similarly Ir. mor may sound mu:r, 8). This sound does
not occur in unstressed position.
< § 24 >
This vowel is very rare in Rathlin, and hardly ever occurs

independently. most frequent at the Lower End (cf the
It is
' '
local pron. of 'shorn' Jwm, 'door' du:r). It is the English
00-sound in good and 'do.' At the Lower End it often appears

' ' * '
for standard £ (q-v.), uasal uasdl, urlar urlar (15a), bruachan

brwaxdu (4), but in front o£ x or h (always short) it is pretty general
all over the island (see § 73). Unstressed, it forms the last
*
component of certain diphthongs (' cows ' kEuz, huz, *

house
hEus).
'
< ^ 25 >
This very typical Rathlin sound is the local pronunciation of

English 'oo,' and diverse other sounds (cf. 'school' sk^l, '
use' j^s,
'roof r^f, 'too old' t^ *old, 'wind' v{w)^nd, 'Willie' v{w)^li,
'a wee bit' d vii>I: b^t, "pirn" (=' bobbin') piCrn, 'discourse*
di^sk^rs). Normally, and more often at the Lower End,* it '
resembles a relaxed form of the French w, or the characteristic

Glasgow and Belfast oo-sound, while at the Upper End a sound ' '
resembling the French eu (approximately the English vowel in

'
girl,' hurry ') is more common.
'
Certain people at the
'Lower End' (2, 4, 5) often use a front u (cf. 'shorn' Jwr/j,' above).
The sustained form underlies the same alternations (cf. 'sure' li(:r,
Jo.T 'door' di(:r, dd:r). This sound cannot be clearly distinguished
in unstressed positions.
< § 26 >
This vowel is also less stable in its occurrence. found both

It is
at the '
Lower ' and '
Upper End ' of the island, though in quite
'
different functions. As already indicated above, certain '
Lower End
people (2, 4, 5) show a tendency to use this sound (or ^) for E
(cf 'spinning' spdniT\, 'lily' loli, 'minister' mdni\t3r, 'quickly'
kwok'li), at the same time as they retain the old value of u
(see above), while the Upper End
'
' people are inclined to use the
sound for the normal /C ('roof rof,
*
use ' 705, 'shorter' jortdr).
Before r, however, the sound is usually or p,
'
McCurdy
ma*kdrdi, ma^kjrdi, if originally short '
u.* This is also true of the
long form (d;), which is occasional even E;, as an Uig d nE:d' (6).
The unstressed form is d.
< § 27 >
This vowel is characteristic of the '

Upper End,' where it
*
quite often replaces the standard (short) vowel E (cf local *
Uve
lav, etc.).
'
PHONOLOGY 29
<§28>
The irrational vowel is as common in Rathlin as in
other parts of Ireland and Scotland (cf. 'the boat' 5c? hot^
'away' dv{w)E:, '

thristle ' (=' thistle') \rEstd\, 'Michel' mzk'dl,
'skillet' sk'zht, 'gannet' g'atidt, 'cellar' szhr). As in English, the
occurrence of d is highly dependent on the lack of stress : full vowels
are constantly reduced to 9, while even in such plain suffixes as -an
(plur.) or -ain(n) the vowel may occasionally appear as a or s,
when the stress is nowadays to ascertain

heavier. It is often impossible
whether a full vowel or 9 is normal in many words in Rathlin Irish.
In stressed positions d is sometimes found in diphthongs (' white
xwdit, cow kdu, flower fldiidr), Ir. roimh mheadhon lae n vjan
'
'
* '
hi 'a.m.' (2), as well as before r in Irish and English words: ' '
O Beirn :?' b9r'n' (also: 9 '

bor'n', '
hEr'n\ o '
hjzr'n').
(J3) Semivowels
By semivowels (which are j and w in Rathlin) we mean an i or u

(see above), pronounced so short that in combination with another
vowel it does not count Formerly these semivowels
as a long.
occurred freely before any long or short vowel, but
or after
nowadays, as in English, they tend to be ousted from any position

other than before a stressed vowel.
J
< § 29 >
This is the English consonantal '

y '
in '
yes ' (cf '
yes ' jzs, jEs,
'use' j^s, joSy in the local pronunciation). In Irish words, it
originally occurred also after a long or short vowel (see § 13), but this
is no longer the case in the current pronunciation of most people.
w
< § 30 >
This is the English '

w,' e.g. in '
water,' '
winter.' It is a still
rarersound in Rathlin, where it chiefly occurs after a guttural

(cf the local pronunciation of *
quiet ' kwEidt, '
white ' xwEit^
*
while ' xwEil). As for the occurrence after a labial, see §§ 31, 33.
'
30 Tin: lUISII LANGUACK IN UAllIIIN ISLAND
(C) Consonantal Sounds
As already mentioned (§ lo), the accent (') marks the distinctly-
forward pronunciation of the consonants, especially when it is
accompanied by a '
glide.' A k, g, or / may thus be slightly advanced
before or after an /, without being marked.
The voiceless stops are like the same sounds in English, but the
voiced stops show a certain tendency towards unvoicing. Truideog
trldâg may thus occasionally sound tritjag (cf. the more or less
regular change of d, g to t, under certain conditions, § 80, 84),

c,
and people from the Irish mainland sometimes think that they say
*
pisness ' instead of '
business ' in Rathlin. If such tendencies exist,
they are not even so pronounced as in Arran, in Scotland, where
the Scottish unvoicing of the mediae has as yet barely started.
Labials
The two lips are opposite each other (also: Bilabials).
p, h, m.
< §31 >
Of these the first is a voiceless, the second a voiced labial stop,

like the EngUsh '
b,' p
' '
(cf local '
picture '
psktjdr, *
happen
hap9n, '
bad bad, '
'
Kebble ' k'sbdl), while m is a voiced nasal, like
English 'm* (cf local 'Michel' mep/, mzk'dl, 'calm' k'a:m).
These consonants are '
neutral ' or *
broad,' according to the
surrounding vowels, and it should be observed that a '
broad
off-glide is often heard before J, E (only in Irish words), e.g.
smaoinigh sml:n'i 'think,' muineal mEn'dl (U.E.) 'neck' (cf.
6 Searcaigh: maoin Mwlih, m'aghaidh MwE:i, baile hwceh,

Foghraidheacht, § 181).
;.', b', m'.
< § 32 >
By these symbols the same sounds with slightly tightened lips
(cf § 9) are designated. By tightening the lips, at the same time

as the tongue is advanced, a slender glide ' is developed, as in '
bean b'an, b'en 'woman,' beannacht b'enaxt 'blessing,' which are,
however, mostly pronounced: bjan, bjanaxt.

PHONOLOGY 3 1
Labiodentals
The upper incisors are opposite the lower hp.
/ ^'
< § 33 >
These are labiodental fricatives, the former voiceless, the latter

voiced, as the English '
f,'
'
v '
(c£ local '
fire '
faLir,
'
enough '
jwf,
'
voice '
vjis, *
live '
lEv). They are '
neutral ' or '
broad.' In front
of a:, /, or £, a '
broad ' or labial '
glide '
is developed, which
sometimes jresembles a 'w' (cf 6 Searcaigh: fuil, bhuail,
Foghraidheacht, §§ i8i, 169). This sound combined with the labial
*
ghde seems to be equivalent to the Rathlin English
' (cf.
'
w '
*
wind '
v/Cnd, vw^nd, 'winter' vEnLir, vwEntir, 'water' vipaLir).^
< § 34 >
These are the same as above, pronounced with tightened Hps and
advanced tongue, so that a '
slender glide '
arises. They are not so
common now, e.g. fear far '
man,' an bhean 3 v'an, d v'zn '
the
woman,' which are more commonly pronounced jf/'^r, vjan.
<§35 >
By symbol we represent the voiced labiodental nasal, which

this
is only found in
Irish words, and is therefore getting rare. Its
acoustic effect is almost mv (c£ also § 77), as in: amharc avdxk

looking (7), an Ceann Reamhar dx\ k'an ravdr Kinramer (3).
* '
' '
Usually a plain (broad) v is substituted, but occasionally also m,

as in oidhche mhaith /;p ma [vd) *
good night,' an bhfaca d makd
*
did ... see?' (7, 15a, cf § 77); also cf the alternative spelling
*
Kinramer,' *
Kinraver '
in English. This sound is practically always
*
broad '
or *
neutral.'
\. zu is here used for the labial 'glide,' which naturally resembles the
English '
w.' In native words, as mentioned before, it only occurs in front
of /, Ey or (C (before the last it is less pronounced).
'
Interdentah
The tip oi the tongue is opposite the upper as well as lower incisors.
I),
a.
< §36>
By these symbols the voiceless and voiced interdental spirant are
represented. The local pronunciation agrees fairly well with that
of standard English (cf.*them things happen* btm ^zt[Z hapdti).
These sounds are only found in English words.
Dentals
The tip of the tongue is opposite to, or a little above, the upper incisors.
f, J, «, n.
< § 37 >
For the twofold nature of the dentals, see §12. In English words,
as '
tea,' *
kettle ' (ceatal), '
broonie,' the tongue is held in the same
position as in local English (cf.
'
teacher '
tit\dry
'
day '
deiy '
gannet
g'andi)y i.e. the point of it touches the alveolar ridge, thus /i;, k'ztdU
br/Cni (L.E. bruni) ; some people (7, etc.) make the English t, d pretty
near t\ d' (§ 42). In Irish words the pronunciation is '
broader,'
the tongue being lowered so that its point touches the upper incisors.
The voiceless n (n), which is not very common, is like /in,
e.g. cuta de shnath k/Ctd dê na: *

a cut of yarn '
(3).
5, z.
< § 38 >
These are dental spirants (or sibilants), the former voiceless, the
latter voiced. The point of the tongue slightly touches the root
of the upper and there is no marked difference between the
teeth,
*s' and English words (cf. 'cellar' se/pr, *just' dizst,
in native
'skillet' sk'ebt). Speaker No. 9b has an almost interdental pro-
nunciation of s (5) in front of r,' e.g. sroin Srj:n' (also STrj:n')
'
'
*
'
nose,' srianach Srianax bridleneb,'^ while 15 and 15b pronounce
'
a kind of *
sh *
(jrianax). Also before n, s is different than before
I. There are analogies to this pronunciation in parts of Kintyre, Scotland.

PHONOLOGY 33
Other consonants: snath is almost Sna: [sNa:?). After 'r' it is often

difficult to hear whether 5 or J
is used, e.g. giorsach (geirseach)
g'zrsax or g'erjax '
girl' The voiced spirant {z) only occurs in
English words ('things' J)£riz, 'cows' kEuz).
Alveohrs
The tip of the tongue is opposite the alveolar ridge.
/./.
< § 39 >
This is the common Scottish and hish (non-inverted) 1-sound,
formed by the middle part of the tongue raised, the point making
contact with the alveolar ridge (cf. local coal hoi, live lEVy '
'
'
'
*
well ' v{w)sl, '
lead '
lid,
*
steel ' stil). This sound is not much
different from the French /, but it may vary slightly in width
according to the surrounding vowels: speaker No. 15 has a fairly
1
deep *
' in Engl. '
haul ' {h :l, almost hj ;/, § 40), which is the same
as he uses in Irish 61 j :l {j :i) 'drink.' The voiceless variety (|)
is only found in Irish words.
< § 40 >
By this symbol is meant a variety of the original 1, which
'
broad '
is independent of surrounding vowels. It is formed by lowering

the middle part of the tongue still more than for /; it is not a dental
sound as the so called '
unaspirated ' 1 in Donegal, etc. (O Searcaigh,
Foghraidheacht, § 207), but it gets a fuller, more hollow sound,
which resembles that of Dutch or Austrian 1.' The manner of *
producing this 1, which is now seldom used, is described by the

native people as '
taking your mouth full of it (3 this speaker, ' ;
however, always pronounces an r\, or a very similar sound); cf.
6 Maille, Urlabhraidheacht, § 60. Speaker No. 11 has it, but very

loosely articulated, in words like boladh bohg smell,' toigh solais '
tEi sollj '

lighthouse,' where it is half suppressed, or suggests a faint
*
w '^
; I and its unvoiced counterpart | are only found in Irish
words.
I. Cf. also Cunntae an Ddl Mnîai n da:""! (5) * Cushendall ' or Ântrim.'
'
^ r-
< § 41 >
The Rathlin *
r ' is the same as is mostly used in Scotland
(and Antrim), i.e. a soft, alveolar trill. It even shows a tendency
to be suppressed after certain consonants (cf '
Bruce's Cave
b{r)^sjs k'e :Vy or sc(r)iobadh, sc(r)iobhadh, in Irish). The corresponding
voiceless sound, r, is with most speakers identical in sound with r.
Pre-Palatals
The front part of the tongue is opposite the anterior part of the
hard palate.
t\ d'.
< § 42 >
By these symbols "palatal*' *t' and *d* are represented. The

front or middle part of the tongue forms occlusion against the front
part of the hard palate, as in the Irish pronunciation of the English
words *
tune '
and '
duty.' These sounds are nowadays of a very
limited occurrence, and are chiefly found before J and j (see § 44),
or after J or 5 (chiefly in Irish words). With some people this sound
also represents the Engl. *
t ' (' Katie ' k'et'i, 7). Whenever
palatal '
t,'
'
d ' of /J, Jj (§ 44), there is a strong
are used instead
tendency to confuse them with k\ g\ in Rathlin as in the Glens
of Antrim (and even parts of Scotland).
n'y n'.
< §43 >
This is a pre-palatal nasal, or an *

n ' pronounced by advancing
the tip and middle part of the tongue toward the front part of the hard
palate and the alveolar ridge. It is found in the local English dialect
instead of nj (as in *
opinion ') in standard Enghsh, whereby the semi-
'
vowel becomes fused with the nasal, or is weakened to a mere '
glide
'
(cf.
*
Daniel ' dan'dl, den'dl, '
new '
n'^:). Before or after a *
slender
vowel (especially 1), in final position, and in many other cases, this
.
PHONOLOGY 3 5
sound is simplified to the dental n.^ The tendency to change n' to ti',
so common in Ireland and Scotland, is not very marked in Rathlin.

The voiceless n' in a few Irish words is somewhat like hn'.
< § 44 >
These are pre-palatal spirants and affricates. Of these J designates
the voiceless spirant (cf local 'shark' ^zrk, '
and 5
finish' /E///J),
the voiced spirant in Engl. '
azure.' The front part of the tongue
is in contact with the front part of the hard palate, as for t\ d', n'
They are thus much more forward than '
sh ' in England ; in certain
cases J comes near f,
or the initial sound in English '
human.' The
sound 5 does not occur independently, at least in Irish words.
As for the affricates ^J and d^, they are identical with the sounds
which in Scottish English (and often in northern Ireland) represent
the initial sounds in '
tune '
and *
duty,' as well as the affricates in
'church' and Thus 9c pronounces *Jew' [d^^:) and
'judge.'
*
duty [di/Cti) with the same initial, using the same sound as in
'
Rathlin Irish deoch dôx drink.' The Rathlin t\, d^ are much
'
more forward than the corresponding sounds in England, and

approach t\ d' (e.g. 'vegetables' vzd'dtdhdlz, 13), but they show
no tendency to become k' , g' (cf § 42). In Aleck Anderson's
pronunciation of thuit hlt\ '
fell,' there is a clear spirantic sound
at the end, and 6 Searccaigh understands duirt eisean as duirt seisean
(Foghraidheacht, p. 190). 9c has the same sound combination in
thuit e hlt[ s *
he fell ' as in buitseach b^tâx '
witch,' so that there
is no doubt about the correctness of this transcription. As for the
use of real t' and d' in a few cases, see §§ 80, 95.
/',
G').
< § 45 >
This symbol represents the original "slender" 1,' produced by *
pressing the front part of the tongue against the alveolar ridge. In
the local English pronunciation, this sound usually substitutes Ij in
I. The difficulty in pronouncing a final -?i' appears from the fact that
speaker 15b is inclined to add an -p (thus -n'p) in order to facilitate the
pronunciation, e.g. in the plural -ain {-an'p).
"'
Standard English where the semivowel consequently

(as in '
million'),
vanishes into the of /' (cf. local million mEl'dHy
'
slender glide ' ' '
*
iiukc* fl'/Ck, 'blue' bl'/(:). It is very often replaced by a neutral
'
r (/), especially in final position and in contact with front vowels (i).
Combinations as Ig sound more or less Ug, cf. the following §.
< §46 >
The palatal *
r
'
is formed in somewhat the same way as /', at least
in its original form. It usually sounds as a more or less complete

fusion of r andj, as aon bhreac in vrjak '
one trout ' (3). Some rather
say y (muir tmCj 'sea,' 7), but most people use a plain r (e.g. 15);
this at least is the case before i and in final position. When r' comes
before another consonant it almost sounds as r\ e.g. ainm ar'm

(arhn) '
name,' ceird k'er'd^ (k'zr^d^, 6). The voiceless r' almost
sounds as rf , as cuirthe k'/Cp '
tired,' braithrean bra ir'dn *
brothers,'
fuirc f^r'W '
forks '
(3).
Palatals
The middle part of the tongue is opposite the top of the palate.
fc'. g\ ri'.
< §47 >

These symbols designate the palatal voiceless and voiced stops,
and the palatal nasal, which occur in the English or Rathlin for
'
k,' '
g,' and '
ng,' under special conditions (cf.
'
kettle ' k'ztdU
'Michel' mzk'dU 'guillemot' g'zbmjt, *big' beg\ 'EngHsh' er|'p/ij).
The tongue is further advanced than for the pronunciation of

'
kettle,' '
big,' '
English,' in the standard English pronunciation.
Some people (e.g. 6) are inclined to pronounce t' and d' (or even
tj, d^) instead of k\ g' (cf. '
McGregor ' ma^gred'dr, ma ^grid'dr,
'
Kinkeel ' kintjely in the local English), e.g. scillinn ruadh st'il'in roa
*
penny,' Nollaig nohd' {-d^) *
Christmas,' and speaker No. 6 may
say Dun na nGiall d^:n d n'ial, for d^:n d r]'ial (pl.-n.).
f-
< §48 >

This is a palatal fricative, as in Lowland Scottish " driegh
(= ' tedious '), or the initial sound in English *
human,' huge *
:
PHONOLOGY 37
(cf. local *
driegh '
drig, '
Michel ' mepl). It is reduced to an '
h
'
with a palatal ofF-glide {h'), or even occasionally suppressed in the

middle of Irish words. It is sometimes substituted by ^', e.g. an
Chrich 9 xrieg' *
Creigh '
(pl.-n.), probably under the influence of
English (cf § 50).
Velars
The back of the tongue is opposite the soft palate (or velum).
^' ^» ^' P-
< § 49 >
The '
k,' '
g,' and '
approximately identical ng '
in Rathlin are
with the same sounds in Enghsh, in cog,' song (cf the local ' ' '
pron. of 'coal' kol, 'goat' got, 'song' 5:7ri). The voiceless ri (tj)
is only found in speaker No. 3's pronunciation: shluasaid T]dased^
*
{hT]dassd^) shovel.'
X.
< § 50 >
By :>: the voiceless velar fricative, or the Scottish sound in '

loch,'
is represented (cf local '
laugh '
lax). It is frequently, by many
speakers (3, etc.) almost regularly, weakened to h, especially in
medial position, in suffixes (-ach, -acht), and in unstressed words
(cha '
not ' is usually pronounced ha or a).^ On the other hand,
some speakers (as 2, 12) more or less regularly use^, as is customary
in English in words as loch (lough).
y-
< § 51 >
By symbol we designate the voiced velar fricative, a sound

this
which on the decline in Rathlin. It is heard almost only initially

is
in native Irish words, and even there it seems to cause difficulties

to the speakers, e.g. Baile Ghoill hal'd yEil 'Ballygill (pl.-n.).
Thus it may be rendered by gr (Madadh Alia madd^grah, 5), or by r
(dh'fhaodadh roiddg, 4), or be altogether suppressed: feoil ghoirt

jjDiV ortj 'salt meat' (2), Carraic an Ghoill karik' d ail (2, pl.-n.),
Lathrach Da Dhuibhean la:r td Uvzn (pl.-n.).
I . Inversely an /i pronounced more emphatically may result in x, as

a h-apron p xaprpn '
her apron ' (3).
'
3S Tin: luisH language in rathlin island
The Aspirate
lu
< § 52 >
By h the aspirate *
h,' as in English '
home,' is represented
(cf. 'house' liEus, 'home' ho:tu, 'hills' hElz, in the local pron.).
Except as weakening of x or f, h never occurs in other than initial
position.
Hiatus
< § 53 >
By this term is understood a vowel meeting, arising in a word,

or in context, whereat the vowels belong to different syllables.
Hiatus, which existed in Old Irish (judging from the ortho-

graphy), but which seems to have almost entirely disappeared from
Ireland during the Middle Irish period,^ though it still survives in
Scotland and RathUn, has always depended on suppression and
quiescence of consonants (cf. §§ 8i, 96, etc.). In Rathlin the hiatus
is not nearly so marked as in Scotland cumhang :narrow may '
'
rime with uan '

lamb.' It is mostly characterized by a minimum
of intensity which marks the syllabic limit, and which will be
marked here by an inverted period (•), in cases where it is clearly
audible. But it is in many cases difficult, especially owing to the
diphthongization of long vowels (§ 14), to perceive the hiatus when
it occurs in Rathlin words. The people at Gortconny, Co. Antrim,
especially, make a clear distinction between cases of diphthongs
and hiatus. Thus with 15a, words like bruach hr/C-ax 'grade,'
*
slope,' '
brae '
(Scot, bruthach), fiach fi-ax, fi-dx *
raven '
(Scot,
fitheach), sciathan sk'van 'wing,' are distinct from: bruach hrâx
'
edge,' *
river bank '
(Scot, bruach), fiach jiax '
worth,' *
debt
(Scot, fiach), scian sk'ian *
knife,' which distinction is not made by 8,
9, etc., 13. Speakers 15, 15b, 15c, as well as 8, say that they can
hear the difference, but are not able to pronounce it. On the other
hand, they and many others make a clear distinction between hiatus
and long vowels in the words: la la'd day,' mnan mra-dti ' *
women,'
doghadh do'dg burning (13), gnoithe gro-i business
*
'
'
' (3), and
I. For modern cases of hiatus in Connaught Irish, cf. (3 Mdille,

Urlabhraidheacht, § 305, X.
3
PHONOLOGY 39
ta: '(there) is,' Ian la:n 'full,' doigli dji 'manner' (3), even
ta
though they may break up the long vowel into a diphthong

' '
(see § 14). The vowel is always short when the hiatus is marked
by a strong reduction of intensity (as with 13, 15a), otherwise it
is given the half length (§ 14), and this holds good whether the vowel
was originally short or long (c£ the above instances). In the following
words there is a more or less clear hiatus: agad a-jd with you,' '
againn a-in with us,' aghaidh E-i face,' agus a'3S and,' Aunghus
' ' '
nE'3S *
Angus,' arist d rvi^t' '
again,' athair a-jr '
father,' athais fl\9j,
a-a^ '
back,' bhiodh vi-^g '
would be,' bidh bi-i
'
will be,' blathach
bla-ax '
buttermilk,' bleoghan hl'o'du '
milking,' bodhar ho-dr '
deaf,'
brathair hra'dr 'brother,' cag ka-ag (15a), 'jackdaw,' ceathair k'e'ir,
'
k'e-dr (4, 5), cladhacht klE-axt '
digging,' crathadh krwdg '
shaking
(4, 12), cradhadh kra-jg '
tormenting ' (12), crudha knC'D
'horseshoe' (11), Domhnall dodl 'Donald' (5, cf § 54), faghail
fwal '
getting '
(3, 4), faghain fa-in '
getting '
(2), fast fa-ast '
yet,'
'
stiir (2, 6), hut fa :st (12), (cithczmh. fe-iv, fe-jv 'waiting' (2, 5),
fichead^-î '
twenty,' gabhail go-sl, go-al '
taking,' '
singing '
(3, 6),
gheobhadh (gheodh) t2iA jo'dg at '

they would get' (5), gnoithe gro-i
'
business '
(3, 13), chan itheadh ha nv?g '
would not eat '
(5), la la-
'day' (12), lobhtha lo'd 'rotten' (6), leathan I'z-dti, I'e-dti 'broad,'
mathair ma-zr '
mother ' (12), nigheanan nv?ndn '
daughters '
(3),
praidhinn pra-in '
haste,' rudha r/C-d
'
point,' scist(e) sk'i'ijf '
rest '
(6),
soitheach salami srjh sahn *

saltcellar ' (6), tri fichead tri fi-dd
'sixty' (6), ubhall ^-dl 'apple' (3), craobhan ubhallan krEivdn
£-dldn '
apple trees,' uisce beatha I\k'd bz-j '
whisky.'
In the following cases single, long vowels or diphthongs appear
for an expected hiatus: bodhar bour 'deaf (6), Lag na Coillidh
Boidhche lag na kEli bn (pl.-n., i), doghadh dj:g 'burning' (i),
but drdg (13), {ist fa: St 'yet' (12, cf above), faghail /a;/' 'getting'
(6), tha ead ha:d 'they are' (14), etc. Speaker No. 4 says Uugha
I'^-d 'lithe' (fish), but his wife says /'^;. Similarly 'Rue Point'
is called in Irish an Rudha m r^'d, but in English r^; pint. The
forms without hiatus thus occur (i) with people who have not
practised the Irish language for a long time, (2) occasionally with
other people, through carelessness, and (3) in unstressed position;
cf especially the pronunciation of agad, againn, agus: a{')d, am,
as, ds.
40 thl irish language in rathlin island
Nasalization
< § 54 >
The nasal affection of vowels and consonants in Rathlin Irish is
not very marked. It consists in the gradual raising of the soft palate
after it has been lowered for the pronunciation of one of the so-called
nasal consonants (§§ 31, whereby also the
32, 35, 37, etc.),
neighbouring sounds get a share of the The lowering of nasality.
the soft palate is (except in the case of m, m\ n, n\ r|, r\') marked

by the tilde (~), which is placed on a vowel or v (see § 35), or
between vowels. It usually marks compensatory nasalisation, which
occurs when a nasal consonant has become quiescent, when an n
has become changed to an r, or when a v has become unvoiced to/
(whereby it naturally loses its nasality). E.g. Domhnall djDl (5),
d^^ (3)* Îso dj:n<il 'Donald,' corran cnaosaigh hran kri :si 'dulse
hook' (15a), cno krj^, cnon kmn 'nut,' 'nuts' (15a), lamhthach
la:fax 'handy' (15), sclamhaire sklafir 'greedy person,' and also
in miofar mi:vDr ugly (15), instead o^ mi:v3r.
' '
With most people,
even in the case oft? (cf. § 35), the nasality is now lost.
Accent
<§55 >
The stress in Rathlin Irish is almost invariably on the first syllable
of native words. In cases where it falls on any other syllabic it is
marked by the vertical bar ('), placed immediately in front of the

syllable which carries the accent. E.g. laetheamhail lE'avDn (for -dI)
'daily,' comarasan k^m<i^rasm 'scurr,' corra ghrian kmyrEhn
'heron,' comrada hm\b)ra:d,j 'comrade.'
The pitch accent or melody of speech is much the same as in
Antrim. It is chiefly characterized by a falling accent, and is quite
different from the rising accent of Donegal and Derry. Old people,
'
especially at the Upper End,' where according to the Lower End
' '
people the pronunciation used to be very chanting and drawn out,

have a characteristic intonation, whereby the tone of a word first
goes a good bit down, to be slowly raised again toward the end
of the word, e.g. ur-lar urlar 'floor' (15a); others mostly say /Cbr.
PHONOLOGY 41
It is also heard in their Eiighsh, as in the pronunciation of the word

'
I-rish '
(the tone goes slowly down on '
I ' and rises again on
'
rish,' (2, 8). I believe this movement is intimately connected with
the '
breaking '
of long vowels in words like era-dan krajdan (8)
'
bur '
(see § 14). The same intonation may be heard from old
people in south eastern Kintyre and Arran.
The Pronunciation of the Written Characters

This chapter gives a historical survey of the different sounds and
their occurrence, in relation to the written forms and the other
Gaelic dialects.
(.4) Vowels
a, a, ai, ea, eai.
< § 56 >
In stressed position these vowels usually get the value of a, when
short, and a:, when long. The short 'a' more or less regularly gets
the alternative value of j in certain words, as: aca okd '
with them,'
chan fhaca ha nokd '
did not see,' an fharraice d mrik'd '
the sea,'
garbh gjrv '

rough,' and especially in Sloe na Marann shk na niDrdn
(seldom marjn) and go maram gj mordm '
(I) suppose ' (etym.
doubtful; cf. O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht: aca, talamh, salann, etc.).
Before bh, becomes (gabhar ô-jr 'goat'), and before

'a' often
dh, gh it gets the sound of E (laghach IE' ax nice '). '
In front of m, 11, nn, at the end of a word, a is often, especially

at the Upper End,' lengthened to a:, e.g. am a:m 'time,'
*
thall hail 'yonder,' clann klain 'children,' and before rr in the
same position this lengthening is the rule: barr ha:r 'crop.' In

bannca bnur]kd (8), a diphthong appears, for unknown reasons. 'A' is
not lengthened before rd, etc., as in most other dialects, thus ard
*
ard high,' etc.
In unaccented position, a is always short, and often reduced to 5.
The full sound remains in the terminations —ach ax, and -an an
(dim. and u in orig. diphthongs, as Niall
sufF.), after i nial '
Neil,'
fuar fâr 'cold,' and occasionally also in other cases (cf. § 16).
The proclitic words ca, fa, ma, na, and especially cha ha, a, have
more often a than ,9 ; an '
if,' perhaps more often p.
ae.
< § 57 >
This vowel has, according to the best authorities (but cf. § 13),
the vakie of Ei in the word lae, gen. sg. of la *
day,* and not jB(i)p,
as might be expected. As for laetheamhail, see § 55.

In cunntae k/Cntai, k^ndai '
county,' it has the value of at (from
unstressed «?/, Ei).
ai.
< §58 >
Accented short ai has a twofold value in Rathlin Irish: (i) a

(commonly), and (2) z (£). The former sound is found in most
words, but many of them have an alternative pronunciation with e,
as: ainm e'rm name (6), baile town,' esp. before the main stress:
'
'
*
Baile Bhocan bsl'd ^voikdu (5), Baile No hzl'd ^Wd *Ballynoe,' but
also in go Doire Bhaile gd dEr'd vzl'd to Derry Town (3),
*
'
Claigeann klzd'dti (6), Druim na Claiginne drim na kT\zg'in'd (3),^
craiceann krek'dn (6), an fhaic thu 9 nek' ^ 'do you see?' (5), gos
an bhfaic me gds ? vzh! me '
till I see '
(3, but she thinks that vak'
is correct), go bhfaic gd vzk' (i), nach fhaic na hek' (11), fhaicin
zk'in '
seeing '
(8),mana bhfaigh mand vzi unless gets (12), chan *
'
fhaigheadh ha nzjdg 'they would not get' (12), cainnt kzintl

(kEintf) 'speaking,' glaic glzk' 'hollow' (4), saighdear szid^^zr
'
soldier.' It is regular in in airde d nzrdpy adv. '
up,' nas airde
na szrd^d *
higher '
(3), seldom na sardp, nas f haide na szd^d
'longer' (3), cnaip krzp 'button' (3), maighdean mEid^9n 'maiden,'
and maighstir (scoil) mzijt'zr (shl) '
(school) master.' Further in the
plurals cait, crainn (croinn), scait, tairb (§ 109, a).
Unaccented, s is the rule in the termination -ain (when the vowel
was formerly long), as radain radzn' 'rats,' sciathain sk'i{')zn'
*
wings,' etc., and often in -(amh)ail, as cosmhail hszl like,' which '
often also sounds -al (or even -al^ 15). When unstressed ai was
I. Annie Black thinks klag' 9n {kv\ag'?n) is the correct Irish, but points
out that the polite English pron. is klzgpn Cleggan.' Similarly an Caibeal '
9T\ kabjal is officially called Kebble,' locally pron. k' ahl (seldom k'zhl)y
'
just as a bee skep is pron. sk'ap. It is likely that the official names reflect
'
'
an older pronunciation with 6.

,
PHONOLOGY 43
originally short it should give i, but there is the same fluctuation

as between a and p (§ i6), e.g. fantainn ^«^m - fantzn' 'staying,'
loscain loskin ~ loskzn '
burning.' The suffix -air sounds either zr or dr.
In thar shiubhal '

away,' thar often sounds hsr before the palatal
sound: hz^r'^dl.
ao, aoi.
< § 59 >
The pronunciation of this vowel is usually E: (or o, ^, at the

'Lower End,' see § 26), e.g. gaoth gE: 'wind,' daoine dEm'd
'people,' maorach mEirax 'shellfish,' fraoch/r£;% 'heather.'
In a few words, especially in contact with a nasal, the value is I:,
e.g. h-aon hl:n 'one' (also hE:n, h^ :n, aonach I:nax 'fair'
(also E:nax, ^ :nax), laodog llidag little finger' (also lE:dag, U :dag),
'
smaoinigh sml:n'i 'think.' Inean iin'zn 'port,' had originally aoi,
as appears from Scottish Gaelic dialects.

In the words h-aon '
one ' and aonach '
fair,' De h-Aoine
dê h^'.n'd 'Friday' ao sounds as ^: (i.e. Rathlin u). This
pronunciation has analogies in Scotland, as un '
one,' in Tiree, etc.
When shortened, the value is /C or I, e.g. an Taobh Tuath dn t/Cv
t/Ca
'
the North side '
(4).
e, ei.
< §6o>
This vowel is regularly pronounced e, as: te tie, deir dêr'
meilt meltl, an pheige ruadh d feg'd râ '

the still.' The words
peictear 'picture,' and Peigi 'Peggy,' sound p'skt^dr, pzkt\dr and
pzg'i (after Engl.).
Ei is lengthened in front of nn in beinn hem' {hem, 10)
'
mountain top.'
After r, ei often sounds s, as: greideal grzdpl 'griddle,' reithean
rzgen *
ram,' reic rzk' '
sell,' freiseailte frsjaltjd
'
fresh,' etc. At the
'Upper End' these words often have a, as: gradpl (8), rak' (9a),
frajaltld (3, 8). It seems that this change, as the one of a to o in some
words (§ 56), is not merely the 'Upper End' broadening of s
which is mentioned in § 17.
Before r, on the other hand, ei undergoes different changes. It is
sometimes broadened to s (or E after a *

broad ' consonant), and
44 THF IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
sometimes pronounced <<"

or J, e.g. is fhcirrdc szrdp '
is better/
ceird k'erd^ *
trade,' O Beirn j b'sr'n' (also y bEr'n', o hor'n'),
beirneis hErnil (15), horn'zj (3) 'bare promontory,' eirg Xr'g' or

/r'(j' 'get up,' 'away' (imper., 15). Cf. § 28.
Final -e pronounced ^, as: duine d^n'.i man,' etc. That there
is
'
is a strong tendency to change it either to a or i, has already been
pointed out (§ 6). Otherwise e is often widened to s in unstressed

position, e.g. le /e '
with,' me me '
I,'
'
me,' e e '
he,' '
him,'
de r/je 'of,' 'off' (then also stressed e{:), dê), caisceim kajk'em
*
step,' etc.
e, ei.
< §61 >

The sound of this vowel is usually c:, as: goidc^j ^5<^*» teid tle:d^,
le cheile h (;e:b 'together.' In ein 'chickens,' the sound is e;,
after the sing, ean z:n: z:n'.

In front of dh, ei is shortened to e, as: reidh rzi 'ready.' Areir
*
yesterday,' is pronounced d rair.
ea, eai.
< §62 >
These vowels have normally the same value as a, ai, i.e. a (initially,
ea is ja), e.g. bean bjan '

woman,' ceannaigh k'ani '
buy,' gealach
g'alax '
moon,' ceart k'art '
right,' each jax '
horse.' It never tends
to become :?, but often assumes the sound of e, e.g. leabaidh Vzhi
'bed' (2), bean an scoil b'en ^ shl
beannacht b'snaxt 'blessing' (2),
'
the schoolma'am' hammer,' an Ceann Fionn
(6), geannaire ^'eniV'a '
dT] k'en fjen Fair Head.' This especially happens in rapid pro-
'
nunciation. Peacadh sin,' peacthach sinner,' have rather commonly

* '
e, p'ekdg, p'ekax.
In front of g, the pronunciation is regularly e at the *
Lower End,'
and e (occasionally a) at the '
Upper End.' Speakers 15, etc., have
£ or e in these words. E.g. beag beg (L.E.), bzg (3), bEg (15, etc.),
eaglais egll\ (L.E.), Bay na h-Eaglaise be: na hegr\ijd (3), leag Veg
(L.E., 15, etc.), I'eg (3) 'throw' (the vb. n. leagain is ragin with 11).
For teanga, teangaidh, see § 90.
In front of bh, ea often sounds (leabhar Vo'pr 'book'), and before
dh, gh, th, there is fluctuation between s and e (meadhon ms-;?«,
PHONOLOGY 45
me-dn *
middle,* leathan /'s-^n, I'e'dn *
broad'). Before d and s, the
pronunciation is always e : deas dês '
nice,' feadanaigh fedani
*
whistling '
(13).
Ea sounds s; before double r in final position, and £ before
r + consonant, e.g. is fhearr 9 sz:r 'is better,' b'fhearr learn herbm
'
I had rather,' ceard k'erd '
tinker.' Sometimes the vowel is long
also here: bearnach hzirnax 'gapped' (15). Gearr 'cut* is g'a:r
after gearradh g'ardg. Before a double n or 1, in fmal position, ea
may sound a:, as in geall^'^;/ '
promise,' ceann k'ain '
head,' peann
pja :n '
pen.' This is more common at the U.E.
Unstressed, ea is either e or a, and frequently 3, e.g. eilean el'zn
{el'dn) 'island,' teidheag t\eag, tîag 'heat' (v.), an Caibeal ^rj kahJDl
'
Kebble ' ; the plural suffix -ean is pronounced -dn. The common
suffix -car, as in saighdear 'soldier,' may sound either sr, ar, or dr.
ea.
< § 63 >
The common sound of vowel is s; (often ep, § 10), as: mear

this
ms.T 'finger,' fear/s;r deanadh dê :n9g 'doing.' But in

'grass,'
some words, especially before d or g, it sounds e:, as in cead k'e:d

'hundred,' breag bre:g 'lie' (also hrz:g).^ In realt 'star,' ea sounds
69, thus rcdlt. Realtog '
star,' and realtach '
starry,' sound rialtag,
rialtax (5).
In front of a double consonant,^ ea is often shortened to s, as in

Bearla herb '
English language.' The verb dean '
do ' also often
shows a short vowel: deanadh dizndg, etc.
eo, eoi.
<§64>
This vowel is pronounced in deoch dôx *
drink,' and gheo
(bhaidh) jo *
will get.'
The suffix -eog is pronounced ag or sometimes zg, e.g. cuileog
k^l'ag 'fly,' uinneog /Cn'zg 'window' (i). Similarly iteogaigh itlagi
'
flying.' The suffix -eoir, as in muilleoir '
miller,' sounds sr, ar
or dr.
I. It seems that in case of alternation between e and s the former sound

is more common at the L.E., the latter at the U.E.
s
CO, coi.
< §65 >
The long c6 (mostly written eo) has the value of j : (initially

p ;),
as in: beo bjo : 'living,' ce6l k'j:l 'song,' deor dp :r 'tear,' geola
g':f:h 'yawl,' cohs p :hs 'knowledge.' Scorda 'sort' sounds both
p;rJ^ and pr^.?.
i.
< §66>
The short i has mostly the value /, as : min min' '
meal,' sinn
Ji»'
'
wc,' '
us,' tircam tjir'dm '
dry.' In sin '
that ' it sounds i, /,
e tC :
J/;/
(i),
J/» (commonly), Je«, J/C/i (4); the latter three represent
orthographic sion. After r, i often becomes s, e.g. rith reg '
run,'
trie trek' '
often,' rig reg' '
reach '
(also rig').
'
I ' is not lengthened in front of final 11, nn, and m, but 15 pronounces
slinn '
weaver's reed ' as jli :n. After r, however, lengthening takes
place in rinn rEin '
did,' representing orthographic roinn (cf. Scot.
Gaelic).
In unstressed position the value is properly /, but this is often
slurred to 3, words maidin morning
so that the ' '
and maidean
'sticks,' may be pronounced alike: madpn (9, 9c).
1, 10.
< §67>
These vowels have mostly the same sound /;, as in mm mi:n'
{mi:n) 'smooth,' diog dî:g 'ditch,' fion Ji:n 'wine,' sios ji:
'
down,' but the latter is often *
broken ' to ip ; jidti, JiP5, cloch
liomhaidh khx I'idvi '
grindstone '
(5) ; then again contracted to e ;,
as in diot dêit '

of you ' [diiit, dpdt).
In rapid pronunciation 10 is often shortened to io, i.e. s (§ 68),
e.g. sc(r)iobadh sk'zhdg 'scratching,' sc(r)iobhadh sk'zvdg 'writing' (3).
It reflects the original pronunciation 1;+' broad glide.*
io.
< §68 >
This vowel is normally pronounced e (initially js), from E (see § 19),

whence it sometimes appears as at the *
Lower End,' e.g. biorach
PHONOLOGY 47
b'erax {bjerax) 'heifer,' fiodh fjeg (also jiu, see § 8i) 'wood/
prionnsa prensD 'prince' (5), tionntachadh t\zntadg 'turning,*
ionnsachadhye/i5(7<}^ {L.'E. jonsadg) '
learning,' sionnach Jswcix '
fox' (3).
Occasionally it is e, as in bioscaid bjeskzd^ '
biscuit' (12).
Especially in front of c, d, t, s and m, io sounds either ^ or I
(as for the alternation, cf § 5), which latter may then become /,
e.g. sioc jlk (15), jik (5) ' frost,' bit (biota) b^t or bit {bit?) ' bit,'
fios fis '

knowledge,' tiomall t^^mdT] (3), tjirttDl (2)
'
about.' So also
is ionann j^ndn or jlndtt '
it is the same,' and sometimes tionntachadh
tjindag (2).
ia.
< §69 >
The usual sound of ia is ia, or more commonly i?, as: iarann

iardn, idrm '
iron,' fiacail jiakil [fidk?l)
'
tooth,' fiagair fiagdr '
lea.'
With many people the sound is /s, as: iascach izskax 'fishing' (15),
'
batan iascaigh ba itdti izski '
fishing boats ' (6), fiach fisx '
raven
(7, etc.). Also j'e;, as: iarraidh miseê.-n' mijp (2).
Ia is frequently shortened to s (js), e.g. a dh'iarraidh nan bo d

jeri nam bo: 'after the cows' (3), Sliabh an Chonnaidh j/'sfp na
^xonl (pl.-n.), diabhal d^zudl '
devil.' Brian Deargan usually sounds
brin ^ deargan.
o.
< §70>
two
Short o has sounds, and 0, which are about equally common.
The former more often corresponds to the Donegal :?, e.g. cos kos
'
foot,' troscadh troskdg '
fasting,' dona dond '
bad,' bocht boxt '
poor,'
bocan bokan *
mushroom,' bord bord '
table,' chonnaigh xoni, hnl
saw.
The other pronunciation, 0, is more common in words that
have a^ in Donegal, as: tobar tobdr '
well,' ag obair d gobir '
working,'
loscadh losk9g '
bruning,' bodach bodax *
old man,' boladh bobg
(bjbg) 'smell,' lom lorn 'bare' (also lo:m).
Original in front of r becomes /C in Rathlin and the Glens of

Antrim, e.g. port, purt p^rt *
port,' bord, burd b^rd '
table '
;
*
top,'
lorg lorg, lurg Urg 'trace,' 'track'; tabhair, tuir t^r (< to:r).
I. In (3 Searcaigh's denotation.
In front of fnial 11, nn, rr, and ni, o is often lengthened either to
j: or o:, as: poll po :l 'hole/ tonn to:n 'wave,' torn to :m (torn)
'
bush,' corr kj So also in the pl.-n. Eascann nan gCorr
:r
'
odd.'
cskjH uaT] gj :r (3, etc.), which seems to mean 'the Bog of the
Cranes,' but in the pronunciation of some o gets a diphthongic
sound DU {nu), thus: eshn nar\ gnujr (8), gjudr (9, etc.); cf. 8's
pronunciation of bannca, § 56. hi front of rd, or is long in ordog

J :rdag '
thumb,' otherwise it is usually short before a double
consonant: ord jrd '
hammer,' dorn dmt '
fist.'
Unstressed, o usually sounds :?, e.g. o d, prep. '

from.'
o, 01.
< §71 >
The long 6 usually sounds :?;, e.g. 61 j :l

'
drink,' coir h :r' {h:r)
'
right,' or j :r
'
gold,' moine mo :n'e peat,' bocan h :kan spirit,' ' '
*
ghost.' Only in mor great,' and nioran much,' the narrow
' '
sound 0: is used: wo;r, mo:ran.
oi.
< § 72 >
This digraph has many values :
(i) It sounds in: coineog km'ag *

rabbit,' coinfheascar kon'dskdr
*
evening,' scoil skol '
school,' toil tol
'
will,' etc.
(2) It sounds in: coisigh ôji '

walk,' cois feoj (from cos, *
foot '),
coire kor'd '

caldron '
(but coir kiCr *
guilt '), loiscte lolt'd *
burnt,' etc.
(3) I in anois d nil '

iôw.'
(4) E (or s, see § 19) in most other cases, as: coileach kEl'ax
'
rooster,' coilUdh kEl'i '
wood,' goil gEl '
boiling,' goile gEl'9
'
stomach,' doiligh dEl'i {dzl'i) difficult,' toigh tEi {tzi) '
house.*
The '
Upper End ' has here often n (almost a) : dnl'i, tni.
In front of double 1 and n, in final position, oi usually sounds E/,

e.g. roinn rEin '
divide,' croinn (crainn) krEin '
masts,' Baile Ghoill
hal'd ^yEil (pl.-n). The typical U.E. pronunciation is ni.
The termination -oir sounds properly er, but very often ar,
e.g. figheadoir fidtzr, fidtdr *

weaver.'
PHONOLOGY 49
u, iu.
< §73 >
This vowel is pronounced ^ § 25) in most cases (initially, (see
iu is y^C), as: cunntas kiCntJS 'counting,' rudha nCd 'point,' furasta

fiCrdStd
'
easy,' iuchair jXr^r '
key.' As for the alternative pron. I,
e.g. rud rid '

thing,' cf. § 5. Before ch the pronunciation is more
often M, as: Tobar na Luchoige tobDr na liihag', much mux [m^x)
'
early.'
In front of nn, u is lengthened to AT; in anunn a n^:n 'away,'

but 9 n/Cn is also heard.
u, ui, iu, iui.
< § 74 >
All these digraphs have the same sound, /C: [u:) (initially, iu isy^C;),
as in: sugh s^: 'juice,' luth l^: '

strength,' ur ^;r '
new '
(w.t, L.E.),
uir iC:r' 'earth,' bruideamhail bru:dêl 'brutal' (5), giuhn g'^ dan
'
carrying,' siucra \^:kdr '
sugar,' ciuin k'/C:n' '
quiet.'
When shortened in unstressed position, the pronunciation often
becomes I, e.g. cul nan gcnoc kll nar\ grok '
back of the hills,' sugan
muineal sigan m^n'A '
straw collar.'
ui.
<§75 >
The digraph ui has also several sounds :
(i) AT, which may be said to be the normal sound, e.g. cuir k^r'
[k^r) '
put,' cuid kXd^ '
part,' muineal m/Cn'dl '
neck,' muileann
m^l'dn '
mill,' muir miCr' '
sea,' chan fhuilin ha nXl'tn '
won't suffer,'
cluintin kUntlin '
hearing '
(4), tuigidh t^g'i '
understands ' (2).
(2) / (or /, § 21) is heard with many people, where others

use ^ (cf. § 5), e.g. duine din'd '
man,' uisce beatha Ijk'd bsd *
whisky,'
suidhe sb 'sitting' (i), thuit hltj {hitj, i) 'fell,' druidte drltj?
*
shut,' suipear sipzr '
supper,' cluintin kllntjin *
hearing,' truideog
trldâg '
trush,' sluigeadh slIg'Dg '
swallowing '
(3), an dtuig thusa
9n dig' ^Sd *
do you understand ?
'
(4), sluise s\I\{d)
'
sluice '
(4).
*
(3) E (or rt), especially at the Upper End, e.g. duine dEn'd '
man
(9), muineal mEn'dl '
neck '
(6), tuigidh me tEg'd ms '
I understand,*
'
suidhe sEi? sitting.' That words of the type suidhe have E as

*
normal pronunciation in Rathlin was stated in § 5.

hi front of nn, ui is lengthened to <C in uisce fa thuinn ^j/e'a fa ;
h^:n' 'subsoil water.'

ua, uai.
< §76 >
This digraph has the value of a diphthong /Ca, or commonly /Cp,
e.g. fuar fiCar, f^dr

'
cold,' an Ceann ud Thuas ^r; k'an a Hâs *
the
Upper End,' uaine /Can'd *
green,' buail h/Cal' *
strike,' cruaidh krâi
*
Uai often sounds /Ce, as: luaithe Uep
hard.' '
sooner.' The prep,
uaim, uait, etc., from me, you,' gets an initial
'
f, thus: f/Cam, v/(dtj.
In unstressed position ua is often shortened to :?, e.g. c'uair a kor d
{kdr d), nuair a nor d (tidr d)

*
when,' uamha ovd '
cave '
(in pl.-nn.),
cuaille an leabaidh kol'd n I'ahi '

the bedpost ' (2), fuasach fosax
'terribly,' *
very,' bhuaint na monadh vontld tid ^mjitidg '(of) peat
cutting.' This reduction has become regular in the verb boin hjn\
vb. n. boint hjntl,
'
touch '
;
*
belong '
(originally buain, buaint,
cf. Mainland Ir. bain '
reap,' '
pick,* *
take ').
(B) Consonants
b, bp, bh, bhf.
< § 77 >
These consonants are pronounced h (b, bp) and v (bh, bhf) before
most vowels and all consonants. Before ea, eo, io, iu (except when
they sound e, E or /, I) the pronunciation is h\ v\ or more often
bj, vj, e.g. bata ba :t9 boat,' beag beg {bzg, bEg, see below)
*
little,*
'
bean bjan woman,' beo bp

'
living,' Caibeal kabjdl Kebble :
' '
(pl.-n.), bo bo: cow,* a bheag d veg 'anything,* an bhean 9 vjan

*
'the woman,* Rudha na bhFaoileann r/(d na vEil'dn (pl.-n.).

In front of io (=e) the pron. is usually b\ v' {bj, vj), as biolar
bjzbr 'watercress,* but in front of ea (=s) it is usually b, v, as:
beag beg (U.E.), Bearla berb EngUsh.* This shows that these sounds *
were originally different.'^ Before ei (=e) there is fluctuation,

as: O Beim o'b'er'n\ o^bsr'n' {bEr'n\ § 28).
I . They still are in a way, as the latter sound shows no (or less) tendency
to become ^ or ^ at the Upper End.
'
PHONOLOGY 51
Bh isvocalized in gabhlach go:lax forked,' and often dropped *
after a vowel: gabh ô 'sing,' leabhar I'odr 'book.'

Bhf, as far as it comes after n (quiescent or not), sounds v, which
may become m (§ 35), e.g. an bhfaca p maka (7, 15a); the same
sound is heard in banbh bandtn '

young pig '
(13).
c.
< §78 >
The sound of c is fe or k', the latter before or after e, i, or after

a cons, preceded by these vowels, the latter in other cases, but k
'
may also be heard before or after i, e.g. cat kat '
cat,' c6 ko :
'
who ?
cuileog k^l'ag '

fly,' ceart k'art '
right,' ceithre k'er'9 '
four,' ciall
k'ial {kial) '

sense,' he lik' {lik)
'
flagstone,' creid kred^ '
believe,'
cliu kl'i(: '
fame.'
ch.
< § 79 >
Ch sounds g before or after e, i, or a consonant preceded by e, i,
in other cases Xy e.g. da chat da : xat *

two cats,' chonnaigh xml
'saw,' chualaigh xâll 'heard,* le cheile /s ge :l9 'together,' chi me
fi : me 'I see,' chreid xred^ '
believed.'
Ch shows a strong tendency to become h (cf. §50), as: muUach
m/Clah *
top,' bealach bjalah '
road,' direacht dp ir'aht *
straight,'
cealachadh k'alahdg '

smoking,' chi hi :
'
sees,' and is even altogether
suppressed, as in: -achadh -adg, -ci:g, eiteachan etja:n 'bobbin' (3),
rachadh ra3g '
would go '
(3), fichead^-aJ '
twenty '
(cf Manx feed).
It becomes h, or unvoices the 1, in bachlach bakx {balah; baxlax,
15, etc.)
'
boy,' and Reachlainneach rar\in'ax '
of Rathlin '
(3). It is
entirely silent in tiomall (timcheall) tjXmdl, tjimdl '

around.'
d, dt.
< §8o>
The sound of d and dt is d, except before or after e, i, or after
a consonant preceded by these vowels, where it now sounds d^.
'
E.g. doras djrds '

door,' druim drim *
back,' goide gd dê :
'
what?
airde ardp '
direction,' an dtainigh dn dan'i *
came ?
' an dteid
dti die :di *
will go ?
The older pronunciation of d was no doubt d\ which is still
occasionally heard (for instance by 15b): goide^j d'e:, go dti g3 d'i:

'
to,' as deidh as d'zi '
after.'
D is often unvoiced to t in unstressed position, e.g. eadar cad

cdjr at *
between them,' agad ajd, ajt '
with you,' airgead ar'g'at
'silver' (3), co mhead? k:) fit 'how many' (13), tibhead t\ivdt
'thickness' (3); it is especially the case between two vowels, as:
deargatan dârg.itafi '

flea,' (from deargadan). So also before s in
eadsan etsjn *
they,' *
them.'
dh, gh.
< §81 >
These two digraphs have the same pronunciation, namely, y

before a, o, u (but cf below), or (usually) a consonant, and j before
or after e, i. After a, o, u, it now mostly sounds g, or is quiescent.
E.g. ro dhona n yond '
to bed,' ro gharbh ro yarv *
to rough,' an
ghrian d yrian won't keep,' mo dhruim
'
the sun,' cha ghleidh xa yle, '
iHd yrim my back,' an ghealach d jalax the moon,' deanadh

' '
d-ê{:)n3g 'doing,' madadh maddg dog,' fiadhain ^^ên 'wild' (5), '
saoghal sE\il, sEdI *

world,' ruadh râg, r/Ca
'
red (of the hair),
modh mo '
manners '
(3), meadhon me-dn '
middle,' laghach lE-ax
'
nice,' ladhran lE:r?n '
toes.'
The above rules apply to the general development of dh, gh after

vowels. The details, which are rather complicated, are given below.
(a) After '
broad ' vowels. In fmal position dh, gh originally had
the value of y. This can still be heard in the pronunciation of
speaker No. 2, who has a faint y in words of the type ruadh r/Cay
(cf 6
Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, § 322, p. 138); in madadh, etc.,
she will usually say -d} Speaker No. 12 pronounces fiodh * wood,*
and geadh '
goose,' as fiu, g'e :u, while 8 says something like g'si9g
(-y?), glaodh ^/£/3'^ (-y?) 'call,' 'cry.' Others usually pronounce
fmal dh, gh as g {fig or fjeg, g'z :g), and this pronunciation is no doubt
well established in Rathlin. It accounts for the fusion of the two
words leag ' throw ' and leagh '
melt,' which are now both
I. I have once also heard ionnsa.cha.dh. jonsagUy cf. Rathl. Cat. a ghrachu
'
to love him ' otherwise the Catechism usually has -a : a yheana
;
*
to do.'
PHONOLOGY 53
pronounced leg (L.E., 15, etc.), leg (U.E.), and have the same vb. n.,
leagain.^
{h) vowels. Here the original pronunciation was /,
After '
slender '
which sometimes remains (boidheach h :jax bonny,' buidhe hi(j.i '
'yellow'), but more often becomes (at least in fmal position: i
toigh tEi '

house,' suidh sli, sEi '
sit '). Speaker No. 3 further some-
times pronounces istoigh ? stEi^ '
in,' and amuigh 5 mEig '
out,'
which is the current pronunciation in Donegal.
Before a consonant, followed by a '
slender '
vowel, speaker No. 6
saysy, as: an ghrian d jrian {ji'r'ian), but this is exceptional.
. £
< § 82 >
The pronunciation of is /, /', fj, according to the same rules as

b, bh, e.g. fada fadj *
long,' fear far, fjar
'
man,' faoi //; '
under,'
fiolar f'sbr {fj^br) '
eagle,* fliuch Ji'^x '
wet.'
fh.
< § 83 >
This digraph is always silent, except in the words: fhein, fhc he :n,
he: 'self,' fhuair hêr', hôr 'found,' 'got,' where it sounds h;

cf. the futures feadfhaidh and thiocfhas (§ 137), where it unvoices
the preceding consonant.
g' gc-
< § 84>
These consonants are both pronounced g or g', according to the
same rule as c, e.g. garradh ga :rdg garden,' gabhaidh me gavi mz '
*
I will take,' nan* gcailleach nar^ gal' ax '
of the old women,' geal
g'al '
white,' gaoth in gceann gE m g'a :n '
headwind,' gleann gVan
' '
valley,' glic glik' '
wise,' grian grian '
sun,' leig I'eg' let.'
G is often unvoiced to c in unstressed position, especially between

vowels, e.g. Pa(d)raic pa:{d)rik' 'Patrick,' Sroin an Easpaic sn :n' d
nespik' (pl.-n., cf. easpuig), farraice farik'j '

sea ' (from farraige,
I . The same rule applies to Arran Gaelic, as : a ghrian p yrian, deanadh

d'^z:n9g, geadh g'z'.g^ where g is half voiceless.
S4 Tin- IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
faiiigc), gcalacan (I'abkan

'
yolk '
(from gcalagan). Cf. 6 Tuathail,
Sgcalta Mhiiintcr Luinigh, p. xxii.
gh, see dh.

h.
< §85 >
H, which only occurs initially, usually sounds h, except before

ca {=(i), CO, io (=e), and iu,where it either sounds f (more correct)
or j. E.g. hata hatj 'hat,' hall h:l (Engl.), na h-aingil na hail
'
the angels (3), na h-eich the horses,' Loch na h-Ealadh lax na gabg
'
*
(pl.-n.), na h-iuchran na jCxîron '

the keys ' (13).
1.
< § 86 >
The difference between the so-called aspirated and un- '

'
*
aspiratcd ' 1, whether broad or slender,' is imperceptible in

*
'
*
Rathlin Irish. The difference between broad and slender 1,

*
'
'
'
however, is still much the same as in Munster Irish, though there

is a tendency to introduce a medium 1 (probably the same as
O Scarcaigh, Foghraidheacht, § 213, fmds with learners of Irish).
The '
broad '
1 (/, I, or r),
§§ 39, 40) is properly used only before
or after a, o, u, while the '
slender '
1 (/') is used before or after e, i.
In reality, however, the *

broad ' 1 (except / and r)) or the neutral /
are mostly used in all cases, except initially before ea, eo, io (=s),
and iu (sometimes e and i), medially between '
slender ' vowels,
and fnially after ai, (ei, i), 6i, ui, in which cases /' is found.
E.g. talamh tahv {taT[?v, 3) 'earth,' Gaelca gE:lkd {gEilkd, 11,
gE :r\h, 3) 'Irish,' boladh hhg {bobg, 11) 'smell,' scoil skjl 'school,
till tjil
'
return,' tilleadh tîl'^g '
returning,' goil gEl '
boiling,' goile
gEl'3 *
stomach,' cuileog kiCl'ag {k^lag) '
fly,' in lie <? n'i :l'd *
in Islay,'
Shabh an Fhail slisv d nail' '
Slieveanaille ' (pl.-n.). After r, / is also
common: comhairle kodth '
counsil ' (2), for ko-drl'd.
The '
neutral ' 1 is especially common in the suffix -ail, which
sounds -e/, -al, e.g. togail togal
'
hfting,' cosmhail kosal '
like,' and
in forms of the prep, le /e '
with,' as leam lam '
with me,'
leofa h:f9 [I'oiJb) 'with them.'
In the word slanlus '
plantain,' 1 sounds d: slandds (15).
PHONOLOGY 55
m.
< § 87>
Msounds m, m\ mj, according to the same rules as b, bh,
e.g. mala tna:h 'bag,' mear me:r fmger,' Purt na Meannan p^Crt '
na mjandn (pi. -n.), smaoinigh smlm'i 'think,' mi:n' 'smooth,' mm

mnan mradti '
women.'
mh.
< §88 >
This sound is now usually v, v\ vj, according to the same rules

as for b, bh, e.g. oidhche mhaith I:p va good night,' mo mhear *
nid vz :r
'
my fmgcr,' traigh mhin smooth beach.' Some-
trai vi :n' *
times, however, m appears instead of v, which may be an attempt

to pronounce v (cf § 35). Such instances are: oidhche mhaith I:p ma
(i, and many grandmother' (3, also
others), sean-mhathair \anmar' '
Toigh M\\6r: glak' dn tEi'mo:r (regular, pl.-n.),

\anvar' , \anvzr), Glaic an
cuinneog mhaistridh h^nag mastri (3), maistri (5) churn,' da mhadadh '
da: mad?g two dogs,' adharc a Mhaol (nom. for gen.) edrk d mE:l
'
'
the Mull foghorn (6). Otherwise v is practically only heard after
'
a (' broad ') vowel, e.g. amharc av3rk looking,' samhradh savrdg '
'
summer,' reamhar ravdr thick,' fat,' reamha leis ravD lej before.'
' ' '
Sometimes after a vowel, w or u is substituted, as gamhain gawin :
*
calf (11), reamhar rawdr, raudr, samhradh sawng, saurog, geimhreadh
g'zwrdg *
winter '
(2).
n.
< § 89 >
The distinction between '
aspirated '
and '
unaspiratcd ' n is no
longer found in Rathlin, but *
broad ' and '
slender ' n are dis-
tinguished as in Munster Irish. Thus the former is found before
and and the latter before and after e, i, but there is a
after a, o, u,
strong tendency to pronounce n neutral or broad also here, '
'
' '
in fmal position (especially after a short vowel) or before another

consonant, as well as initially before i. E.g. nach nax not,' naire '
na :r'd
*
shame,' namhaid na :vid^ '
enemy,' chan itheadh ha n'vdg
'
would not eat,' in lie d n'iiVd
'
in Islay,' ghni me ni: me *
I will do,'
Niall n'ial, nial 'Neil,' mm mi:n' 'smooth,' radain radzn' 'rats' (i),
sciathain sk'izn' 'wings' (8), naoi «/;, nEi 'nine,' sneoinean

.
s6 Tin: IRISH language in rathlin island
sn'j:n'zn 'daisy.' Fhcin *

self,' is pronounced he :n by 15 and 15a,
but he :n' by 15b, chan c '
it is not ' is with some ha n's;, with others
hiJ us: (3, 9, 13), and chan fheil '
(there) is not ' is more often ha nel
than ha n'el} Many speakers avoid n' (as 3, 13) and pronounce:
duine di'Cthi, dnn.i '
man,' gloine glEm '
glass,' gaineamh gaudv sand,' '
bairneach baniax '

barnacle '
(2), coirneal kjrn9l '
corner,' and other
words especially after r.
This consonant is often silent in Domhnall do?! [do :n?l) '

Donald,'
and fhcin (f he) he : {he :n) *
self,' and becomes r in front of m, in the
words: ainm ar'm 'name' (with its derivations; also an' 3m, i),
anam atdtn '

soul,' and after c and m: cnoc krok *
hill,' mnan mradn
'
women.'
In front of c, n sounds -n, e.g. fanca faT\kd sheepfold,' i dteanca '
do dâT\kD d? next to.' As for the assimilation or elision of the n

'
of the def. art., see § 105 (2).
< § 90 >
The ng in Rathlin has hardly ever the same sound as in Enghsh,

although speaker No. 15 thinks that langa 'ling,' is correctly pro-
nounced The actual sound is, as in the north of Ireland
lav[d.
generally, the same as for gh, i.e. y [g) or j (i), see § 81. The fricative
y I have, however, only heard in teangaidh tjayi (i), do theangaidh
dj âyi (5, 12) '
(your) tongue,' na h-eangaigh na gayi 'the nets' (5),
and even in this case I am not absolutely sure that it is not a g.
Speaker No. 2 pronounces long ship /6»y, with the same weak ' '
y as in ruadh (§ 81), while 8 and 12 say respectively lEu and lou.

Otherwise the pronunciation is g between broad,' and j (i) between '
*
slender ' vowels, e.g. langa lag? '
ling '
(14), teanga tjzgd '
tongue,'
aingeal ahl *
angel.'^
1 The following variations might be added : air an f hear er' 3 nz:r

(9, 13, 15, 15a), er' 3 n'zir (15b) 'on the grass,' in Eirinn 3 neirin
(9, 13, 15, 15a), 3 n'eirin (15b), 'in Ireland,' Pdirc na n-Eich /)^.r'^'
na nef (pl.-n., 9), gan fheith g3 nz3 without a sinew ' '
(7), but always cuid
de'n eorna kU-^ 3 n'oirns {=d-^3n jj:rn3) ' part of the barley.'
2. Similarly in Arran, Scotland : lag3, ijzg3, where g is, however, half

voiceless.
;
PHONOLOGY 57
p, ph.
< §91 >

These consonants are pronounced as
p {p\ pj) and / (/', fj),
according to the same rules as for b, bh, e.g. paiste pai^t'? '
child,'
peann pjain 'pen,' pota pot? 'pot,' priseamhail pri:jzl 'precious,'
mo phaiste m? failt'd 'my child,' mo pheann ntd fja:n 'my pen,'
aims an phota ans fito in the pot,' paipear pa :pzr paper,' capall
<?
' '
kapdl '
mare.'
r.
< § 92 >
Of the two varieties of r, r and r', corresponding to the original

*
broad ' and '
slender '
r, the latter is on the verge of disappearing
in Rathlin Irish (cf § 46). It is still heard before ea (=^), io (=£), eo,
and iu, as wêll as between '
slender vowels, while it is often
'
indicated by a '
glide '
after ai, 6i, lii. In other cases, especially in
the suffixes -(a)ir, -(c)oir, it is the '
neutral ' r, e.g. coire kor'd
'
caldron,' Muire m^Cr'd '
the Virgin,' paipear pa :psr '
paper,'
saighdear szidêr 'soldier,' piobaire piihir'd 'piper,' na fiolaire
na fjslir'j
'
of the eagle,' dreimire drcimir'd 'ladder,' Mairi Muire
ma :ri miCr'd '
the Virgin Mary,' stoirm storm '
storm,' coirce kork'd
'
oats '
(2), dreallog dr'alag '
swingletree,' breac hr'ak '
trout.'
Before a voiceless consonant, r may be unvoiced, as fuirc f^r'k'
'forks' (3); similarly rth and thr are pronounced r (see § 96).
On account of the tendency to suppress r in certain positions

'
(§ 41), the verbs scriobadh '

scraping ' and sciobadh '
snatching
have been partly mixed up.
s.
< § 93 >
The pronunciation of s is 5 before and after a, o, u (or when
separated from them by a consonant), before an initial consonant
(but cf below) ; in other cases it sounds as J.
As for the pronunciation
before and after r, see § 38. E.g. saoghal sEdl 'world,' scan \an
'old,' snath sna: 'yard,' sroin sro-.n' 'nose,' giorsach ^'sr5a:x: 'girl.'
In the combination st, si, sn, before e, i, the pronunciation varies
between s and J,
as: isteach d It' ax, d st'ax (e.g. 9c) 'in,' sleamhain
sl'avin, iVavin *
smooth,' sneachta sn'axtd, ^n'axtd (9c) ' snow '
in medial position J
is more common: paistc pa:jt'd 'child,' aiste
ajt'c
'
out of her.' As for maistrcadh, sec § 95.
After n, rj is often pronounced instead of J,
as: ma innseas mise
ma int^.is ////p
'
if I tell '
(5), dh'innseadh e jintj.ig a '
he would tell,'
an seo .m tjj
'
here,' an sin m ^J//i
'
there,' an seadh h-aon .m tjco hin
'the sixth' (11); so also in saoilsin 5£(;)/^Jm 'thinking.'
sh.
< § 94 >
Sh has the value of h (see § 85), e.g. f huair me mo shaith h/(er mz

uu ha:(; '
I got enough,' Oidhche Shamhna I:p havtid '
Hallowe'en,'
mo sheanathair mj (;ana?r 'my grandfather' (11), da sheachtain
da: gaxtin 'two weeks,' shiubhail f/C^/ 'died,' a Sheonaid 3 p:ned^
'Janet ' (voc). Of ar shiubhal '
away,' the pronunciation is seldom
^r^^dl (this is said to be the L.E. pron.), but more often j r'/Cjl
(e.g. 3, 7) or J r^^l (e.g. 2).
The combination shn sounds n, e.g. cuta de shnatli kiCt^ dê na:
'
cut of yarn' (3), but shl is plain / with 5: ga shlashadh ga la\dg
*
being slashed '
(from Engl.).^ For shr I have no examples.
t, t-sh.
< §95 >
These two symbols are pronounced alike, viz. as t or t\, according

to the same rules as for d (§ 80), e.g. ta ta: 'is,' te tê 'hot,'
tir t\i:r
*
country,' tobar tohdr *
well,' tunnog Unag '
duck,' tri tri:,
trEi '
three,' pota pjtd '
pot,' litir litîr
'
letter,' an t-shaoghail
9n tEdl of the world,' an t-shearmoin dn tjarmzn
'
the sermon,' '
an t-shroin m
troin' 'the nose'; t-shn sounds tr, as: an t-shndthad
'
dti tradd the needle.'
Before a consonant followed by a slender vowel, the pronunciation
is usually ^ e.g. treabhadh tr'o9g (tro9g) plowing,' maistreadh '
maistrdg '
churning (5 hence also in the pret. mhaistir vaist^r
' ;
*
churned,' 12), baintreach baintrah *
widow '
(3), litrean litrdn
'
letters ' (i), but speaker No. 3 has often t' here: t'r'o9g, air an t-shUabh
er dn t'liav '
on the mountain '; she also says litldrdti. Otherwise t' is
I. Unless it represents lashadh (from Engl. Mash').

'
PHONOLOGY 59
used only after s and J,

as isteach j st'ax, d \t'ax *
in,' loiscte lo\t'e
*
burnt '; in the pronunciation of 15b, it is also heard in other cases:
tig t'ig' 'come,' tcacht t'axt 'coming,' tioradh t'iirdg [k'iitdg) '
grist.'
In tu'you' (§ 127), t is sometimes voiced to d: feidhmidh tu

feimi d^ 'you must' (12); the same is the case in Arran, Scotland.
th.
< §96 >
For th (as far as it occurs initially) the same rules apply as for h
or sh, i.e. it sounds h or f, e.g. tharrain harin 'pulled,' do theanga, do
theangaidh dj heg^, dj âyi '
your tongue,' thig hig '
will come,' a
thiocfhas d (;/Ckds
'
who will come,' thionntaigh gznti '
turned,' obair
throm ohir ro:m 'heavy work' (3), mo thruagh nw ri(j 'alas' (2).
Initially and finally, th is silent after a '

broad ' vowel, but often
sounded as g after a '
slender ' vowel, e.g. athair a-er '
father,'
mathair maer '

mother,' snath sna :
'
yarn,' boitheach h :gax '
byre,'
gnoithean gnpn 'things,' laithean laipn, r[aipn (3), laidti (7),
dh'itheadhjV-^^ '
would eat,' gnoithe (?) grri '
business '
(cf. §§ 6, 48).
The combinations rth,' thr,' thn sound o'o'o'o'

r, r', n, n', e.g.
O lathrach
r\a:rax 'site,' 'ruin* (3, braithrean hrair'dn 'brothers,' roithneach
ron'ax '
bracken,' cuirthe k^r'd '
tired.' It is likely that the voiceless r
might have changed Lathrach Da Dhuibhean (pl.-n.) to Lar'ta
Dhuibhean lairt d *ylvzn, with almost voiceless r.
Th is silent in the following words: thu <C.', <C, thusa ^sd 'you'
(§ 127),^ thro D *
through,' aithigh an'i '
know,' '
recognize '
(with
its derivations), ceithre k'er'j '
four,' ceathramh k'ard(v) '
fourth
(noun and ordinal, but not in ceathrar k'apr, § 135), and with most
people in the vb. athraigh a:ri change,' shift.' If the verb rothl ' '
(vb. n. rothladh) nr] (3)

'
roll,' originally contained th, it also is
silent now.
I- Cf. abair thusa aS^r £sp (imper., An iV

SANDHI MUTATIONS IN RATHLIN IRISH
THE Rathlin
sandhi mutations peculiar to the Celtic languages are in
Irish: (i) Aspiration (or lenition), (2) Eclipsis (or
nasalization), (3) Provection, (4) Combined Aspiration and
Provection, and (5) Elision.
Aspiration.
< § 97 >
With regard to aspiration (or lenition) of initial consonants,

Rathlin Irish mostly agrees with northern Mainland Irish, Manx
and Scottish Gaelic. According to the rules of aspiration, the
following consonants (and consonant groups) undergo changes:
b (bl, br)becomes bh (bhl, bhr), c (cl, en, cr) becomes ch (chl, chn,
chr), d becomes dh (dhl, dhr), f (fl, fr) becomes fh (fhl, fhr),
(dl, dr)
(gl, gn, gr) becomes gh (ghl, ghn, ghr), m (mn) becomes mh (mhn),
g
p (pi, pr) becomes (ph, phi, phr), s (si, sn; sr?) becomes sh (shl, shn;
shr?), t (tr) becomes th (thr); other consonants and combinations of
consonants are unchanged, e.g. air an chuigeadh la de July er d x/C:g'd
vâ: 4s d^^'lai (3).
There are caseswhere speakers want to correct the language,*

'
or make it clearer, by eliminating the aspiration and maintaining

the original form (as: sean bean bocht). Such instances are: mo
fear (2), sean bean (14), sean cat (14), aon pighinn deag 'mp pin
^dêig (11). Especially English words, place-names, and unusual
Irish words are treated in this way.
Special attention ought to be drawn to the m-sound. This letter
seems especially often to be left unaspirated. The reason of this

may be that the ancient sound of mh [v] has in most cases been lost,
especially initially, where it might have been simplified to m
(see further § 88).
1
SANDHI MUTATIONS 6
Occurrence of Aspiration.
(A) All initial consonants.
< § 98 >
Aspiration occurs more or less regularly (cf. above) after certain
words or in certain grammatical functions. Any initial consonant,
capable of aspiration, is changed after the following words:
a d, the vocative particle (see § 109), e.g. a Sheamais d he mil 'James'

(voc.) ; but cuit fe^^J, klt^ '
puss,' from cat.
a ,9, poss. pron. '

his,' e.g. a chos d xos *
his foot '; a dha chuinneag
uisce d ya: x^n'ag I^k'd *
two water stoups (3), where
his ' it is
the numeral that is affected by the pronoun, and not the

following noun, as in most Irish dialects,
a p, the relative particle (except in certain irregular verbs), see §§ 146-

154.
a d, before the verbal noun, see § 139.
ar er, ar, prep. '
on,' in some cases, as: air bhreitheamhnas er vredVdS
*
to judge '
(in the Creed, 9), air chraobh er xr'oiv '
on a tree,'
air Chlaigeann er xlagd'n 'at Cleggan' (maybe contracted from
air a' Chi.); but in most cases (especially when the prep, is
pronounced dr) no aspiration takes place: cur sios ar paipear kiCr

lidS dr pa :pzr putting down on paper,' ar deas laimh De 9r dês
'
laiv die: on the right hand of God,' ar beal an t-shaic

*
dr hzdr\ dn tEk' on the opening (mouth) of the bag (3), da

'
'
oirleach ar tighead, ar fad da : orlax dr tjivdt, dr fad '

three inches
broad, long '
(3), ar toiseacht dr toâxt '
at first '
(3).
dd da:, num. 'two,' e.g. da chearcal da: garkdr\ 'two hoops' (3),
da chead da: ge :d '

two hundred '
(cf under a '
his '),
de Jjs, dd, prep. *

of,' e.g. de choinnlean d^z xEil'dn *
of candles '
(3),
fichead bliana de dhiffer fihdd hliand dd yEfdr 'twenty years'

difference' (3).
do dd, prep. *
to,' e.g. do Sheamus dd he :mds *
to James.'
fa fa, prep. *
about,' *
toward,' ' under,' e.g. tarrain fa dheas
taren fa jes *pull southward' (2), uisce fa thuinn Ijk'd fa h/C:n'
*
subsoil water.'
le /e, prep, 'in order to,' only before the verbal noun, as: le theacht
/s âxt '
in order to come '
(3).
;
ma ma, prep. '

about,' '
toward,' e.g. ma dheas ma jes southward,' *
ma dhcircadh ma jcr'jg *
at last,' ma mheadhon lae ma vjan lEi
*
about noon.'
na ua, conj. '
or,' e.g. seachtain na dho jaxtin na yo: *
a week or two *;
but the aspiration is not regular, cf. do na tri do: na tri: two
*
or three.'
ro Oy adv. '
very ' ;
*
too much,' e.g. ro bhog n vog *
too soft,'
ro dhona rj yond *
too bad,' ro gharbh ro yorv '
very rough '
(2),
ro the ro he '
too hot,' ro f hada ro add *
too long.'
ro(imh) ro
'
before ' : ro mheadhon lae ro medti [vedti) lEi *
A.M.*
thro(imh) ro
'
through,' in: thro theine ro hin'd *
on fire.'
After the numerals tri, ceithre, ciiig, naoi, and deich, aspiration
takes place irregularly, e.g. tri mhiosa trEi vidSd three months (3),
'
'
tri mhearan trEi ve irdti

'
three fmgers,' tri chroinn trEi xrEin *
three
masts' (8), tri phonta trEi font? '3 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but also:
tri braithrean trEi hrair'sn '

three brothers ' (11), tri cosan trEi kosdn
'
three feet ' (under a pot, 3), tri ceathramh trEi k'ardv *
three
quarters' (cf. § 108), tri doirsean trEi dorjdn 'three doors'; ceithre
phonta k'er'd fontd
'
4 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but ceithre croinn k'er'd
krEin 'four masts,' ceithre bachlaigh k'er'd ball 'four boys' (11);
cuig phonta k/C :g' fonto *
5 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but cuig drairthean
k^:g' dra:r'?n 'five drawers' (3), naoi phonta nEi fontd '9 lbs.* (2, 15),
deich phonta dêg fontd '

10 lbs.* (2), but cf. § 102.
< §99>
Aspiration of any initial consonant also takes place in the following
cases :
(i) of a noun, after one of the adjectives corr h ;r, hr *

an odd,*
and droch drox *
bad,' which precede the noun as attribute,
e.g. corr fhocal kor okdl 'an odd word' (corr daoine kor dEm'd
'odd people' may be a mistake; notice also corr h-aon kord h/C:n
'
an odd one ') droch bholadh drox vohg a bad smell
;
* *
(2) of an attributive adjective (or pronoun), following the noun,

in the nom. & dat. sg. fem., the gen., dat., and voc.^ masc. sg.,
and in the nom. (& obi.) pL, if the noun is formed with internal
vowel change (§ 109), e.g. an bheinn mhor d vein' voir 'the big
I. Notice also: thu dhona, dhona (C; yon^ yond *

you bad one.'
':
SANDHI " MUTATIONS 63
mountain,' an Bhcinn Mhor d vcn' vo :r

'
Fair Head,' an ghiorsach
bhocht d js{r)sax voxt '
the poor girl '
(3), an bhodaigh bhan a vodi
vain 'of the fair old man' (in a pl.-n.), do'n duine bhocht d,m
diCn'd voxt *
to the poor man,' air an bhealach mhor er d vjaT[ax vo :r
'
on the main road '
(3), air an pholl bheag er d foT\ veg '
on the little
hole' (3), na h-ein bheag na hzin' veg 'the little birds,' eisc mhor
e:\k voir 'big fish' (pL), caoraigh bheag kEiri veg 'little sheep'
(pL); after other plural nouns the usage is unsettled, as: na daoine
bheag (or: beag) na dEm'd veg {heg) 'the little folks,' na daoine
bhocht na dEm'd voxt 'the poor people' (3), but na daoine coir
na dEm'd koir' '
the fairies.'
(3) of the ordinal cead, after the definite article (though not
regularly), e.g. an chead la d îad la? '
the first day,' an chead toigh
d giad tEi '
the first house '
; but also an cead duine ar| ke id diCn'd^
an cead toigh dT[ k'eid tEi.
(4) of a noun in the genitive, used after another noun as attributive,
especially if the first noun is a fern. sg. or the second noun a proper
noun or a plural, e.g. oidhche Dhomhnaigh lip yjini 'Sunday
night' (13), oidhche Shamhna lip havnd '
Hallo vê'en,' min choirce
min'{d) xor'k'd '
oatmeal,' Cunntae Dhoire k^ntai yEr'd '
Co. Derry
(15), Loch Dhoire lox yEr'd 'Derry Loch,' 'Loch Foyle '
(15),
seorda (de?) chruit prJ,? xrlt\ 'a kind of hump' (3), but seorda
madadh \jrd? maddg (14, cf. § 88).
(5) of the finite verb, in the imperfect and preterit, in the cases
which appear from the paradigms of the regular and irregular verbs
(§§ 146-155).
(6) of certain forms of the personal pronoun, in cases specified in
§ 124.
(B) All initials except the dentals (t-, d-, s-).
< § 100 >
After the following words all consonants except t-, d-, s- are
usually aspirated (words in f- also undergo provection of n, § 103)
an 3«, int. part. & conj., sometimes aspirates f: an fhaic thu?

d nak' <C
'
do you see ?
*
an f haigh thu 9 nai ^ *
whether you
will get.'
an 3U, <7, the definite article, in the nom. & dat. fern, and the gen.
& dat. masc. sg., e.g. an chos d x:fs
'
the foot,' an bhachlaigh
9 vali *
of the boy,' do'n fhear sin J<? n'ar jIn '
to that man '
(ii),
but: an doigh cheart dti doi gart

*
the right way,' anns an toigh
ans dn tEi *
in the house,' Sroin an Deargain sn :n' dtt dârgdti
(pl.-n.); but also: beir air an thaobh sin ber er dtt hE:v jIn *
catch
'
that side (3).
ba b9y imperf. and pret. of the copula (§ 146), e.g. ba choir do

bd xj'.r do: it ought to (3), b'fhearr bz:r
'
was (were) better,' '
'
but: ba deas leat bd dês lat

*
you would like.'
cha xa, commonly ha, a, neg. adv. '

not ' and form of the copula
not' (§ 146), e.g. cha chuir ha x^r' 'will not put' (cf. § 142),
'is
chan fhada ha nad? {=han ad?, § 103, b), chan fhanainn ha nanin
'
I would not stay,' but: cha dean ha dê:n will not do,' '
cha seid ha ê :d^ 'will not blow,' cha saoil ha sE:V

'
will not think.'
gzn gDU, gj (with prov. of n), prep. without,' e.g. gan cheadp« êd '
without permission {gDtt k'cd, probably wrong), gan cheist ar

' '
bith g3n ge^t' df bi '

without doubt,' gan f heoil gD n'j :/'
*
without gan f heith, gan fhuil gd nzd g? n^\ without
flesh,'
'
sinew, without blood' (7, cf. § 103); sometimes also: gan

ghaoth, gan thuradh gdn yE : g?n h/Crdg '
without wind, without
fair weather '
(5).
man md[n), s'mana smand[n), conj. '

before,' and mana mdnd[n)y
conj. '
unless,' sometimes aspirate f- or b-, e.g. man fhaigh
md nai '
before . . . gets,' s'manan f hag me thusa smatid na :g
mi ^S9 '
before I leave you (8, s'mana bhfag sman? va :g, is said
'
*
to be more correct), mana bhi mdUd vi: if there will not be '
(13), but mana dtuir mand d/Cr'

*
before . . . brings.' Cf. § 102.
nach naXy na, neg. rel. and conj. ' which not,' * that not,'
aspirates f-, e.g. nach fheil nax el {na hel) *
which is not,' etc.,
nach fhaic thu na hek' /C

*
may you not see ' (11).
This partial aspiration also takes place in a noun, preceded by one

of the attributive words aon d na, an atha In, Ind '
one,' an ath
d nad (3) *
and sean ân old,'
the next,* an chead a (;iad
'
the first,'
*
e.g. aon mhear In vz :r one finger,' but aon seomra In pmbdr *
*
one room,' an ath bhliadhna 9 na vlian? next year,' an ath mhios '
SANDHI MUTATIONS 65
d na vids '
next month,' but an ath doras d na dords '
next door,' sean
bhean \an vjan '
old woman,' but sean toigh scoil jan tEi shl
'
old schoolhouse,' sean slave jan sle :v '
old slave '
(3).
ECLIPSIS.
< § loi >
By eclipsis in this chapter is understood the conversion of

initial c, p, t, f, g, b, d to g, b, d, v, ng, n, m (written: gc, bp, dt,
bhf, mb, ng, nd) after certain words that cause eclipsis. Of the
three last changes (those of g, b, d) there are, however, only stray
examples in Rathlin Irish, which may be of secondary origin. The
only old passage of d to n (nd) is perhaps in the phrase : cha dtug
me i ndear ha d^g ms n'ar '
I did not observe '
(cf fa deara, faoi ndear,
in other Irish dialects). Other cases such as: Purt Dun na nGiall p^rt
diC:n 9 n'ial (for v{ial, 6), cf Dun nan Giall diCin dT\ g'ial (pl.n.), c'uair
a mbi thu ar t'athais kor d mi /C or taa\ '
when will you be back? '
(6),
i ndeidh d n'ai 'after' (6), can be explained in the same way as an
nine for aon duine (see 6 Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh,
p. 22); cf. especially an dtainigh thu? pron. d nam'i AT
(3)
*
did you come ?
'
The same development takes place in Scottish
Gaelic (esp. Skye). Usually g, b, d are not eclipsed in Rathlin,
thus: indiu dti d^^ 'today,' inde dn dê: 'yesterday,' as against
Donegal inniu, inne (cf. also Manx jiu, jea).
The Rathlin echpsis further differs from the Mainland Irish eclipsis
in the retention of the nasal which originally caused the eclipsis,
in certain cases. It happens in some words which in the common
Irish orthography end in a vowel, such as a 'theirs,' i 'in,' go 'that,'
etc. which in Rathlin Irish usually appear as an, in, gon. The only
exceptions would be the stereotyped i bhfad (p) vad 'long,' 'far,'
chuir i bhfalach x^r d var\ax *

hid '
(3), i dteannca do (le) dâT\kd
dd (/e) 'next to'which never show the nasal. Other cases
(11),
where the may be explained as of a later origin, such
nasal is absent
as: Rudha na bhFaoileann r<0 na vEil'dti (ph-n), cf. Uig an Mhuilinn
K:g' d v^l'in (see § 105); some place-names, as Sloe na gCailleach

slok na gal' ax Sloaknacalliagh,' may, however, rather represent an
'
earlier stage in the history of eclipsis.

'
In the Rathliii Catechism there are many instances of ecUpsis of

d (to n), as in Mainland Irish, e.g. go nultfm '
that I should
renounce (go ndiultfainn),
'
a niu '
to-day '
(indiu).
Occurrence of Eclipsis.
< § 102 >

*
Eclipsis ' in this chapter does not include the provection of n-»
which is sometimes reckoned as eclipsis. Eclipsis^ occurs regularly
after the following words:
an (a) dh, d, poss. pron. '
theirs,' e.g. an gcosan 9T] gjsm '
their feet.'
an (a) 9n, d, rel. part., e.g. edit an bhfeil e ka:tl dn vel e 'where is
he? '; so also gos an g3S 5n, conj. '

until.'
an ?n (p), interr. part. (=Lat. num? -ne?), e.g. an dtig thu? dn dîg' /C
'
will you come ?
' an bhfan thu ? dn van <C
'
will you stay ?
' (but
cf § I go).
an an, dn (5), conj. '

if,' e.g. an dtuir thu dn d^r ^ you give.'^
'
if
ca ka, interr. adv. '

where '
: ca bhfeil thu ? ka vel where are you ?
/C
*
cf. Rathl. Cat. kam bee tu ad chovnee '

where do you live ?
gon (go) gdn, gd, conj. '

that ' : gon gcuir ^^-n g^r' '
that . . . will put.'
in dn, d, prep, in, only sporadically, as: in dtoigh beag (for bheag)
dn dEi bzg 'in a little house' (3), in gcuil an gharraidh dr\ g^:l'
d comer of the garden' (i), in gCille Phdraic dr\
ya:ri 'in the
g'il'dfa :rik' (11) in most cases no eclipsis takes place: in Failleacht
;
dnfal'axt 'at F.', in Ceann Reamhar dr\ k'an^ravdr 'at Kinramer.'

man nidn^ mana(n) mdnd{n), conj. before,' e.g. mana bhfag me *
mdnd va:g ms 'before I leave' (but cf. also § 100).
manan, mana mdndn, ntdnd, conj. '

unless,' *
if not,' e.g. mana dtuir
thu uait e mdnd d^r <C vêtj e '
if you do not give it away.'
mur (mar) ntdr, poss. pron. *
your,' e.g. ag mur gcumail gd mdr g/Cmal
'
keeping you '
(mur piur ntdr pj^'df *
your sister, is wrong).
nach nax, nah, na, neg. part. & conj. (i) Lat. nonne?
(2)
'
which not ' (rel.), (3)
'
that not ' (subord. conj.),^
e.g. nach dtuir thu ? na[x) d^r /C

'
will you not give ?
' nach
gcuir na[x) g/Cr'
'
which will not put,' nach gcuireadh e na[x)
1. Prob. also the rare nan nan '

if.' An, int. part, and conj., may also
aspirate an initial f, see § 100.
2. Except f-, which is aspirated (see § 100).

':;
SANDHI MUTATIONS 67
g^r'dg a *
that he would not put ' ; but as copula : nach fuasach
me nax f^Dsah rm '
am I not terrible? '
(3).
nan nan, na, gen. pi. of the def. art., e.g. Rudha na bhFaoileann
r^9 na vEd'dn (pl.-n.).
nar n^r, poss. pron. '
our,' e.g. nar bpeacaidh ndr h'aki '
our sins ' (i),
nar bhfiachan ndr viaxdn *

our debts ' (in the Lord's Prayer)
nar piiir n?r pj^'3r '
our sister ' is wrong.
s'mana(n) smand{n), conj. ' before,' e.g. s'mana bhfag me smand
va:g me '
before I leave '
(but cf. also § 100).
After cha '
not '
(§ 145), only t is
'
eclipsed ' to dt, e.g. cha dtig
ha dîg' '
will not come,' cha dtuir ha diCr '
will not give '
; but as
neg. copula: cha tusa ha Usd '

it is not you.'
The numerals seacht, ocht, naoi, deich eclipse the following noun
according to some speakers, e.g. seacht bpont âxt hnt {hont?)
*
seven pounds ' (money, 8), seacht bponta laxt hontd '
7 lbs.' (3, 15,
15b), ocht gcead oxt g'e :d '
800 '
(3), naoi bponta nEi hontd '
9 lbs.' (3),
deich bponta dê^ hontd '

10 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but cf. § 98; see further
under the numerals (§ 135).
In analogy with Mainland Irish, the noun is eclipsed in air an
dtalamh er dn dav^dv
'
on earth ' (in the Lord's Prayer, 3), but this is
exceptional.
Provection.
< § 103 >
Provection is the carrying over of the fmal consonant of a proclitic

(or any) word to the following word, if it begins with a vowel
(cf. Engl, "a tall" for *
at all,'
" a-nother " for 'an-other').
So also in Irish: an buaint againn dm hên t\ain *our harvest' (4).
The consonants that are normally carried over are: h, n, t and ch.
(a) Provection of h.
Provection of h, which is ancient, consists in putting a hyphenated h

in front of the initial vowel of the following word. It takes place after
a p, poss. pron. *
her,' e.g. a h-athair d hadr
*
her father.'
a a, part, before numerals (§ 135), e.g. a h-aon d hl:n '
one.'
ca ka, kd, ga gd, interr. pronn. what (before a following noun), '
'
e.g. ca h-uair ? ka h/Csr' what time when ca h-ainm * ?

'
' ?
' ?
ka har'm what name? ca (ga) h-ait? gd ha:t^d what place?

* *
'
'
de dê, '
day,' in the names of the days of the week: De h-Aoine
'
d^c ^k< :ti'.i Friday.'
go gDy prep. '
to,' e.g. go h-Eirinn gj he :rin '
to Ireland,' go h-aitean
eile go ha:t^cVi cl'd '
to other places,' go h-uilinn go hidin 'to the
elbow.'
na nay conj. '
neither,' '
nor ' : na maith na h-olc na ma na hoik
'
neither good nor bad.'
na na, gen. sg. fern, of the def art., e.g. Cnoc na h-Uige krok na
h^'.g'd (pl.-n). Loch na h-Ealadh lox na âbg 'Ally Loch.' In
bannca h-abhainn hnur[k9 ho-in 'river bank' (8), h is irregular.
{b) Provection of n.
Provection of n is partly ancient, in which case it is represented

by a hyphenated n before the initial vowel of a following word,
but even though the n be written on to the preceding word it is
carried over to the following vowel in the pronunciation. Provection

of n takes place after:
an 9M, 'n n (after some prepp.), the def. article, in the nom. & dat.
fem., and gen. dat. masc. sg., e.g. an acair d nakir '
the anchor
(3), an eala 9 n'ab '

the swan,' an eich d neg *
of the horse
(in pl.-n.), do'n each dj n'ax *
to the horse.'
an dUy poss. pron. '
their,' e.g. an athair d na-zr'
'
their father.'
an dUy rel. part., e.g. ait an amhairc thu a ;^J
d navdrik' <C
'
where you
will see.'
cha xay ha, a, neg. adv. '
not ' and negative copula '
is not '
(§ 146),
e.g. chan urrain ha n/Crin *
cannot,' chan e ha n'z : {ha ne :)
'
it is
not he '
(or '
it ').
gan g9ny prep. '

without,' e.g. gan uisce g9 nljk'9 '
without rain.'
go, gon g9ny conj. '

that,' e.g. go n-amhairc e g9 nav9rik' a *
that
he will see.'
in 9ny prep. '

in,' e.g. in Eirinn 9 ne :rin' '
in Ireland,' in Albain
'
9 nalbin in Scotland.'
manan m9n9ny conj. *
before '; *
unless,' '
if not,' e.g. mana n-amhairc
thu m9n9 nav9rik' <C
'
unless you see.'
nan nan, gen. pi. of the def. art., e.g. Pairc na n-Eich pa:r'k' na ne^
(Pl-n.)-
s' manan sman9ny conj. *
before,' e.g. s'mana n-eirigh thu sman9 niiri /C
'
before you rise.' So also man wan '
before.'
'
SANDHI MUTATIONS 69
(c) Provcction of t.
Provection of t consists in the carrying over and hyphenating

of a t to a following word beginning with a vowel. It takes
place after the nom. sg. masc. of the definite article (an), e.g. an
t-athair dti tazr' '
the father,' an t-each dn tjax '
the horse,' an t-im
dn t\im 'the butter' (8), an t-iaro dn tliarod 'the grandson' (15),
an t-innear dn t\in'zr 'the anvil' (15, &c.). In many cases the
provection is avoided, e.g. an arbhar 3 narvdr 'the corn' (14; an
t-arbhar dn tarvdr, 8), an Aifreann d nafidn '
Mass,' an aidhear d naidr
'the air' (an t-aidhear dn taidr, 15), an ainm a bha ortha d nar'm
d va op 'their name' (15b; an t-ainm dn tar'm, 8). In the same
way, air an aon dr d nin and air an t-aon er dn tin 'on the one,' may
be used promiscuously (11).
(d) Provection of ch.
Provection of ch consists in the carrying over of ch (pron. h) to

a following word beginning with a vowel, and is conditioned by
the weakening of ch to h (§ 50), especially in unstressed position.
This form of provection takes place more or less regularly after
nach nax, nah, na (see § 145) and gach gax, gah, ga, d, indef. pron.
'
each,' every,' e.g. as gach olc ^5 ga hoik from evil (in the Lord's
' '
'
Prayer, 9), a h-uile (=gach uile) d hiCl'd 'every' (see § 134, B, a) ; further
examples in the following §. So also after ach ax, ah, conj. '
but,'
and the termination -ach -ax, ah, e.g. fuasach amscair fjsa hamskzr
'
very careless (15), chan fheil arach air ha nel a:ra her' it cannot
'
'
be helped '
(11).
Combined Aspiration and Provection.
< § 104 >
Combined and provection only takes place in words

aspiration
beginning with According to § 97, these consonants are
s- or f-.
aspirated to h and zero, respectively, whence the same provection

rules are applied as to words beginning with a vowel. Thus s-
becomes t-sh after the nom. & dat. fem., and gen. & dat. masc. sg.
of the def article an t-sean bhean dn t\an vjan the old woman,'
:
'
an Toigh 's an t-Shabhall dn tEi s dn tavdl the House and the Barn '
70 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATIILIN ISLAND
(pl.-n.), fear an t-shaoghail jf/<ir ^n Ucl *tlic man of the world' (i),
but incorrectly also: .vi tEi s m sav?l (6), toigh an sagart tEi dn sag.irt
'
the parochial house.' Similarly si-, sn- become t-shl-, t-shn (pron.
tr, cf. § 89), and si becomes t-shl (pron. tl), e.g. air an t-shliabh er'
.VI t'liav, er .in tliav on the mountain

'
'
(3), an t-shnathad ?n tra?d
'
the needle,' scaoil i an t-shnaidhm skE'Al i n trEim *she untied the
knot' (3), but irregularly: an shluasaid 9 T\dassd^ *
the shovel' (13),
Ceann Chnoc an Shlugan k'an xnk m l^gcin (pl.-n, 9).
An f- is affected by combined aspiration and provection after
those particles which cause both aspiration and provection (see
§§ 97, 103), thus after: an (def. art., § 106), cha (neg. adv. form &
of copula, § 146), gan (prep. §§ 100, 103), man, manan (conjj.,
§§ 100, 103), nach (conj., §§ 100, 103), e.g. an fheannog ^ n'anag
'
the crow,' do'n f hear dd n'ar '
to the man,' chan f haigh ha nai '
won't
get,' chan f hada ha not long,' gan f hcith, gan f huil g3 nzd
nad.i *
it is
g,i Hill
'
without sinew, without blood (7), gan fhiosta gd nlstd
'
*
secretly '
(3), man fhaigh md nai '
before . . . gets,' s'manan f hag me
'
sman? na :g me '
before I leave,' nach f hag ? na ha :g
'
won't leave ?
nach f haigheadh tu na hzjd tK,

'
that you wouldn't get,' nach f haic
thu na hsk' ^ *
may you not see' (11), but also: nach fhuaigheadh
nax uajdg '
that would not sew '
(15a).
Elision and Assimilation.
< § 105 >

*
Elision ' will here be used to describe the dropping of either a
vowel before a vowel, or a consonant before a consonant, in sandhi.
(i) Vowel and vowel.

The obscure vowel (p) is always dropped in front of a stressed
vowel in ordinary speech, but may be retained in careful pro-
nunciation by the force of analogy. Thus monosyllabic words
ending in d lose this vowel, and the consonant (or consonants) is
carried over to the following word mo : athair '

my father ' becomes
m'athair mazr\ a athair *
his father' becomes: athair azr' (but 'her
father' is: a h-athair). Some speakers retain the vowel in: mo ata
m? at? 'my hat,' do ata d? atd *
your hat' (12), for usual: m'ata,
t'ata (cf. § 127).
SANDHI MUTATIONS 7I
After a stressed vowel, the obscure vowel remains, and also often
after an unstressed vowel, e.g. ainti an mala e«rj/ ,m ma:b 'into
the bag '
(i), thilg e an mala hil'g' a ,? ma:b '
he threw the bag '
(1).
Instead of this the obscure vowel may be assimilated to the fust
vowel, e.g. aar' for aor' '
father,' ar athais 3'r aaj, for ci'r a-.ij, rt'/J
'
back,' bruach br^'Cx, for bri(-3x, br^-ax '
slope.' Finally, the two
vowels may be contracted, as in -achadh ajg, a:g (§ 79).
After do, prep, and vb. particle (§ 142), dh y (it is historically a
repetition of do) is inserted in front of a following vowel, e.g. thcid
a (=do) dh'ol he :d^ d yo:v[ 'is going to drink' (3), cha do dh'aithnigh
ha dd yan'i '
did not recognize '
; ceathramh do dh'ocht k'ar?v dd oxt
'a quarter of eight' (2), is probably due to the usual suppression of y.
Similarly also with the compound prepositions a (do) dh'- ionnsaighe
3 jznsi '
toward and ' a (do) dh'iarraidh ? jiari (j^ri) '
after.' But
de (do) meaning 'of is not followed by dh': de itcogan d^z itâg.m
'of feathers' (3), de uisce d^z IjkD '

of water,' de airgead d^z ar'g'jd
'of money,' de or d-^z o :r 'of gold,' ceithir bliadhna d'aois k'e-ir

bliano dd:\ 'four years of age '
(4).
(2) Consonant and consonant.

An unstressed consonant is very often dropped in front of a con-
sonant beginning a stressed syllable. The fmal n of the article is
regularly dropped in front of certain fricatives or spirants (x, y,
/, V, 1), e.g. a' chaithear d xa^zr '

the chair,' for an chaithear, a' ghrian
d yrian *
the sun,' anns a' bhata ans d va U? '
in the boat.' In front
of other consonants also, the n is frequently dropped: a' ceann d k'ain
'
the head,' a' doras d dords
'
the door.'
If the n is retained, it is usually assimilated to the following consonant,
so that becomes m before a labial, and T) before a guttural, e.g. an
it
bachlach dm hahx the boy,' an ceann ptj k'a :n the head,' etc.
' '
In the same way -g from -y is elided in front a consonant, cf.

madadh caorach mad? kEirax 'sheep dog,' madadh ruadh madd riCa
'
fox,' cf. madadh alia madd^g ah wolf.' '
In other cases, especially when it is important that the consonants

remain, an epenthetic vowel is inserted between them (see § 15).
Thus do'n bhachlach to the boy,' is pronounced dd na (tid) vakx
'
[dd valax means to a boy do bhachlach) similarly Sliabh an

*
' : ;
Chonnaidh fl'zvd na xml (pl.-n.), for jlzv ?n xvnl.

ACCIDENCE
Ascompared with the Irish of Donegal, the grammar of

/ \ RathHn is rather simple.
the Irish of In this respect it
JL Vapproaches Scottish Gaelic and Manx, but it must be
remembered that simplifications may take place in different spheres
independently. A more original state of things may be perceived
in constructions found in place-names, as well as in stereotyped
phrases, in prayers, ctc.^
The Dehnite Article.
< § io6 >
The forms of the definite article are:
Singular,
Nom., gen., niasc. & fem.: an dn {dm, pr), 5, «, § 105).

Dat. masc. & fem.: an dn, etc.; 'n «, na, nd (see below).
Nom. & gen. : an da dn da :

*
the two,' *
both.*
Dat.: an da dn da:, 'n da n da: (cf below).
Plural
Nom. dat. masc. & fem.: na na (nd).
Gen., masc. & fem.: nan nan (nam, nar], na, nd, etc., § 105, 2).
E.g. an bachlach dm balax '

the boy,' an bhachlaigh d vali *
of the
boy,' do'n bhachlach dd na valax *
to the boy,' an da bhachlach
dn da vaUx the two boys or of the two boys,' do'n da bhachlach
:
'
'
'
ddu da vahx to the two boys,' na bachlaigh na hali the boys,'

:
* '
nan bachlach nam haUx of the boys,' do na bachlaigh dd na ball

'
*
to the boys ' ; an ghiorsach d{n) jersax '
the girl,' na giorsaighe
I. In the prayershowever, possible to assume an outside influence,

it is,
as the clergy often came from

the Irish mainland. On the other hand,
some of the common prayers may be of great age, and thus be typical of
the old popular speech of Rathlin.
; ; ; ; : ; ; ;
ACCIDENCE 73
na g'srsi '
of the girl,' do'n ghiorsach ddn jzrsax '
to the girl,'
an da ghiorsach 9n da jersax :
'
(of) the two girls,' do'n da ghiorsach
ddn da: jzrsax 'to the two girls,' na giorsachan na g'zrsakm 'the
girls,' nan giorsachan nar\ g'srsahju 'of the girls,' do na giorsachan
dd na g'zrsahdn '
to the girls.'
< § 107 >

Some prepositions assume special forms before the definite article,
of which the following are worth noticing
aig '
at ' : aig an Aifreann zg' d nafrdn '
at Mass '
ar (air) '
on '
: air an bhalla cr d var]d '
on the wall '
(3) ; air an
cheann er d ga:n 'on the head,' air (an?) Chlaigeann er xlag'dn
'
at Cleggan,' air na mnan er na mra?n on the women ' '
chun 'to' (only with the def art.): chun an bhaile hdn val'd, <?
usually na bhaile na val'd 'home' (adv.), na scoil na shl

'to school,' (chun) na tirtean amuigh na t\i:rt\dn d mnig 'to
foreign countries '
(3)
de '
of,' '
off': de'n bhalla d^z na var\d '
off the wall '
(3), de'n tir seo
d^z n tî:r p '
of this country '
(i.e.
'
Rathlin '), Ian de na grastan
r]a :n d^z na gra :stdn '
full of grace '
(in the Hail Mary)
do 'to': do'n duine bhocht don d^n'd voxt 'to the poor man' (3),
do'n chat do na xat '
to the cat '
faoi 'under,' 'below': faoi'n uisce//; nllk'o 'under the water' (3),
faoi'n phota//; na Jot? 'under the pot,' faoi'n Cheann Riabhach
//; na ganriax 'below Ceann Riabhach';
in 'in': anns an traigh ans dn tra{:)i 'in (on) the beach,' anns an chuan
'
ans D XiCan '
in the ocean,' 'san t-shiopa sjn t^jpj in the shop,'
'sa' bhata Sd va Ud '

in the boat,' anns na speirean ans na spe :rdn
'
in the sky,' 'sna glasaidean sna glaszd^m '
in the shoughs or
furrows '
le '
with ' : leis an chaiftin lej d xaftjzn '
with the captain,' le na tuaghan
h na tXagdn '
with the axes '
o *
from '
: cobhar o'n f hairrge kodt o narik'd
'
foam from the sea.'
With the preposition in, special forms may arise, wherein the
preposition and the article are contracted to s, as in the common
adverbs isteach 3 st'ax
'
in ' (motion, from anns an teach) and istoigh
d stEi '
in '
(rest, from anns an toigh). In the same manner, anns
an traigh 'in (on) the beach,' becomes istraigh d stra{:)i (13) and
anns an t-shabhall '
in the barn/ is-t-shabhall 3 stavdl (15a).
The definite article is used much in the same way as in EngUsh.

The specifically Irish use of the definite article to express something
indefinite but remarkable is also found in Rathlin, as is seen from the
following instances: chuala me na ceoltan x/Car\d me na k'j:r\t9n
*
I heard (some) singing ' (3),^ chualaigh e na daoine ag gabhail nan
gceoltan xâr\i e na dE:n'd3 goal nax] g'j:r]tdn *he heard some people
singing' where it is all the time the fairies that are in question;
(3),
in another tale one finds: thainigh an fiach han'i ?n fiax *a raven
came' (7), and thainigh an rogaire fiach han'i dn rj:gir'd fiax (3),
cf the English *
the rascal of a raven.' In analogy with Anglo-Irish
usage, the following construction is also current: b'ead na peathran
hz:t na perdn *
they were the sisters,' i.e.
*
they were sisters ' (15).
The Noun.
Gender^ Case and Number,
< § 108 >
There are, as in other modern Celtic languages, only two genders

in the Rathlin dialect: masculine and feminine; the old neuters have
mostly become masculines, as: ainm 'name,' loch(a) 'lake,' im
'
butter,' arbhar '
corn,' sliabh '
mountain,' toigh '
house.' But
an ainm, an arbhar is sometimes used for an t-ainm, an t-arbhar
is now, however, a
Tir country' feminine.
'
(cf. above).
The grammatical gender may, of course, be different from the
natural gender: bata 'boat,' capall 'mare,' cailean *
girl,' are
grammatically masculines, though naturally feminines, and referred
to by i
'
she ' as in English.
There are only three case forms in the singular and plural: the
nominative, genitive and dative. In the singular the dative form
is, however, not always, and in the plural seldom, clearly distinguished
from the nominative. The dative form is only used after a
preposition, e.g. air an teinidh *
on the fire,' de'n teinidh '
off the
fire,' air a chois '
on his foot ' (i.e. '
feet '), ar bealaibh an toigh
I. Cf.Imram Brain (Ed. Kuno Meyer, p. 3, 8) : cocuala a ceol larna

chul '
he heard some singing behind him.'
ACCIDENCE 75
*
in front of the house,' air a chulaibh '
behind '
(adv.). The vocative
is usually (except in nouns of the ist decl., § 109) of identical form
with the nominative.
There are three numbers: singular, dual and plural; the dual
is only found after the numeral da '
two,' e.g. da bhachlach '
two
boys,' da chat '
two cats,' da bhean '
two women,' da chos '
two
feet ' (for da mhnaoi, da chois) ; the dual is thus always like the
nominative singular, as in the southern Scottish dialects. The
sg. is often used for the plur. after a numeral, e.g. ciiig mionaid
kiC:g' mjened^ '
five minutes,' tri ceathramh trEi k'ardv '
three
quarters,' etc.
The genitive plural is distinguished by a form of the
special
definite article (nan or na n-). Otherwise it is nom.
either like the
sing, (especially of masc. nouns, the plural of which are formed
without the ending -an, nan bhfear of the men '; other instances,
as: '
as nan gcailleach of the old women,' are common in place-names),

'
or, what is more common, the nom. plur. nan daoine, ag bleoghan :
nan ba (or nan bo), alt do mhearan your finger joint.' '
The genitive sing, (and sometimes plur.) is mostly identical with

the nom., except in special phrases and in some place-names, but
may nevertheless be distinguished by the form of the definite article,
or by the presence or absence of aspiration, e.g. Coire Breacain
kor'd br'akan {-^n), bean an toigh(e) hjan dti tEi[d) 'the woman of the
house,' crioman fheoil kriman p :l'
'
a bit of meat,' as beal mo bhrog
as hzdl nid vn :g '
out of my shoe ' (10), crann na long kran na lau
*the mast of the ship' (13), gaoiseaid na n-eich gE:fed^ na n'eg
'horsehair' (3), gabhail nan gceoltan gozl nav[ g'o:v\tdn 'singing
songs' (3). After the verbal noun and prepp. governing the gen.
case, the very often used instead of the more correct genitive,
nom. is
e.g. ag glanadh na soithean washing the dishes,' cealachadh an phiop

*
(or: na pipe) 'smoking the pipe,' cul a chluas k^T\ d xv^^ds 'back of
his ear '
(3), ciil an chloch mhor *
back of the big stone '
(3), and
sometimes also in other cases: oir an abhainn or' d no- in 'the river
bank' ('edge,' 8), but correctly: ag cruinneacha smear 'picking '
blackberries '
(10), ag iomain nan gamhna herding the calves,' '
ag bUghean nan bo '

milking the cows,' ag gabhail nan gceoltan
(see above), coireach nan brogan mending the shoes (6), a
*
'
nan bo jzri nam ho: after the cows (3), trasna na tire
*
dh'iarraidh 9 '
:

'
across the country,' ar son nan gcaorach '
for the sheep,' fad na
h-oidhche '
during the night,* fad an bhealaigh '
along the road.'
Declension.
The five types of declension in Irish are all represented in the

Rathlin dialect, but sometimes a noun originally belonging to one
type has passed into another (as verbal nouns in -adh, see below).
First Declension.
< § 109 >
hi nouns of the first declension, usually comprising grammatical

masculines, the nom. and dat. sg. end in a '
broad ' consonant,
which is attenuated in the gen. and voc. sg.; the nom. (dat., voc.)
pi. is [a) either hke the gen. sg., or {b) formed by addition of -an,
or by addition of -adh the
[c) ; genitive pi. is properly identical with
the nom. sg.
(a)
The largest category comprises nouns in -(e) ach, -an, -(e) adh
(the latter usually verbal nouns, which originally belonged to the

third decl., see § iii). They are declined according to the following
paradigm (bachlach *
boy,' radan *
rat,' madadh *
dog ')
Nom. sg. bachlach haUx radan radan

Gen. sg. bachlaigh hall radain radzn\ radan radan
Nom. pi. bachlaigh hall radain radzn'
Gen. pi. bachlach halax radan radan
Nom. sg. madadh maddg

Gen. sg. madaidh madi
Nom. pi. madaidh madi
Gen. pi. madadh madag

At least of words in -an, the gen. is mostly identical with the
nom. sg. (perhaps because the '
slender ' -n is hardly distinguished
from the '
broad ' -n, cf § 43); but cor shugain ko^r ^:gan' '
twist-
rope *
(15), is correct.
The old dative pi. form only remains in adverbial expressions,
as : ar bealaibh an toigh dr hzdbv an tEi *
in front of the house,' ar a
chulaibh 9r d XiC:bv *
behind ' (8).
;
ACCIDENCE 77
Other examples : fad an bhealaigh fad d vjall '
along the road,'
fad an gheimhridh/rtJ d jzvdri '
during the winter,' taobh an fhuaraidh
tE:v d nâri windward side,' maide mullaigh mad^D m^ll
'the
'
'
ridgepole Cos an Duitsigh hs on dltî the Dutchman's leg
'
(8),
'
(pl.-n., but c£ Stac an Duitseach stak dn ditjax), Toigh an Fhiaigh

'
tEi d ni-i the Crowbie's House (pl.-n.); a mhadaidh d vadi dog
' ' '
(voc), anois mo bhachlaigh nil ^^ vaxll now, my boys (voc). ' '
The nouns gnothach thing '

business,' soitheach '
vessel ;
' '
'
'
ship,' and beathach beast,' form their plurals: gnoithean (' things ')
'
or gnoithe(?) gro-i (' business '), soithean and beithean (' cattle ')}
Monosyllabic nouns often change their root vowel with the
attenuation of the fmal consonant, according to the following
paradigms (tarbh bull,' each '
horse,' fear man,' ean bird,' ' ' '
ceann '
head,' crann '
mast '):
Nom. sg.
:
an Toigh falluis 9U tEi fall^ '

the Swcathousc '
(pl.-n.), Eadaii an
Chinn Reamhar e :ddn d gin ^ravdt (pl.-n.), beannacht Dc (Dia) bjanaxt
die : (diia)
'
God's blessing,* Goirtean 'ic an Tdillear gort^zn ik {ek') dti
tail'zr (pl.-n., from mac '

son'); a Sheamais d heimil *
James' (voc),
a Dhe (Dhia) d je: (Jia)
*
God ' (voc).
0{ cat *
cat ' the gen. sg. and nom. pi. is either cait katjy
coit kEtl, or cuit k/Ctjy kitjy and the latter form (which is originally
a voc. *
puss ') is also often used as nom. sg. (cf. also scuit, in
Glossary).
(b)
A few words form their plural in -a or -an, which originally

represents the old ace. pi. E.g. focal, pi. foclan *
word,' doras,
pi. doirsean, bonn, pi. buinn or bonnan '
sole (of shoe),' each,
pi. eich or eachan (see above), foid, pi. foidean *
sod,' na Maca(n)
Tire '
the Wolves ' (pl.-n.).
Of these some (especially when the final consonant is -1 or -n)

form the plural in -ta or -tan, as: ceol, pi. ceolta (ceoltan, 3) '
music ';
*song,' sccal, pi. sccalt(a), scealtan *

story '; also cf grastan *
graces ';
others, especially those in -r, unvoice this consonant: bldr

pi. blarthan (8)
'
field,' drar, pi. drairthean (3) '
drawer,' leabhar,
pi. leabharthan '
book,' gabhar, pi. gabhair or goirthean gor'dn *
goat.'
In part the latter may have been influenced by the plurals of
athair, mathair, brathair (see § 113, d).
(c)
Words in -ean usually form their plural by addition of -adh,

according to the following paradigm (eilean '
island ')
Nom. sg. eilean el'zn
Gen. sg. eileain e\'zn\ eilean eVzn

Nom. pi. eileanadh eVdndg
Gen. pi. eilean f/'en, eileanadh e\'?ndg
Other examples: sneoinean, pi. sneoineanadh '

daisy,' boitean,
pi. boiteanadh 'wisp' (of straw), chicken (E,), pi. chickenadh;
bodach an chipean hodax 9 gipzn (a ghost, 15). Some words end
in a slender consonant even in the nom. sg., as: surclain sorklan'
'primrose' (15), cirtlain ka:rtlan' 'peppermint' (15).
:
ACCIDENCE 79
Second Declension.
< § no >
The second declension comprises grammatical feminines, having

the nom. sg. {a) in a broad,' or {b) in a slender consonant, and
* ' '
the gen. sg. in -e (which is often silent). The dat. sg. was originally
formed by attenuation of the final consonant (with or without vowel
change, cf below), but is now mostly hke the nom. sg. So is the
voc. sg. and (according to the rule) the gen. pi. (though the form
is often identical with the nom. in the spoken language). The plural
(nom., dat., and voc.) was originally formed by addition of -a
(see § 115), but is now usually in -(e)an. Words ending in -(e)og
(pron. ag), and fem. nouns in -(e)ach belong to this declension,
according to the paradigms below (cailleach '
old woman,'
fideog '
whistle,' muc '
pig ')
Nom. sg. cailleach kal'ax fideog fidâg

Gen. sg. caillighe kal'i fideoige fid^sg'3
Nom. pi. cailleachan kaVaxdn fideogan jidâgju
Gen. pi. cailleach kal'ax fideog(an) fidâg{dn)
Nom. sg. muc m^k

Gen. sg. muice rrnCk'^
Nom. pi. mucan niiCkm

Gen. pi. muc m^k
Other examples: Tobar na Luchoige tobdr na luhag' (pl.-n.), Purt

na Luinge (Loinge) piCrt na lEb [lljd, 4, from long ship '), '
eireacht na greine eir'axt na grE:n'{d) 'the sunrise' (from grian),

na fiolaire na fjzr\ir'd
'
of the eagle,' Druim na Claiginne drim na
kr[tgin'd (pl.-nn., 3, from Claigeann), na faoilinne na jEil'in 'of the
seagull,' pipe p/;p 'of a pipe' (from piop), uigh (ceann) circe
a:/ (fe'd:n) kirk'd 'a hen's egg (head),' chois na tuinne xoj na t^n'd
'beside the sea' (from tonn 'wave'), bogha frois(e) ho? fn^
'rainbow' (from fras, frais 'shower'), gall gaoithe gar\ gE:p
'a bird' (3), muileann gaoithe md'dn gE:p 'windmill,' na gaoithe
na gE'.p 'of the wind' (from gaoth), na boise na bo^d (bj^)
*
of the palm,' na coise na hold of the foot,' Inean na Cloiche *
'''
80 THE IRISH LANCUAGL IN RATHLIN ISLAND
i:ii'eii till klo^.i (pl.-n., from cloch 'stone,' 15), Faireacan na Leice
farikati na I'ck'j (pl.-n., cf. below).
A few dative forms belonging to this declension have survived:
uisce fa thiiinn Îk'j fa hX:n' 'subsoil water' (from tonn 'wave'),
air mo lie cr nhi lik' '
on my stone '
(from leac '
stone slab '
; also
cf. the pl.-n. an Leic on I'ek'), air mo (do) chois er md [d?) xo\ *
up
(also: er d? xos; cf. also the prep, cois 'beside'), air goil dt gEl'
'
boiling ' (from extinct gal '
steam '), tri braithrean de chloinn
'ic Phail trEi hrair'dn dê xlEn' ik fa:l' 'three brothers McFall
(11, from clann '
children ').
Traces of plurals in -a are: clocha meallain khxd mjalen 'hailstones,'

na Clocha Dubh na khxd dK. 'the Clochadoos' (pl.-n.), na Clocha
Breaca na khxd hr'akd (pl.-n.), corraga dearg korag^ dârg '
hips
(berries, 8), sugha sealbhan sIg[D) jalvan 'strawberries' (13);
see further § 115.
Marthan tna:pn 'queen,' forms its gen. sg. na marthan (15),
and its plural marthanadh.
(b)
The other group has a vowel in the nom. and dat. sg.,
'
slender '
and the gen. nom. pi. in -ean. It is sometimes the case

sg. in -e, the
of an old dative form which has become generalized, as frais fraj

'shower' (15, etc.). E.g. Bay na h-Eaglaise he: na /ê^rj/J^
'Church Bay' (3, from eaglais), Stac na Bainnse stakj na bainJ9
(5, pl.-n., from banais 'wedding'). Lagan na Beinne lagan na ben'd
(pl.-n., from beinn mountain top '), an Uig, gen. sg. na h-Uige na
'
hKig'd '
Ouig.' To this declension probably also belong the proper
names Caitin and Moirin Moreen
'
Katie,' '
' (2).
The words scillin shilling,' and naigin * *

noggin,' form their
plurals scillineadh and naigineadh. Abhainn 'river' (orig. 5th decl.)
has abhainneadh or abhannadh.
Third Declension.
< § "I >

To the third declension belong masculine and feminine nouns of
three distinct types, which all form the gen. sg. in -a or -e (often
silent). Nouns of the first type [a) end in a slender consonant '
'
in the nom. sg., and form the gen. sg. in -a. Nouns of the second
: ) 1
ACCIDENCE 8
type (b) end in a '

broad '
consonant in the nom., and form the
gen. either in -a or -e, while nouns of the third type (c), which
originally made a distinction between the nom. and dat. sg., the
former ending '
broad,' the latter '
slender,' now usually end in a
'
slender '
consonant (the old dat.), and form the gen. sg. in -e.
Type {a) comprises old i-stems, type {b) old u-stems, and type {c)
old s-stems. Nouns of the 3d declension usually syncopate dissyllabic

words in the gen. sg. (see below); the plural is formed in different
ways. Paradigms: gamhain 'calf,' mios 'month,' loch 'lake,'
toigh '
house '
(a)
Nom. sg. gamhain gavin

Gen. sg. gamhna gavud
Nom. pi. gamhna gavnd
Gen. sg. gamhna gavn?
Other examples: coileach troda kEl'ax trod 'gamecock' (from

troid '
fighting '), a dh'ionnsaighe na tragha d jsnsi na tra :g,i
'
to the
beach ' (from traigh), muc mhara m^k var? '
porpoise,' Purt na
Mara p^rt na marD, pl.-n. (from muir '
sea '). To this declension
further belong all nouns in -(e)oir, as seoladoir '
sailor,' plur.
seoladoirean,^ and further the nouns fail '
peat spade,' pi. falta,
and sail 'heel,' plur. saltan, suil 'eye,' pi. siiilean (and suile, § 115).
(b)
Nom. sg. loch lox Nom. sg. mios mi:s

Gen. sg. locha lox9 Gen. sg. miosa ( ?
Nom. pi. miosa mi:sd, miosan miisdn
Other examples: bainne maistirte ban'd mastdrtJD 'churn-milk,'

*
buttermilk (from maistreadh churning '), Lag an Bhriste Mhor
'
'
lag d vri^t'd voir (pl.-n., from briseadh 'battle'), an mhasa d vaisd
(-a, from mas 'buttock'), olla (olna) oh 'of wool' (15b, from
olann, orig. 2d deck), tri mhiosa trEi vidSd three months
'
(3), '
Cois an Locha kol dtt lohd (pl.-n., 11); locha is also often used as
nom. sg.
I. The nom. sg. is usually pron. -ear sr, but the plural -(e)oiren -zr'dn;
the same termination is found in saighdear (orig. saighdiuir) '
soldier.'
:
(c)
Nom. sg. toigh tEi

Gen. sg. toighe tEh
Nom. pi. toighcan tEidtt
Gen. pi. toighcan
Other examples: tir ^J/;r, gen. sg. tire t\i:r'3, pi. tir(t)ean
tji :r{tl)cVi
'
country.' Boitheach h :gax '
byre,' has conserved the
original nom. in a *
broad ' consonant; the dat. sg. is boithigh h:gi:
anns an bhoithigh ans d voiî '
in the byre ' (2), which is, however,
now also used as nom.
Fourth Declension.
< § 112 >

The 4th declension has the whole singular, which ends in a vowel,
unchanged (except in the word la 'day'), and the plural is of different
formation (usually in -n, -an, or -chan, -achan), according to the
following paradigm (bata '
boat,' bogha '
bow,' eala, fem. '
swan ')
Nom. sg. bata haitd bogha ho'd

Gen. sg. bata ha ltd bogha ho'd
Nom. pi. batan haitdn boghachan ho'ohdn
Gen. pi. batan boghachan
Nom. sg. eala jald
Gen. sg. eala jah

Nom. pi. ealachan jahhdn, jav\ahdn (3)
Other examples: claidhmhe, pi. claidhmheachan *

sword,' bucsa,
pi. bucsachan '
box,' oidhche, gen. sg. fad na h-oidhche^J na hl:p
*
during the night,' pi. oidhchean.
Baile, m. *
place,' has the plur. bailtean (cf. § 109, b), bliadhna
*
year,' has blianta, bliantan, and duine, m. ' man,' has daoine
*
people.' La, m. *
day,' forms it gen. sg. lae lEi (lEj, 15b, lEi, 9a, 11),
and its plural laithean (3).
Some words have the gen. sg. and nom. pi. in -(a)igh i, as:
fanca *
sheepfold ' (**fank"), cf. the pl.-nn: Purt an Fhancaigh
p^rt d nav\ki, Ceathramh an Fhancaigh k'ardv d navî (13); the plural
is fancaigh; Gill Eannaigh kiWe:m *
Killeany ' (pl.-n. = Banna's
church?). Cf further § 116.
:
ACCIDENCE 83
Three nouns form their plural in (silent) -the, namely coisidhe

*
footman,' pi. coisidhthe, and stocaigh ( ?
)
'
stocking,' pi. stocaigh-
the, urnaighe *
prayer,' pi. urnaighthe.
For the plural na Coireachan Salainn, see § 115.
Fifth Declension.
< § 113 >

The nouns of the two stems a shorter one
5th declension have —
in the nom. sg., and one for the other cases. The gen. sg.
a longer
usually ends in a broad vowel, which was originally attenuated
' '
in the dat. sg. and nom. pL, which latter is now formed in various
ways. According to the different elements by which the other cases
are distinguished from the nom. sg., there are several sub-classes,
as shown by the paradigms (caora, f.
*
sheep,' teine, f *
fire ')
Nom. sg. caora kE:rd

Gen. sg. caorach kEirax
Nom. pi. caoraigh kEiri
Gen. pi. caorach kE:rax
Other examples: fiagar, f. 'lea,' gen. sg. Cnoc na Fiagrach krjk
na fiagrax (pl.-n.), sceir, f.
*
skerry,' gen. sg. na sceireach ban
na sk'er'ax ham. Liugha, pi. liughach 'lithe' (fish), Uamhach O
Beirn (pl.-n.), crudha, pi. cruitheach '
horseshoe,' represent the old
ace. plur. in -a, cf. Donegal cruitheacha.
(b)
Nom. sg. teine twin's
Gen. sg. teineadh t\in'dg
Dat. sg. teinidh t\in'i
Other examples: moine (originally moin), gen. sg. monadh moindg,

dat. sg. moinidh mo :n'i
'
peat,' uamha, gen. sg. uamhadh Kavdg,
dat. sg. uamhaidh âvi^ pi. uamhachan âvahdn, f.
'
cave,' an Ealaidh
r? n'all (orig. dat. sg.), gen. sg. na h-Ealadh na gahg, f 'Ally ' (pl.-n.),
leabaidh I'ahi (orig. dat. sg.), pi. leabthaidh, leapaidh Vapi, £ '
bed,*
mala, dat. sg. malaidh mall (e.g. codal in mo mhalaidh) '
eyebrow,'
coille, dat. coilhdh *
wood,' teanga, dat. teangaidh '
tongue.' The
nom. and dat. cases are mostly used promiscuously.
'
84 THH IRISH LANGUAGli IN UATHLIN ISLAND
(c)
of the once numerous stems with the gen. sg. in -an(n) there
are now only traces left, as: sugh sealbhan slg(,')) lalvaii [laT]Dvan, 3)
'
strawberry '
(for sugh tahnhan, from talamh '
earth '), abhainn
(orig. dat.), gen. sg. na h-abhann na ho-DU (15)
'
river '
(cf. § no, b).
(d)
To the 5th declension also belong the words of relationship:

athair '
father,' mathair '
mother,' brathair '
brother,' and piur
'
sister.' The gen. sg. was originally different (athar, mathar,
brathar)from the nom. sg., but they are now identical, except of
piur, which forms peathar, e.g. mac do pheathar mak dd fz'dr
'
your nephew,' nighean do pheathar ni'jn dd fe-dr your niece *
(15a); the gen. dual is the same: an da pheathar on da: fe-dr

*
of the two sisters ' (15b). The dat. and voc. sg. are also like the
nom. sg. The plural forms are: aithrean, maithrean, braithrean,

and peathran, which are at least used as nom., dat., and voc.
Irregular Nouns.
< § 114 >

The following three nouns are irregularly declined: bean, gen. sg.
mna (? ), nom. pi. mnan mra'dn, gen. pi. ban (?), f. 'woman';
bo, gen. sg. bo ho:, nom. pi. ba ha, gen. pi. bo ho:, or ba (cf. § 108),
cu, n. pi. coin kon' '
hound,' '
dog.'
Plural in -a, -e.
< § "5 >
The plural, which in Rathlin Irish is in -(e) an, was originally in
-e or -a, of which now only traces are found. They are especially
common in construction with a following attributive adjective or
genitive. The following examples are found: gamhna (see § in);
scealta, ceolta (§ 109, b); blianta; miosa (§ in); gnoithe (gnothaigh?
see § 109, a); corroga dearga koragd diarg{d) 'hips' (berries), suile
buidhe s/Cl'd h/Cid
*
com marigolds,' sugha sealbhan s^k \alvan (15),
slgd laT\dvan (3)
'
strawberries,' na Maca Tire na makd tî :r'd
'
the
Wolves,' na Coireacha Salainn na kor'axd salin'
*
Saltpans,' Uamhach
'
ACCIDENCE 85
O Beirn âvah o b'er'n'(pl.-n.), Blarthach Boidhcach bla:rax h :jax
(pl.-n.). Here also belong the plurals of the 5th declension in -(e)ach
(§ 113, a, b), and the plurals in -(e)adh (§§ 109, c, no, b), which
latter termination is no doubt identical with -adha (pron. -ai) in
other Irish dialects (cf. § 159).
< § 116 >
The following plurals in -/ have been heard: coisidhthe '

footmen,'
stocaigh 'stockings' (§ 112), dramaigh drami *
drams (i), '
fancaigh 'fanks' (§ 112), chickenaigh tjik'jni 'chickens,' and peeleraigh

pibri '
peelers '
(the latter maybe from a sg. peelerach).
<§ii7>
A few words get the English plural in -s: divers deiujrs (3),
bicycles beisikjls (3), hikers heik<irs (3), cuddans kiCdms '
cuddies
(small fish, very young saithe), conagles konagAs '
conversation.'
Similarly the English -s is added in cases where the Irish plural is
unknown, e.g. longs (loghs) Ions 'ships' (2), righs ri:s 'kings' (2).
An original plural is butais hiCitil (from Middle Engl, botes), which
isnow understood as singular boot,' and forms its plural butaisean
'
h£:til?n.
Collective nouns have a singular form and plural sense, and may
be preceded by the plural form of the definite article, e.g. na
h-eanfhlaith na hs:llg 'the poultry' (13). Paiteanach patjdnax
'rooster'; 'chickens' is sometimes said to be a singular (13),
sometimes a collective (8).
The Adjective.
The adjective in the positive degree is used attributively,
predicatively and as a substantive. The attributive adjective usually

follows the noun, but in a few cases it precedes the noun (causing
aspiration, §§ 99, 100; see below). The predicative adjective is, except
in a few cases (see under the Copula, § 146), construed with the
so-called substantive verb (see § 146), as: ta e mor 'he is big,'
cha rabh an paidheadh go ro mhor '

the pay was not overly big '
(3).
'
Inflection.
<§ Ii8 >
The iiiHcction of the adjective is very much simphfied in RathHn.

Usually there is only one form in use (the nom. sg., masc. and fern.),
for the attributive as well as predicative adjective, according to the

paradigm below (bachlach mor *
big boy,' giorsach bheag *
little
girl'):
Nom. sg. bachlach mor balax mo :r giorsach bheag g'ersax veg

Gen. sg. bachlaigh mhor hall vo :r giorsaighe beag g'ersi beg
Nom. pi. bachlaigh mhor ball vo :r giorsachan beag g'zrsahdn beg
Gen. pi. bachlach mor baUx mo :r giorsach(an) beag g'zrsax beg
Originally, however, the gen. sg. masc. was in a '

slender
consonant, the gen. sg. fem. in -e, and the nom. and ace. plur. (both
genders) in -a, of which traces are still found, especially in old

phrases or in place-names: foid moine Eireannaigh^.-^fj mo:n' eir'dni
'a sod of Irish peat' (15), nighean Domhnall Ruaidh nidn dSbl r/Cai
'
Donald Roe's daughter,' Druim an Chreisean Duibh drim ? xre\zn
d/Civ (pl.-n.), Ailte Dhuibh allfd ylv 'Black,' Purt Inean Duibhe
p^rt in' en dlvd (pl.-n.). Lag na Coillidh Boichche lag na kEli boi (i),
na kE'.ribj :p (5), na Clocha Breaca na khxd br'akd (pl.-n.), corroga
dearga koraga dârgj 'hips' (3), giorsachan oga g'ersahn j:g9 young '
girls' (5), ceithre giollan oga k'er'd g'zhn o:gd '

four young lads' (2):
The adjective fiadhain '

wild,' is according to 15b pronounced
fiagzn in the sg., and fiagzn\ in the plur., e.g. geidh fhiadhain
g'zi iagen' '
wild geese.' Of sona '
happy,' the gen. sg. sonaigh
(as fancaigh, § 112) occurs once: cuid an duine shonaigh kiCd^ dn
d/Cn'd lioni
'
the happy man's property '
(2) ; but cf. § 6. Similarly
the plural of dana '
bold,' is danaigh daini, with speaker No. 3.
The predicative adjective is more seldom inflected, e.g. bha na

casogan dearga va: na kasagdn dârgd 'the coats were red' (3).
< § 119 >
The adjectives corr '

odd,' droch '
bad,' '
evil,' leath *
half,' and
sean *
(which originally entered into compounds with the
old '
noun), are always uninflected, e.g. corr fhocal hr okdl an odd word,* '
droch sceal drox sk'e:l 'evil news,' droch bholadh dox vohg
ACCIDENCE 87
'
bad smell,' leath chloch Ve xbx '
a half stone,' leath phonta I'e font)
*
a half pound '
(weight), scan bhean \an vjan '
old woman,' scan
daoine jan dEni'j 'old people,' sean lathrach Ian lairax 'old nun'
(cf. the pl.-n. an Seanlathrach dn jandrax, ?n laT\rax, 3, 'Shandragh'),
sean toigh scoil Ian tEi shl 'an old schoolhouse '
(cf. 'shanty').
Similarly ath, atha '
next,' see § 134, B, a.
< § 120 >
Examples of the substantival use of the adjectives: gabhaidh

dubh, ach cha ghabh dubh dath (saying, 2), na danaigh
'ch-uile dath
na dami 'the wicked ones! (3; cf. § 118), go rabh maith agad go rj
'
ma ad '
thank you,' as gach olc as ga hoik '
from all evil,' Ian sac de
chlochan T[a:n sak dê XT]DXjn 'a bag-full of stones '
(3).
Comparison.
< § 121 >
The three degrees of comparison: equative, comparative and

superlative, which are peculiar to Celtic languages, are formed from
the positive in the following ways in Rathlin Irish:
{a) Equative.
In absolute equation co h (or cho xj) is put in front of the

adjective, e.g. co dona h djud '
so bad,' ta e co fuar ta 3 ko fiCar
'it is so cold' (='very cold'). In relative equation the prep, le
(from O.Ir. fri) is added, e.g. cho maith leinne Xd ma len'd '
as good
(well) as we,' ta e co comasach le duine airithe ta j ko komosax
h d(Cn' dri '
he is as powerful as anybody.'
(h) Comparative.
For the comparative a special form is used, for which see below\
When the comparative is absolute, this form is preceded by nas nas
(for the present) or na ba na h (for the preterit), e.g. ta e nas fhearr
ta 9 na se:r 'it is better,' and a relative comparative is further followed
by na na '
than,' e.g. ta e nas fhearr na sin ta d na sz :r na jln '
it is
better than that.' In attributive construction: duine nas fhearr (na

;
b'thcarr) '
a better man,' duinc nas fhearr (na b'thearr) na *a better
man than,' etc. Cf. further under the Copula (§ 146).
(c) Superlative.
The superlative is expressed by the same form as the comparative

(see below), preceded by is ^s (for the present) or ba bd (for the
preterit). It is usually found in attributive construction, as: an music
ba deise chualaigh duinc riamh .7 mjîsik h.i dêjs xâT\D d^n'9 riav
'the nicest music man had ever heard' (3), peacadh is lugha pzha
J /'<C<? 'the least sin' (7), an biadh is fhearr dm hidg d se:r 'the best
food,' air an aon is sine er' 9 nin d \in'd '
on the oldest one.'
Comparative and Superlative Forms,
< § 122 >

The following comparative and superlative forms are in current
use in Rathlin Irish:
ard 'high': nas airde na sErd^9 (13), s^rd^cJ (15) 'higher.'

beag 'little': nas lugha nas l^j (4), llo (15, etc.), I'/Cd (7) 'less,'
'
smaller.'
deas '
nice '
: deise die[,i '
nicer.'
dona '
bad '
: nas measa nas misj {mes.i), na ba mheasa na hj vis9 '
worse.'
fada '
long ' : nas f haide na ssd^j, na b'f haide na bsd^j '
longer '
' '
farther,' further.'
furasta '
easy '
: nas f hasa na sasD *
easier.'
glan '
clean '
: nas gloine nas glon'j {gUn\i, 5) '
cleaner.'
goirid 'short': nas goiride nas gErid^j 'shorter.'
iscal '
low '
: nas isle na si ;J/',9
'
lower.'
luath '
quick '
;
'
early '
: nas luaithe nas Uep '
quicker ' ;
'
earlier,*
'
sooner.'
maith 'good': nas fhearr na Je.T (L.E.), na se:r (U.E.), na b'fhearr
na bs:r 'better'; cf also: b'fhearr leam bz:rbm, bzrhm 'I had
rather'; cf. na szir (An i).
mall 'slow'; 'late': nas moille nas mEl'd 'slower'; 'later.'
mor '
great,' '
big '
: nas mo nas mo'd '
greater,' '
bigger.'
scan '
old '
: nas sine ns \in'? '
older '
(11).
tiream 'dry': nas tiorma nas t\zrm? 'drier.'
tiugh 'thick': nas tiugha nas t\/C'd 'thicker' (15).
;
ACCIDENCE 89
< § 123 >

A special extended form is used of the comparatives fliearr,
measa, mo, viz. fheirrde, mhiste, mlioide. As for their origin, the
following construction may be compared: ta me nas fhcarr de
ta: me na sz:r d^z 'I am (the) better of it.' In this sense the longer
forms are used, always after the copula, e.g. is fheirrde sinn e
szrd^d lin' s '
we are the better of it,' cha mhiste leam ha vi\t'd bm
'
I don't grudge (you) '
(13), cha mhoide go rig thu leas ha vj:d^9
gd rig' £ I' as '

it won't avail you '
(12).
Pronouns.
Personal Pronouns.
< § 124 >
The personal pronouns show simplifications the same as in Manx

and Scottish Gaelic, making no distinction between subject and object
forms. The following forms are used:
me mi;, me ms, md, mi^ 'I,' 'me'; emphatic mise mijj',
tu, thu U:, U, diC (12); <C;, /C 'thou,' 'thee,' *you' (sg.); emph.
tusa tiCsD, thusa ^S3\
e e;, Zd (3), e, a, d 'he,' 'him,' 'it'; emphatic eisean sj^w, or
esan zsdu, eisean-sa zlmsd (8);
i /;, I 'she,' 'her,' 'it'; emphatic ise /J,7
or ise /;J<? (correct?),
isean i\dn, isean-sa i\dnsd (8);
sinn Jm (Jm')
'
we,' '
us ' ;
emphatic sinne lin' 3
sibh JiV 'you' (pi.); emphatic sibhse JiVJ<7, J/:J,9 (13);

ead z:d {e :d, 14), zd, ad, dd, d 'they,' 'them'; emphatic eadsan
z:dsdn, ztsdn. —Rath. Cat. aid (obj.).
The forms with a long vowel are used in stressed position, chiefly
as predicate: is me s mi: 'it is I,' thu dhona, dhona <C; yom yjn9
*
you bad one '
(2) ; the short and reduced vowels, in unstressed
position. Of the reduced forms of the pronouns e and ead, the forms
e, ed are more common as object, the others as subject, e.g.
chover e e xw9r ^ s '

he covered it '
(3). The reason for this is that
the object forms, which are often placed toward the end of the
sentence, have usually more stress.
I. The latter form chiefly before vowels.

' '' ' ' ' ' ' '
Of the forms tu, tusa, thu, thusa (which arc only used of a single
person), those in t arc employed (as subject) after a verbal form,
ending in -(a)idh, -(e)adh, or -(c)as,^ or after the forms of the
copula (§ 146), e.g. fcidhmidh tu fc :mi 'you must,' U is tusa
.)5 Usj it is you.'
'
But and you is: agus thusa .is Xsj.
'
'
Older forms are found in songs, as: an rabh tu in gCill Ailean?

.m TO U dJ] gVl'a:l'en 'have you been in C. ?
' mise agus tusa agus
iorball na muicc m/J.? s Us.i s ^rhr] na m/Ck'j (3), air a bhi si (?) dol
do'n t-shearmoin cr d fijj dol dm tjarmen 'when she was going to
the sermon ' (8). Cf. Rath. Cat. Jhe '
he/
< § 125 >
The personal pronouns are fused with most prepositions in a

similar way to the English colloquial forms 'with 'em,' 'to 't,' etc.
The prepositions which form such combinations with a personal

pronoun are: aig, aige £^'(.1)
'
at,' ar (air) er, dt *
on,' as as 'out of,'
de d^z '
of,' do dD '
to,' faoi '
under,' in 9n '
in,' le /s '
with,'
and o J
'
from.' By incorporation of the different pronominal
elements, the following forms arise:
agam agjm, a Dm, am at me orm orm on me

agad agdd, add, ad *
at you ort on you
jrt '
'
aige zg'd '

at him air er\ cr on him '
'
aice zk'd '
at her uirthe /Cp, ^ro on her '
againn agin, a-in, ain 'at us orainn orin on us '
'
agaibh agdv, av '
you
at oirbh jrv on you '
aca akd, okd '

at them ortha ors, dtd on them *
(cf. Manx oc, ocsyn, Kneen, § 37)

' '
diom dîdm, dî :m '
of (off) me domh d^ '
to me
' '
diot dîdt '

of (off) you duit d^tj, ditj '
to you
' '
de ije *
of (off) him do dj :
'
to him
di, dithe (0 'of (ofF) her' di dî:, dithe dîp 'to her'
diim dîn *
of (off) us duinn d^n', d/Cn (14) 'to us
'
dibh dî:v *
of you
(off) daoibh dl:v 'to you'
' '
diofa dî :fi

'
of (off) them dofa dj :fd
'
to them
I. Except monosyllabic forms shuidh thu (not tu) ; see further under
Irregular verbs, §§ 146-154.
'
ACCIDENCE 91
'
learn ram, lam, bm '
with me bhuaim v^jm from me '
'
' '
leat I'at, lat '
with you bhuait from youviCztl
'
'
with him
'
leis lei
'
bhuaidh vâi from him '
leithe /fp, le:p (3) 'with her' bhuaithe y^^sp 'from her'
'
leirm len' '
with us bhuainn viCzn' from us '
' '
leibh lev '
with you bhuabh ViCdv from you '
leo /':>;, leofa l'o[:)fd 'with them' bhuafa v/Cdfd 'from them'
From in are formed: annam andm '

in me,' annad andt '
in you '
(4),
arm a:n, an 'in him' (also adv. 'there'), innte int\d, zintld, snfj,?
* in her,' annta antd '
in them '; from as: as as out of him (also adv. ' '
'
out '), aiste a^t'd '
out of her '
; from faoi: fum ftC-dm under me (4, ' '
8), (ut f/C'dt 'under you' (4), faoi /C/, //; 'under him' (also adv.
'below'), faoithe fb, fuithe fî9 (15) 'under her,' fuinn f'C-in'
*
under us (4). Other prepositions do not usually fuse with the
'
pronoun, thus: frid efri:d^ a 'through it' (4), eadar ead ed^r at
*
between them (3) cf. ' ; also : faoi mise fî mfj^, faoi eisean fii £j<7«,
faoi isean /Ci ijm (8), faoi ise //; /J^ (4), faoi sinne fî \in3 (8),
faoi ead-san//; ztsdti (4).
< § 126 >
In order to express emphatic forms, the following emphatic suffixes

are added: ist pers. sg. -sa sd, 2d pers. sg. -se Jc?, 3d pers. sg. masc.
-sean \dn, fem. -se J"^,
ist pers. pi. -ne n'd, 2d pers. pi. -se p,
3d pers. pi. -san Sdn. The following forms may especially be noticed:
agaibh-se av\d '
at you (unstressed), dibh-se diiv^D off you,' dinne
' '
dîri'd
'
ofdomh-sa d^:s3 to me,' duinne d^n'd to us,'
(off) us,' ' '
daoibh-se dlv^d 'to you' (pi.), leisean leldn 'with him,' leinne len'd
*
with us,' bhuait-se vêtJB from you (sg.). Cf. also faoi ise, '
'
faoi ead-san, above.
Possessive Pronouns.
< § 127 >
The possessive pronouns are:
mo ma (before a consonant and j) '

my,'
m' m (before vowels) *
my,'
do d9 (before consonants) '
thy,' '
your ' (only of one person),
t' t (before a, o, u), ^J (before e, i)
'
thy,' *
your,'
;
a J (before consonants and j)

'
his,' '
its
'
(§ 98),
zero (before vowels) '
his,' '
its
'
(cf. § 105, i),
' ' '
a J hers,' its (§ 103),
nar thir
'
our '
(§ 102),
mur (mar) /?j<?r 'your' (only of more than one person; § 102),
' '
an, a ?u, ? their (§§ 102, 103).
The above forms are used attributively before a noun (or nominal
word); the emphatic particles mentioned in § 126 may follow the
noun, e.g. mo each-sa m<? jaxs<i '
my horse '
(2). The use of the
forms mo, m', do, t', is not always regular, cf. mo athair m3 aor,
do athair d? aor (12), for m'athair, t'athair, mo ata mj do ata
at?,
dj atD 'my, your hat' (12), do anail do anal 'your breath,' mo ordog
mj jirdag 'my thumb' (4); t'eadan tcdm (tEiddn) or tje:ddn
'your face,' t'eadach tcdax (tEidax) 'your clothes' (2), but
regularly: t'eich fhe t\eg he: 'your own horses' (also 'flee
yourself,' 2), m'athair m azr, t'athair t azr, athair azr 'his father,'
a h-athair o hasty nar athair nor aer, mur athair ntDr azr, a n-athair
d naer.
< § 128 >
After a preposition the following forms occur:
a (before the infinitive, see § 139): dol a mo theidheagadh fhein

md hiagd he:n 'going to warm myself (11), but also:
dol a
ag mo mharbhadh gd md varvdg to kill me' (10), ga fhaicin '
ga akin, ga amharc ga avDrk to see him,' as for the gerund. '
So also from the prep, a dh'ionnsaighe 9 jensi toward': a mo '
ionnsaighe a md jznsi toward me,' a t'ionnsaighe a t\znsi '
toward you (sg.), a nar ionnsaighe a ndt jznsi toward us (3),

' ' ' '
a n-ionnsaighe a n'znsi toward them ' '
ag (before the gerund, see § 139): ag mo ghiulan gd md j£:x\dn

'carrying me' (3), gat fhaicinn ga takin, gat amharc ga tavdrk
seeing you,' gat itheadh ga tjipg eating you (6), ag do
' '
'
chumail gd dd x/(mal 'keeping you,' ga fhaicin ga akin, ga

amharc ga avdrk 'seeing him,' ag mur gcumail gd mdr g/Cmzl
'keeping you,' gan deanadh gan d^zmdg doing them'; *
ainti '
toward,' '
to,'
*
into '
: ainti na bhrathair zntli na vrazr '
to his
brother '
(3), ainti na bhean zntli na vjan '
to his wife '
(3);
; ; ; ; ;
ACCIDENCE 93
ar (air) '
on ' : air md yrlm on my back/
(ar) mo dhruim er [jr) *
air mo lie er nid lik on my rock,' ar m' athais dr m aa\ back

' ' *
air do cliasog er dd xasag 'on your (sg.) coat,' air do chul

er dd x/C:l *
behind you,' ar t'athais <?r taal 'back,' ar t'aghaidh
dr tE:i '
ahead '; air a h-athais er d haal (fem. sg.), air a n-athais
er d naal (pi.) '
back '
3S '
out of: as a dheidh as d jsi '
after him,' as an deidh ssn d^si
*
after them '
de '
of,' 'off': de mo dhruim d^z md yrlm off my back,' de do '
ghualainn d^z dd ydar\in off your shoulder (3), de na dhruim

'
'
Jjs na yrlm '

off his back,' de na chosan Jjs na xosdn '
of (off)
his feet,' de na mhearan diz na vzirdn '
of (off) his fingers ';
faoi *
under ': faoi na ascail/l; na askdl '
under his arm '
(3);
in 'in': in mo phaiste du mdfa:\t'd 'being a child' (3), mo sheasamh

md hesdv 'standing,' 's (for anns) mo shuidheacan s md hijdkan
'
sitting '
(5), anns mo chorp ds md xorp *
in my body (2), '
mo shuidhe md h^jd sitting in do cheann dn dd ga :n '

' ;
'
*
your head (sg.), anns do chorp as dd xorp into your body
in ' '
(sg., 2) na dheidh (or dheaghaidh ?) na je'i after him, 'na

;
'
dhuine maith na y^n'd ma 'a good man,' na laighe na r\ap

(3), in a lamh na v\a:v in his hand (3); bha ead na
*
lying ' '
'
gcomhnaidhe va dd na go :ni they were living ' '
le
*
with ': leis mo bhrog lej md vroig *with my shoe,' le na mhathair
/s na vazr 'with his mother,' le na iorball /s na iCrbar\ 'with
his tail '
(3)
ma *
about ' : ma na chosan ma na {nd) xosdn '
about his feet.'
The forms anns mo, anns do, leis mo, for in mo, in do, le mo,
are taken from the forms before the definite article; see § 107.
Possessive pronouns are also expressed in other ways, as with a
possessive plus cuid k^d^ '
part,' '
lot,' followed by a plural noun,
e.g. an gcuid peathran dv\ g/Cd^ pepn *
their sisters,' an gcuid mnan
as an gcuid paistean dr] giCd^ mradn ds dr\ g^d^ pa :\t'dn '
their wives
and children' (3), or with a following prep., as: an buaint againn
dm hKznt\ ain *
our harvest' (4), an baile aca fhe dm haV akd he:
'
their own place.'
After the copula, a substantival possessive pronoun is expressed
by the prep. Ic, as: is Icam ds lam *

it is mine,* is leo J I'o:
' '
it is theirs (3).
'One's own' is expressed by a following fheiii (see § 129), as:

mo thoigh f hein (f he) '
my own house.'
Reflexive Pronoun.
< § 129 >

The reflexive pronoun is fhein hem (also fhe heiy it fe:) 'self*;
*own,' which is construed in the following way: me fhein
md (mi) he :n (usually lie:)
*
myself,' teich fhe tjeg he: *
flee yourself,'
dithe fhe dîp he: *

to herself; is geal leis an fhiach a phreachan
fhein ?s g'al lej 9 niax d frz:xan hc:n '
the raven thinks his own
young is white,' le mo choir fe Is m? x^r fe:
*
through my own
fault ' (in the Confiteor, 9).
Reciprocal Pronoun.
< § 130 >

The reciprocal pronoun is a cheile [d) ge:l'd {(ie:h) 'each other.'
Demonstrative Pronouns.
< § 131 >
The bases of the demonstrative pronouns are the three particles,
referring to different distances from, or relations to, the speaker,

namely: (i) seo [o 'this' (i.e. 'the one close by the speaker';
'the latter'), (2) sin \in' (i), J/«, \Kn (4), Jew, J^n 'that' (i.e. 'the
one farther from the speaker, or nearer the person addressed the ' ;
'
former '), and (3) siod lid yon,' yonder (i.e. the one far away ' '
'
'
from either person ' ;

originally used in a hinting way of anything
distant, but later almost in the same way as sin) ; as the Latin ille, it
preferably refers to the 3d person.

These pronouns, which are flexionless, are either used independently
or as attributive adjectives after a noun, preceded by the definite
article, e.g. ta sin go maith ma ta : jln gd '
that is good,' an duine seo
?n d^n'd J:?
'
this man '; instead of siod, ud ad, at is used after a noun:
an cnoc ud ?T[ krok ad yon hill,' seo
*
in gceann i \j ptj g'an i
'take her ahead' (15).

ACCIDENCE 95
x\ftcr a copula form, a personal pronoun must be inserted

(cf. § 146), e.g. gon b'e seo na hikers gd bz J:?
na hzikors 'that this was
the hikers' (3), b'e shin obair throm ba hin obdr ro:m 'that was
heavy work '
(3).
After a preposition, the definite article is inserted, as: go leor

de'n sin gd I'oir d^z na JJtt
'
enough of that '
(3), but also: frid seo
/ri.'^j fj '
through this,' i.e. '
through here '
(4).
An exception is o shin j hIn '
since ' (adv.), where sin is aspirated,
e.g. fada o shin fad j hIn long ago (15a). ' '
Sin is sometimes aspirated to shin hIn, hen (c£ above). This takes
place especially when something is pointed out (cf. French voilaj,
e.g. shin an doras hIn dn dords '

there is the door,' shin an doigh
hIn dn doi '
that is the way.'
Further in o shin, see above.
Relative Pronoun.
< § 132 >

The relative pronoun is expressed (i) by the relative form of the
verb (see §§ 140, 141), or (2) by special pronouns followed by the
relative form.
(i) The relative form is used alone when it refers to an antecedent,
and is the subject or direct object of the sentence, e.g. duine (a) bha
coisidheacht air burd na beinne d^n'd va: koîaxt er b/Crdd na ben'd
*
a man who was walking on the top of the mountain '
(3), rud ari
(a) thoileochas tu riCd dri hlagds U *

anything you like ' (12).
(2) There are certain relative pronouns, which include a general

antecedent, as Engl. '
what ' (=' that which '), viz. an 3n, cibe k'ibzy
k'iba, which are always followed by the relative form of the verb.
E.g. cibe thachair domh k'iba haxdr d^ what happened to me (3),

'
'
cibe rinn ise k'ibz rEin iJ9 'what she did' (3), le cibe dhoirt ead arms
an troch k k'iba yjrtj at ans dn trox 'with what they poured into
the trough '
(3).
The relative which has a special antecedent is an dn when preceded
by a preposition, some kind of circumlocution is
but usually
used in Irish, e.g. an aite an abair ead an Cnocan leis d nait^d nabdr
at dT] knkan lef the place which they call Knockans (lit.
'
to ivhich '
*
they say K.,' 11), aon aig a bha Domhnall air In zg'd va: dodl er
' :'
*
one named Donald' (lit. 'on which was D.,' ii), bha toigh ann
in Reachlainn a bha ead ag deanadh poitean ann va: tei an dn
raxlln' d va ad j dênjg po :tjzn an there was a house in Rathlin '
in which they were making whisky,' (i), bha h-aon eile, bhd Alastair
*
air va hin el'd va ahster er '
there was another named Aleck
(ht. *
was A. on him,' ii), etc. Similar circumlocutions
another, it
express a relative pronoun in the genitive case.

An 9n by itself also means where/ as dit an amhairc thu *
:
a :tj d navdxik' ^ a place where you will see.* '
Any direct or indirect interrogative word must be followed by a

relative construction, e.g. goide innseas me duit gd dê : inJBS ms d^tj
*
what shall I tell you ?
'
or '
what I shall tell you,' which Uterally
means what is it that I
*
shall tell you,' etc. Similarly: c6 air an dtig e ?
ko er dn dîg' e *
whom shall it befall ?
' *
who is it that it shall come
on cait an deachaidh e ka :t\ dn dâxi s
?
' where did he go,' etc. *
The same rule applies to certain conjunctions (see § 144), as:

*
goide mar shaoileas tu gd dê mdr {dj hE il'ds t/C how do you think ? :
'
(4), cibe ar bith mar a bhios an sion k'eharhi mdr d vi-ds dn lidn
'
however the weather will be (L.E.). '
Interrogative Pronouns.
< § 133 >

The interrogative pronouns, which are also inflexible, are either
substantival or adjectival. The former are: c6 feo;, koy ko *who?'
and goide gddê:, de dê:, dê *what?' The latter are: co h,
ca ka^ kd, ga gdy c k, c6 an ko (a)n, goide an gddê : (a)«, de an Jje :n,
*
ge an g'e :n (perhaps contracted which ? from goide an) *
what ?
'
*
In construction with a finite verb, the interrogative pronouns are

always followed by the relative form of the verb (see § 132).
(a) Substantival: co t'ann? ko tain *
who is there?' goide ta thu
ag deanadh? {gd)dê: ta ^ {gd) dêindg *
what are you doing?'
*
CO e ? ko e ;
*
who is he ?
' co ead ? ko e :d *
who are they ?
goide sin ? {gd)dê : jIn *
what is that ?
' goide is ciall do.^^ gddê
s kial do :
*
what does it mean ?
(b) Adjectival: co h-ainm? ko har'm 'what name?' ca mhead?

kd vid {kd fit, 13)
*
how many? *
ga h-aite? gd ha:tfd *
what place?
c'ait ka:tj 'where ?'; co na daoine t'ann? ko na dEm'd ta:n *what
'
ACCIDENCE 97
people are there ?
' ;
goide an seorda dê n \jrdd '
what kind ? ge'n '
'
t-am ? g'e :n tarn '
what time ?
'
(5), ge'n ait ? g'e : na:t\ what place
'
?
goide an f had a ta thu an seo ? gd dê: nad {gd dê: ad) d ta ^ ^j how '
long are you here?' (9a). —Rath. Cat.: ge, gud e ('what?'), ka
hainim ta ort?
Cf. also the construction: ga do an boin e? g3 do: hon' a '

whither
(where) does he belong ?
The Scotticism co dhiobh (dhiu) ko jiC: 'anyway,' is sometimes,

but seldom, heard (e.g. 2).
Indefinite Pronouns.
< § 134 >
Under this heading are given certain pronominal and adjectival

words of different origin and function, of which the majority
correspond to the so-called indefinite pronouns in most languages.
They are either substantival or adjectival.
(A) Substantival.
As substantives the nouns duine d^n'd^ din'd, dEn'd '

a man,' and
rud r^d, rid 'a thing,' are very much in use, as: chan fheil duine
istoigh ha nel diCn'd stEi *
nobody is in.'
In the plural muinntir m/Cnt\ir {m^tlir, -dr) 'people' is used,

e.g. muinntir gheal, muinntir dhearg, muinntir ghorm, muinntir
uaine m^tîr jal m^t\ir jarg m/Ctjir yorm m^tjir ân'd '
some (boxes)
white, some red, some blue, some green ' (3). Similarly cuid k^d^
*
part,' *
some.'
These are also combined with the adjectival words (see below),
as duine eile '
another,' muinntir eile *
others,' a h-uile rud '
every-
thing.' The following are most important: cuideicin k/Cdizk'in,
cuideiginteach ^k/Cd^ eg'intjax 'somebody' (notice sing.), rud-eicin

r/Cdzk'in, rEdek'in' (2), rodek'in' (4), rud-eigin r^dzg'in, rud-eigint
r^dzg'intl *
something.' For '
anybody '
and *
anything,' duine ari
diCn'd ri and rud ari r/Cd ? ri{: Y are used, as well as the compounds
with ar bith and ariamh (see below).
I Formally it might be dirithe ' a certain,' but the sense

. is the same
as duine ariamh, duine ar bith, etc.
and bean (e.g. an fear sin on fjar jIn that one,' 13),
Instead of fear '
h-aon h^ni, hint, hin, aon In (in) are more frequently used for one,' '
e.g.: corra h-aon hrD h^:n an odd one,' h-aon fada hinfadd a long ' '
one,' h-aon iarainn hin iarin an iron one (3), an t-aon eile p« tin el'd ' '
'
the other one (3), an t-aon ur tin ^:r the new one,' an t-shean
'
m '
aon dn tjan In the old one.' Similarly gach aon, a h-aon everyone,'
' '
e.g. a h-aon aca 3 hIn okd everyone of them.' The Scottish te one '
— *
'
(fem.) is recognized, but not much in use, e.g. te eileac tê êl'dk
{t\el'dk)
'
another '
(4, 9, 13), an te mhor ^n t\e : voir '
the big one '
(13),
an te an sin dn t\e: dn jIn 'that one there' (13).
Cdch ka ;.v, which meant
originally everybody,' now means '
*
the others,' '
the rest,' e.g. comhlach le each h irâx h ka :x along '
with the rest ' (3). In the same way athrach airax is used: chan fheil
fhios aig an athrach air ha nel *is eg' d nairah er '
the others do not
know it '
(9), nach do rinn sinn an t-athrach nax dd rEin Jm' dn ta:âx
*
that we did not do otherwise (15, etc.). '
(B) Adjectival.
The adjectival indefinite pronouns either (a) precede or (b) follow

the word they define.
(a) Preceding.
Of the old pronominal adjectives, which preceded the word they
defined, the following are still and
in use in Rathlin: h-uile, gach,
aon (originally forming a compound with the following word).
H-uile hiCl'd
'
every,' all (originally gach uile, cf. gach aon, above),
*
'
is used in the following way: a h-uile seorda d h^l'd \j{:)rdd *

every
kind,' *all kinds,' h-uile rud maith go leor h^l'd r^d ma gd Voir
*
everything good,' h-uile storas d h^l'd sto :ras *all stores,' a h-uile car
d h/Cl'd kar *
all the time,' a h-uile gnothach d h^l'd grodx '
everything,'
a h-uile la d h/Cl'd lad '
every day,' air a h-uile cloch er d h^l'd
kr[jx *on every stone' (3), de'n h-uile seorda dê n h/Cl'd jj:rdd
*
of all kinds.' Uile is also a substantive in: uile go leir Xl'd
{hiCl'dy 13) gd I'eir '

all together.' Gach gax, ga (§ 103, d)
*
every ':
as gach gabhadh as gax gaivdg *

out of every danger '
(i), as gach olc
as ga hoik *
from (all) evil ' (in the Lord's Prayer). Aon *
one,' with
'
the def. art. *
the same,' e.g. an aon taobh d nin tE:v *
the same side
(3). Aon also seems to be used in the sense of *

aon
any,' e.g. bhfeil
iota ort ? vel in idt ort
*
are you thirsty i
'
(3), aon luachan maith
ACCIDENCE 99
dti Uaxdn ma any good *

prices ' (15 b), a construction which is
common in Donegal Irish.

Similarly construed are also iomad imad, iomadh (iomdha?) ima^
imag, iomadhach imdgax *
many '
and 's ionann the same,' which
'
were originally (as the latter is still) construed predicatively (see

§ 146). E.g. iomadh duine imag d^n'd *
many people,' 's ionann rud
\Indn r^d it is the same thing.'
'
An ath 3 na, an atha (an ath ?) d naj '

the next ' : an ath sheachtain
d na gaxtin '
next week,' an ath mhios 9 na vids '
next month,'
an ath doras d na djrds '
next door,' an ath bhliadhna d na vliand
*
next year,' an atha rud a chonnaigh ead ? nad r^d ? honl ad
*
the next thing they saw '
(3).
All these pronouns are, in the proper idiom, always followed by

a singular noun, but after iomadh '
many '
the plural may come in
by mistake.
(b) Following.
These are either pronominal adjectives or adverbs, serving as
attribute of the preceding (substantival) word.

Eigin e[:)g'inj eiginteach e{:)g'intlax, eigint e[:)g'intl, thaobheicean
hE{:)vik'dn (he:vik'dn, 8, 13), thaobhaingte hE:viT\tid 'some,' e.g.
duine thaobh-eicean d/Cn'd he ivik'dn '
somebody,' leabharan thaobh-
eicean I'o'dTdn heivi'kdn 'some books' (2).
Ar bith dr hi, ari a n(:), ariamh d riav *

any,' duine ari d£n' d ri
*
anybody' (3), e.g. duine ar bith d^n' dr hi 'anybody at all,' rud
ar bith r/Cd dr hi *
anything (at all),' aite ari aUJd eri any place (3), ' '
uair ari ^dr' d ri

*
any time '
(8), la ari a ta e ag cur T\ad ri j ta ? k^r
*
any day it is raining '
(3).
Eile el'd, eileac el'dk (3, 4)
'
other,' e.g. crapan eile krapan el'd
*
another potato,' le dist eile h dî-i^t' el'd
'
with two others,'
muiimtir eile m^tjir el'd

'
other people,' h-aon eileac h^:n el'dk
*
another one '
(4), what else? (3).
goide eileac? gd dêl'dk *
'
Ceadna k'e :dnd, kiadnd same (not common) an duine ceadna

'
' :
pr| d/Cn'd k'e :dnd

'
the same man,' an t-aon ceadna dn tin kiadnd
*
the same one.'
Amhdin d va :n' a single (not common) uair amhain /Cer d va :n'
*
' :
'
once 'one time,' 7), aon la amhain In x\ad va :n' (3), la amhain
(*
lad va:n' (15) one day,' cnapan amhain krapan d vain' '(only) one
*
potato' (15).
TOO THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
Numerals.
Cardinal Numbers.
< § 135 >
The numbers often have different forms according to

cardinal
their different functions. Thus the cardinals 1-4 have a special form
used in counting, or merely giving the number, and another when
used (attributively) in front of a noun. All numerals up to ten
originally had a separate form when they wêre used as substantives
(=' one person or thing,' etc.), but these forms (except the one for
'
two ') are hardly in use any more. The numerals are given below:
(a) in their counting form, (b) as adjectives before a noun, and
(c) as substantives.
(a) (b) (c)
I
ACCIDENCE 1 01
(b) (c)
(9
14 ceathair deag k'a-ir ceithre (ceithir) - dcag
4^-^ (3)
ceithir deag k'e-ir dê:g {2)
15 cuig dcsig kiC :g' dê :g cuig - deag
etc. etc.
20 fichead^-î/ (^W, 4), fichead ^-jj, etc.

fad
21 h-Sion 3iS £ic\ic2id ho :n ds fa jd
30 deich as fichead dêg ds fadd
40 da fhichead da{:)H'dd
50 deich as da fhichead dêg ds da i'jd
60 tri f(h)ichead tri : {trEi, etc.) ji'jd {i'jd)
70 deich as tri fichead dêg ?s tri: fi\-)d (vdd)

71 h-aon deag as tri fichead ho :n dê :g ds tri: fi-jd
80 ceithre fichead k'er'D fadd (Rathl. Cat. kerfichid).
90 deich as ceithre fichead d^cg ds k'er'D faDd

100 cead k'e:d
loi cead 's a h-aon k'e:d sd hd:n (etc.)
105 cead 's a cuig k'e:d sd k/C:g'

cead as cuig k'e:d ds k^:g'
200 da chead da: ge:d
300 tri chead tri: {trEi, etc.) ge :d
400 ceithre chead k'er'D ge :d

500 cuig chead k^ :g' ge :d
600 se chead Je; ge:d

700 seacht gcead \axt g'e:d (3), seacht chead laxt ge :d (2)
800 ocht gcead jxt g'e:d (3), ocht chead oxt ge:d (2)
900 naoi gcead nEi g'e:d (3), naoi chead nEi ge :d (2)
1000 mile mi;/'^

Where special forms for (b) and (c) are not found, the (a)-foriTi
may generally be used. This form is often preceded by the
particle a d (cf. § 103), as for loi, 105 above.
The form h-aon has three different pronunciations: hE:n (with the
general value of ao), hl:n (with the special value of ao, see § 59), and
hX:n (which properly goes back to h-un; cf the pronunciation in
Tiree, Scotland). These forms are not restricted to any part of the
island: hE:n is used by 2, hiC:n {hd:n) by 11, 12, hl:n by 3, etc.
'
Examples o( the numerals: h-aoii, do, tri hE:ti dj : tri : (in
counting), h-aon o chlog hiC:n .1 xlog '

one o*cl.,' i ndcidh a h-aon
,) u'ai .1 ltX:ti 'after i (o'cl.)'; h-aon aca hl:n {hin) oh one of them '
(3); aon uair In {in) uer 'one o'clock' or 'once' (also pron. Iner,
15, etc.), aon mhear in ve:r 'one fmger,' tri mhiosa trEi vijsj
'three months'; ceithre ramh k'er'? ra:v 'four oars' (3), ceithir
gioUan oga k'cir g'sbn j:gd (2); cf further under Sandhi mutations
(§ 100), Nouns (§ 108), and Indefinite Pronouns (§ 131, B).
Ordinals.
< § 136 >
The ordinals, which are now flexionless, are the following :
1st an ccad {9) îad (sometimes <;e:d, dr\ k'eid)

2d an dama dn darnj, an dara 3n dard, an dala dn dah (see below)
3d an triadh (triomhadh) dn trEid
an treas jn tres (4)
4th an ceathramh dT\ k'ardv, k'ard (Rathl. Cat. an kearrav)

an ceithreadh dT\ k'er'd (8)
5 th an cuigeadh dT[ k/C:g'd [-a)
6th an seadh dn led (tied, § 93)

7th an seachtmhadh (?)
8th an t-ochtmhadh (?)
9th ?
loth ?
20th an ficheadamh dn fi'ddd, etc.
The ordinals always precede the noun, e.g. an chead la d giad la-d,
an chead toigh d giad tEi, an cead toigh dn k'e :d tEi ; an dama toigh
dn darnd tEi, an dara la deag dn dard la dê:g 'the 12th day'
(the 13th day used to be called: an la thall ar an dala la deag
dn lad hal dr dn dah ra (for la) dê:g); air an chuigeadh la
er d x^:g'd r\ad '

on the fifth day '
(3).
When the ordinals are not followed by a noun, they must be
construed as follows: an dama h-aon dn darnd hX{:)n '
the second
one' (4), an triadh h-aon dn trEid hIn 'the third one' (11), an
ceathramh h-aon 9r\ k'ard hIn 'the fourth one' (11).
'
accidence 103
Verbs.
The verbal system is also very much simplified in Rathlin Irish
as compared with the Mainland dialects, and approaches in structure
that of Manx and Scottish Gaelic. Thus the so-called analytic
conjugation is almost entirely used, and the personal endings that still
survive are very few. The tendency to use the analytic conjugation
in preference to the synthetic is already found in Donegal and
Northern Irish generally.
The use of special absolute and conjunct forms, as well as of a

relative form in -(e) as, in the present indicative and in the irregular
verbs is in conformity with Northern Irish, Scottish Gaelic, and
Manx, thus: cuiridh me '
I (shall) put,' cha chuir me I shall
*
not put,'
a chuireas '
who puts ' (or '
will put '), nach cuir who will
'
not put
(or *
that . . . will not put ').
Tenses and Moods.
< § 137 >
There are single and periphrastic tenses, and special forms exist
for each of them in the present, future, imperfect-conditional, and
preterit indicative, as well as for the present subjunctive, and the
imperative. The present subjunctive is always preceded by the
conjunction gon '
that ' (neg. nach '
that not ').
Of the present tense, except of the so-called substantive verb

and the copula which former is used to form periphrastic
(ta, is
'
is '),
tenses, Thus there is a form in -(a)ighidh of

only traces are found.
the verbs of the 3d conjugation, which is apparently used as a future
(as for instances, see § 143). In the prayers there are a few present
forms in -(e)am (ist pers. sg.), for instance creideam in Dia
I believe in God (see further below). In most other cases there
' '
is only one form for the present and the future (the present-future),
which is chiefly used in the future sense (the true present being,
as in Scottish Gaelic and Manx, expressed by the periphrastic present,
§ 140). Only a few verbs are used in a present sense, as: chi sees,' *
cluinidh hears,' boinidh

'
belongs,' and the conjunct forms *
aithnigh knows (by *

sight),' ^ cuimhnigh remembers,' mar a '
mhaitheas sinne dofa as we forgive them (in the Lord's Prayer).

'
'
I . Literally :
' will recognize.'
'
104 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATIILIN ISLAND
The future is found only of the substantive verb (being also,

as originally, used for the habitual present) and the verbs of the
3d conjugation, e.g. ceannochaidh me '
I will buy.' Otherwise
there are only traces, as feadfhaidh tu 'you must' (§ 155), or
(in the Creed) a thiocfhas '
who shall come.' Of all other verbs
there is, owing to the loss of the characteristic -f- (-f h-) a common
form (like the present) for the present and the future (see above);
the sense is chiefly that of the future, e.g. fagaidh (orig. fagfaidh,
fagf haidh) '
I will leave '
(but the futures aithneochaidh me '
I know
(by sight),' and cuimhneochaidh me '
I remember,' have a present
sense, cf. above).
The coalescence of the present and future forms is partly found in
the Glens of Antrim, where forms as gabhaidh (gobhaidh) me
go-i me 'I will take,' deanaidh sin cuis d's:ni Jm /e^.-J 'that will do,'
cuiridh me ar shiubhal k^ri md r^dl '
I will put away '
(An i), faga'
mc fa :gd mz 'I will leave' (An 5, 8), scriobhaidh me duit skriivi
me d^t\ '
I will write you,' innsidh me do e«Jf me do: 'I will tell him
(An 4). Contrariwise, tifea (tchifea) me go maith k'iifd (k'ivd)
me gD ma^ *I see well' (An i), is used for tim (tchim).^ Historically,
the fusion of the present and future tenses is thus principally due
to the disappearance of -f-, but the process was accelerated by the
fact that present (or apparently present) forms could, even long ago,
be used in a future sense, cf. tiagasa conecius doib '
I will go and tell
them '
(LU 70 a 13), timorcsa in cethri forsind ath '
I will drive the
cattle to the ford ' (LU 74 a 44), fer mar Find ni thic cu brath a '
man like Find will never come (again) (AS 161). At the same time '
the periphrastic present became more and more common in every

present sense, as is the rule in Welsh, Scottish Gaelic, and Manx,
as well as often in northern English to-day.
The imperfect-conditional is similarly a true compromise between
the old imperfect and conditional. The form is, of verbs in the ist and
2d conjugation, that of the imperfect, in verbs of the 3d conjugation,
that of the conditional. The sense is chiefly conditional (or habitual,
Engl. '
would '), but a few verbs show the sense of an imperfect,
as: bhoineadh *
belonged ' (the pret. bhoin means 'touched').
The other tenses are used as in (local) English. The difference
between the preterit and perfect is small, and only rarely is a true
I . Cf. Arran Gaelic, chibh '
sees,' chibheadh *
would see.'
:
ACCIDENCE 105
perfect used (by circumlocution), as: ta e ar shiubhal 'he has (is)
gone ' (chuaidh e '

he went '), ta me in deidh tilhdh '
I have
returned '
(thill me I returned '). '
The subjunctive mood (used in the optative sense) is only found
in the present, after the conjunction gon (cf French and Spanish que).
It differs from the conjunct present indicative in having the ending
-(a)idh for all persons, as it seems, however, only in the positive
form. Thus: gon gcuiridh '
may (he) put,' but gon gcuir *
that
(he) will put ' (indicative, conjunct form), nach gcuir *
may (he)
not put ' (subj.), *
that (he) will not put ' (ind.).
Person.
< § 138 >

As already mentioned, every verb has generally only one form for
each tense (historically the 3d pers. sg.), which must be followed
by a subject (a noun or pronoun). There are now only a few (so-
called synthetic) forms, which incorporate a personal pronoun, namely
(i) the ist pers. sg., pres. ind., of a few verbs: creideam kred^dm
*
I believe,' aidigheam a ididtn '
I confess' (9), tuiream duit t/Cr'dm d/Ct\
*I give thee' (9 a), in the prayers, etc.; also tuigeam se tig' dm Id
*I understand' (14), whether correct or not; (2) the ist pers. sg.,
imperf-cond., e.g. dh'fhagainn 'I would leave,' chan fhanainn ha
nanin *
I would not stay,' but it is also possible to use the analytic
form (dh'fhagadh me, see § 140, 2); (3) the 2d pers. plur. of the
imperative, e.g. cuireabh *
put ye' (but. cf. § 140, 5); (4) the 3d
pers. sg. of the imperative, chiefly in imprecations : biodh beal cam
ort hidg hzdl kam ort
'
may you have a twisted mouth.' —In the Rathl.
Cat. many other synthetic forms are used: lavirim *
I speak,' hiukfid
*
they will come,' do vadar na neehefhe *
these things were.'
Verbal Nouns and Participles.
< § 139 >

The verbal noun, preceded by the preposition ag, is used to express
the gerund and periphrastic tenses, e.g. goide bha thu ag deanadh
an sin gd dê : va K. gd d^z :ndg dn \In *
what were you doing there ?
The old function is seen in: fear innseadh a sceil jf/ar in\dg d sk'ciV
*
a man of telling his story,' i.e.
*
a man who has a story to tell ' (7).
'
I06 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
Preceded by the preposition a, it expresses the infinitive, as:
a dheanadh jz nuig to do.' ,9

*
Participles are formed either from verbal nouns, e.g. ta me ar

shiubhal '
1 am gone,' ta me in dcidh tillidh *
I am (have) returned,'
see above, § 137, or more usually derived from the verb, as in English,
e.g. chan fheil moran faigte '

there is not much left,' lasta '
lit,'
posta '
married,' an Stac PoUta (pl.-n.), scallta go bis '
scalded to
death.' They were originally, and are often still, participial
adjectives (cf. Engl. '
open '
and '
opened ').
There is no present (or active) participle, v^hich must be expressed

by circumlocution.
Periphrastic Tenses.
< § 140 >

The most common periphrastic tenses are the present and preterit,
which both originally expressed progressive action (ta me deanadh

*
I am doing,' bha me in mo shuidhe '
I was sitting,' but shuidh me
*
I sat '). But, in the present usage, the present is frequently used
also for the English simple ta me smaoineachadh
present, as:
*
I think,' ta me ag aireamh *
I bha ead nan gcomhnaidhe
reckon,'
'
they lived' ('were living'). The periphrastic future and conditional,
as well as the imperative, are also often found, e.g. bidh ead ag
tachairt ort hi at d ta^rtj ort 'you will meet them' (6), na bi ag cogar
na hi kogdr '
don't whisper ' (12).
As for the double construction with ag or in plus a poss. pron.,
see the examples.
Active and Passive.
< § 141 >

Of passive forms the only ones that are in current use are the
preterits rugadh e r/Cgjg s *
he was bom,' and togadh e togdg s
*
he was raised.' In the prayers a few more passives are found, which
are, however, often not understood as such, e.g. go naomhthar
t'ainm g9 nl'.Vdr tar'm (3), naomthar t'ainm nl:vd{r) tar'm (9),
n^vdr tar'm (9 a) (the latter imperatives) hallowed be thy name,' *
gon deanthar do thoil gDn d^zindt (3; gd d^zmd, 9, gdn d-^z:ntd, 9a)
dd hoi '
thy will be done,' mar a ghnithear mdr d nidt *
as is done
(3, 9), go maithear nar bhfiachan g? ma?r ndx viax?n *
forgive us
our debts,' etc.
ACCIDENCE 107
Paradigms.
< § 142 >

There arc three regular conjugations in RathUn Irish, namely
(i) verbs of which the imperative sg. is monosyllabic, ending either
(a) in a broad or (b) in a slender consonant, (2) verbs of which
' ' ' '
the imperative sg. is of more than one syllable (except those in

-(a)igh); the final consonant is usually 'slender,' and (3) verbs of
which the imper. sg. ends in -(a)igh. The type verbs are: fag 'leave,'
cuir *
put,' foscail '
open,' ceannaigh '
buy.'
la. lb.
fagaidh fa :gi cuiridh kiCr'i
chan fhag ha na:g cha chuir ha x^v'

an bhfag dn va:g^ an gcuir dX] g^r'
gon bhfag gd va :g gon gcuir gDT\ giCr'
nach fhag na ha:g nach gcuir nax g^r'

a dh'fhagas d ya:gds a chuireas d x^r'ds
2. 3-
fosclaidh fskli ceannaighidh h!ani

chan f hoscail ha mskil cha cheannaigh ha gani
an bhfoscail on vjskil^ an gceannaigh dr\ g'ani
gon bhfoscail g^ voskil gon gceannaigh g3T\ g'ani
nach f hoscail na hoskil nach gceannaigh nax g'ani

a dh'fhosclas d yoskhs (a cheannaigheas)
E.g. fosclaidh mo^ foskv[i mz I will open' (3), eirighidh an ghrian

'
much na mall / :r'i yrian mux na mal the sun will rise early or
'
late' (5); as for the form in -igheam, see § 143 (i).
Future.
la fagaidh, etc., ib cuiridh, etc., 2 fosclaidh, etc.,
as pres. as pres. as pres.
3 ceannochaidh k'anaxi, k'anai, k'ana?.^
cha cheannaigh, etc., as pres.
E.g. ma chuimhneochas tu ma xMads U *

if you remember.'
1. The ending is usually pron. -/ before a vowel, and -p before a

consonant : fagaidh e fa:gi s, but fagaidh me fa:gp {fa:gi) mz, mi.
2. Also : an fhag 9 naigy an f hoscail d mskil (see § 100).
'
io8 THI IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
Imperfect — Cotiditional.
I a. lb.
dh'f liagainn ya :gin chuirinn xK:r'tn

dh'fhagadh yaigjg chuireadh x^r'^g
chan fhagainn ha naigin cha chuirinn ha x^r'in
chan fhagadh ha na:g,ig cha chuireadh ha xiCr'dg
an bhfagainn du vaigin^ an gcuirinn dr\ g/Cr'in
an bhfagadh jn va:gdg^ an gcuireadh dT\ g^r'dg

gon bhfagainn gon gcuirinn
gon bhfagadh gon gcuireadh
nach fhagainn na ha:gin nach gcuirinn nax g/Cr'in
nach fhagadh na ha:g.ig nach gcuireadh nax g^r'dg

a dh'fhagadh d ya^g^g a chuireadh d x^r'dg
3.
dh'fhosclainn yosklln cheannochainn ganaxin, ganain

dh'fhoscladh yoskhg cheannochadh ganaxdg, ganadg
chan f hosclainn ha msklin cha cheannochainn ha ganaxin, -ain
chan f hoscladh ha noshhg cha cheannochadh ha ganaxdg, -a.ig
an bhfosclainn dn vosklin^ an gceannochainn on g'anaxin, -ain

an bhfoscladh dn vjskbg^ an gceannochadh dt] g'anaxog, -a.ig
gon bhfosclainn gon gceannochainn

gon bhfoscladh gon gceannochadh
nach fhosclainn na hosklin nach gceannochainn nax g' anaxin,-ain
nach f hoscladh na hoskhg nach gceannochadh naxg'anax^g, -aDg
a dh*fhoscladh d yoskbg a cheannochadh d ganax,ig, -a?g
E.g. dhThiosrochainn jisrain *

I would ask,' nach gcostainn nax
gjstin *
would I not need ?
Preterit.
dh'f hag ya:g chuir x^r'

cha d'fhag ha da:g cha do chuir ha dd x^r'
an d'fhag dn da:g an do chuir dn dd x/Cr'
gon d'fhag gdn da:g gon do chuir gdn dd xK.r'

nach d'fhag nax da:g nach do chuir nax dd x£r'
a dh'f hag d ya:g a chuir d x/Cr'
I. or an fhagainn, an fhagadh, an f hosclainn, an f hoscladh (see § 100).

ACCIDENCE 109
Preterit.
dh'fhoscail yjskil cheannaigh âni

cha d'fhoscail ha doskil cha do cheannaigh ha dd âni
an d'fhoscail dn doskil an do cheannaigh dn dd §ani
gon d'fhoscail gsn doskil gon do cheannaigh gdn dd gani
nach d'fhoscail nax doskil nach do cheannaigh nax dd gani
a dh'fhoscail d yoskil a cheannaigh d âni
Present Subjunctive.
go bhfagaidh gd va :gi^ nach f hag ( ?)2
gon gcuiridh gd g^r'i^ nach gcuir ( ?)
gon bhfosclaidh gd voskli^ nach f hoscail ( ?)
gon gceannaighidh gd g'ani nach gceannaigh (?)
E.g. go deanaidh me gd d^z:nd mz *

may I do (i), go gcuiridh
'
Dia rath air gd g£r'i dîa ra er '

may God prosper him (10), gon '
beannaighidh Dia thu gdm hjani dîa <C God bless you.'
*
Imperative.
la.
)
no THE IRISH LANGUACIi IN RATHLIN ISLAND
Iiifinitivc.
a (do) dh-f hagail j yci'.gd {-al) a (do) chur j x^r

a (do) dh-f hoscladh d yjskbg a (do) cheannacht 3 ganaxt^
*
jskr[dg (3) 'to open
Gerund.
ag fagail d fa :gal ag cur p k^r
ag foscladh <? fiskhg ag ceannacht 3 k'anaxt^
E.g. ag dcanadh 5 dê:nDg (and go deanadh ^j d^s:tijg, 14) 'doing,'

cf. ta ag (go) radh ^^ ; gj ra :g '
is saying.'
Past Participle.
fdigte /fl :gtl9 cuirte ( > foscailte fDskdlt\d ceannaiste
E.g. posta p :std

'
married,' tionntaiste t\znti\t'd '
turned,' but
beannaighthe hjani '
blessed.'
< § 143 >

Noês on Conjugation.
(i) The true present, except in the cases mentioned above (§ 137),
only occurs in the case of a few verbs in -(a)igh, with a few speakers,
and does not differ in sense from the future, e.g. ceannaighidh me
k'ani me 'I will buy,' toisighidh me t3:li mz 'I will begin,'
fiosraighidh me jiS9ri mi 'I will ask,' all with speaker No. 12,
Jisri me (3), cruinnighidh me kr^n'i mi *

I will gather '
(10), didigheam
*
I confess '
(§ 138).
(2) The two forms chuirinn and chuireadh me, of which the
former is the older and more correct form, are now about equally
common, e.g. dh'fhiosraighinn jisrain '
I would ask,' but
dh'fheidhmeadh me je:mdg mi *
I should need ' (12).
I. The termination is usually -(e)achadh, variously pronounced -axpg,

-ahgy -apgy -a:g, but according to
13, for instance, the correct forms of
tiormachadh, cruinneachadh, cealachadh are ijermahgy krin'ahgy k' alahag^
whereas of tionntachadh and ionnsachadh they are t\znta:g and jznsa:g.
It is not unlikely that such a differentiation may reflect an older state of
things (cf. Ir. tionntodh '
turning,' ionnsaighe *
approaching ').
ACCIDENCE III
(3) Verbs beginning with a vowel prefix d' or dh' in the same
cases as the verbs in f-, e.g. an d'iarr i dti dpar i
'
did she ask ?'
'
an d'innis dti dpnij '
did . . . tell ?
(4) The
verbal forms which incorporate a subject pronoun, i.e. the
1st sg.imperf -cond. in -(a)inn, and the 2d person of the imperative,
have special emphatic forms (cf § 126) in -sa Sd (ist pers.) and -se J5
(2d pers.), e.g. chuirinn sa XiCr'in sd '
I wôuld put,' rachainn sa
raxin Sd '
I would go,' nach gcostainn sa nax gjstin sd '
which I would
not need,' ceap se k'ap Id '
turn (thou).'
(5) The 2d pi. of the imperative is not very common, e.g. na

scaoileabh na skEd'dv *
do not untie' (3), but is often replaced by
the 2d sg., e.g. tuir leibh an sol Ur lev dti sol 'take the bottom
(of the net) with you' (when fishing, 2).
(6) In the present indicative there are three distinct forms : [a) the
positive (absolute) form (cuiridh, etc.), which is used in all positive
main clauses, (^) the relative form (chuireas, etc.), which is used in
all positive relative clauses, except after an (see § 132, i), and
(c) the conjunct (or dependent) form (gcuir, etc.), which is always
used after the relative an (§ 132, 2). The conjunct form
corresponds to the forms with prefixed do or d' in the imperfect-
conditional arid preterit (see the Paradigm).
The and conjunct forms are further used after certain
relative
adverbs and conjunctions. In the imperf -cond. the former is
represented by the plain form or the form in dh' (see § 142), and
the latter by the form in do or d'.
< § 144 >
The Relative Form.
The relative form is used after the following words :
a 3, the rel. part, (cf the Paradigms, § 142), and all compounds in
which it enters (see below),

air a er 9 '
when,' e.g. air a theid me laighe san oidhche er d he :d^
mi lai S9 nl:p '
when I go to bed at night ' (2).
c'uair a k/Cdr 9, hr 5, kdr d '

when ?
' e.g. c'uair a bhios tu ar t-athais ?
hr d vis U dr taaj when

'
will you be back ?
'
but also
(incorrecdy) : c'uair an mbi thu ar t-athais arist ; hr d mi ^ dr
taa\ d rii\t'
*
when will you be back again? '
(6).
;
'
cad a ka do, cad 's a kat sj (kot though/ e.g. cad a bhiodh
sj), conj. *
tu ka del vi-j though you were (13), cad *s a td e fuar kai S9

t^ ' *
/Or though it is cold (8). —For cad *s nach, see the

'
ta e '
following §.
ma ma, conj. *
if,' e.g. ma chuimhneochas tu ma xîn'ads U *
if you
remember.'
mar a msr d
*
as,' e.g. mar a mhaitheas sinne mdr 5 vads [iri'd
'
as we
forgive.'
nuair a n(Cdr 5, nor d *
when,' e.g. nuair a td n<Car d iai *
when there is,'
nuair a thilleas me ndr d hil'ds mi *

when I return.'
o na na, na (perhaps partly mixed up with the prec.) '
since '
'
when,' e.g. an fada o na thainigh thu? dti fad na han't <C
'
is it
long since you came ?

' (10), ta spell na fhuair sinn ta: spzl na
hêr \in' *
it is a while since we got,' o na mharbh sinn a'
mhuc mhara na varv Jin' d v^k vard '

since (as) we killed the
porpoise' (i); na chualaigh iad na xâx\i ad *
when they heard
(3), na thig i na hig' i
*
when she comes.'
< § 145 >
The Conjunct Form.

The conjunct (dependent) form is used after:
an, the interrogative particle (see the Paradigms, § 142).
an an, rel. part. (§ 132, 2), e.g. far an robh^r an ro *
where was.'
an an, indirect interrogative and conditional conjunction *
if,' e.g. an
buail thu h-aon aca buail ar fad ead dm h/Czl <C hin akd b/Cel er
fad zd *
if you strike one of them strike them all.'
ca kay '
where,' e.g. ca bhfeil thu ? ka vel /C '
where are you ?*
but also: ca chuir e i bhfalach e ka x^r a var\ax s *
where he
hid it '
(3), for cd do chuir.
cha xay ha, a *not' (neg. adv.), e.g. cha do rug esan air ha dr^g zsdn er
'
he did not catch him.'
go, gon gd, gdn, conj. *
that ' (not in the present subjunctive, see
the Paradigms, § 142). So also all compounds with go,
e.g. an bre go *
if it was not that,' etc.
gos an g9S dn, conj. *
until,' e.g. gos an hi gds dm hi: until there *
will be ' (13).

man mdn, manan mdndtiy conj. *
before,' e.g. man d'fhuair e bds
' '
ACCIDENCE 113
man d^zr s ha:s *

before he died,' man fhaigh niur intinn call
nid nai ntdr intlin kal

'
before your mind decays.'
manan rndtiBn, conj. 'unless,' e.g. mana n-eirigh thu nidUd ni :ri ^
*
if you don't get up.'
nach nax, na, neg. interr. particle, e.g. nach dtuir thu ? nax d^r iC
*
will you not give ?
nach nax, na, neg. rel. particle, e.g. nach gcuir nax g^r *
who will
not put.'
nach nax, na, conj. *
that not,' *
lest,' e.g. nach duit thu nax d^tj ^
*lest you fall.' Similarly all compounds: cad 's nach fheil me ro
mhaith kats na hel mi ro va 'though I am not too well' (8), cad 's
nach fhaic me e hat s na hak' ms s 'though I do not see it' (8).

nan nan, conj. '
if,' e.g. nan rabh e an seo nan ro a an ^j '
if he were
here' (8).
s'manan smandn, conj. '

before,' e.g. s' man d'fuair ead an litir
sman d/Czr at dn litjir

'
before they got the letter,' s'manan dtainigh
smandn dan'i 'before . . . came' (8), s'manan fhaic thu e
sman9 nak' ^ e '
before you see it ' (8).
Irregular Verbs.
[a) The Substantive Verb and the Copula.
< § 146 >
The difference between the substantive verb td (' there is ') and
the copula is (' it is ') is the same as in other Gaehc dialects. The
copula has now a rather Hmited use (see the notes below every tense).
Present,
ta ta:, ta 'am,' 'is,' etc. is (d)s 'am,' 'is,' etc.
tha ha: (seldom)

chan fheil xa (ha) nel, hal (4), cha xa, ha
nEl (9a), n'el (9b)
an bhfeil d{n) vel an d{n)
go bhfeil g9{n) vel gur gar *

that it is
nach bhfeil nax vel (Rathl. Cat. nach nax, nah

vel, vail). Cf vel (An i)
a ta p ta: (rel.) is (3)5 (rel.)
a tha (a) ha: (seldom)

: :
114 Till- IRISH LANGUAGK IN RATIILIN ISLAND
Notice the following constructions with the copula: mas trom

leat do cheann mas troim lat d? â:n 'if you think your head is heavy/
is fhearr Js.t (L.E.), sz:r (U.E.) 'it is better,' is ionann J//u« 'it is the
same,' chan ionann ha n'Injn '
it is not the same,' an ionann ? d n'Injn
'is it the same?' is leo J I'j: 'it is theirs,' gur ro throm e gjr 'd Wo:tn
z:
'
that it is very heavy.' — With personal pronouns the forms are as
follows: is e je; 'it is he,' is i
J/; 'it is she,' siod jid 'it is that (yon),'
CO e? ko s: 'who is he?* an e seo? <i n'z jj 'is it this?' gur e g9

re; (lo), gon e gj n'e: (3) 'that it is he (it),' chan e ha nz: not
'it is
it' (3), chan e mise ha n'z: mijj 'it is not I,' mas e ma {£(;) 'if it is
it,' 's nach e s na hz: 'and (or) that it is not,' mana mhaith leam mand
va I'am, manan deas leam mariDti d^cs lam 'if I do not like' (13).
The O.Ir. os (* as for ') is now understood as agus (is)

'
and,'
e.g. is mise cronan air mo he 9s mi\d kn man er md lik'

'
and I crooning
on my stone,' i.e.
'
as I am crooning,' etc., agus (is) ise gan ata
ds 1J5 g9n at9 '

and she without a hat ' (15, etc.).
With the substantive verb: ta fhios agam ta Us a{g9)m '
I know,'
chan fheil fhios agam ha nel Us a{g9)m I do not know.' The '
pronunciation was formerly also ha ^nels ag9m (15's grandmother).
Future,
bidh hi-i, hi
'
shall, will be,' etc. gon bi g9m hi
cha bhi ha vi: nach bi nax bi
an bi 9m hi: a bhios 9 vi'9S, 9 vis (rel.)
This tense is used as future and habitual present.
Imperfect-Conditional,
bhinn vi-in, vin *

I should be '
ba, etc., see under the Preterit,
bhiodh vi-9g, vig 'would be,' etc.
cha bhinn ha vi-in

cha bhiodh ha vv9gy vIg
an binn 9m hi' in
an biodh 9m hi'9gy big

gon binn g9rh bi'in
gon biodh g9m hv9gy big
nach binn nax bi'in
nach biodh nax bi'9g, big

a bhiodh 9 vi'9g, 9 vIg (rel.)
' ' :
ACCIDENCE 115
Preterit.
bha va:, va *was,* 'were,' etc. ba hd, b' h 'was,' 'were,' etc.
cha rabh ha ro cha ba ha b{d)
an rabh dn ro an ba dm b{d)
gon rabh gdti ro gon ba gdm b{d)
nach rabh nax ro nach ba na{x) b{?)
a bha (.9) va: (rel.) ba bj, b' b (rel.)
The preterit of the copula is also used as imperfect-cond. The

following worthy of notice
constructions c6 b'e are
ko bz : ?
'who was he?' (rare), b'eisean bz^du 'it was he' (11), nach ba
naire duit? na bo nair'd d^t\ 'was it not a shame for you?,'
cha b'e ha be: it was not he (it),' b'e sin an doigh bj
'
J/« dti doi

'
that was the way,' cha b'e mise ha bz m/Js it was not I,' '
cha b'i a bh'ann ha bi d vain 'it was not she that was there,'
gon b'e gd bz: that it was he (it),' gon b'e seo gd bz lo that it was
' '
this,' ma (ba) mhaith leam ma va I' am if I liked' (13; correct?). '
Of the substantive verb, notice: cha rabh fhios agam ha ro Us am

*
I did not know.' An old pret. bhi is probably found (in a song) in:
air a bhi si dol er d vi^d dol '
when she was going.' The Rathl. Cat.
has va and vee (sg.), vavar (2d pi.), vadar (3d pi.).
Present Subjunctive.
'
gon rabh g3n ro '
may be,' etc. gur g9r *
may be
nach rabh nax ro
This tense is especially used in the phrase: go rabh (gur) maith

duit (or: agad) gd rd ma d^tj {agdt) *
thank you.'
Imperative.
'
bi bi ;, bi *
be (thou) na bi na bi :
'
don't be
'
biodh bi'dg '
let him (it) be na biodh na bi-dg *
let him
'
bibh (?) '

be ye '
(pi.) not be
Infinitive,
a bhith a vi *
to be
a bheith d vz (e.g. bheith fhios againn vz Hs ain "
that we
know,' 3; the Rathl. Cat. has vee, veith, and beith).
: :
The verbal noun of the substantive verb is only used in the

infinitive and after the preposition gan *
without,' e.g. an do thuit
gan a bhith ar shiubhal 9n d? hitj pn ? vi d r'/CA '
if it happened
that he was not away '
(8).
(6) Other Irregular Verbs.
The following irregular verbs (given in the imperative sg.) are

current in RathHn Irish : abair *
say,' cluin '
hear,' dean *
do,' '
make,'
faic *
see,' faigh '
get,' tabhair (tuir)
*
give,' teid '
go,' tig *
come.'
abair
< § 147 >
Pres. ind.: deir dêr' 'says,* an abair d nahdr (ii), an deir
dtt dêr (12); pret. dubhairt (duirt) d^drtj; imper. abair abir (2, 12);
gerund: ag rddh ? graig (gra:), gd ra:g, ag rdit d ra:t\, e.g. goide
ta thu ag rait? gd dê: ta ^ ra:t\ (9).^ Cf ra:t (rait. An i).
cluin:
< § 148 >
Pres. ind. : cluinidh me klln'U klEn'i (8) ms *

I hear,' *
will hear,'
cha chluin ha xlln\ an gcluin thusa dT\ gr[In' ^Sd (3), ma chluineas
tu ma xlln'ds t^ ;
pret. chualaigh xâll (xiCar]iy 3), chuala xâb,
x/CaT[9 (3; the form in -aigh is usually preferred before a vowel
or in pausa, the one in -a, before a consonant), cha do chuala ha dd
xâby an do chualaigh thu dti dd xâll /C, an do chuala tu dn dd x/Cab

U, an do chluint thu dn dd xllntj <C (10), the latter probably wrong;
gerund ag cluintin d kllntlin.
:
dean:
< § 149 >
Pres. ind. (future sense): ghni me ni: ms *I will do, make*;

future: deanaidh me dê:ni me, cha dean ha dê:n; imperf -cond.
I . According to 9, rih means ' saying,' rddh rather '

talking '
(cf. iomradh
*
talking about').
: : ,:
ACCIMNCE 117
dheanadh js ;n5^ ; pret.: rinn rEin {rain, rain, 3), d'riiin ead drEin ad
*they did '
(not correct), cha do rinn ha d{D)rEin, an do rinn thu sin
DH d{9)rEin /C jln, gus an do rinn ead gjs dn d(p)rEin at '
until they
did,' nach do rinn nax d{i))rEin; passive forms, see § 141; imper.:
dean d^zin; gerund: ag deanadh d d^z:n3g, gd d^z:n?g; past, part.:
deinte d^s :ntjd. Cf. nCn', pret. (An i).
Note. —The vowel in dean- is often short: dên, dêmg, etc.
Of special uses of this verb, notice : ag deanadh aran ? d^zndg aran

*
baking,' ag deanadh amach d d^znjg d max making out
'
'
;
'
reaching
(a place),' ta me deanadh ta: me d^z:ndg '
I am thinking.'
taic
< § 150 >
Pres. ind.: chi me î: [hi:) me *

I see,' chan fhaic ha nak' {nek'),
an fhaic thu 5 nak' ^, an bhfaic thu d(n) vak' /C, gon bhfaic gs vek'
fan gus an bhfaic mc fan gds d vek' me *
wait till I see '
(3); pret.:
chonnaigh honl, chonna tu hond tiC, chan f hacaigh ha naki, chan f haca
ha nakd [nokd), an bhfacaigh e d[n) vaki e, an bhfaca tu D{n) vakd
[makd) t^, an fhaca tu d nah t^, nach f hacaigh c g na haki a e; pres.
subj.: nach fhaic thu na hek' /C (11); gerund: ag fhaicin o gak'in

(12, 14), ag fhaicsin d gakjin (4); infinitive: gach uile ait fhaicin
d h^l' a:tl ek'in

'
to see every place' (8), ga fhaicin ga ak'in 'to see
him.' Cf Rathl. Cat. aikjhin.
Note. —Of the forms chonnaigh, chonna, f hacaigh, fhaca, etc.,
the former (those in -aigh) are preferably used before a vowel or

in pausa, the latter before a consonant (cf chualaigh, chuala,
under cluin).
faigh
< § 151 >
Pres. ind. (future sense): an fhaigh thu d nai <C (12), feach an fhaigh
Jedx 9 nai
'
try if . . . can get,' gus an fhaigh gdS 9 nai, manan bhfaigh
m9n9 vai ; gheo me jo
future I : imperf -cond. me '
will get ' ;
gheobhadh jo'9g (3), chan f haighinn ha nain, chan fhaigheadh thu

ha nai9g <C (2, not correct), chan fhaigheadh ead ha nai9g at (12),
: '
Il8 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
go bhfaighiim sa g,j vain 5.?, nach fhaigheadh tu na hah t^ (3);

prct. : fluiair liêr\ hiCor, an d'fhuair m d^jr; gerund: ag faghail
.1 faal, fad'j fajl (2, 3, 13), ag faighin j fa-in; infmitivc: a f haghail
a-al (13).
Note. —This verb means both '

get ' and '
find '; it is also used in:
goide mar a t huair thu ar t'aghaidh o shin ? g^d^c : mjr o h/Czr /C gr
tEii hiti *
how did you get on since ?
' etc.
tabhair
< § 152 >
Pres. ind. (future sense) : bheir me vcr me, fe-ir mi (2)

*
I will
*
give '
(3), tuiream (§ 138), tuiridh me t^ri me '
I will give
(13; correct?), cha dtabhair ha dodr^ dor, d/^r 'will not give,' gon
dtabhair go dor (8), gus an dtabhair gds dti diCr, nach dtuir thu?
nax d^r <C; imperf.-cond. : cha dtabhrainn (dtuirinn) ha do:rin, d/Crin,
nach dtabhradh tu nax do :rd t^; pret. : thug hiCg 'gave'; pres.
subj.: go dtabhraidh (dtuiridh) g^ d/Cri; imper. : tabhair (tuir)
to:r, t^r, tuir domhsa tjr doiSD '

give me '
(U.E., cf. Note); gerund:
ag tabhairt (tuirt) d tdrtj (U.E.) '
giving ' ; p.p. tabhairte (tuirte) aiste
t^rtJ3 ajt'd
'
brought out of her '
(3). Cf. ti(r diC (imper., An i).
Note. —Tabhair means both '

give ' and '
take,' cf. thug bhuam
h^g ViCdm 'took from me,' tur leat Ur I' at 'take with you' (sg.), tuir
leibh tiCr lev 'take with you' (pi.). Of other senses one may note:
bheir me ort fe-ir mi ort 'I will give you' (='beat you,' 2), bheir
me ort a 6.o\ fe-ir mi ort d dol '
I will make you go ' (2), tuir in aire
'
t^r d nar'd '
take care (2).
The imperative is often expressed adverbially, i.e. without a

finite verb : domh na stocaighthe do na stjkl '
give me the stockings
(12), domhsa bannach dd:sd hanax '
give me a bannock '
(3), us piosa
paipear £s pi:s? pa:per '
give me a piece of paper '
(15). In the same
way, usa ^si/j used to be said by the old people in the Glens of
Antrim: usa an conair Mhuire /Cs9 r hnsr vKr'd '
give me the rosary,'
where usa is perhaps bhus (= bhos) *
here ' (cf. O Tuathail, Sgealta
Mhuintir Luinigh, p. xx).
Also cf. under teid and tig.
:'
ACCIDENCE 119
teid:
< § 153 >

Prcs. ind.: theid mc he :d^ mz '
I will go '
(2), teid mc tjad^ mz (3),
cha dteid ha dê :d^, an dtcid thu? 3/1 dêid^ iC, an bcalach a thcid
thu dtn hjalax d he :d^ £ '
the road you will go (4) imperf.-cond. ' ;
rachainn sa rax'm sd, rachadh rahdg would go,' an rachadh dn ra?g

'
'
if . . . went' (3); pret.: chuaidh Xi(ai, xodi, hoji, hwEi (3, 7,
etc.), cha deachaidh ha dâxi, an deachaidh, deacha 3n dâxi, dâxD ;
imper.: teid tje :d^; eirg /Cr'g', Ir'g\ dr'g' (15, etc.); gerund: ag dol
d dol (cf. tjl. An i); p.p. ar shiubhal pr fAT;?/, d r'^dl, [d) rodl (U.E.),
3 r'odT] (3), ar folbh dr jolv (2, 15; rare).

Notes. —The following phrases are in current use: ag dol a
thuiteam d dol d hltjdtn '
going to fall '
(3), ta e dol a bhith fliuch
ta d dol d vi fi'uh '
it is *going to be wet,' ta an teine ag dol as
ta dti tlin'd d dol as
'
the fire is going out.'
The imperative is often expressed by the past participle : ar shiubhal
d r'/Cdl (often hzWiCdl, cf. hdv^dl, An i)

'
away,' '
begone,' e.g. ar
shiubhal leat [d) rod I' at
'
away with you ' (cf. under tabhair and tig).
tig:
< § 154 >
Pres. ind.: thig me hig' mz 'I will come' (2, 3, 11), tig me
t\ig' me, an dtig e dti dîg' z\ future: a thiocfhas d ^^kjs (§ 137);
pret.: thainigh (thainig, thaine) ha:n'i, han'i, ha:n'd, han'9, seldom
ham'ik' (stressed form), cha dtainigh ha dain'i {da:n'3), an dtaine
9n da:n'?\ imper.: tig tl'ig 'come' (cf. Note); gerund: ag teacht
d tjaxt (tlaht) ; cf. teacht an la tjaxt dn lad '
the dawn.'
Notes. —The following constructions are common: thig leam
hig I' am '
I can,' thig (tig) ort tjig ort
'
you must,' thainigh ortha
ha :n'i op '
they had to '
(3) ; ag teacht air d t\axt er '
coming on
(as of a season, etc.). The vowel in thainigh, etc., is short or long,
according to stress; the forms in -igh are preferred before vowels
or a pause, those in -e before a consonant.
An alternative imperative is thugainn h^gin {hugdu, 4), e.g. thugainn
leam h^gin I' am '
come with me.' It may originally have been an
adverb, cf. Ir. chugainn '
to us,' and under tabhair, theid.
(c) Defective Verbs.
< § 155 >
The following verbs are defective in Rathlin Irish:

ars ars, arsa arsd, asD, dsd '
said ' (Lat. inquit), e.g. arsa Calum
Figheadoir ars3 (asd, 3s?) kahmjiddzr '
said Calum the Weaver (2), '
ars eisean aisE.\dn, ars esan ar^szsm '

he said,' ars ise ar^si^j
'
she said.'
faod, only in dh'fhaodadh yoihgy yEidDg *
might,' e.g. dh'fhaodadh
a bhith yd :djg d vi 'it might be' (4), dh'fhaodadh thu sin a
radh yEidjg /C \In 3 ra :g you might say so,' and ma dh'fhaodas
*
me ma yEiddS me if I can (15b). *

'
fcad, only in feadf haidh fe :ti, fe :td

'
must,' e.g. feadf haidh tu dol
fe:td U dol 'you must go' (2), but, cf. an dteid thusa leam?
feadaidh me dti dê :d^ ^sj I' am /s ; d9 mi *
vîll you go with me ?
I might '(15).
fheatar, in is fhcatar je :tdr, b'fheatar be :tDry beUd (4), bztd (3) 'must';
*
may,' e.g. is fheatar domh \e :t3r d/C '
I must,' b'fheatar domh
bzt^r d/C 'I had better' 'you (15), b'fheatar duit beitdr d/Ct\
must,' b'fheatar gon innis bztd gj mVn'J 'maybe will tell' (3), . . .
b'fheatar be :td maybe (in answer). Is meatar duit smeitdr d/Ctj

' '
*you must' (2) no doubt depends on a mixture of this verb

and is meithid (mithid) duit. C£ be:tdr perhaps' (An i). '
urra, urraidh, urrain (orig. '

capability ')
*
can,' in the following
expressions: is urra leam 5 <Crp lam '
I can,' cho maith 's is urra
leat xj ma Sd s^xd lat
'
as well as you can,' an urr' leat
d n/Cbt
*
can you? '
(3), chan urr' leam ha n/Chm '
I cannot '
(3),
chan urr' leithe iteogaigh ha n/Cli itâgi '
she cannot fly ' (6),
is urrain domh s/Crin d/C

'
I can,' chan urrain ha n/Crin '
cannot,'
b'urra leat a dhol i bhfalach annta b^rd lat d yoT\ d var\ax ant3
'
you could go and hide in them ' (3), cha b'urraidh ha b/Cri
*
could not,' cha b'urra me ha b/Crd me '
I could not.'
THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT
< § 156 >
TO UNDERSTAND the true character of the relationship

between the Irish of Rathhn and the Irish Mainland dialects,
on the one hand, and the Scottish dialects, on the other, it is
necessary to examine several details in the structure of these languages
from a phonetical, grammatical and lexicographical point of view.
By Mainland Irish is here preferably meant the Antrim dialect,
which is now practically extinct,^ but also, to a certain extent, the
Irish of Derry, Tyrone and Donegal (which have been described by
O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht Ghaedhilgc an Tuaiscirt, and O Tuathail,
Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh). As far as Scottish Gaelic is concerned,
the dialects of Islay, Kintyre and Arran will be considered in the
first place It is far from certain, however, that they are the dialects
that have the closest affinities with the Rathlin dialect, which, in
any must be seen against the background of an older type of
case,
Scottish Gaehc than any now in existence.

With regard to the phonology, one of the most characteristic
distinctions between Irish and Scottish Gaelic consists in the treatment
of original short o. In Ireland it either remains as an o (usually open
in the North) or becomes, as partly short u, a sound resembling
that of Engl, short u (it is commonly represented by 0). In Scotland,
however, it always remains as an o-sound, being either open (o)
or closed (0). The narrow sound often (but not always) occurs in
the same cases as g in northern Irish. In this respect Rathlin Irish
undoubtedly approaches to Scottish Gaelic. One may compare the
words cois, obair, bodach, goirt, bog, with the corresponding words
in Donegal Irish and southern Scottish Gaelic. In Antrim the case
I. In the Glens of Antrim to-day, there may actually be only three people
whose native language was Irish (see § 8). But a fairly good idea of the
old Antrim dialect may be had from many persons in the Glens who know
Irish second hand, and, by comparing the language of these people with
the fragments obtainable from the native speakers, a good many features
of Antrim Irish may be illustrated.
'
122 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN llATHLIN ISLAND
is slightly different. The o-sound regularly remains, as in Rathlin

and Scotland, but it all from the open o
does not seem to differ at
(as in Antrim the short o has rather
Rathlin cos, codal, cloch); in
an intermediate sound between the open and closed Rathlin o,^ at
the same time as the a-sound approaches the open o in Rathlin
(cf § i6), and original u becomes ^ or o (§ 25), as in Rathlin. With
regard to the representation of short o, Rathlin thus comes closer to
Scottish Gaelic than Antrim.
Another characteristic of Scottish Gaelic is the fact that original
short e, followed by a *
broad ' consonant (i.e. Middle Irish ea),
remains as an open e (e), except in front of d, t, s,

g (in Arran and
Kintyre also c), where it becomes a narrow e {e). In Ireland, except
in certain parts (see Sommerfelt, South Armagh Irish, NTS. II, p.
Ill), ea mostly becomes a (except before g, loc. cit), while e followed
by a *
consonant (M. Ir. ei) becomes e. In Antrim ea becomes
slender '
a in most cases, except before d, t, s, g and dh (gh), where it becomes

a very open e-sound, most like the Rathlin e (§ 17). This s also
stands for short i (io or oi), in Donegal, and further for original a
before g and dh (gh), so that it may be said to correspond to the
Donegal sound usually represented by i (see Sommerfelt, Dialect of
ToTTy §§ 32, 201, O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, § 114). In Rathlin
ea becomes a in the same cases as in Antrim, but d, s and g, e before t,
and ei becomes e. Thus Rathlin Irish agrees with the Irish Mainland
with regard to such words as fear, bean, but with Scotland with
regard to words such as beag, deas.
Regarding the short open i (from io, oi, or sometimes also ai, ui),
which in most northern Irish dialects seems to give the above-
mentioned sound i (according to 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht,
§§ 87, 92; cf Sommerfelt, Dialect of Torr, §§ 30, 31), the Rathlin
dialect shows Antrim the 'mixed' i (i)
distinctly Irish affinities. In
is almost invariably represented by the above open e-sound (e), and
of this there are clear traces also in South Armagh (Sommerfelt in
NTS. II; cf especially: briongloid, chuige, doiUgh, tairbhe, tionn-
I . oa ' in ' road seems to be

Also in the English of old people, the
*
'
the same as the God,' only shorter (r;</, gj:d), while young people
'
o ' in *
often give a narrower sound to * oa (=Scot. short, narrow o, § 23). '
The former is the so-called New England sound in home,' * road '
(" hum," " rud ").

THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT I23
tuigliim, in his Vocabulary). It is, however, an ekisive sound,

coming sometimes near g, sometimes i,^ which is also reflected in
Sommerfelt's description. In Rathlin the sound is s, i.e. more or less
the same as in Antrim. Curiously, this agreement with Mainland

Irish seems nevertheless to have its roots in Scotland. If it is likely
that the oldest form of this sound is a short,open i {i, or a similar
sound) it strikes the observer that the change of this sound to s
(with its variants) is intimately connected with the same change
of short i Lowland Scots, the centre of which seems
in southern
to be in Ayrshire. Thus in the English of these parts of Scotland
(often also in Kintyre, Gigha, and Islay), as well as in Rathlin
and parts of Antrim, a short Engl, i is constantly rendered by this
open e-sound (cf. § 17). It is enough to quote such common words
as *
pig,' '
mixed,' '
thing,' *
still,' in the English of Antrim. The
correspondence goes, however, still further, for also an original
short u (which had early the value of p or 0) takes part in this change
in southern Scots in words of the type dun,' honey,' hussy,' ' ' '
*
nut,' summer.'
* Thus it appears that at one time it became
customary in that whole area to pronounce both i and a with this
open e-sound, in Irish as well as in English. It appears that this sound
change, which is, perhaps, strongest in Ayrshire and Galloway, is
very typical of the kind of Scotticisms that exist in Northern Ireland,
especially in the Glens of Antrim and Rathlin.^
The short a before a *
slender ' consonant (i.e. M. Ir. ai) has
usually become e (or a similar sound: O Searcaigh writes it ce) in
the north of Ireland, and so it also sounds in the Glens of Antrim,

e.g. cailleach kzl'ax, ainm sr'm, airgead zrg'dd.^ The same develop-
ment takes place with ai in southern Kintyre, but not in Islay, Middle
Kintyre, and Arran, where it remains as a in the majority of cases;
in Arran the conditions are, however, so special that no analogies
1. As I sound from existing descriptions, it is a neutral

understand this
vowel, not much
from p. different
2. Another interesting agreement between the local English and
Irish is the treatment of original in front of r (§ 70): Ir. tabhair to:r
becomes tuir /iCr, port >
purt p^rt, just as Engl. * door ' îC;r, >
'
shorn '
> JiCrz?.
3. The
s undergoes the same variation as e from i (see above) in a ;
great the type Ifai/e, ai becomes the neutral o,

number of words, of
mentioned above, in a great part of north-eastern Ireland.
124 THE IRISH lanc.uac;e in rathlin island
with Rathlin Irish can be traced. In Rathhn a cither reinahis, which

is maybe most common now, or becomes e (see § 58).
The change of short open o to a, which is characteristic of Scottish
Gaehc, has not gone any further in Rathhn than in the North of
Ireland generally, cf. cos *
foot,' cloch '
stone,' codail *
sleep,' etc.
Let us end the discussion of the vowel sounds with the peculiar
pronunciation of u (long or short) in Rathlin. The two varieties
<C and (see §§ 25, 26) are acknowledged by O Searcaigh {Foghraidh-

cacht, §31; cf. also O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, pp. 176, 177) for the
Glens of Antrim,^ where u furthermore has the same sound as ao (/C;).
Of this there are no traces whatsoever in the southern Scottish Gaelic
dialects, but the whole thing seems nevertheless to have originated
in Scotland, as did the change of i\ g to s (see above). In southern
*
Scots (Ayrshire, etc.) it is very usual to pronounce the English *
00
(i.e. u) with a front sound (e.g. in food,' do,' etc.), and this ' '
development must have been rather old, for the has in some places
had time to undergo a new change, namely to e (cf. § 59). It is
hardly too rash to think that this was also the value of u (at least,
the long u) in the Gaehc dialects of these places, which by and by
spread to Antrim. It is still characteristic of parts of Scotland and
northern Ireland to pronounce the u-sound almost as /C.
It will be rather difficult to deal with the consonant system

historically, since it is so broken down in the Rathlin dialect, and
probably does not at all represent the original state of things. As
has already been said, there is no longer any distinction perceptible
between the so-called *
aspirated ' and *
unaspirated ' 1, n and r
(§§ 86, 89, 92), neither is there any sharp and definite distinction
made between most of the consonants with regard to their being
*
broad '
or *
slender.' In these respects the Rathlin dialect resembles
the Irish that is still heard in the Glens of Antrim.
One important difference exists, however, between Rathlin and
Antrim on this point, namely, in the pronunciation of 'slender' t, d.
*
Slender ' t and dof Ireland are generally palatal t, d]
in the north
(see 6
Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, §§235, sqq.), or roughly the soundj
in English *tune,' *duty.' So, too, in the Glens of Antrim, t, d are,'
unless they have been made plain English t, d (cf. above), palatal t, d,
I. This is the way I also heard it from the people in the Glens of
Antrim.
;
THE POSITION OF THfe RATHLIN DIALECT 125
which very often interchange with the palatal k, g.^ In Rathlin,

however, such a t or d is afFricative (fj, Jj, see
§ 44) in any position
except after s, where a t remains palatal {t', §§ 80, 95), in complete
agreement with the southern Scottish dialects. But it must be
observed here that t', d' are not unknown also in other positions
(see and further that the Scottish pronunciation
§§ 80, 95), is now
very often heard also on the Mainland.
Typically Irish is the unvoicing of 1, n, r in contact with a th
or ch, as in the words bachlach, foithne, aithrean (see § 96). This
is unknown in Scottish Gaelic (cf balach boy '), except in Arran. '
A on the other hand, is furnished by the

close Scottish analogy,
occurrence of the semivowel j in words of the type eolach, eorna,
each, which are all, according to the Scottish custom, pronounced
with an initial j. This is not the case in the Glens of Antrim, as is
shown from the pronunciation of the words eallach ahx '

cattle,'
Eoghan oin Owen.' '
< § 157 >
Before leaving the phonology, one more detail of the uttermost

importance for the placing of Rathlin Irish among the Gaelic
dialectsmust be considered. It concerns the kind of vowel meeting
termed hiatus. By this term is meant that two vowels (either
short or long), belonging to different syllables, enter into immediate
contact with each other, thus differing from the diphthongs (§§ I3» 53)»
which always form only one syllable. It has almost been an axiom
that hiatus, which is very common in Scottish Gaelic (e.g. Islay,
Kintyre, Arran), is entirely absent from Irish Gaelic (as well as Manx)
see, for instance, O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, pp. 142 sqq. As in order
to constitute a hiatus, it is not sufficient to note the concurrence of
two vowels (even though they do not look hke a common diphthong),
but also to ascertain that they belong to different syllables, it is, of
course, a most difficult undertaking to record cases of hiatus, especially
I.In the English pronunciation of old people in the Glens, words such
as ' '
Christianity,'
question,' Canadian,' are pronounced kwzsk'sn, kris-
'
k'aniti, hneg' an^ etc., but the younger generation uses the Scottish
affricates. In the same way the Glens Irish often has isteach ssk'aXy
teine k'in'Sy etc.
when pronunciation is so worn down as it actually is in Rathlin

and the Glens. To any unsuspecting person, listening to the articulation
of the Irish words in Co. Antrim, there is absolutely no difference
between Rathlin and the opposite mainland in this respect. It is
only upon approaching the question in an indirect way that the
true facts may be revealed. The popular expression thar shiubhal : leat
*
away with you pronounced almost identically by a Rathlinman
' is
and a Glensman, but, while to the former the word shiubhal has
two syllables (see § 53), it may often be felt as having only one by
the latter. I But as the Antrim speakers of to-day can in no way be
supposed to have the pure articulation of their ancestors (it is a fact
also in Rathlin that the name of Rue Point, which is dissyllabic in
Rathlin Irish, is pronounced r<C; in Rathlin English), the matter is
perhaps still not very clear. On account of facts laid down in § 10,
a vocalic which may easily be mistaken for a syllabic vowel,
*
glide,'
is often developed in front of many consonants. Thus there are two

concurrent vowels in tim ^'/am, t'ijm *
I see,' as well as in caithim
ksjm *
I must,' in nim nidtn '
I do,' as well as in nighean nhn
*
daughter,' in the Antrim pronunciation. But it seems that the oc-
currence of such a vowel in final position should have some other
reason. In words like teanga (teagha, tiogha) t'ed, t' ^d (cuinnighdo
thiogha k^n'i h h/Cd '
hold your tongue,' An i)
*
tongue,' se do
bheatha Js dd vzd you are welcome,' leaghadh lea * reading,'
*
gabhaidh me goi me, g03 me 'I will take' (O Searcaigh writes

gv jo:v md *
that I will get,' for Antrim), it seems that this -9
has some sort of function (cf the words gaoth g/C: *

wind,'
bo h: *
cow,' and even gaoth tuath g/C: U: *
north wind,' from
An i). But, even so, the existence of hiatus in the Glens can not be
assumed as a fact from such data as are available at present. That
a hiatus once existed where a th became quiescent is perhaps not
unlikely, and, according to O'Rahilly (Irish Dialects, p. 175), the
word athair *
father ' is not simply pronounced air in the parts of
Ulster where th became silent. As this (the quiescence of h) is the
case for the Glens of Antrim, it might be of interest to give the
I . It was, for instance, acknowledged that the English word * fuel ' was
dissyllabic, while 'mule' (in Antrim pron. with a short vowel) formed only
one syllable, and that shiubhal was not pronounced after the manner of the
former, but with one long vowel.
;
THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT 1 27
actual pronunciation of such words to-day: ceathair k'eir 'four,'

truthan tnCdti, trân 'stream,' bothar ho :r 'road' (An i).i
But the occurrence of hiatus will ultimately depend on metrical

practice. It is a pity that there are very few songs in Irish from die
Glens. From the following verses made by a native poet a couple
of generations ago (cf O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, p. i88),
hiatus might be assumed in the italicized words: a mbeinn fcin in
Aird a' Chuan (cf Rathhn hi- in), ghoinn (also gheoinn) 61, ccol
agus iomairt (cf. Rathlin yo-m), se mo chroidhe a ta trom (Rathhn
mj xrEid) go bhfaighinn bas i n-Eirinn (Rathlin g9 va-in, gD vz-in)
in the last two words, however, the two vowels may be separated
by a consonantal semi-vowel (j). It thus appears that, while it is
possible that hiatus might have existed in Antrim Irish as in Scottish
Gaelic, though it has practically disappeared to-day,^ it still exists
in Rathlin, at least fragmentarily. With respect to hiatus, Rathlin
Irish shows indubitable Scottish affinities, but it must be remembered
that this feature, which shows strong tendencies towards obliteration
in southern Scottish Gaelic as well as in Rathlin Island, may once

have been more general also in Ulster Irish. Manx, which is more
akin to Scottish Gaelic than to Irish, entirely lacks this type of
vowel meeting.
< § 158 >
Passing on to morphology, the first detail subject to dialectal

variation is initial mutation, more especially what is called eclipsis
(see §§ loi, 102). The difference between Irish and Scottish Gaelic
1. According to O'Rahilly and O

Searcaigh, the tirst vowel is long, but
O Searcaigh regularly writes a long vowel even for the true diphthongs
(e.g. ruadh ru:ay liath Li:a), where Sommerfelt, for instance, hears a short
vowel (fiadh/^, luath Lua, Dialect of Torr, §§ 78, 79). As far as I can
hear, the vowel is very often short, but perhaps half-long normally.
2. Since the above was written, I have had occasion to hear Prof.
(3 Tuathail's phonographic record of the same song, recorded from an old
native of Glendun (who died a few years ago). The hiatus came through
clearly in the words a mbeinn a mz'in, gheo(bha)inn jo'in^ mo chroidhe
md xrvd\ the first vowel was long or half-long. As the vowel is rather long
in Rathlin in the same case (see §§ 53, 13, footnote), it now appears that
the Rathlin dialect does not essentially diverge from Antrim Irish on this
point.
'
128 run IRISH languaci- in rathlin island
in tliis respect is well known: in the former language (and in Manx)

c, p, t, b, g, d are in a considerable number of cases '
eclipsed '
to g
(gc), b (bp), d (dt), m (mb), ng, n (nd), the nasal which originally
caused the eclipsis being regularly elided, while in the latter only
c, p, ti may in a few sporadic cases appear as g, b, d, the nasal of the
ecHpsing word being normally retained. Characteristically, Rathlin
Irish occupies a truly intermediate position with regard to ecUpsis:
b, d, g are unchanged, c, p, t quite often, and, in well defined cases,
are *
eclipsed to the corresponding voiced sounds. The nasal mostly
'
remains as in Scottish Gaelic, but in certain words, which in Scottish

Gaelic never cause eclipsis, there is never a trace of the original nasal,
so that the analogy with Irish Gaelic is perfect (nar bpiur, mur bpiur,
scacht bponta, etc., § 102). Here, however, older Scottish Gaelic
(O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 156) shows a closer (though not complete)
correspondence with RatWin which here demonstrates its more
Irish,
old-fashioned nature. The retention of the eclipsis '-causing nasal

'
has stray analogies in Ulster Irish {in often stands for i with eclipsed
consonant, before a proper noun; see O'Rahilly, Irish DialectSy p. 156,
footnote).
An interesting analogy with Manx is found in the occasional
aspiration after the interrogative an (§ 100): an fhaic? or an bhfaic?
cf. Manx vaik 00? naik? (Kneen, § 57).
< § 159 >
The morphological similarities between Rathlin and southern

Scotland are altogether remarkable. This fact, like so many others,
is accounted for in part by Irishisms in southern Scottish Gaelic,
in part by the strong Scottish influence on northern Irish. The most
significant trait in the nominal inflexion is the plural termination
-(e)an,which has no analogy on the Irish mainland,^ but which is
common in Scottish Gaelic and Manx. This is an innovation which
was without doubt once developed in some part of Scotland, whence
1. b is eclipsed only in gu'm bu (pron. gu mu) 'may be,' in Scottish

Gaelic.
2. Even around Ballycastle the plural is formed by -a (-e), which is often
quiescent : mo Mmha f^p la:v '
my hands,' mo chos m9 xjs '
my feet
(An I).
"
THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT 129
it spread, and the few examples of the older termination -a (-e)

found in Rathlin have partial analogies in older Scottish Gaelic;
it is still heard in for instance Kintyre (cf. especially the place-
name na Coireacha Salainn, in Antrim and south Kintyre). The
plurals blianta, scealta, ceolta (see §109, b) have now at least no
analogies in southern Scottish Gaelic. The plurals beithean, gnoithean,
soithean (§I09» a) have Manx rather than Scottish analogies
(cf. Manx beiyn, siyn); also cf. Father Short's form " soihye
(O Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh, p. 26).
The original diminutive -in (cf Donegal cailin girl ') is in Rathlin '
-ean, as in Scottish Gaelic. The form seems exactly to be that of

Arran Gaelic (e.g. eilean, gen. sg. eilein '
island '
; in Kintyre and
Islay the nom. sg. is eilein), but the plural is entirely different.
All words of this type in Rathlin form their plural in -adh (eileanadh),
which must be connected with the north-eastern Irish -annu (-nadh),
for which see O Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh, p. xxxiv, and
Sommerfelt, NTS. Bind II, p. 170 (trasna na bpairceannadh).
That the nouns in -(e)ach (with the above-mentioned exceptions)
form their gen. sg. and pi. in -(a)igh, -(a)ighe, as in Irish and
southern Scottish Gaelic, is to be expected, and likewise that the
gen. sg. in -adh is restricted to nouns of the 5th declension (in Islay,
this termination is also the rule in the 2d declension).
Among the pronouns there are few forms that are peculiar to
Scottish Gaelic, namely: mi (unstressed also me), and the original
object forms e, i, iad (ead), which are also used as subject in Rathlin,
the interrogative c6 who for cia, ce, and the extensive use of
'
?
'
an ath(a) for next.' The other pronouns are generally found in

'
the north of Ireland also.

The conjugation of the verbs reminds one strongly of Scottish
Gaelic. The analytic conjugation, which is typical of Scottish Gaelic,
is properly a simplification of the original synthetic conjugation,
and the former is gaining ground also in Northern Irish, especially

among the younger generation. The old synthetic form in -(e) am
(see § 138) is better preserved in Rathlin than in Scottish Gaelic,
where it is preferably used in an imperative sense (cf also O'Rahilly,
Irish Dialects, pp. 169, 170). The typical confusion of the original
present and future has been dealt with in § 137; it appears that the
Rathlin Irish has preserved a little more of the old system. In the
. '
130 THE IKISII LANGUAC;i- IN RATHLIN ISLAND
Other tenses the forms are the same as in both Northern Irish and
Scottish, except the present subjunctive in -(a)idh, which is only
Irish, and the 2d pers. pi. of the imperative in -(e)abh, which is
only Scottish. I The past part, in -ta or -te is more general in Ireland
than in Scotland, although the latter is very common in South Argyll
(which is, to some extent, due to English influence). Very Scottish
also is the aspirated dh' in the preterit (Rathlin and Scot, dh'fhag
as against Irish d'fhag), the insertion of do, d' after the verbal particles
an, gon, cha, nach, instead of the Irish -r,^ and finally the repetition
of the prep, do before the verbal noun when it is used as infinitive

(do dh'fhaghail, a dh'fhaghail, for Irish d'fhail, fhail).
Of the irregular verbs the following forms are predominantly
Scottish: fheil (also used in Antrim), bidh, bi, bhios (fut.) and bhiodh,
bhinn (imperf.-cond.), bha, pret. (in the Glens of Antrim, bha and
bhi), bhith, vb. n., rinn '
did,' deanadh '
doing,' chi '
will see
(in the Glens, ti = tchi), faic (' see '), gheabh, faigh (* get '),
fhuair *
got.'
The following are essentially Irish: ta (pres. *

be,* though used in
the older Scottish literature^), bheith (vb. n. *be'), deir (pres. *say'),
dubhairt (pret. *
say '), tuir (imper. and pres. *
give '),4 chuaidh
(pret. 'go'), teacht (vb. n. *come'; also used in Arran, ScotL).
Of the defective verbs, urra, urraidh, urrain, for *
can,' is
typically Scottish.
Of particles (prepositions and conjunctions), the prep, faoi and
frid are typically Irish, thro through (only in the rare phrase
*
'
thro theine *
on fire ') and ma '
about/ Scottish. The conjunction
an 'if is found in Antrim, and the rarer form nan only in Scotland;
1 In the Glens of Antrim forms like : teigheabh ' go,' tuireabh ' give,*
marbhabh '
kill,' itheabh, olabh, agus bibh go sugach ' eat, drink, and be
merry,' were also in use (An 2).

2. In the Glens of Antrim the -r form only is used (char chreid siad
*
they did not believe,' see p. 155).
3. The verbs t^, teid (imper.), tig (imper.) are hardly ever aspirated in
Rathlin, and the Scot, forms tha, theid, thig are consequently almost
unknown.
4. In southern Scot. Gaelic the verbal forms bheir, toir (pres.-fut.), and
their (' say ') are disyllabic in pronunciation {vcar^ do'3r^ hcsr)^ while the
corresponding Rathlin forms (bheir, dtuir, deir) are mostly short and
monosyllabic.
THE POSITION OF THE RATIILIN DIALECT I3I
far an 'where' (=Ir. mar a), and the forms man 'before' and
manan *
unless '
are common m southern Scot. Gaehc, but s'man,
s'manan (from seal ma, sul ma) '
before ' has Irish analogies
(see O Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luiiiigh, p. 12 : su' ma robh an
bhuatais lionta), and is not found in Scottish Gaelic.
< § 160 >
In vocabulary there is also much agreement with Scottish Gaelic,

either by the existence of purely Scottish words and phrases, or so
that common Irish words have a Scottish meaning. The following
are instances of the former type (an asterisk marks words which are
also found in the Glens of Antrim) : mar a b'abhaist '
as usual,'
ta me ag aireamh '
I reckon '
(common in Kintyre), ag aiteamh
'
thawing,' astar '
distance,' *bachlach *
boy '
(the pronunciation is
often the same as in Arran, Scotland), biodag '

dagger,' boidheach
'pretty,' 'bonny,' boireann 'female' (adj.), braosc 'grin,' *bruach
'
slope,' '
brae,' buitseach '
witch,' cag '
crow '
(in Kintyre =
'jackdaw'), caibeal 'chapel,' *caisceim 'step,' canamhain 'language,'
caolas *
strait,'
'
channel,' car '
twist,' '
while,' carach '
crooked,'
ceabhar '
gentle breeze,' ceardaman '
beetle,' clachan '
stone heap,'
cnap(an) '
potato,' coimhearsnach '
neighbor,' coiteachadh '
arguing,'
comhlach le
'
together with '
(in Scotland comhla ri), cordadh le
*
agreeing with ' (Sc. cordadh ri), costamhail '
costly,' *cruiscean
*
primitive lamp' (Sc. "cruisie"), *cuidhil 'spinning wheel,' *cuilean
'
pup,' cuireacan '
cap,' cumannta common,' air an daoraigh '
'
drunk,' deidheamhail '
fond,' diomach displeased,' angry,' ' '
daitheo '
water hemlock,' *eilean '
island,' fail '
peat spade,'
*fallus '
perspiration,' faod '
may,' mios na Faoilleach '
February,'
feidhm '
must,' fideog '
whistle,' foithne '
wart,' ar folbh '
gone,'
*garradh '
garden,' gleidh '
hold,' gogan '
pail,' inean '
port,'
ionchainn '
brain,' *iteog ' feather,' iteogaigh ' flying,' iuchair
*
key,' leitheogan (hagan) *
tangle,' luidhear ' vent,* '
chimney,'
miola-chuileog ' gnat,' mughairne ' ankle,' oir ' edge,' Ollaic
*
Christmas ' (also Manx) ;
'
the New Year,' pioghaid '
magpie,'
piur '
sister,' priseamhail '
precious,' puinnsean '
poison,' rabhairt
'
springtide,' fa rireabh '
seriously,' rudha *
point,' scat '
skate '
(fish),
scitheach, scitheog '

thorn bush,' seile, seilean ' bee,' slaightear
1^1 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
'
rascal,' sluig '
swallow,' spog '
paw,' stac '
stack ' (steep clifF),
stribh *
toil,* stuth *
stuff,' tairncach, tainieanach *
thunder,' thugainn
*
come '
(impcr.), *tog '
lift ' (short o), toisigh '
begin '
(long o),
torradh '
funeral,' truscan '
suit of clothes,' *tunnog '
duck,'
*uinneog *
window,' *urad *
quantity.'
The next group comprises such words as are certainly Irish,
though their sense is usually not that of Irish, but of Scottish Gaelic.
They are: *amhairc *
look,' brathair 'brother,' *brothchan
'porridge,' *capall 'mare,' cladh 'cemetery,' *craobh 'tree,' *druid
*
shut *
(a door), *duil *
expectation,' each '
horse,' Eoin 'John,'
taobh an f hascaidh '
the leeward side,' feach '
try,' taobh an f huaraidh
'
the windward side,' gadhar '
lurcher ' (dog), *goirid '
short,*
*idir '
at all ' (rare), ionnsaigh '
learn,' laghach *
nice,* neonach '
odd,*
piseog '
kitten,* riabhog '
skylark,* scith '
tired *
(rare), scrog *
bite,'
tamailte '
afflicted,* '
sorry,* go trie *
often,* trinnsear *
platter,'
ur '
new.'
According to Prof 0*Rahilly {Irish Dialects, p. 191), the dialect
is •
essentially a Scottish dialect.* This will, no doubt, be the opinion
of any reader who peruses the preceding pages, especially those
deahng with the accidence. If it be admitted that this is a characteristic
specimen of Gaehc of the Scottish type, it must not, however, be
thought that the difference between the Rathlin dialect and, for
instance, that of Kintyre or Arran is approximately the same as
between the latter and that of Islay or Skye. Though the distance
between Rathlin and the Mull of Kintyre is only about one tenth of
the distance between the latter and Skye, the differences are far greater.
And, though historically the Rathlin dialect shows closer affinities
with Scottish than with Irish Gaelic, the external similarities with the
neighbouring Irish dialects are more prominent. This means that a
person from Tirconnel would not have very great difficulty in
understanding a Rathlin man, while a native speaker from the
opposite part of Antrim speaks practically the same language.
The apparent contradiction can be explained in several ways.
First of all, the fact that relations with Scotland have been inter-
rupted for over a century must have left its traces in the language.
Further, must be taken into consideration that the GaeUc spoken
it
in opposite parts of Scotland about three hundred years ago (when

according to popular tradition the first Scottish settlers arrived) was
THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT I33
very different from the present-day dialects of Islay, Kintyre and

Arran, and that the RathHn dialect might be expected to show a
number of archaisms. A third very interesting point is whether
the Scottish settlers actually came from any of the places mentioned
here. There may be some truth in the tradition that the Rathlin
people came by the Glens of Antrim (§3). This would mean that
the colonization of Rathlin might have been part of the migration
westward from Ayrshire and Galloway (which also reached the
Isleof Man, cf. O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 117). Some facts which
actually point to Ayrshire were mentioned above (§ 156). In
addition, the great difference between the Rathlin dialect and the
living Gaelic dialects in Scotland might be more easily explained
if it could be assumed that the colonists spoke the Ayrshire dialect
of Gaelic, which is now extinct.
— —
SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH
[a) The *
Lower End.'
I. By Mrs. Ann Jane Craig, Ballycarry.
va: tzi an m raxlln d va ad d d^zimg pitlzn an. as xâli na pihri

?m hal'D^xalt'zl tl^mAt er as han'i at d nal g.j raxlin. xjni halax beg zd d
t\axt zntji jn tzi. rsf e st'ax ag?s h^g /tj ma:b. hil'g a do: na tri: fjid^dn
niDin'i znt\i dn ma:h ag^s hil'g a d ma :b er d yrlm. ref a max as
sâs dT\ krok agds na pihri as d jzi. rzg z /ej SiCos dt] krok gds dn ro ad
d tjaxt dês dj:. hil'g z ma:h d^z na yrlm agds ar^szjdn. ha nel bit an
ax do: na tri: fi:d^3n vom'i jr son md jj/C'dr agdS ha do yEd^ mi zd.
hiV ad er d^naj. va : Us aka dn \in nax ro d vcg an.
2.
ho: ro: go dîl' on drami

ho: ro: go dîl on drami
ho: ro: go dîV on drami
\imad fjar or] g'al er
nor d he:di on dram so xlag'on

kal'i \in'd l/C: naT\ goson
bi lin'o laid (s?) na glaszdôn

go ni :n fokol kzintj ain
3. By Mrs. Glass.
— go dê: ta: so pot agod, oso kalom fi'odzr

— ta: kriman jo:l' hir'om {y)ort\, oso kalom ta:l'zr
— mi bi-i a-od g'i'o noxt, oso kahm fi'odzr
— dîmon grem er he :d^ os do xorp, oso kalom ta :l'zr
4.
er d he:d^ mi lai(o) so nl:p

ta: mi tjindag an mo: ran
mor n'al or tE:v nav[ k^rk'on
Js gE:l mo yra:g rEin mo l'o:n
SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH I35
Bha toigh aim an Reachlainn a bha cad ag deanadh poitean ann.

As chualaigli na peelerigh in Baile Chaisteal tiomalt' air, as thainigh
ead anall go Reachlainn. Clionnaigh bachlach beag ead ag teacht
ainti an toighe. Roith c istcach, agus thug leis mala. Thilg e do
na tri foidean moinidh ainti an mala, agus thilg e an mala air a
dhruim. Roith e amach as suas an cnoc, agus na peelerigh as a
dheidh. Roith e leis suas an cnoc, gos an rabh ead ag teacht deas
do. Thilg e an mala de na dhruim, agus ars eisean, "Chan fheil
bitann ach do na tri foidean mhoinidh ar son mo phiur, agus cha
do ghoid me ead." Thill ead air a n-ais. Bha fios aca ann sin nach
rabh a bheag ann.
2.
Ho gon dtill an drama,

ro
Ho gon dtill an drama,
ro
Ho ro gon dtill an drama,
'S iomad fear in geall air.
Nuair a theid an dram sa chlaigeann

Caillidh sinne liith nan gcosan,
Bidh sinne laighe 'sna glasaidean
Gan aon f(h)ocal cainnt againn.
3-
Goide ta sa' p(h)ota agad, arsa Calum Figheadoir.

Ta crioman fheoil thiream, ghoirt, arsa Calum Taillear.
Bidh me agad ag ithe anocht, arsa Calum Figheadoir.
Dimean greim air a theid arms do chorp, arsa Calum Taillear.
Air a theid me laighe san oidhche,

Ta me tionntachadh in m'on'ran (?),
Mar an eala ar taobh nan (g)cuircean,
Se gaol mo ghradh a rinn mo leon.
The following short verses arc instances of the Scottish so-called

puirt-a-beul, or '
mouth tunes,' which were once very popular in
Rathlin as in the Scottish Highlands. They are dance music, and
were, therefore, sung very fast, so that the words, which are generally
funny and very monotonous, often lost their original meaning.
The '
mouth were sung to
tunes '
common dance tunes at dances
where no instruments were played.
5-
ta: n'hn .1 ih^l'zr nijrax

ta: n'hn ,? v^l'er i:vax
ta: n'hn d v^l'zr lE-ax grhi {gri :n')
as hi i er' d dd:ri
t/Cr dram dj n'en .1 v^l'er, ttCr dram dj n'en j v/Cl'zr
t^r dram dj n'en d v^l'sr nar d gau i fE :xag
6.
na mra-M er' jn dabri

s na mra'dn er' dn do :ri
va: ji: (sic) loskd k^rik'd{n)
va: ji : loskd lem'd

va: \i: loskj haprsn
at\ d vig dn re:t\dg
7.
dînad grim he :d^ mi laid
g?s 9 vai mi rEddk'in

tri: kosdn tri : hsm tri: kosdn kE:rax
tri: kosdn agjs k'a:n
brjlax agds me :ddl
8.
davsdg . . .
kra-?g ad I'edmax
raxdg agds ril'dg
raxdg ad d no:rddr
tri: nidn, tri: nidn, tri: nidn spariâXy
tri: nidn sparijax ds k'er'd g'il'dn [g'ddn) d:gd

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH 1 37
Ta nighean an mhuilleoir aidhearach,

Ta nighean an mhuilleoir aoibheach,
Ta nighean an mhuilleoir laghach, grinn,
Agus bidh i air an daoraigh.
Tuir dram do nighean an mhuilleoir, Tuir dram do nighean an

mhuilleoir,
Tuir dram do nighean an mhuilleoir, Nuair nach gabh i faochog.
6.
Na mndn air an dallaraigh,

'S na mnan air an daoraigh,
Bha te ag loscadh a cuiricean,
Bha te ag loscadh a leine,
Bha te ag loscadh a h-apron,

Ait a bhiodh an reidhteach.
7-
Dionad grerni theid mi laighc
Gus an bhfaigh mi raod-eicin,
Tri cosan, tri cosan, tri cosan caorach,
Tri cosan agus ceann,
BroUach agus meadal.
8.
Damhsadh . . .
Crathadh ead leadanach (explained as '

soles,' maybe
heads of hair ?)
' *
Rachadh agus reeladh,

Rachadh ead in order:
Tri nighean, tri nighean, tri nighean spairiseach,
Tri nighean spairiseach is ceithre gillean (giollan) oga.
The above specimens recited by Mrs. Glass properly do not re-

present Rathlin Irish, as they originally came from Scotland. Some
were sung by Mrs. Glass's Scottish grandmother. There are several
Scottish Gaehc words in them, as: in m'on'ran, prob. = in m'aonaran
'all by my lonesome,' gaol, used for *
love,' spairiseach *
stylish,' etc.
—
By Aleck Anderson, Craigmacagan.
9. —The Old Woman of Islay.
vii: hait.i 3 raxlhi' had .1 n'i:l',i as va: stormzl as xa h^rj z: aigal.

va ad J fantin' .? n'id'j. {ua:) ân vjan as m \In hiCg i pi:sj sna:ên
obn dj:fi. a.is va: trEi sno :m,m ads manjn ro ax began gE:^ va ad 3
skoil'dg h£n dê tia snbimm as an ro t^l'? gE:g jn darnj h^{:)n 9
skod'jg [ax) gjn ?n tres h/C:n a skod'ng or sm am ba:j
Cf. by speaker No. 3: na skE:l',w m trEh snE:m, as ma
skEil'ds llv e hii llv je:dîjt\i nar\ ?n Id d riijt'
4. By Mick Craig, Cnoc na Fiagrach.

10. —From the Story About Murchadh and Mionachog.
sjp dm vj: dp:r dd na xat hat d hil'dg {hil'g'?) lux lux ?
sk'ih.ig im im d xjsj go :
{g^:) g^C: o rsi; fiag fiag d sna:v /C^k'?
^k'9 9 xiCr er li9V l'i9V 9 x^r 9r t/Cag Uag 9 v^zntj slat slat 9
vâbg er' mjznaxag 9 (j)/f m9 x^d^ s^:
II.
san g9n îal vi-9S na mra-9n

hreigax hreigax 9 n'anag Via
i:ri yrian mux na mal
san k dîa vi'9S 9n la-9
12.
va mi n'eirin va mi nalhin va mi rj k^ndai («) da:l {dai^l) va mi

n'arin, ax 9 I'e-id^ 9 r^d9n g'al 9 tjeag 9 glan xa njk9 mi riav an
13.— Song.
g'ersah9n o:g9 9V[ glak JiV m9 xo:rl'9
hi J/V g9n p:s9g 9m hlian9
hlian 9n d^/C hi \iv g9n hro:g9n
hi 9T\ giC:n ag9V kr9xtJ9 /ej 9m pht^ er' 9 xuihv
as 9m hahi S9 xliav 9 giCl
:. English
SPECIMENS OF BATHLIN IRISH 139
Bha bata o Reachlainn thall in lie. As bha e stoirme'il, as cha

b'urra e (scil.
'
Islay ') f liagail. Bha cad ag fantain in lie. Bha sean
bhean (scil. in Islay), agus an sin thug i piosa snaithean olann dofa.
As bha tri snaidhmcan, agus manan rabh ach beagan gaoithe, bha
ead a scaoileadh h-aon de na snaidhmcan, agus an rabh tuille gaoithe,
an darna h-aon a scaoileadh, ach gan an treas h-aon a scaoileadh

ar son an bais.
(By speaker No. 3): The old woman told them: Na scaoileabh
an triadh (triomhadh) snaidhm, agus ma scaoileas sibh e bidh sibh
seidiste anall an seo arist.
10.
Sop do'n bho, deor do'n chat, cat a shcilg luch, luch a scriobadh
im, im a chosa gadhair, gadhar (gaoth) a roith fiadh, fiadh a snamh
uisce, uisce a chur air liomh, liomh a chur ar tuagh, tuagh a bhuaint
slat, slat a bhualadh air Mionachog, a dh'ith mo chuid sugh.
II.
'S ann gan chiall bhios na mnan,

Breagach, breagach an fheannog liath,
Eirighidh an ghrian much na mall,

'S ann le Dia bhios an la.
12.
Bha mi in Eirinn, bha mi in Albain, bha mi in Cunndae an Dal

(' Cushendall '), bha mi in Arain (?), ach a leithid de rudan geal,
ag teidheaga' go glan, chan fhaca mi riamh ann (the changeling
said when he saw the eggs being roasted at the fire).
13.
Giorsachan oga, an glac sibh mo chomhairle,

Bidh sibh gan posadh in bliadhna.
Bliadhna indiu bidh sibh gan brogan,
Bidh an guna agaibh croichte leis an plaid air a chiilaibh,
As an babaidh san chliabh ag gul.
— —
14. By Joseph Anderson, Mullindress.

— pfj ro <C eg' J nafrm dn d^^
— ha ro. va mi na:t^j na hz:r. va mi hi:s on lair tJjr.m [lairt d
ylven) d kr^n'ax? sme:r
15. — St. Columba inquit:
f/Carag jj '.rnd as be:?l mj vro:g .vn hiag o se:r d h^zr mi riav
16. —The little bird says:
ma Js d/Cn'd beg d rob mo n'ed

g.-) g^r'i dîa ra er'
ma Js d/(n'j mo :r d rob nu n'ed
gj g/Cr'i dîa har h bzin a
17. —The Corncrake says:
min min benar [menar) vz-i\ uxt d narvdr

gd md varvdg jr son gra :n'd kor'k'd jig mi^^ rair
18. By Miss Lizzie McKeague, Ballyconagan.
na bi misk'zl Dn tEi d no: I {no:stj)

na bi kagort h do h/C:l'
na bi kogor I'oifd r| k^:l'
{bi) mjr o xr^-i dîa ^ vjan
19-
kl:n'i er dn xr/Cidr
dn lad mdr o'.g'd
md nai mdr intjin kal
20. — Sayings.
(a) dT] kar d ta: Sdn t\an vad^d ds dEl'i hort\ as
(b) bi ta-i er dd xardpn ax na bi ta-i ro trek' op
(c) ha yavdg ad na koî as ha nsidg ad na marki
(d) he :di dn d/Cxds fridi na kregdu
SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH I4I
14.
— An rabh thu aig an Aifreann indiu?

— Cha rabh. Bha mi in aite na b'fhearr. Bha mi thios in Lathr*
Da Dhuibhcan ag cruinneachadh smear.
15-
Fuarog eorna as beal mo blirog, an biadli is fhearr a fhuair me

riamh.
16.
Mas e duine beag a rob mo nead,

Go gcuiridh Dia rath air,
Mas e duine mor a rob mo nead,

Go gcuiridh Dia thar le beinn e.
17-
Min, min, b'e nar (mo) b(h)eatha(-se) (?), ucht an arbhar,

Go mo mharbhadh ar son grainne coirce dh'ith mia reir.
18.
Na bi meisceamhail in toigh an 61 (osta),

Na bi cagairt le do shuil,
Na bi cogar leofa in (g)cuil,

Bi mar a chruthaigh Dia thu, bhean.
19.
Cuimhnigh air an Chruthaightheoir

In la mur oige,
Man f haigh mur intinn call.
20.
(a) An car a ta san t-shean mhaide is doiligh a thabhairt as.
{b) Bi taithighe air do chairdean, ach na bi taithighe ro thric ortha.

(c) Cha ghabhadh ead na coisidhthe, agus chan f haigheadh ead na
marcaigh (*A gave ad na Coshie agas an Nie ad na Markie ').
(d) Theid an duthchas frid na creagan (* Heig an Ducas frige na

Craigen ').
142 THE IRISH LANGUAGi; IN RATHLIN ISLAND
(b) The '

Upper End.'
By John McCurdy, Upper Cleggan.
21. — Comical Story.
va : fjar an oar d va :ti' as va : hjan zg'o as ha ro^ sla :ntjd va zk'd

as va : fjar d mah 9 gobir' as va : vjan d fa-al ha :s as ho :n dj na la-in
(for laijn) va i skartjj Ic^ t^cvg (for tîg') d st'ah wcel dê : ta k'a :r ort
ivcel ta i jo'i /t'J (%?) ivcel ka :tl j vcl AT jo'dl ta : jo'dl hansd dîa
wcel ma vi'ds i h fad? zg'd dîa as d ta ^ admsd bi-i dîa fa:s

kor'd lep.
22. — Riddles.
gil'an beg er g'il' [g'el')
hwEi a har d m^j
fjar in^jg d sk'eil'
fjar gd ns9 go nul
23-
ha n'el grs:si riav d ji'^g kahm ji'ddzr' na hoajdg kabm tail'zr'
24.
krEiv d ta: fais d mî d ba:r ji9S — /Crb9l bo:
25. — Songs.
ho ro: m9 n'idu do:n bjijax
ho rj : mo n'idn do:n boijax
m9 xal'en I'akax bj:jax
xa foisin ax £:
26.
die^dj'.ni dol 9n tjarmen
I'e d9 ribzn d£ 9s dârg
as k'e:d pled 9r d9 x^ :l
27.
Je ima kopan beg vr'ij mii9

Js n toil 9 h^g m9 vijt'im
21.
Bha fear ann uair aige. Agus cha rabh

amhain, agus bha bean
an slainte mhaith Agus bha a' fear amach ag obair, agus bha
aice.
a bhean a faghail bas. Agus h-aon de na laithean bha i scairt leis,

" Tig isteach." "Well, (goi)de ta cearr ort? " "Well, ta i (for me)
ar shiubhal leithe." "Well, cait a bhfeil diu ar shiubhal?" " Ta
ar shiubhal ionns air Dia." "Well, ma bliios i (for tu) co fada aig
Dia agus a ta diu agamsa, bidh Dia ag fas cuirthe leithe (for leat)."
22.
Gillean (?) beag air gil (?),

Chuaidh e thar muir,
Fear innseadh a sceil,
Fear gan fheith, gan fhuil.

(A letter)
23.
Chan fheil greas ariamh a dhThigheadh Calum Figheadoir nach

fhuaigheadh Calum Tailleoir.
24.
Craobh a ta fas amuigh, a barr sios. —lorball bo.
25.
Ho ro, mo nighean donn boidheach,

Mo chailean laghach(?) boidheach,
Cha phosainn ach thu.
26.
De Domhnaigh dol do'n t-shearmoin

Le'd ribeain dubh a's dearg(a),
A's cead plaid ar do chiil (cf. No. 30).
27.
Se ioma copan beag (a) bhris me,

Se an t-6l a thug mo mheas diom.
—
144 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN KATHLIN ISLAND
28. By Daniel McCurdy, Kinramer.

I:p fc:l bri:dp br^tjjnax
bXel 31] k'a :n dê na fat^Dnax
Referring to the poultry being killed at St. Brigid's Feast

(cf. No. 37, d).
29. — Songs.
m3 he:d^ K. val'e n diCruDn?
as g,i dê : na davsd komik'd

niD he :di ^ gj d^îra
J g? dor na mra-Dn kl'£: d^tl
pat^DH dd xîl'd
pUk'j hiCr {hr) dd vonatj jrt
dd r/^ddbm d? r/^ddbm
dd r/Cdjl d'id'dl dam dj^
30.
Hd tj: md n'idn do:n hoijax

hd ro: md n'idn do:n hoijax
md xal'zn I'akax hoijax (or: dês ds hoijax)
er' d vi\d dol dn t[armzn'
as rihdn d^ dS dârg dr
k'ed plzt er' d x/CildV
er fad an dn dârg
By Patrick McCurdy, Lower Cleggan.

31. — Songs,
(a) er' d jo JiV pdtaitd saivalt\d tjir'dm
as dm ha ltd d naitjd I'e-dgax
er' d jo jin' nd I'e'intrax ds na skadan'

hin er' d nil \dn dm poisdg
{\i\ kaiti dn ro ^ d^^ s dn dêi

vai mi md md yro'dx hei
ref nam haltjdn
gd n'iari gdn gam ho isdg
I. </' maybe for English 'd/ cf. § 42.

28.
Oidhche feil' Bride bruiteanach (= ?),
Buail an ceann de'n phaiteanach.
29.
Ma theid thu a Bhaile 'n Luimnigh (?),

A's go dti na damhsa' comic,
Ma theid thu go Diura ('Jura'),
'S go dtoir na mnan chu duit.
Paitean do chuile (= ?)'
Pluice (= ?) thar ( ? ) ^^ bhonaid ort.
De rudelam, De rudelam,
De rudel, diddle, dam-da.
30.

Mo chailean laghach (?), boidheach.
Air a bhi si dol do'n t-shearmoin,

A*s ribean dubh a's dearg' uirrth',
Cead plaid air a chulaibh
Ar fad ann in dearg.
31.
{a) Air a gheo sinn potdta sdbhailte tiream,

A's an bata in aite . . . (?=* safe '),
Air a gheo sinn na liontrach (?=' nets'?) as na scadain,

Shin air a ghni sinn an posadh.
{b) Cait an rabh thu 'diu 's inde?

Bha me ma mo ghnothach f he,
Rith nan bailtean, rith nan bailtean,
'ga n-iarraidh gan 'gan bposadh.
— — :
32. By Daniel McFall, Glaic an Toigh Mhor.

lUai JT] k'zrdjnuvi a.is .ix] k^l'ag
cr' k'cil'i m sm rl
hiit^ <)// Xi^l'ag s.in tjin'.)
s va: T] k'zrdjnum .) kEin'?
33. By Miss Annie Black, Kinramer.
— ka:ti dn ro <C ro.i rair
— va: mz ya:rjg sj
— g3 dê va ^ go d^zmg dn
: \ln
— va me kr\Eax p ha :tm
:
— ko: va: krin'ag

— va fjnor maer
: nid i
34. —The Two Men And The Fairies.
va : don'd Sd ân ^ravdr as va : n don'd {lln p) jeri nam ho : kon'dskdt

DS hwEi a sâs Dn dê n jaftd as xdar\i s na dE:n'd d goel nar\ g'j:r\tdn
lin na dE:n'd ko:r' dêr' mi l'j:f) va at 9 goal dê 'r|den ds dê hna:rt
dê \6zn ds dê ^ma:rt ds hj:\i mile h:r]d h: as dodrtj mi dê ^k'ednd
va:t biCiax d^z na p;r| na x6ax\i at dê ^k'e:dn.i wel va: \ordd xrlt\
er' d y/CaT]in as jisDri at dî:m hd dês lat jIn d vi d^z dd yiCar\in
ha:n'i mild na val' as haxir mi er' don'd bzg el'd as jinil mild
do: kiha haxir do gd^ dozr mild xrltl d^z md Yâr[in son fokdbn
bzg k'o:r] son gd dd x^dî mi lo:fd k'o:T\ inilag as ma he:d^ /Csd sâs jo
^ lln he : k^dâxt ma x^r'ds tiCsd fokdr\ el'd lei ^ P -"n jo ^sd dê :t
k^dâht xoai dn don'd soas d jiari nam bo : as haxir at er' d goal d p ;ri
as ho:li mild ko:r\d lo: ds dodrt mild lo :fd go'i mild ko :r\d lo:
ma x^r'ds t^ nid xrltl ^5^ ^^ yrim ho:li at ds yo at dê \dzn

dê ^ma:rt dê *k'e:dnd dê 'r|d'£« dê ^ma:rt dê ^k'e:dnd as dodrt'
mild lo: dêr ^dE:n' wzl ha da:n'i dêr *dE:n' 9 st'ah ^ro ^jes as na
xoni ztsdn lln x^r' zt krltl dn don' el' er' as ha:n'i n dln'd boht na
val'd s da: xrltl er'
35. —How RathUn Was Made.

That RathUn Irish has strong similarities with the GaeUc in Scotland,
and even that it originally came into the island from Scotland along
with Scottish settlers, is a statement often made in Rathlin (cf § 3).
I
32.
Chuaidh an ceardanian a's an cuilcog

Air ceilidhe ionns air an righ;
Thuit an chuileog san teine,
'S bha an ceardanian ag caoine'.
33.
— Cait an rabh thu ar shiubhal areir?

— Bha me san gharradh.
— Goide bha thu go deanadh an sin?
— Bha me cladhach potatan.
— Co bha cruinneachadh ?
— Bha [sic) mo phiur mathair i.
34-
Bha duine Cheann Reamhar, agus bha an duine sin a dh'iarraidh

san
nan bo coinf heascar. Agus chuaidh e suas an dti ( ?) an gheafta, agus
chualaigh e na daoine ag gabhail nan gceoltan. Sin na daoine coir
(deir me Bha ead ag gabhail, " De Luain a's De Mart,
leofa).
De Luain a's De Mart." Agus thoisigh mise (e) comhla leo, agus
duirt mise, " De Cead'na." Bha ead buidheach de'n cheol nuair
a (o na?) chualaigh ead *
De Cead'na.' Well, bha seorda chruit air
a ghualainn, agus dh'fhiosraigh ead diom, " (An) ba dcas leat sin a
bhith de do ghualainn?"
Thainigh mise (eisean) na bhaile, agus thachair me (e) air duine
beag eile. Agus dh'innis me do
domh, gon d'fhuair me
cibe thachair
an chruit de mo ghualainn (ar) son foclan beag ceol (ar son gon do
chuidigh me leofa an ceol fhinisheadh). "Agus ma theid thusa suas,
gheo thu sin fhe cuideacht." Chuaidh an duine suas a dh'iarraidh
nan bo, agus thachair ead air ag gabhail an cheol. Agus thoisigh
mise (eisean) comhla leo, agus duirt me (e) leofa, *' Gabhaidh mise
ceol leofa (leibh) ma chuireas tu mo chruit de mo dhruim." Thoisigh
ead, agus ghabh ead, " De Luain, De Mart, De Cead'na, De Luain,
De Mart, De Cead'na," agus duirt mise (eisean) leo, " De'r Daoin."
Well, cha dtainigh *
De'r Daoin ' isteach ro dheas, agus na
chonnaigh eadsan sin chuir ead cruit an duine eile air, agus thainigh
an duine bocht na bhaile 's da chruit air.
The following short story is evidence of the popular theory that

Rathlin was originally part of Scotland, and not of Ireland.
va: J(7//
xal'ax na va ifaigal ka'n T[Ox.i gj dê: h^g i lep na hapdrdtt
raxr\in. ajs na va i dor] j jX:r\an Icp g.i he:rin' as vrij hin Jje na
srz'an' a.is xail' i va: na hap.mm .1 Icp ha drEin' i e:rin' d^z as hiCtj i
as ? hapjrjti as yar'mi /Jr? e gj hz jj raxT[in va i ga a :gal on \o
According to another theory, however, Rathlin was cut out of

the Antrim soil, near Armoy, where a depression is said to be found
closely corresponding with the outline of Rathlin.
36. —How Lough Neagh Arose.

Irish traditions are not less familiar to the Rathlin people than are
Scottish stories and songs, as appears from the following version of
the story about Lough Neagh.
T[Ox n'z'ax ho :\i a lei ^^ ^^^^^ fi '^^1^3 ads va : bjan zg'd kon'dskdr
ads ha dj xlin'i i er' d x\\a:r d x/Cr er' va: gT\ast'd d h/Cl' /;p a9S na ji:r'i
hiCl'j dE:n'd gd dê : va: ax r\oha mo:r as seti mo :r {hal'd mo :r) va:
kajt'aT] mo :r a :n s g? I'j :r tEidn k^dâxt as va : hiCl'd dEn'd va :n kailtjd
flo a lej
{c) From Gortconny, Co. Antrim.

By the McCurdies, Gortconny.
37. —Riddles And Sayings.
(a) g'ir9 beg er gil

han'i s har m£r'
va: g'in\?g sk'zdl
gd nzd gd n/Cl
(b) ll'i\ag er' d n^rlar
J dê^d n'i: drandan

bo:n bo:jax biCid
agds slatag dên dd rar]kax
(c) k'a:n mo :r bEgan a:n

k'a:n k'ir'h'd er' amddan
(d) I:p I' bri:d^9 br^t^dnax

tXr dT\ k'a :n dê na fatjdnax
Bha sean chailleach. Na bha i fagail Ccann Loclia (* Campbeltown,

Kintyre'), goide thug i leithe in a h-apron: Reachlainn. Agus na
bha i dol a ghiulan leithe go h-Eirinn, (agus) bhris h-aon dc na
sreangain, agus chaill i bha na h-apron leithe. Cha do rinn i Eirinn
de. Agus thuit i (scil.
'
Rathlin ') as a h-apron, agus dh'ainmigh i e,
go b'e seo Reachlainn bha i ga fhagail an seo.
36.
Loch n-Eachach. —Thoisigh

c leis an tobar fior-uisce, agus bha
bean aige coinfheascar. Agus cha do chuimhnigh air an chlar a i
chur air (bha e glaiste h-uile oidhche). Agus na dh'irigh h-uilc

daoine {sic), goide bha ach loch mor. Agus (' there used to be ')
city mor (baile mor); bha caisteal mor ann, agus go leor toighean
cuideacht, agus bha h-uile duine bh'ann caillte. Flow e leis.
37.
(a) Gille beag air gil (?),
Thainigh e thar muir,

Bha e ag innseadh sceal,
Gan fheith, gan fhuil.

(cf. No. 22)
(b) Sliseog air an urlar

Is deise ghni dranndan,
Bonn boidheach, buidhe
Agus slatog deanta de fhrancach.
(A fiddle)
(c) Ceann mor beagan ann, —

Ceann circe air amadan.
[d) Oidhche T Bride bruiteanach,

Tuir an ceann de'n phaiteanach.
By Daniel McCurdy, Gortconny.
}^. —The Story About The Bannock

I'a: trPA dliiu'.-} an ravj fj <) nar'in ,? va: jrj g'i'.g'')ni ds g'jig'dm
Ds hi hxt J h :g.im arsD g'i:g'''>fn /s

S,'^'^'^^^^
^^'g' ^^ viCl'du
arsD hjl hxt g,i b :gnni he :d^ J/n' i^l'j gn I'eir' h^g e:d dT\
k'i:r?g n.i ual'.i arsj g'i:g'-vn h g'j:g'<vn eir'i ds d^zn banah eir'i
.C he:n' as.i hi hxt gj rj:g\im he :d^ \in' /Cl'.i gD Vc.r ji'.r'i du trEi
js rEiii' zd Dm hanah er' d va: rsi dt son d gantajg aso g'i'.g'Dtn
eir'i DS tjznti Dm banax asD g'oig'Dm iir'i ^ he:n^ asD bol hxt d I'oigDm
he:d^ J/n' £1'd gD I'eir jiir'i Dn trEi ds ^znti ed s:
han'i d madD râg d ^t'ax ds hiCg a skrjg as d vanah he^r'^Dl /t'J
9 vadDg râg ds d banax na jzi max Is g'i ig'Dm ds g'o :g'Dm as hi

hxt D I'oig'Dm as g'zi d vanl. han'i Dm banax gD d'i: tr'î
vont\D nD momDg ka:t\ Dn dain'i AT as d vanl voxt han'i me o
g'iig'Dm as g'oig'Dm as bol hxt d Vo'.g'om as bi'i (ms) v/Cdv^d
ma yEidDS me
hil'[g') ad [ids na faltD mo :nDg as d'zi d vanax han'i m banax gd

k'apr D ri no gEl'o kaitl on dain'i /C vanl voxt {'Y(i:g me xEl'i
at hail, 8) han'i mz as g'i'-g'sm . . ., etc., I'oig'Dm as Dn tnCir hont\d
na moiHDg as bi mi v^dvJd ma yEidos mz
hil'g' zd lios na tiCagon aos as d'zi na vanax han'i om banax

gD d'i I o-in' as ha b/Cro I'dJ Dn vanax dol trasno no'in' hahor z
er' D vadDg rKag kaitl Dn dan'i /C, etc. . . . han'i mz o g'iig'dm
. . . , etc. I'oig'dm as dn tnCir, etc, . . . as dt] k'ara ri na kEl'd . . .
gD dêi mDr d ta /C [dol) har d no'in' xâi z ^t'ax d no-in' as d/Cdrt\
z le] D vana t'axt er' d iCrlwl vel' ^fl'iCx d nlj ta ta ta i t'ig' er' mD r/Cmpd
vel' ^ fi^'x D nl\ ta ta tai t'ig' er' md yrlm vel' ^ fi'/Cx d nil ta tai
t'ig' er' mo âm vel' £ jl'^x d nlj ta tai t'ig' er' bair mD rom' vel'
/Cfl'/Cx D nil ta tai t'ig' er' niD I'ibdr ard vel' ^fl'^x d nil xwah ds sllg'
d maddg dm banax.
SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH I5I
38.
Bha tri daoinc ami reamha seo, an ainm a bha ortlia: Gigeam
agus Geoigeam agus Bol Bocht a Logam. Arsa Gigeam le Gcoigcam,
"Eirg na mhuileami." (Arsa Geoigeam, "Eirigh thu fhein."). Arsa
Bol Bocht go Logam, "Theid simi uile go leir." Thug ead an tioradh
na bhaile. Arsa Gigeam le Geoigeam, "Eirigh, agus dean bannach."
'
Eirigh thu fhein." Arsa Bol Bocht go Leoigeam, Theid sinn uile go '
leir." Dh'irigh an tri, agus rinn ead an bannach. Air a bha e reidh ar
son a thionntachadh, arsa Gigeam, "Eirigh, agus tionntaigh an ban-
nach." Arsa Geoigeam, " Eirigh thu fhein." Arsa Bol Bocht a Leogam,
" Theid sinn uile go leir." Dh'irigh an tri, agus thionntaigh ead e.
Thainigh an madadh ruadh isteach, agus thug e scrog as an
bhannach. Thar shiubhal leis an mhadadh ruadh agus an bannach
na dheidh. 'Mach le Gigeam agus Geoigeam agus Bol Bocht a
Leoigeam dcidh an bhannach. Thainigh an bannach go dti triur
as
"
bhuaint na monadh. " Gait an dtainigh thu as, a bhannaigh bhocht ?
*'
Thainigh me o Gigeam agus Geoigeam agus Bol Bocht a Leoigeam,
agus bidh me bhuabh-se ma dhfhaodas me.
Thilg ead sios na falta monadh, (agus) as deidh an bhannach. Thainigh
an bannach go ceathrar ag reidheadh (?) na gcoille(adh).
" Gait an
dtainigh thu, a bhannaigh bhocht? " " Dh'fhag me an choillidh ud
thall. Thainigh me as Gigeam agus Geoigeam agus Bol Bocht a
Leoigeam, agus an triur bhuaint na monadh, agus bidh me bhuabh-se
ma dhThaodas me.
Thilg ead sios na tuaghan, agus as deidh an bhannach. Thainigh
an bannach go dti abhainn, agus cha b'urra leis an bhannach dol trasna
an abhainn. Thachair e an mhadadh ruadh. " Gait an dtainio;h
air
thu, a bhannaigh bhocht ?

" " Thainigh me o Gigeam agus Geoigeam
agus Bol Bocht a Leoigeam, agus an triur bhuaint na monadh, agus

an ceathrar ag reidheadh (?) na coille(adh), agus bidh me bhuait-se
"
ma dh'fhaodas me." " Goide mar a ta thu dol thar an abhainn?
Chuaidh bhannach teacht
e isteach an abhainn, agus duirt e leis an
air a iorball. " Bhfeil thu " Tig air
lliuch anois? " " Ta, ta, ta."
mo rumpa. Bhfeil thu fliuch anois?" " Ta, ta, ta." " Tig air mo
dhruim. Bhfeil thu fliuch anois " " Ta, ta." " Tig air mo cheann.
?
Bhfeil thu fliuch anois?" " Ta, ta." "Tig air barr mo shroin.
Bhfeil thu fliuch anois ?" "Ta, ta." "Tig air mo liobar ard. Bhfeil
thu fliuch anois ?
" Whagh ! Agus s(h)luig an madadh an bannach.
—
By Mrs. Mary McCurdy, Gortcormy.
39. —A Story About A Mermaid.
V(i: haxlax an lUg a lud na val'd ads fi:s a i: agos va: trEi dê
xla :n akd a.is ,1 fjar g3 he :rin' as han'i h/Cn die na pa :\t'dn d \t'ax
? va?r ? mak'j (sic) /C ^n r£d dês ta: mî d^s tav.il ôji ^ yra:g d
^t'ax d (?) ta\in d/C:sd liKai jp /ej d fa:jt'D as er' d hXai i max htCer i
97] kh :kd [dx\ hxdla) vig ^p as er' o h^zr i a h/Czr i 9 r'^dl as ya :g i e :d
40. — Suil Ordoige.
sd:H' orddg (cf. below) s/CH'orddg 9 va:n xwEi {xw9i) i I'e nan
dîn'zr va: dE:n'9 ok9 boantj mj :n9g a9S x^r' a mazr' i I'e nam biag
a9S x/Cr i kl'iav er 9 drim a9S han'i fraj ^p a9S h/Cai \t'ax fl: kopag
as va: bo: ans 9 fa:r'k' as jig 9 vj: 9 xopag 9S s^W ordzg'9 m aer' (s mp)
vasr' 9 g'iari miJ9 a9S miJ9 m bolg na riavag va 9t 9 gar9k er 9 son as xa
b/Cr9 I'd: a-aV a9s x/Cr' at 9 st'ax (sk'ax) 9n riavag a9s varv ad i a9S
hêr zd s/C:H' 9:rdag' 9m bolg na riavag
(d) Prayers From Rathlin.
(a) gh:r' d9 na9r s d9n vak s d9n spjzr9d n^:v m9r 9 va o h^9S 9 ta:
nil 9S m9r 9 vi9S sE:l g9n sE:l (9a)
(b) Js: d9 VZ9 v^r'9 ta: la:n d^z na gra:st9n ta: n t\i9rn9 Vat
9S bjani AT er' na mra9n s 9S bjani tor9 d9 vrEin' i:s9
n^ m/Cr'9 ma9r dê: gEi or na pjzki 9 nlj 9S ^9r n9r ba:\
a^mz:n (9a)
(c) ndr a9r a ta : er n'av n/Cv9r tar'm g9n dpg'i d9 riaxt g9n diznt9
d9 hi' er' 9n tahv m9r 9 ni9r er n'av n9r a9r leâvzn t^r d/Cn' 9n
d^^ 9S g9 ma9r n9r viax9n m9r 9 va9S fin' 9 do:f9 as sE:r' \in as
ga hlk 9 nlj 9S /C9r n9r ba:^ {92^
(d) kredi9m 9n dîa na9r ^1'9 xâx knCizr er n'av 9S tahv (9a)
39-
Bha bachlach ann. Thug e aon na bhailc, agus phos e i, agus bha
tri de chlann aca. Agus (chuaidh) an fear go h-Eirinn. Agus thainigh
h-aon de na paistean "A an bhfaca
deas a ta amuigh is'
isteach:
t-shabhal?
" — "mhathair,
Coisigh, ghradh, a
thu an rud
isteach agus
taiseain domh-sa." Chuaidh isc leis an phaiste, agus a'ir a chuaidh
i amach fhuair i an cloca (an cochala) bhiodh uirthe. Agus air a
fhuair i e, fhuair i ar shiubhal agus dh'fhag i ead.
40.
Suil Ordoige. — Siiil Ordoige bha ann. Chuaidh i le nan dinnear:

bha daoine aca ag buaint monadh, agus chuir a mathair i le nan
biadh. Agus chuir i cHabh air a druim. Agus thainigh frais uirthe,
agus chuaidh i isteach faoi copog. Agus bha bo anns an phairc, agus
dh'ith an bho an chopog agus Suil Ordoige. " M'athair (agus mo)
mhathair ag iarraidh mise, agus mise in bolg na Riabhog." Bha
ead ag amharc air a son, agus cha b'urra leo fhaghail. Agus chuir
ead isteach an Riabhog, agus mharbh ead i, agus fhuair ead Suil
Ordoige in bolg na Riabhog.
{a) Gloir do'n Athair, agus do'n Mhac, agus do'n Spiorad Naomh,
mar bha o thus, mar
a a ta anois, agus mar a bhios le
saoghal gan saoghal.
(b) Se do bheatha a Mhuire a ta Ian de na grastan, ta an Tighearna

leat, is beannaighthe thu air na mnan, agus is beannaighthe
toradh do bhroinn, losa.
Naomh Muire, Mathair De, guidh orainne na peacthaigh
anois agus uair nar bais. Amen.
(c) Nar Athair a ta air Neamh, naomhthar t'ainm, gon dtigidh

do rioghacht, gon deanta(r) do thoil air an talamh, mar a
ghnithear air Neamh. Nar aran laetheamhail tuir duinn
indiu, agus go maithear nar bhfiachan, mar a mhaitheas sinne
dofa; agus saor sinn as gach olc, anois agus uair nar bais.
(d) Creideam in Dia, an Athair uile-chumhachtach, Cruth-

aightheoir air neamh agus talamh;
L
Je: tti:st.i kri:st ds vak S3 mr d^hrn? r/Cg,ig (?) m spjerjd

nl:v (9) d x/Cai s/Cds dr n'av d sai dr dês laiv dê: ds Jm 3
(;Xkis jr vrc3V3S ?r vp: ds er varv
krcd^dm sm spj^rdd n/C:v d n^:v cglij xatlax (9a)
(e) aid^dtn d/Ct\ ? jia mo:r na ghir'd

riE: tn^r'd va riav na hjig'd
riE: midl ark aidl
nE:v join' haist'd s peddr s poll
le vriar le smEm'ag s le md x/Cr ^fe : s le m<i 'n x/Cr ^fe :

(9)
(f) i:sd v^r'd sd j3:s?f [-v?) t/Crdtn d^tj ma xrnid s mardm (9a)
Specimen Of Antrim Irish.
A Story About St. Patrick.
By Mrs. Robins, Glenariff.
n/Cdr d hsni n^:v pa:drig gd tahv glas nd he :rin' hÂ nd dEini gd

ro nis mo: no h/C:n d'id vain an kr^n'i n/C:v paidrig nd dl:nd iistd
t'^mdlt er la: va:n dârt' Js Vo:f? ha nzl ax h/C:n d'id va:n an ax ta:
tri: ^pdrsdni d n'id lodr jidd /ej xa xrzd'dm [in no xa xrzd'dm gd he:g
no gd d'o : ha ro ^ds [zs) zg' n^:v pa :drig gd d'e : jzndd Js (jznin') hosi
Js tosdxi d ^pn agds d sm^:ndxi xr^n'i Js nd tl:sd :g agds nd dl:nd

i :std t'^mdlt er d la : zli agdS dXdrt Js d r^d k'e :nd har xrzd' jzd e : d «IJ
xrom [z z fe :n' agdS v/Cn' Js ^\dmrag d^drt \e I'o :fd dn vzk U jIn
[in gas d va:n ax ta: tri: d^l'dgi d fa:s as [In tr/C:r n/C:n d^drt'
[zd le[ krzd'dm agdS krzd'dm gd he :g agdS gd d'o : z
By above excerpt I represent the typical northern

(stressed) d in the
Irish which is usually transcribed by i (Sommerfelt,

sound
O Searcaigh, etc.). As this symbol has not been already used in this
description, I choose the phonetic symbol which comes nearest to it.
It is the same sound as is heard from many people in Antrim for
Engl, short *i,* and sometimes *u,* e.g. *hill,' 'does,' where others
say hEh dEz (As/, dzz). Cf § 156.
SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH *
I55
Se in losa Criost do Mhac-sa nar dTighearna, rugadh (?)

o'n Spiorad Naomh, a chuaidh suas air Neamh, ag suidhc ar
dcas lamh De, as sin a thiocfhas air bhreitheamh(n)as air bhco
agus air marbh.
Creideam san Spiorad Naomh, an naomh Eaglais
Chat(o)l(aice)ach.
(e) Aidigheam duit, a Dhia mor na gloire,

Naomh Muire a bha riamh na h-6ige {sic),
Naomh Micheal Arc-Aingeal,
Naomh Eoin Baiste, is Peadar is Pol,
Le (mo) bhriathar, le (mo) smaoineachadh, agus le mo choir

fe, agus le mo ro-choir fe.
(/) losa, Mhuire, agus a Sheosamh, tuiream duit mo chroidhe

agus m'anam.
Nuair a thainigh Naomh Padraig go talamh glas na h-Eirinn, shaoil

na daoine go rabh nios mo no h-aon Dia amhain ann. C(h)ruinnigh
Naomh Padraig na daoine aosta tiomallta air la amhain. Diiirt se
leofa, " Chan fheil ach h-aon Dia amhain ann, ach ta tri pearsana
(?)
i nDia." Labhair siad leis, " Cha chreideam sin," no, " Cha
chreideam go h-eag no go deo." Cha rabh fhios aig Naomh Padraig
goide dheanfhad se (dheanfhainn). Thoisigh se a thosachadh a chionn
agus a smaoineachadh. Chruinnigh se na taosa 6g agus na daoine
aosta tiomallta air an la eile, agus duirt se an rud ceadna. Char chreid
siad e. Anois chrom se e fein, agus bhuin se seamrog. Duirt se leofa,
"An bhfaic tu (for sibh) sin? Sin gas amhain, ach ta tri duilleoga ag
fas as. Sin triur i n-aon." Duirt siad Icis,
" Creideam, agus creideam
go h-eag agus go deo e."
Notice se, siad for '

he,' '
they,' the plural in -a (pron. i, § 6),
the 1st sg. pres. in -eam, the pret. with char (in Rathlin: cha do),
and the of d to n (i nDia). With regard to the pronunciation,
eclipsis
'
slenderd still sound t\ d\ not rj, d^. In Antrim Irish u and ao
' t,
have the same sound (AT;); Mrs. Robins, however, often uses the
Donegal pronunciation of ao, i.e. /.', i: (and E: in one case). For e, o,
Antrim Irish often has e, :>; as for the latter sound, see § 156.
GLOSSARY
For the numbers within parentheses, see Abbreviations. The

paragraphs refer to the Grammar, Phonology, etc.
a, voc. part., see § 98.

a (an), poss. pronn., see §§ 98, 102, 103 (a), 127.
a, rel. part., see §§ 130, 144.
a, particle before numerals, see § 135.
a, prep, before the infinitive, see §§ 98, 139.
abaidh abi^ adj. '
ripe.'
abaigh, vb. n. apachadh, see gealach.

abair, irreg. vb., see § 147.
abalta a:hdlt<i, adj. 'able': cha bhi thu abalta ha vi ^ aihdlu (2).
abhainn (abhann) o*m, o'dn (15), pi. abhainneadh o'in'dg (3),
ahbannadh o-dtidg (9a), n.f. 'river' (§ no),
abhaist, adv. in: mar a b'abhaist mdx d haivi^t' 'as usual* (5),
na b'abhaist na ha:vi\t' 'than usual' (after a comp.).
acair akir, n.f. *
anchor '
(3).
ach ax (sometimes prov. ch), conj. '
but ': chan fheil ach aon seomra
ha nel ax in jjmhr '
there is only one room '
(3).
achadh axdg, n.m. ' field,* common in pl.-nn. : Achadh Mor

ax9g mo:r.
acras ahnSy n.m. '
hunger ' : chan fheil acras orm ha nel ahrjs orniy
bhfeil an t-acras tahns ort, ta an t-acras orm

ort? vel dn
ta dn takdTds jrm ('to be hungry '). Cf. akrds (An i).
ada, in: mac an ada mak d nah 'the fourth fmger (15). '
adach adax, pi. adaigh adi, n.m. stook (' double row of sheaves, '
'
there being six on either side,' 4). Also adog.

adog adag, pi. -an ^n, n.f. stook (15, etc., see adach). '
'
adharc e:)rk, n.f. 'horn'; in pl.-nn.: Adharc na Bo cdrk na h: (2),

Purt na h-Adharc p^rt na heark (3).
adhlac(adh) e,?//?.?, n. *
burial.'
aer, see aidhear.
ag, prep, before the gerund, see § 139.

GLOSSARY 157
aghaidh 'face,' in constructions: ag dol ar aghaidh d dol 5V e'i

'
going ahead,' goide mar a ta thu dol ar t'aghaidh ?
gddie: ntdr ? ta ^ dol dr te-i {tE-i).

'
agus, as (is) ag^s, a3S, as, ds, conj. and.'
aibhleog, see eilbheog.
aidhear alir, n.m. '
air.' —Rathl. Cat. aier.
aidhearach aLnax, adj. '
merry.'
aidigh, v. 'confess,' see §§ 137, 143.
aifreann afrju, n.m. '
mass ': aig an Aifreann eg' d nafidti '
at Mass.*
aig £/(«?), prep, 'at' (§§ 125, 128): ta Gailic mhaith aig Miss
ta : ga il'ik' ma sg'd rms '
Miss speaks good Irish.'
aileacht '
hiccuping '
: ta an aileacht air ta d nal'axt er (8) ; cf. aileag.
aileag, n.m. 'hiccup': an t-aileag dri tal'ag (13, 15).

ailte,in surnames, see § 3.
aimsir amJiV, am^dr, n.f. '

time '
;
'
weather '
; an rabh aimsir mhaith
agad? ro am\ir va ad (' a good time ').
aingeal aidU oidl (2), ahT\ (3), pi. aingil o'il, oil'dn (2), aidl (3), a'il
(15), n.m. '

angel.'
ainm an' dm (i), ar'm (3, 8, etc.), pi. ainmean ar'mdu, n.m. 'name';
goide an t-ainm a th' ort ? gD dê : dn tar'm a hrt '
what is your
name?' —Cf sr'm (An i).
ainmeamhail an'dmal (i), ar'mal, adj.

'
famous.'
ainmhidhe en'Dvi (i), an'ji (3), n. (a word used by the past '
horse '
generation; same in S. Kin tyre),

ainmigh ar'mi, vb. 'mention'; vb. n. ainmeachadh ar'maig (3).
ainti znt\i, enU\i:, on ^Ji:, prep, (with nom. or gen.) 'to,' 'into':
ag dol ainti an traigh d dol entji n trai (13), ainti an doras
entji n dnds (3), ainti an toighe ew^Ji n tzid (i).
air (a), conj., see § 144.

air, prep., see ar.
Aircill, pl.-n. 'Arkill': Lag an Aircill lag d nar'k'il' (4); cf. oirceal
* '
mill-paddle (?).
airde ard^9, n.f. '
point,' *
direction ' : an airde aniar 9 nardi? niar,
'
the west,' ceann na h-airde aniar, anear k'a :n na hard^d niar,
n'ar '
the west (east) end (of a net) '
(15).
airde, in: i n-airde d mrdp, adv. '
right up.'
airde, comp., see § 122.
'
(4), Erdâx (Mrs. And.), n.

*
airdeach ordâx height.'
'
aire ar'.i, n. '

heed '
tuir in aire nach dtuit thu
: t^r {kXr) 9 nar'd
nax diCtj <C *
watch you don't fall,' tuir in aire duit fhein
Ur J tiar'j d/Ctj he :ii (15), tuir aire do'n duil bhocht t^r ar\i dm
d/Cil's voxt (2). —Cf. Ur d narj d^t' , na kiCr ar'j cr (An i).
aircamh, vb. n. 'reckoning,' 'calculating,' common in the phrase:

ti me ag aireamh go bhfeil mz ga :r\w gd vel.
ta :
airgead ar'g'jd, n.m. 'silver'; 'money'; airgead geal ar'g'^d g'al

'silver money' (3); Creag an Airgid kreg d nar'g'id^ (pl.-n.).
Cf. zr'g'dd (An i).
ais (athais), in: ar a(tha)is, thar a(tha)is d V4, [h)d^ra'a\, [h)d^ra:\,

adv. 'back': bhfeil thu ar t'athais? vel <C 3r ta-aj, ar m'athais
Dr ma-aj (ist pers.).
aiseach a:jaXy adj. 'easy': aiseach leis an chork a:jax lej d xork
(fishing term, 4).
aisleach, aisleadh, vb. n. 'dreaming': ag aisleach d ga\l'ax (15),
ag aisleadh ^ gnjl'dg (8).
aislin ^p/in, n. '

dream '
: bha aislin agam areir va a\dlin agdtn d
rair (12).
aistear, see astar.
ait atf, adj. '

funny.'
ait a:tj{9), n. m. (fem., 11) * place'; ait an teine a:tj dti tjin'd
'
the fireplace.'
aiteamh, vb. n. 'thawing': ta e ag aiteamh ta d gat\dv (15, etc.).
aiteannach atjdnax (3, 9), aitinneach atjin'ax (15), n. '
furze,' '
whin
(cf. aitinn).
aith a:f(a), n. 'kiln.' Cf a:ig (An i).
aithnigh an'i, vb. 'know'; vb. n. (ag) aithneachadh p gan'a:g (6).

aithris, vb. n. 'mimicking,' 'jeering': ag aithris air 3 garij er
(8. 13).
aitinn ^^Jm, n. '
furze,' '
whin '
(3).
alainn 'pretty,' in: Pairc an lomaire Alainn pa:rk' d n'imdr a{:)lin
(pi.-„.).
A\3i:3i3iir abstdr (2, 13), aT\Dstzr (3), n. m. 'Alexander,' 'Aleck.'

Albanach alhdtiax, ar\b9nax (3), n. m. (i) '
Scotsman,' (2) a kind of
puffin, called '
(wild) parrot '
(3, 9b).
alia, see madadh.
allt, see Fallt.
alius, see fallus.

GLOSSARY 159
alt alt, n. 'joint* (15, etc.): alt do mhearan alt dd vsirdn.

' '
altoir aT\tsr, n. altar (3).
am aim (3), am (2), n. m. *time': cha rabh am agam ha ro am
adm (2), ta e an t-am a stad ta: n tam ? stad (2), goide an t-am
a ta? â dê: n tam d ta:, an t-am ur dti tam <C;r
'
the daylight-
saving time '
(5).
amach d max, adv. '
out ' : teacht amach tâxt d max, fada amach
'
jad ? max '
far behind,' i.e.
'
late,' amach leat max lat out! '
amadan amddan, n.m. '

fool.'
amen a^mz :n amen.* '
amhain, indef. pron., see § 134.

amhairc avdrik', v. *
look '
; pres.-fut. amhaircidh av?rki ; vb. n.
amharc avdrk, adrk, arjk: ag amharc air 3 gardk er (3), ta an
cladach ag amharc go dona ta dt] kladax d gavjrk [gjj dmd
*
the shores are looking bad.*
amharc ardk, n. m. '
sight '
(3) ; in pl.-n. Cnoc an Amhairc hnk
d navdrik (15).
amhran :ran, n. 'song' (2); usually ceol (q.v.).

amhsan avsan, n. m. '
gannet ' (8).
amscair amsker, adj. 'careless' (15).

amuigh d m/Ci, d ml: (L.E.), a mEi (U.E.), d mEi^, d mig (3),
adv. '
out ' (rest) ; usually amach is used for amuigh.
an, de£ art., see §§ 106, 107.
an, rel. pron., see §§ 102, 132, 145.
an, interr. part., see §§ 102, 145.
*
an, conj. if,' see §§ 102, 145.
'
anail anal, n. breath.'
anam aram, n. '
soul ' : m'anam agus mo chroidhe ort mardm s md
xrzid ort (common blessing and exclamation, 15). Cf. m ar9m
(An I),
an bre dm {am) hrz:, dm br'e: (8), dm hrei (2), with gon, conj.
'
had it not been that,* '
only '
: an bre go bhfeil dm hrz : gd
vel '
only it is ... ,' an bre gon dtainigh e dm hr'z : gdti dan'i z
*
had he not come (8), an bre go bhfeil e ar shiubhal dh'innseadh
'
eisean duit dm hr'z : gd vel a r'^dl jintjdg zjdti d^tj he would '
tell you, only he is away' (8), well, an bre gon rabh e fuar,
rachainn wzl dm hr'z gd ro a fâr raxin well, if it was not cold, '
I would go '
(4). Cf mare, mari.
l60 THE IRISH LANGUAGI- IN RATHLIN ISLAND
anil ati, a:n (except unstressed, 3, 9), adv. 'there': ami in Sasain
an m sasin '
in England.'
Anna ati.i (3), ana (11), n.f. 'Ann.'
annamh an^v, adj. '
rare.'
anocht d njxt, adv. '

tonight.'
an seo sn p, j p, dn tjj, adv. '
here.'
an sin 9n J/«, j J/«, m tÎn, adv. '
there.'
anois 9 nlj, adv. '
now.'
anunn d n^n, d ni(:n (3), adv. '
away '
(especially to the Mainland).
aoibhcach i:vaxy adj. 'cheerful.'
Aoine, see dia.
aoinean, see mean.

'
aois a.-j (4), n. age.'
aol d:l (L.E.), n. m. 'lime'; cloch aoil kbx e :l 'limestone* (3).
aolach E:lax (d:lax, L.E.), n. 'manure.'
aon, num. and indef. pron., see §§ 134 (B), 135.
aonach E:nax {0 :nax, 4), I:nax {0 :nax, 7, i.e. ^:nax), n. m. 'fair.'
Cf. /C:nax (An i).
Aonghus nEds, n.m. '

Angus ' (3). — Cf. ni9S, ni:s (An i).
Aontruim: Cunntae Aontruim k/Cntai e :ntr9m 'Co. Antrim' (15).
aon-uair iner, adv. 'once' (15, 15b).
apachadh, see gealach.
apron (E.) ap9r9n.
ar (air) er\ er, 9r, prep, 'on' (§§ 98, 107, 125).
ars, arsa, def. vb., see § 155.
aracli, in: chan fheil arach air ha nel airax er' 'it cannot be helped.*
aran aran (13), ar9n (2, 3, 10), n. m. '
bread.'
arbhar arv9r, n. m. 'grain,' 'corn' (i.e. 'oats*; also used of the
'
crop '
and the '
field ') ; arbhar an f hoghmhair arv9r 9
m{ :)v9r' '
harvest corn,' '
red lily '
(an autumnal iris with spike-
like inflorescence).
arbhu in de 9 ^narv9n *dê: 'the day before yesterday.*
arc-aingeal ark ai9l, n. m. '
archangel *
(9).
ard ard, adj. *
high *
(§ 122).
arcir 9{n)rair, adv. '
last night.' —Cf. 9 rEir (An i).
ariamh 9 riav, adv. '

ever.*
*
aris, arist 9 rrijt', adv. again.]
as as, prep, 'out of* (§ 125).
'
GLOSSARY i6t
asal asdl, n. '

donkey.'
ascal '
armpit': faoi na ascail//; na askdl '
under his arm' (3).
astar astDr, n.m. 'distance'; 'speed': astar fada astdr fadd, na
b'f haide air astar na hzd^D dr astdr '
farther away '
(3) ; astar mor
astdr mo:r '
great speed '
(15).
ath, atha, indef. pron., see § 134 (B).
athach aax, n. m. '
giant '
(3).
athair azr' , an, pi. aithrean ar'dti, n. m. '
father.'
athais, see ais.
athrach, indef. pron., see § 134 (A).

athraigh a :ri, a :ri, v. '
change,' '
shift ' : an do dh'athraigh thu
an capall? dti dd ya:ri ^ dT[ kapdl (9, 11); vb. n. athrachadh
a:ragy a: rag: rinn me athrachadh do notion rEin mi a: rag dd
noildti 'I changed my mind' (11); p.p. athraiste airilt'd'.
dh'feidhmeadh ead a bhith athraiste je :m?g at ? vi a :ri\t'd.
babaidh hahiy n. m. baby (5). ' '
baban hahdti, n. m. 'bobbin,' Scot, "pirn": baban dubh hahdti d^,
baban ban hahsn ba:n.

baban babdti, n. '
pond hly ' (11); in pl.-n. Lochan nan Baban lohan
nam babdti (4, 5).
bacach bakax, adj. '

lame '
(5).
bacail, see beiceail.
bachaille, n. 'lady's mantle': an bhachaille 3 vaixil'd (15).
bachlach baxlax (13, 15b), baT\ax (3), balax, balax, pi. bachlaigh
ball {bar[i, 3), n. m. '
boy.' (An i).
Cf. baxlax
bacht baxt, n. 'small lake,' 'marshy ground' (15).
badan badan, n. m. '
tuft.'
badog badag, n. f. 'tuft,' 'tassel' (2), 'tufted hen' (3); a pl.-n.

an Bhadog d vadag, aig an Bhadog eg' 9 vadag (fishing) at '
Baddag '
(a small point, resembling a tuft),
baidhte bnit\d, bditld, n. '

bait ' (U.E.).
baidhteadh bait\dgy vb. n. ' baiting ' : ag baidhteadh an dubhan
d bnit\dg dti diCan (U.E.).
baile bal'd {bel'd, § 58), pi. bailtean balt^dn, n. m. * town

(= *
townland,' baile fearainn) ; ' place '
; ' home '
: a bhaile
(3) vald, na bhaile na val'd, adv. ' home,' anns an bhaile

ans d vaVd, aig an bhaile zg' d vaVd '
at home.*
'
Bailc an Chaisteil bal'D xajt'zl, n. '

Ballycastle.'
bain, sec boin.
baineann, sec boireann.
bainis, sec banais.
bainnc han'.i, n.m. *

milk ': bainne goirt ban',! gortj '
buttermilk '
(5),
bainnc milis ban'.i wi7/J
'
sweet milk,' bainne go dorn, im go
h-uilinn ban'.i gj djrn im go hiCl'in (churning charm),
bainrioghain, sec marthan.
baintreabhach baintrah, n. '
widow '
(3).
bairneach barn' ax (15), barnaXy pi. bairnigh barni, or (coll.) maorach,
(q.v.), n. m. '
barnacle,' '
limpet '; in pl.-n. Tobar an Bhairneach
tobdr d varn'ax.
baiste, in: Naomh Eoin Baiste nE:v join' ba:jt'd 'John the Baptist' (9).
baisteadh ba^t'jg, vb. n. '
baptizing.'
balla bah, bar\^ (3), pi. ballachan bar\ahmy n. m. '
wall.'
ban ba:n, adj. '
fair '; each hin jax ba:n *
white horse '; cf. geal.
banais bani\, pi. banaisean banijdti, n. f.

'
wedding '
(§ no),
banamhail bansl, adj. '
womanly.'
banbh bandtn, n. m. young *
pig,'
**
bonham " (13).
bannach banax, n. m. soda *
bread,' *
scone,' 'bannock'; bannach
boise banax bold '
scowder scone' (15). Cf. banax bjj (An i).
bannca baur\kd, n. 'bank': bannca h-abhainn bnur\k3 ho'in (8).

bara bara, n. m. '
wheelbarrow,' '
pushcart.'
Bara(ch) bara, n. m. name of an ancient hero; Caisceim Bara
kajk'sm bara, rough place in the sea off Fair Head,
barach, see maireach.
baraille barl'd, n. m. 'barrel': toin an bharaille tj:n' ? varld (11).
barr ba .t, n. m. '
top '
; ' crop.'
barraidheacht bariaxt {barjaxt, bajaxt, 6), n.
*
more.'
bas ba:s, n. m. 'death' (§ 109); ag faghail bas d fad' ba:s 'dying';
go bas gd ba :s
*
till death,' '
for ever.'
bascaid basked^, n. '
basket ' (8).
bata bat9, n. m. *
walking stick ' ; bata milis batd mi7'ij '
rose noble
{Scrophularia, 15).
bata ba:t{d), n. m. 'boat' (referred to as a fem., § 108).
bathadh badg, vb. n. ' drowning ' ; p.p. baidhte (baite) ba :t\d
'
drowned.'
bathlach, sec bachlach.
GLOSSARY 163
bay (E) be:, be :i (8); Bay a' Mhuilinn be: d v^l'in 'Mill Bay,'
Bay O Beirn be : bjsrn' '
O'Birnc's Bay.'
beacht bjaxt, n. 'mind' (15, etc.): ta me thar mo bhcacht
ta: me har ntd vjaxt '
I am at my wit's end.'
beag beg, bEg little '; chan fheil a bheag
(11), beg (3), adj.
'
small,' '
ann ha n'el' d veg an there is nothing.' '
beagan began, n. 'a little.'

beal bzdl, bz:T\ (3), n. m. 'mouth' (§ 109, a); beal na h-ineain bzdl na
hi:n'zn 'the mouth of the mean' (q.v.); as beal mo bhrog
as bzA ntd vn :g from out of my shoe '
air a bheal er' ? vz?l '
;
'
upside down '
(13); ar bealaibh dt bsjbv, prep. '
in front o£':
ar bealaibh an toighe dr bzdhv m tEb '
in front of the house,'
ar do bhealaibh er d? vzdbv '
in front of you.'
bealach bjalax, bjar\ax (3), bjelax (8), pi. bealaigh m. way ';
bjali, n.
'
'road'; an bealach mor Dm bjalax mo :r 'the main road';

bealach goirid bjalax gErid^ '
a short cut '
; Bealach an Aifrinn
bjalax d nafrin (pl.-n.), Bealach Churachaig bjalax x^raheg
(pl.-n.). Cf bjslax (An i).
Bealtaine bjaltin, bs:ltin (2), beltin (§ 62), n. ' ist of May';

mios Bealtain mi:s3 bzltin '
May.'
bean bjan, pi. mnan mradn, n. f *
woman '; bean an toighe bjan dn
'
tEid the landlady.'
beannacht bjanaxt, n. f.
'
blessing '
; fagaidh me beannacht leat fa :gi
me bjanaxt I at '
I will bid you good-bye '
; beannacht leat
bjanaxt I'at, beannacht Dia leat bjanaxt dîa Vat '

good-bye.'
beannaigh bjani, vb. '
bless '
;
gon beannaighidh Dia an toigh a ta
gdm bjani dpa sn tEi ? ta :
'
God bless this house ' ; p.p. bean-
naighthe bjani (in the Hail Mary), otherwise usually beannaiste
*
bjanilt'd blessed.'
Bearla bz:rh (berli, § 63), bz{r)r\3 (3), n. f. 'English language';
chan fheil Bearla aca ann ha nel bzrl ok an '
they do not speak
English there.'
Beam, n. m., the name of an ancient hero: Mearan Beirn mz:rdn
bjzr'n' '
the giant's fmger marks '
(8). Cf O Beirn.
bearnach bz:rnax, adj. 'gapped' (15).
beatha hzd, n. '
life ' ;
Dia do bheatha diia dd vzd '
Hail.'
beathach bzax, pi. beithean bzpn, n.m. '

beast,' pi. '
cattle.'
beer (E.) twr, he:r.

beiim be :n' (bsin, 10), n.f. 'rock/ *

cliff': faoi bhcinn //: ve:n'
'
under the rock heads,' chuaidh le bciim x/Cai h he :n' *
went
down the rocks,' thar le bcinn har h be :n' '
over the rock heads,*
in pl.-nn.: an Bheinn Mhor d ve:n' voir 'Fair Head,' Lagan na
Beinne lagan na ben'd.
bcir her, v. 'bear'; (with prep, ar) 'catch'; irreg. pret. rug r^g,
cha d'rug xa dr/Cg ; pass., see § 141 ; vb.n. breith bre.
bcirncis hErn'z\, bErni\ (15, etc.), b/Crn'ej (8; cf. § 60), n. 'bare
promontory ' ( ?) ; in pl.-nn. : Beirneis na Gaoithe bErn'e\ na
gE:gD (8, 15), Beirneis na gCleireach b/Crn'ej na gVeir'ax (8).
beist be:lt'[d), n.f. 'beast' (a monster, otter, or reptile); in pl.-n.
Allt na Beiste alt na be:\t'd.
' '
Beiti het\i, bztji, n.f. Betty,' Lizzie.'
b'fheidir, see fheatar.

bheast vest, n. '
vest.'
bheir, see tabhair.

bhfad, see fad.
bhfos vos, adv. '
over ' : bhos an seo vos du tô
*
over here.'
bhfus, see bhfos.
biadh biag, n. m. 'food'; biadh eanain hiag e:nan' 'sorrel' (13).
bicycle (E.) beisikdl (§ 117).
big, big, big big big big, call to chickens (3).
binn bin', adj. 'sweet' (of sound): ceol binn k'^d bin',
Binneog bin'ag, pl.-n. '

Beanig '
(5). Cf ben'ag (pl.-n.. An i).
Biobla biibdh, n. 'Bible' (i).
biodag bidag, pi. -an dn, n. '

dagger '
(3).
biolair (bealair) bjzbr (5), bjar\Dr' (3), n. '

watercress.'
biorach bjzrax, adj. *
pointed '
(5).
biorach bjzrax, birax (2), pi. bioraigh bjeri, n.f 'heifer'; in pl.-n.
Cloch na Bioraighe kbx na bjsri the Standing Stone (at Lag '
'
an Bhriste Mhor), Pairc an Chlocha Bioraighe pa:r'k' d xhxd

bjzri (the field where it stands), Stac na Bioraighe stak na bjeri.
biorain bjeran', pi. '

sticks of firewood ' (9a).
biscuit (E.) bjesked^ (12).

biseach bijax, n. *
improvement ' : chan f heil moran biseach ha nel
mo '.ran bijax (scil. 'in the weather,' 13).

bit (E.) b^t, bit, bitd : cha dtabhair me bit duit ha dor me bit d/Ctl (3),
chan f heil bit cron (arm) ha nel bit krm (' no harm at all ').
:
GLOSSARY 165
bith, in: ar bith dv hi 'at all'; cf. § 134 (B).

blar hlair, pi. blarthach hlairax (4), blarthan hlaipn (8), n. 'field';
in pl.-n. Blarthach Boidheach hlairax [hlaipn, 8) hoijax.
bias hrâs (3), n.m. '

taste.'
blath hlai, adj. 'warm,' 'mild,' 'lukewarm.'

bhadhna hliam, pi. bliadhanta hliantd (2), bUadhantan hliantm (3),
n.f. '
year '
; in bliadhna Din hliaru '
this year.'
bliadhnach hlianax, pi. bUadhnaigh hliani, n. '

yearling '
: bliadhnach
capall (each) hlianax kapdl {jax).
bHgh, vb. n. bleoghan hl'odn '

milking.' Cf. hlijn (An i).
bo hji, pi. ba ha, n.f. '

cow '; in pl.-nn. Inean na Bo in'sn na hji,
Purt na Bo p/(rt na ho i, Lorg na Bo Urg na hj i

'
the Cow's Track.'
bocan hokan, n. '
mushroom.'
bocan hoikan, n.m. 'ghost,' 'spirit'; in pl.-n. Baile Bhocan
hal'd voihan.
bocht hoxt, adj. '

poor.'
bochtain hoxtin, n.f. '
poorness ' ;
'
illness ' : ta bochtain orm ta
hoxtin orm, aimsir na bochtaine arnlir na hoxtin'd *

poor weather.'
bodach hodax, pi. bodaigh hodi, n.m. 'old man'; 'ghost';
'
cod (ling).'
bodhar hodr, adj. '
deaf
bog hog, adj. '
soft.'
bogha ho-d, pi. boghachan ho-axdn, 'bow': bogha frois

n.m. (i)
hod frol rainbow

' '
; (2)
'
reef 'Bogha Clachan
(orig. bodha) :
hod kv[ah?n 'Clachan Reef (3); (3) 'wave (breaking over a

submerged rock)': boghachan trom hoaxdu tro im 'heavy
waves (4). Cf Manx bo we
' '
breaker '
(Kneen, § 6).
boidheach hoijax, hoiax, adj. 'bonny,' 'pretty.'

boin hon', v. 'touch'; 'belong,' 'be related': cha bhoin e leat
(duit) ha von' a 'he won't touch you,' mar

I' at (11), d/Ctl (12)
duirt clog Baile Mhargaidh: an rud nach boin leat na boin do
mdv d/C?rtl klog hal'd vargi ?n nCd na hon' I' at na hon do i ; vb. n.
boint hont\, bointin hontjin: cha rabh cead aig duine ar bith
na craobhan sin a bhointin xa ro k'ed eg' d^n' dr hi na krEivdn
jin ? vont\in (i), ta boint agam dofa tai hontj agom doifd 'I am
related to them.'
boireann hor'on, adj. 'female': gamhain boireann ^dt>m hor'dn.
t66 the IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
boitin hot\ifi (15, 15 a), hotlû, pi. boiteanadh botJDrugy n. 'wisp of

straw,' "bottle": boitin connlach botîn ho :lax (15a);
cf. scifcog.
boithcach /u/frt.v (15), /u.-fi (2), n.m. 'byre,' 'cow house' (§ iii).
Cf. ho:(;ax (An i). See variant spelling bo-theach.
boladh holig, hoT\eg (3), hobg (15, 15b), n. 'smell.'
bolg hlg, n. '
stomach.'
bolgam bor\g,ini (3), n.
'
a bit (of food).' Cf. bjlgî (An i).
bolla boll, n.m. ' boll ' (dry measure of twenty, otherwise six, bushels);
Lcabaidh an BhoUa I'abi <7 vob, field name (15).
boltan buidhe by :ltan b/Ci? (12), boT\tan bî.i (3), also bjxlan b^J9 (2),
bjkildan b^jo (5), b^rt.ilan b^jj (15), n.m. 'ragwort,' '

benweed,'
*
a tall, yellow composite plant, commonly called '
fairy horse
in Rathlin, because theywere thought to be transformed into
on Hallowe'en for the fairies to
horses ride on.
bonn bo:n {bon), pi. bonnan bonju, or buinn b^:n'y bl:n\ n.m. '
sole
(of shoe) '; bonn do choise bon dd xo^d (3); thug e na bonnan
leis Mg a na bondn le\ '
he scrambled '
; partly mixed up with
bun '
bottom,' e.g. aig a' bhonn zg' 9 vo:n *
at the bottom' (4);
bonn is used of the '
bottom ' of a field, kettle, etc. (12).
Cf bm '
bottom '
(An i).
bonnog, see bannach.

borb bjrb, adj. 'wild': each horh jax borb (15, etc.).
bord bord, pi. buird 'top (of mountain)';

biCrd^, n.m. 'table';
pronounced b/Crd (3), which is the regular
in the latter sense often
Rathlin form (cf. § 70), bord 'table,' being probably a hterary
word (cf. tabla) burd na beinne b/Crdd na ben'd the top of the
;
'
mountain (3). '
bos bos (3, 15), n.f. 'palm of hand (§ no). Cf bos (An i). '
bo-theach bj :âx, bj :jax, hiax, see boitheach.

botsaic bot^sIk\ n. pi. 'snipe' (15).
bradach bradax, adj. '
thievish.'
bradan bradan, pi. bradain bradan' (15), n.m. 'salmon'; Purt a
Bradain p/Crt d bradzn' (pl.-n., 3).
bradog bradag, n.f '

thievish woman.*
bramog, see breimeog.
braosc bre :sk, n. 'grin': ta braosc air ta: bre :sk er (13).
bratach bratax, n. '

flag.'
GLOSSARY 167
brathair bra^r, pi. braithrean bra ir'dny bra :pn, n.m. *

brother.'
bratog bratag, n.m. 'rag': bratog eadach bratag E:dax.
breac br'ak, n.m. 'trout'; brie (pi.) fiadhain brik jiagzn, is said to
mean wild '
ducks.'
breac br'ak, adj. 'spotted'; bo bhreac bj : vr'ak; na Clocha Breaca
na khx? br'akd (pl.-n.).
Breacan br'akan (brahn), n.m. *

Bracken,' name of an ancient hero;
in pl.-nn. Uamh Breacain iC3V br'akm [-an) '
Bracken's Cave,'
Leac Breacain Vakj br'akan (8).
breacan brakan, n.m. '
plaid.'
breag bre:g, pi. breagan brzigdn {breigdn, 2, 12), n. 'lie.'
breagach bre:gax (15), bre :gax (2, 5), adj. 'lying,' 'false.'
breaghdha brz:, bre: (5), adj. 'brave'; 'fme'; la breaghdha laj brz: (10),
solus breaghdha sobs brz: 'a bright light' (10), ta an fhairge

breaghdha socair ta: narik'd bre: sjkir (5); the proper sense is
'brave' (2); cf. Antrim Engl, 'a brave mile' (='a good mile').
breasail bresdl, n. *
raddle ' ; tabhair breasail do'n taobh eile t/Cr
bresdl dm tE:v el'd (of a pancake, 3).

breicfeast brzkfjst, n. 'breakfast' (11).
breid bre :d^, n. 'cloth,' 'table cloth' (2).
breimeog bremag, n.f. '

filly.'
breitheamhnas 'judgment': air bhreitheamhnas er vredvds 'to pass

judgment' (in the Creed, 9).
Brian brian, brhn, n.m. 'Brian'; Brian Dearg bri9n dârg, name of
famed hero and giant; also Brian Deargan brin *dârgan
(13, cf. Deargan); Cloch Bhriain khx vrizn, Toigh Bhriain
tEi vrhn (pl.-nn., 3).
briathar 'word': le (mo) bhriathar I'e vriar (in the Confiteor, 9).
Rathl. Cat. brecar.

'
brice bri :k'?, pi. bricean bri :k'dn, n. brick.'
Brighde bri:di?, n.f. 'St. Brigid'; la fheile Brighde la: I'd 'bri:d^d
'February ist ' ; Cille Brighde k'il'd bri:dp (pl.-n.).
brilleacht bril'axt, n.f. ' merriment ' : brilleacht Nollaig bril'axt
nollg' (12).
bris, V. 'break'; pret. bhris me vrij mz (15); vb.n. briseadh (q.v.).
briseadh br'il^g (11) '
breaking '; ' massacre Lag an Bhriste Mhoir
';
lag 9 vrijt'd vo:r (pl.-n., i); Bruach an Bhriste Chroidhe

bru3x 9 vrijt'9 xrEi (pl.-n.).
bristc brijt'^, part. adj. 'broken'; cf. briseadh.

brochan, see brothchan.
broclach, n.f. 'badger's lair'; 'mess': ta e na bhroclaigh ta d na
*
vnkll (13); aims an Bhroclaigh ans d vnkll 'at Brockley
(pl.-n.).
brod hod, n.m. prickle (as of furze),' '
brog hng, pi. brogan bn:gatiy n.f 'shoe.'

brollach (broilleach) bnlax (2, 15), br:)r\ax (3), n.m. 'breast'; but
broilleach ban brEl'ax bam, is 'white foam on edge of kettle'
(15).
bronn '
womb '
: is beannuighthe toradh do bhroinn losa ds bjani
tor3 ds vrEin' i :s.i (in the Hail Mary, 9).

broonie (brownie, E) bruni {bnCn'i, 10), n.m. '
a house spirit.*
brosnain brosnan', n. pi. *
sticks of firewood '
(9 a),
brothchan (brochan) bnxan, n.m. ' porridge,' * gruel ' (2).
Cf. broxan (An i).
bruach brâx (bruaXy 15a), n. 'edge,' 'bank' (of river): bruach an

abhann bruax d no-dn (rare, 2, 8, 15a).
bruach br^'dx {brwax, 15a), pi. bruachan br^'axon (4), n.m. 'slope,'
Sc. "brae," 'hill': bruach trom br/C'dx troim 'steep hill*;
in pl.-n. Bruach an Tobair br^dx dti tobir.
bruid bru :d^ (5), n.

*
brute.'
briiideamhail bru:d^zl (5), adj. 'brutish.'
bruin (E.) br/C-an (15, etc.), brban (8), n. *
bear.'
bruiteanach, n. ' measles ' : dona leis an bhruiteanach dotid lei d
vrli\dnax (15, 15b).

bruith kef, adj. '
cooked,' '
boiled.'
bruithte brzt\d, part. adj. '
cooked,' *
boiled.*
buabhall bodjdl (U.E.), n. '
horn.'
buachaill b^dxdl, n.m. '
herdsman '
(3).
buachailleacht b^dXdVaxt, vb. n. '
herding '
(3).
buafraigh boajri, vb. n. 'roaring' (of a bull, 15).
buaic b^z]i\ n. '
wick ' (of " cruisie," 2).
buail b^zi, v. '

strike,' '
beat ' ;
*
play '
; vb. n. bualadh bâhg : ag
bualadh nan bpiopan d b£aT\9 nam biipdn (3); p.p. buailte
biCzltln.
buailidh b/Cal'i, n. '

booley,' '
cattle pen '
(orig. dat.).
buailtean bâltfen, n.m. '

beetle *
(of mortar, etc., 3); cf. also suiste.
' ;
GLOSSARY 169
buain(t) bên\ biCentj, n.f. and vb. n. 'harvest'; 'reaping,'

'
cutting.'
buarthadh hiCapg, n. 'mischief (15).
bucsa hiCksd, pi. bucsachan biCksadn, n.m. '
box '
(3).
buideal biCd^dl, pi. b^dêl {b/Cdpl, 3), n.m. 'bottle'; in pl.-n. Loch
nan Buideal lox nam b^d^dl (where there used to be a distillery).
buidhe bîd, adj. 'yellow'; in pl.-n. Bealach an Stac Bhuidhe
bjalax dn stak viCid {vb, 3).
buidheach bîax {b^jax), adj. 'pleased,' 'content' (3, 15, etc.).
buidheachas b^jaxds, n. '
thanks '
(15, etc.).
buidheagan biCidgan {bhgan, 6), n. '
yolk of egg.'
buille b^l'd, n.m. '
blow '
: buille trom b^l'd tro :m.
buitseach b^tjax, pi. buitseachan biCtjaxdn, n. *
witch.'
buitseachas biCtjax3S, n. *
witchcraft ' : cuiridh me buitseachas ort
kiCr'i mi b^tfaxds ort (2, 3).
bullog b^lag, biCr\ag (3), pi. bullogan b^T\agdn, n. '
bullock.'
bun b^n, n. '
root ' (2, 4) ; bun a bhachran (mharthan ?) b^n d
va:xran (15, va:pn, 15), b^n d bairdti [va:rdn, 5), n. 'bogbine';

originally also '
bottom,' '
foot,' as in Bun an Duinne b^n dn
d^n'd '
Cushendun,' Bun na Dala b^n na da:b *
Cushendall '
cf. bonn.
butais b/C:til (13), pi. butaisean bîtildn (2), n. '
boot,' esp. '
top-
boot '
(9).
ca ka:, ka, kan, adv. 'where'; ca bhfeil e? ka vel e, can rabh e?

kan ro s. —Rathl. Cat. : kam bee tu ad chovnee '
where do
you live ?
ca, interr. pron., see § 103 (a), 133.

each, indef pron., see § 134 (A),
cad, conj., see § 144.
cafraidh ka :fri, n. ' sour oat meal, eaten with sweet milk or
cream '
(2) ; cf. subhan.
cag (cabhag) ka-ag (15a), kaag, n.f. *
crow.'
cagailt kagdltj, vb. n. ' raking up the fire ' : a cagailt an teine
d kagdlt\ dn tjin'd (10).
cagairt kagdrtj, vb. n. *
winking ' (12).
M
;
1 70 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
caibcal, prob. '

a chapel ' (cf. Scot. Gaelic), in the pl.-n.: an Caibeal
.9r| kahj.il (3) '
Kebble,' the most westerly townland in Rathlin;
ta e na chomhnaidhe anns a' Chaibcal ta: na xoini ss xahjdl (3);
ta me dol a Chaibeal ta: mi dol .1 xahjA (4).

caiftin kafilen, n.m. * captain.'
caile *
girl,' pi. cailean /ztj/'pn (2). —Cf. kal'm, kEl'jti (An i).
cailin kal'en, n. *
girl ' (used by old people) ; cf. geirseach.
caill kail, v. 'lose'; p.p. caillte kailtj.i 'lost.'
cailleach kal'ax, n.f 'old woman'; cailleach oidhche kal'ax I:p

*
an owl ' ;
Sloe nan gCailleach slok na{r[) gal' ax (pl.-n.)
also the last of the harvest: ta 'chailleach leam ta: xal'ax I' am (4).
Cf kElax (An i).
caineadh ka:n'3g, vb. n. 'miscalling,' 'reviling' (15, etc.).
cainnt kEintj, kzintj (L.E.), kaintf (U.E.), vb. n. '

talking '
(with le
'
with ').
caiptin kapt\en (3), n.m. 'captain'; cf. caiftin.
cair ka:r' (i; cf § 53), pi. caireanadh ka:r'dndg {ka:irdndgy 3),

n. '
gums.'
cairdeamhail kardêl, adj. *
friendly.'
'
cairt kartj, n. cart.'
cairtidheacht kartjiaxt, n.f and vb. n. '

carting '
(13).
cdis ka :J",
kaaj (3), n.
*
cheese.'
Caisc ka:jk\ n. 'Easter': ar son an Chaise ;?r sm o xa:jk'
*
for Easter.'
caisceim kajk'zmy n. m. '
step ' ; in pl.-nn. Caisceim Mor kalk'em
mo:r (Mor is understood as a woman's name), Caisceim Bara
kalk'zm bara {see Bara). Cf kEsk'dm har? (An i).
caisteal ka\t'av[ (3), n.m. 'castle'; in pl.-nn. Purt an Chaisteail

p^rt d xajt'el, Leac an Chaisteail I'ak ? xa\t'A.
caith, vb. n. caitheadh (cathadh) kadg '

wearing ' ; p.p. caithte kat\d
'
worn.'
caithir fe^fer, kai^dr, kahr, n.f. '
chair.' Cf. kager (An i).
Caitriona gBtridu?, n.f. '

Catherine '
(3).
cal ka ;/, n. '
cabbage,' '
kail.'
cal fath kal ^fa: (15 a), kaT\ Ja: (3), k?l fa: (15), n. 'nettles.'
'
call kal (12), n. loss.'
Calum kahm, n.m. Malcolm.' *
cam kam {ka:my 11), adj. 'crooked.'

GLOSSARY 171
canamhain, pi. canamhainean ka:nzn\in, n. 'language' (3).
caochan kd:xan 'whiskey' (2), kE:xan 'poor whiskey,' 'ale' (3).
caoin kE:n', v. '

cry '; vb. n. caoineadh kE:n'dg. Cf. k^m'i (An i).
caoineacht kE:n'axt, n.f. '

keening,' '
weeping '
(2, 5).
caol kd:l (L.E.), kE:l (U.E.), adj. '

narrow,' '
thin '; an Ceann Caol
37] k'an kE:l '
Kinkiel.'
caolas kE:hs, n.m. 'strait,' 'sound'; an Caolas .ii] kE:hs 'the
Channel ' (between Rathlin and Fair Head),
caora kE:r3 (5), pi. caoraigh ko :ri (2), kE:ri (11, 14), n.f. 'sheep';
Eilean nan gCaorach elzn nar[ gEirax '
Sheep Island,' Toigh
nan gCaorach tEi naT\ gEirax (3, pl.-nn.). Cf. k/C:ri (pi.. An i).
capall kapdU kap^ri (3), n. gramm. masc. (§ 108)

'
mare.'
car kar, n.m. '
twist.'
car kar, n.m. *

while': car beag kar beg; cait an rabh thu a h-uile
car ? ka :tj dti ro <C h^l'? kar '
where were you all the time ?'
carach karax, adj. 'crooked'; in pl.-n. Eilean Carach el'dti karax

*
Illancarragh '
(ace. to 5; it is rather Eilean Carrach).
caraid karid^, n.m. '
friend,' '
relation.'
caraidh 'weir' (?), in the pl.-n. Baile Caraidh bali) kari [k'ari, i)
*
Ballycarry.'
caraigh kari, v. '
move ' : na caraigh na kari '
don't move,' carraigh
ort kari ort 'hurry on'; vb. n. carachadh kara{:)g. Cf. kari,
n. '
hurry '
(An i).
carbhaidh karvi, karfi

'
caraway seed.'
cardadh karddg, vb. n. '

carding.'
Carghas karg3S, n.m. 'Lent'; de'n Charghas d^z na xargds (2).
earn karn, pi. cairn kEr'n' (15), n.m. *

cart.'
carnan karnan, n.m. (2, 3) in pl.-nn. Carnan an Duitseach

'
cairn ' ;
karnan m Carnan an Ghille Ruaidh karnan 9 jil'd ^r/Cai,

dltâx,
Cnoc an Charnain krok d xarndn.

carraic karik', n. 'rock,' 'cliff'; in pl.-n. Carraic na Goill karik
na gEil; Carraicean (?) k'ark'zn (15), k'drkm, t'drkdn (=E.).
cartlain kairtlan', n. 'peppermint' (15; properly 'watermint'?).
cas kas, V. *
twist ' ; vb. n. casadh kasdg.
casa, in : casa an doras ka :s dn dords '
the doorpost.'
casaidheacht kasiaxt, kaseaxt (8), vb. n. '
coughing.'
casan kasan, n.m. '
footpath ' (15). Cf. kasan (An i).
;
*
casan (cosan) uisce kas .1 nljk'? (11), kjs d nljk'j (8, 15), n. waterfall.
cascairte kask^rtj^, part. adj. '

thrown about in disorder ' (15).
casog kasag, pi. -an -5«, n.f. *
coat.'
cat kat {kitj, sklt^y properly calls to a cat), pi. cait katj (14),
kEtj (4, 15), kiCtj, klt\ (12), kotj (10), n.m. *cat*; cat fiadhain
katfiagsn '
tiger '
(5). An i kEt. Cf. scuit.
cathbhruith, see cafraidh.
* *
catlaiceach katlaXy adj. catholic (9).
ceabhar k'zivdf^ n. *
gentle breeze* (8).
cead k'ed, n. *
permission ' : an fhaigh me chead? d nai mi ged (2).
cead, numeral, see § 135.

cead, ord., see §§ 100, 136.
Ceadaoine, in: De Ceadaoine dê ^k'e(:)dn9 'Wednesday/
ceadf haidh kiati, n. *
opinion *
: goide do cheadf haidh de'n oidhche
seo? g9 die: d? îati d^z nl:p J:?
*
what do you think of this
night? ' (15b).

ceadna, indef. pron., see § 134 (B).
ceairsleog k'a:rjrag, n.f. *
ball of thread *
(15).
*
ceangail k'sdl, v. *
bind,' tie ' ; vb. n. ceangal k'e?! : cuir ceangal
air k^r k'zdl er (8); p.p. ceangailte k'sdltjd (8).
ceann k'an (i, 2, 12), k'a:n (U.E.), pi. cinn k'in' {kin), n.m. 'head';
*end': an Ceann Caol at) k'a:n kE'A, an Ceann ud Thios ar|
k'an a ^tids
*
the Lower End,' an Ceann Reamhar dT\ k'a :n ravdTy
an Ceann ud Thuas dr\ a ^tâs the Upper End,'
k'an '
(of Rathlin) ; cinn dubh k'in name of a plant, see sleamh-

(f /C,
anadh; with prepp.: air do cheann er dd gam ahead of you '; *
in gceann uair 3T\ g'an êr *

in an hour's time,' in gceann a chuig
bhadhna fichead 9T\ g'a :n d x/C:g' hliandfidd '
above (his) twenty-
five years,' ta an ghaoth in do cheann ta dn yE: 9n dd gain '
the
wind is against you,' gaoth in gceann ^£: prj g'a :n *
head-wind ';
chan f haca me i o cheann fada ha nakd mi i gan fadd *

I have not
seen her for a long while,' o cheann spell gan spsl *
for a while '
OS do cheann as dd ga :n over your head,' above you,' ard, ' *
ard OS do cheann, bidh la maith amaireacht ann ard ard as dd

ga :n bi lad ma d ma ir'axt a :n (cf. under crann) ; thar an gceann
har dV[ g'a :n '
for their sake,' '
for them.' Cf. k'zn (An i).
ceannaigh k'ani, v. *
buy '
(§ 142).
GLOSSARY 173
ceannann, prob. adj. '

white-faced/ in an t-Each Ceannann dn tjax
k'anan, name of a fairy horse; also in the pl.-n. Lochan an
Ceannann lohan d k'anan (3); now a swampy meadow,
ceann-ruiscte k'an riC:lt'd, part. adj. bareheaded.' '
ceap (kep) k'ap, v. *

turn '
(Scot. " kep " (pron. k'ap in the local
dialect) has many meanings, as *
catch,' 'intercept,' 'fetch,' etc.
ceapaire k'apdr'd, n.m. '
piece '
(of bread and butter) : tuir ceapaire
do Ur k'apdr'd do: (9a, b).
cearc k'arky pi. cearcan k'arhn, n.f '
hen.'
cearcal k'arkdU k'arkdr\ (3), pi. cearcail k'arkdl (3), n.m. '
hoop,'
*
circle ': ag dol in gcearcal d dol 9T] g'arkdl (4).
ceard k'erd, pi. ceardan k'srddtt, n. '

tinker ' (also '
a garrulous
woman,' 2); in the pl.-n. Baile nan gCeard bal'd nar\ g'^rd
(2, 13; also^'W)

'
Ballynagard.'
ceardach k'eirdax, k'erdax (5), n. 'smithy.'
ceardaman k'erddman, n.m. 'beetle,' "black clock" (3), 'spider'
(2, 5, 12).
cearr k'a:ry adj. '
wrong ': goide ta cearr ort? g9 dê : ta: k'a:r ort.
' '
ceart k'arty adj. right,' correct.'
ceatal k'ztdl (Engl. '
t '), n.m. *
kettle.'
ceathair, num., see § 135.
ceathramh, ord., see § 136.
ceathramh k'ar9V, n.m. *

quarter '
;
'
quarterland '
: an ceathramh fa
dheireadh dT\ k'ardv fa jer'dg '

the last quarter (of the moon),'
ceathramh cloch k'arDV kbx '
a quarter stone ' ;
in pl.-n. Sroin
an Cheathramh srj:n' 9 gardv (8).
ceathrar, num., see § 135.
ceidhe k'edy k'e:, n. 'quay': aig an cheidhe eg' d ge-d (3).

ceileachadh k'e :l'a :g, vb. n. ' changing ' (of the weather) : ta e
dol a cheileachadh ta d dol d geil'ag (9).
ceilidhe, n. 'visit': air ceilidhe er k'eili 'visiting' (11).

ceiling (E.) sebg (3).
'
ceird k'drdi(d), k'zrid^ (6), n.f. trade.'
ceist k'e:\t' {k'e\t'), n. 'question'; 'fondness': gan cheist ar bith

gdti ge\t' 3r hi '
without doubt,' bhfeil ceist agad air na
giorsachan? vel k'e:jt' agdt er na g'zrsaxdn (' are you fond of).
Ceit k'e :t\, n.f. '
Kate.'
ceithir, ceithre, num., see § 135.
— :
174 I'HF IRISH LAN(;UA(;h IN HATHLIN ISLAND
ceo k'j :, n.m. '

mist.'
ceol k'j:l, pi. ceolta(n) k'j:lt.i, k'j:T]tD{n) (3)^ n.m. 'music';

'
song ': ag gabhail nan gccoltan ngoal nar[g':) :r\tjn '
singing '
(3).
cha, ncg. adv., sec §§ 100, 102, 103 (b), 104, 145, 146.
chcana hatUy adv. '
already,' '
before.'
cheile, reciprocal pron., see § 130.
chicken (E.) tjik'm (§§ 109 (c), 116).
chun kvi, prep, with gen. '

to ' ;
chun an bhaile h^n d val'o '
to the
place,' *
home,' ag dol na (=chun a') bhaile <? dol na val'd (id),
ag dol na scoil 3 dol na skol '
going to school.*
cia, see c6 and cad.
ciall k'ialy n.f. * sense ' : goidc is ciall do ? gd dê : s k'ial dj
'
*
what does it mean ?
cibe, rel. pron., see § 132.

cibe ar bith k'eharhi, k'zbarbi (§ 5), adv. '
anyway,' '
however.'
Cf. k'ebarbi (An i).
cill k'il'(9), n.f. 'church with cemetery'; in pl.-nn. Cille Brighde

k'il'd briidid 'Kilbride,' in gCill Phadraic dT\ g'il'd fairik'
'in Kilpatrick,' Cill Eanna (?) Wi^'zini Killeany.' '
Cingis, in: Domhnach Cingis domax k'ir\g'il 'Whitsunday' (15, etc.).

cinn k'in\ v. '
grow '
(rare, 2).
cior k'iir, n.m. 'comb': cior fineailte k'iir fim'alt^d, cior garbh
k'i :r garv.
cior, v. '
comb '
; vb. n. : ag cioradh do cheann 3 k'i :rd dd f<i(:)n.
ciotach k'itaXy adj. '

lefthanded ' (15).
cipean k'ipen, pi. cipeain k'ipsn\ cipeanadh k'ipdtidg, n.m. 'tethering
stick '; Bodach an Chipean bodax 9 gipen (name of a ghost),
ciste k'iit'9, n.m. '
chest ' ;
pl.-n. an Ciste dr\ k'i^t'd.
clabar klab9r, n. '

mud '
(8).
*
clabhsta klEust9, klnust9 (U.E.), adj. close.'
clachan kT\ahan, n.m. '

stone heap ' (3) ;
pl.-n. Clachan klaxan
(cf. under bogha '
reef), Eilean an Chlachan el'en d xlah9n (11).
cladach kladax, n.m. '
shore,' '
shores ': ta an cladach ag amharc (go)
dona ta pr| kladax 9 gav9rk {9) dm9.
cladh klEg, n. '
cemetery ' (cf. garradh).
cladh, v. 'dig'; vb. n. cladhach(t) klEax{t), kr\Eax (3); p.p. cladh-
aiste klEijt'9: gus an bi na potdtan cladhaiste g9S 9m bi: na
p9ta:t9n klEijt'9 (10).
:
GLOSSARY 175
cladhachan klo-axan, vb. n. '

digging '
(L.E.).
claidhmhe ^rjst'a, pi. claidhmheachan kT\zva3n (3), n.m. 'sword.'

claigeann klag'en, kr\ag'dn (3), n.f. 'skull'; pl.-n. Claigeann
klag'du '
Cleggan '
(§ 58), go Claigeann g? klag'on (i, 4),
Druim na Claiginne drim na kr]sg'in'3 (3).
clampar klampdr, n. '

mud ' (from rotting seaweeds, 5) ; in pl.-n.
Poll (Pollog) an Chlampar po/ {polag, 9) d xlamp?r (5, 13).
clann kla:n § no),

' '
(6, 9, kr\a:n, 3, klan, i), n.f. children (coll.,
claoidhte klI:vtj^, part. adj. 'exhausted' (4).
clar kla:r, pi. claran klairdn, n.m. 'board'; 'lid (of kettle).' —Cf
klair d jdid (An i).
cleacht, v. 'train,' 'practice'; vb. n. (& n.m.) cleachtadh kl'axtdg

p.p. cleaichte kl'axtjs (with
' '; '
training practice '; le).
clia, adj. 'left': mo lamh chlia ma la:v xlia (5, 15).
cliabh kl'iav, n.m. 'chest' (2), 'basket' (15a), 'cradle' (5).
cliath fosraidhe kliav osri, n. '

harrow '
(2).
'
cliii kl'K,:, n. fame.'
cloch kbx, kT\ox (3), pi. khxDH, n.f. 'stone': cloch liomhaidh
khx liivi 'grindstone' (2), clocha meallain khxd mjahn 'hail-
stones,' cloch Phadraic khx fa:drik\ name of a medicinal plant
(2, 15); in pl.-nn. na Clocha Dubh na khx? d^ '

the Cloghadoos,'
na Clocha Breaca na khxd hr'akd.
cloca khikdy n.m. 'cloak' (15a).

clog klog, n. '
bell ' ;
'
clock ' ;
goide o chlog a ii> gd d^c : xlog d ta
'
what time is it? '
—Cf. khg (An i).
cloigeann, see claigeann.

clover (E.) khudr : clover wild khudr vEild '
wild clover.'
cluas kUas, pi. cluasan kUasjn, n.f. '
ear.'
cluin, irreg. vb., see § 148.

cnaimh-f hiach kra : viax, pi. cnaimh-f hiaigh kra : vii, n. *
crow.'
cnaipe krep (i, 2), pi. cnaipean krzpdn, n. 'button'; poll cnaipe
por\ krzp '
buttonhole '
(3).
cnamh kra:v, pi. cnamhan kra:v3n, n.m. 'bone'; cnamh gabhlach

kra:v go lax :
(8), go:T]ax (3) 'forked bone' (in chicken),
*
wishbone.'
cnaosach, n. 'edible seaweeds,' in: corran cnaosaigh koran kr^:si
'
dulse hook '
(15a). — Cf. knCdsag (An i).
—
cnap krap, v. '

pull *
: cnap isteach an duine seo krap a jt'ax dtt d^n'd
Jj (in nursery rime, 10).

cnap krap, cnapan krapatiy n.m. *
(a single) potato '
; cf. potata.
cniotail kretal (8), kretan (13), vb. n. 'knitting'; a cniotail na
stocaighthe d krstal na stoiki (13).
cno krh [krod), pi. cnon krSdn {krodti), n. *
nut.'
cnoc krjk, pi. cnoic krEk\ krok' (3), n.m. *

hill.'
Cnocan, an Cnocan dT\ krokdtiy pl.-n. *

Knockans ' (11).
cnumhog knC-ag, n.f. '

maggot,' '
worm.'
CO, interr. pron., see § 133.
cobhar kosr, n.m. *
foam ' (on or from the sea),
coca hkd, conj. 'whether' (from cia aca 'which of them'): coca
se sin a dheireadh 's nach e hk? Js JI/j d jer'dg s na he :
*
whether
that is the end of it or not (3). '
coca hk9, pi. cocan kjk9ny n.m. *

haystack.'
cochala koxdla, n.m. *
cloak,' '
covering '
(15a).
codail kodil, koddU v. 'sleep': pres.-fut. codlaidh kodll: vb. n. codal

koddl : bha mise in mo chodal va : miJ9 ntd xoddl '
I was asleep,'
ta an codal orm ta dV[ koddl orm '

I am sleepy.*
codalach koddlaXy adj. *
sleepy.'
codtrom, see cudtrom.

cogadh kogdgy n.m. 'war'; vb. n. 'making war' (8).
cogar kogdr, vb. n. '

whispering ' (2, 12).
'
coigthigheas kok'iSy kak'dSy n. fortnight.*
coil (E.) kEily n.
coileach kEl'ax (U.E.), kol'ax (L.E.), pi. coiligh kEl'i, n.m. '
rooster *;
coileach dearg kEl'ax dârg *

grouse,* coileach dubh kEl'ax d/C
*
blackcock,' coileach Turcach kEl'ax Urkax '
turkey cock.'
Cf kEl'ax (An i).
coilean, see cuilean.

coilear kol'zry n. 'collar' (15).
*
coille kEl'dy coillidh kEl'i (U.E.), kol'i (L.E.), n.f. *
wood,* *
grove
(§ 113); in pl.-n. Lag na Coillidh Boidhche lag na kEl'i hoip
(2, 4), lag na kEiri h:p (5, 13), lag na kEl'i hi (i, 2), lag na
kal'i hi (2), showing associations with caora and cailleach.
coimhleacht, in: coimhleacht leam koiVaxt lam 'along with me*;

cf. comhlach.
— '
GLOSSARY 177
coimhtheach kEvax, adj. 'strange*; duine coimhtheach d^n'd kEvax

'
stranger.'
Coineagan, in: Baile Coineagan bal'd kon'agdti '
Ballyconagan/
coineog kon'ag, pi. -an dti, n.f. '
rabbit.'
coinf heascar km'dskdr, n.m. ' evening ' : coinf heascar maith duit
kon'dskdr ma d^t\.
coinne, coinneamh, in: as mo choinne as md xon'd across from me

(6), as coinneamh an seo as kon'dv d Jj '
across from here '
(10).
coinneal kon'dl (2, 12), kEn'dl (U.E.), pi. coinnlean kEil'dU,
n. (masc. 2) '
candle.'
'
coir k^r, n. guilt.'
coir k:):ry adj. 'right,' 'honest'; a dhuine choir j y^n'9 xoir (2);
ba choir do hd XD'.r do: *
it ought '
(3).
'
coirce hr'k'd {hrk'd), n. oats.'
coire kor'dy pi. coireachan kor'axdti [see below), n.m. (i) *

caldron,'
'kettle,' 'boiler' (as for cooking potatoes for cattle, etc.); (2)
'
hollow in mountain '
(in pl.-nn. ?), (3)
'
a kind of boat '
(12);
na Coireachan na kor'axdn 'Saltpans' (pl.-n.); Bay Allt an
Choire he: alt d xor'j (8), be: aT\t d xor'd (3) 'Altacorry Bay.'
Cf. hr'9 (An i).
coirigh, vb. n. coireachadh kj:r'ahdg (4), coireacht h:r'axt, h:r'ax

(6) 'mending'; p.p. coiriste h:rijt'd 'mended': an d'fhuair
thu do bhrogan coiriste? 9n d^dr K. dd va:gdn h:rilt'd (6).
coirneal hrn'al, korndU n. '

corner.'
cois, see cos.
coisceim, see caisceim.

coisidhe, pi. coisidhthe ko\i, n.m. '
footman,' '
man on foot.!
coisigh koli, vb. '

walk '
; coisigh istoigh koî d stEi (15) ; vb. n. coisidh-
eacht koliaxt (kojaxt).
coisreacan kolrik, n. '
blessing ' : c'ar son nach do rinn thu coisric ?
kar son nax ddrEin' iC h^rik 'why did you not sign yourself?' (12).
coiteachadh h:tjahdg, vb. n. 'arguing' (15b).
CoUainn kolIn\ n.f. New Year's,' hogmanay '; oidhche na Collainn
' '
/;p na kolln' '

New Year's Eve '; aig an Chollainn eg' d xolln';
also hogmanay.'
*
gift at
colman kalman, kolman, n. pigeon '

' ; Uamh nan gColman /Cdv nar\
galman (golman, § 16), âv9 nar\ golman (pl.-n.).
coma komdy in: is coma leam ds komd I' dm '

I do not care,' etc.
:
comh, chomh, adv., see § 121 (a).
comhairle k:\nl\j, n. '

advice '
(2).
comarasan komj^rasjii, ki(m.i^ras.m (2, 12, 15a, kamhstan, 10),

11.
'
scurr '
(small insect living on the bottom of wells).
comasach komjsax, adj. '
mighty ': ta e comh comasach le duine ari
ta J h hmBsax Id d^n'd ri (8).
comharsnach (coimhearsnach) kEv?rsnax^ pi. coimhearsnaigh kEvdrsniy

n.m. *
neighbour.'
comhlach, in: comhlach leam kj:r\a I'am, comhlach leo koivâ I'o:
'
along with me, them *
(3).
comhnaidhe ko :ni, vb. n. living visiting bha ead nan '
' ;
*
' :
gcomhnaidhe va ad naT[ gjini 'they were living' (3), also:

bha mo shean-athair a chomhnaidhe va: md ganadr d xomi (11);
na bi comhnaidhe air na hi ko :ni er' don't visit him,' oidhche '
chomhnaidhe J;p ^xoini 'visit at night'; in gcomhnaidhe

d[r\) go :ni, adv. always ta pian in gcomhnaidhe agam ta
*
' :
pian d goini agdm, ta me in gcomhnaidhe leam fhein ta: me

go:ni lam he: (13). Rathl. — Cat. kam bee tu ad chovnee.
comhthrom kordtn, adj. even.' '
—Cf. kotdtn (An i).
company (E) kompDtti, n. (3).

comrada kom*ra:d9, kom^bra:dd, n. 'comrade' (15).
conagal koudgdl, pi. conagals kondgdls, n. '
chat,' '
conversation.'
congaibh, see cum.
connadh, n. *
fire-wood,' in pl.-n. Sliabh an Chonnaidh ll'zvo
na xoni (15), jl'evd rid xoni (3).

connlach k'o:{n)lax, ko:lax (15a), ko:T\ax (3), n. 'straw.'
conntae, see cunntae.

contabhairt, see cuntairt.
contabhartach, see cuntairteach.
content (E) konUent, adj.
contraigh kontrai, n. *
neaptide ' (15).
copog kopag, n.f. dockins.' '
—An i kopag.
copogach kopagax, copogaigh kopagi, n. 'dockins* (3).
cor shugain ko*r^:gan\ n. '
twisthandle ' (in rope making).
cord (E) kord, n. (2, 3).
cord, V. 'agree': goide mar a ta an t-eilean ag cordadh leat?;
g9 die: ttiBT d ta dti tjel'en ? kordd Vat 'how do you like the
?
island '
(4).
GLOSSARY' 179
cork (E) hrk, n. (4).
coroin Mhuire kjn'ag^v^r'd (2, 12), n.

'
rosary.'
corp korp, n.m. '

body '
; toigh an chorp tEi o xorp
'
wake house.'
'
corr, n. crane,' in pl.-nn., see ease.
corr ghrian hro^yrian (2, 8), hrD^yri-jti {-an, 15), koroyrEidn (3),
n. '
heron.'
corr ho:r, adj. 'odd': corr fhocal kor oh?!, corr daoine kjr dE:n'd,
corr h-aon hrj h^:n (15); corr agus (as) h:r ds, kor ds
*
more than ': corr as dusaen ko:r ds diCssn (15).
corran koran, n.m. '
reaping hook.'
corrog korag, n.f. 'first fmger '
(15 also hl'pag); corroga dearga
hragD dârgj '
hips ' (berries, 3,8).
corruigh, see caraigh.

cortha, see cuirthe.
cos kos, pi. cosan hsm, n.f. '
foot ' ;
'
leg '
; Cos an Duitseach hs on
dltjax 'the Dutchman's Leg'; cois kol, a chois d xoj (dat. sg.,
§ 108), prep, with gen. 'beside': cois na teineadh koj na tjin'Dg,
a chois na tuinne d xoj na t^n'd, Cois an Locha kol dn lohd

(pl.-n., 3, 11).
cosain hsin (pret. xjjdn, 3), v. 'earn,' 'save'; vb. n. cosnadh

hsnDg; p.p. coisinte hiintj^ (3).
cosan, see casan.

cosmhail hsel, kosaU adj. '
hke.*
'
cos-ruiscte kos r/C:\t'd, part. adj. barefooted.'
cost kdst, V. '
need ' : costaidh e spain f hada a theid a dh'ol leis an
fhear olc kosti a spam' ad? he :d^ d yoil {go'-h) lei ^ "'^^ ^^^
(saying, 3).
'
costamhail kostal, adj.
'
costly (5).
cota ban ko:U bain, n.m. '

groat' (fourpenny piece).
coup (Sc): choup e sios e xop a îds £ '
he threw him down '
(3).
course (E.) k^rs, n. 'conversation' (short for 'discourse'),

cover (E.): chover e e xov?r a s (3).
crabhog kra:vag, n. 'anything melted' (as butter, 13).
cracarsaigh krak3{r)si, vb. n. 'cracking' (as of fire, 13).
cradan kraidan (3), kraddan (8), n.m. 'burdock,' 'burs': bun a'
chradan h^n d xraidan.

crag kra :g, n. '
big hand or foot ' (10).
craiceann krak'dn, n. '
skin ' (3)-
l8o THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
crain kra :n\ n.f. '

sow.*
crane (E.) krzUy n. (iron arm).
crann kra:n {kran), pi. croinn krEin, n.m. *
mast'; ta crann an chuit
(scuit) in airde, bidh \i maith ann i mdireacht ta: kra:n 9 xlt\
{skltj, 13) <? tizrd^9 hi lad ma an d mair'axt (3, 13), a saying about
the cat when it Hfts its paw behind the ear (cf. ceann).
craobh krE'.v (U.E.), krd:v (L.E.), pi. craobhan krEivdti [krdivdn)^
n.f. *
tree.' —An i krîv '
tree.'
craos krE:Sy n.m. *

mouth '; locaire chraois bkdr9 xrE:l '
razor ' (15).
creag kreg, pi. creagan kregdn, n.f. 'rock,' 'cliff'; in pl.-n. Creag
Macagan kreg ma^kagdti.
crathadh kradg, vb. n. 'shaking' (i, 8, 12, 13).
'
ere kre:, n. clay.'
creathal kredU kml (5), n.

*
cradle.'
*
creatuir kre :tdr, n. creature.'
creid kred^, v. 'believe'; vb. n. creideal kredâly kredâx] (3). —Cf.
Manx credjal (Kneen, p. 37).
creideamh kred^dv, n. '
faith,' '
religion ' : chaill i a creideamh xail
i kred^dv (3).
creisean krejsn, pi. creiseain krejen' (15; according to others krelan'
is the sg.), n.m. " screel " (a kind of shelf in the rocks); in pl.-nn.
an Creisean Dubh dr[ krejsn d^, an Creisean Ban dV[ krejen ha :n.
Crioch kridx, pl.-n. (fem.): thuas aig an Chrich hâs zg' d xriig (13);
the Engl. pron. is krig.
criona kmndy adj. *

wise.'
cro kn:, n. 'pen' (for cattle, etc.): cro muc kn: m/Ck 'hog pen';
cro cearc kro : k'ark '
chicken coop.'
croch knXy v. '
hang ' ; vb. n. crochadh knx3g ; p.p. croichte knxtJ9.
crock (E.) knk : Ian crock mor la :n knk mo :r '
a whole crock full.'
crog kn:g, crogan kroigan (15), n. 'hook' (at fire-place),
croiceann, see craiceann.

croidhe krh^ krEhy n.m. '
heart.' —Cf. krei9 (An i).
croidheamhail krEiel, adj. '

hearty.'
'
crois knj, n. cross.'
croman kroman, n.m. *

kite '
(or a similar bird),
cron kntiy n. *
harm.'
cronan ka :nan, vb. n. *
crooning.'
crosta knst9y adj. '
cross,' *
angry.'
GLOSSARY l8l
cruach kr/Csx, pi. cruachan kr^^xdtt, n.f. '

stack,' '
heap.'
cruach, v. 'make into stacks'; p.p. cruaichte krâxtjd.
cruadhaigh krâi, v. 'harden,' 'bake'; vb. n. cruadhachadh
krâhdg (3).
cruaidh krâi, adj. 'hard' (not=' difficult,' cf. doiligh).
crubach krîhax, adj. '
lame,' '
crippled.'
criiban krtC:han, n.m. '

crab.'
crudha kr£d, kr^: (15, etc.), pi. cruitheach kr/C:âx (4, 15),
n.m. '
horseshoe.'
crug kr/C:g, n. '
tool for twisting ropes ' (10).
cruinn kr^n\ krin', adj. *
round.'
cruinnigh kr^n'i, vb. 'gather' (§ 142); vb. n. cruinneachadh
kr^n'ahdg krin'ahdgy krln'a{:)g\ p.p. cruinniste kr/Cn'ilt'd (10).
cruiscean kr^:\k'zn {krilk'zn, i), n.m. ' a primitive lamp,' Scot.

" cruisie." —Cf. kr^:\k'zn (An i).
cruit krlt\y n. '

hump.'
Cruphort, Bealach Chruphort hjar\ax xrîfdrt (3), pl.-n.
cruthaigh, vb. 'create': mar a chruthaigh Dia thu mdr d xr^-i dîa
/C (12).
cruthaightheoir knCizr, n.m. '
creator ' (9, 12). —Rathl. Cat. kruior.
cu, pi. coin hn\ n. '
hound,' '
dog.'
cuach kâXj pi. cuachan kâxdti^ n. '
cuckoo.'
Cuaig, see mac.
cuaille kâl'dy n. '
post,' *
pole *
: cuaille an leabaidh kol'd n I'ahi
cuairt kârt^ {k/C:rtj, 2), n. '

visit,' '
walk.'
cuan kodtty n.m. 'sea,' 'ocean'; an Cuan M6r 3r| kodn mo:r 'the
Atlantic'
cubhar, see cobhar.
cuckoo (E) ku*k/C:.
Cu Chulainn kj*x^T[in, prop. n. (3).
cudan k/Cddtt, pi. cudanadh kiCddttdgy or cuddan k^ddti, pi. cuddans
k^ddtiSy n. *
young coalfish,' '
cuddy.'
* *
cuid k^diy n.f. part,' deal '; see also § 128.
cuid eicin, eigin(teach), indef. pronn., 5ee § 134 (A),
cuideacht k^dâxt, n.f. *
company ' (2).
*
cuideacht k^dâxt, adv. also.'
:
cuidcamhail k^Cdêl, adj. 'kind,' 'nice': geirseach chuideamhail

Î'crjax XiCdid (13). — Cf. g'cr\ax kiCdêl (An i).
cuidhil kl:l, khl (L.E.), kEil, kail (U.E.), n.f. 'spinning wheel';
cuidhilsniomh kl:l sti'i:v, kni.il sni:v (8), idem; there are two
kinds: an chuidhil bheag j xnil vcg 'the common wheel,' and
an chuidhil mhor 9 xnil vo:r '
the castle wheel '
(3); in pl.-nn.
Allt a Chuidhil alt 9 xl:l (8), ar[t 9 xl:l (3), possibly a different
word. — Cf. knijl sni:v (An i).
cuidigh k^dî, vb. '

help '
(§ 142); go gcuidighidh Dia leat (or: thu)
g9 i^tCdî dîa I' at [(C) (2),
cuig kC:g\ num. '

five.'
cuigeadh, ord., see § 136.

cuil k(C:l', n. '
nook,' '
corner *
(12).
cuilc kiCl'k' {kCl't', 15a), pi. cuilcean k/Cl'k'^tty n. 'reed'; cuilc
Fhrancach kClk' raT\kax '
bamboo,' '
fishing rod *
(15, etc.).
cuilcean ko'.l'k'zn, n. *
hinge of door '
(15, etc.).
cuilean kCl'zn, n.m. '
pup.' —Cf. k^l'dtt (An i).
cuileann k(Cl'?n, n. '

holly ' (from which spinning wheels were
made in Rathhn, i).
cuileog kCl'ag, n.f. 'fly'; cf. miol-chuileogan.

cuileog (colag) lin kolag 3 I'iin (/'e;n'), n. 'earwig' (2, 12).
cuilith k(C:l'i (15, etc.), kuil'i (5), koil'i (9), unstressed kKl'i,
n. '
narrow inlet ' ( ?) ; in pl.-nn. Cuilith Dhomhnall Fonn
kod'i yoA Join (9), kEl'd yj :ndl Join (8), kKl'i yondl Join (13),
Cuilith Allt a Chuidhil kiCl'i aT\t d xl:l (3), k/Cl'i altd xl:l (13).
cuimhne kl:n'3 (L.E., 3), kEin'd (U.E.), n.f. '
memory';
cuimhne ta
mhaith aigc ta: klm'd [kEin'd) va e^'p; cuimhne a(ga)m
ta
ta: kl:n' am '
I remember,' also: is cuimhne leam ds kl:n\i I' dm.
cuimhnigh kl:n'i [kEin'i, cf cuimhne), v. '
remember,' '
think,'
'
fancy '
(§ 142).
cuing k/Ci, n. 'doubletree (' swingletree ') of plow ' (15).
cuinneog k^Cn'agy n.f. '
pail ' (a wooden staved vessel for carrying
water); cf. maistreadh.
cuir k(Cr\ vb. 'put'; 'rain' (§ 142); vb. n. cur k/Cr 'putting';
raining ta e cur ta it is raining,' ag cur uisce trom
' '
' : k/Cr ,9
d k(Cr I^k'D from.
cuircean k^Crk'm [hrk'dn), n. pi. 'peat heaps' (8); 'rocks' (?, ^).
GLOSSARY 183
cuiricean k^rik'jn, k£r'dkan, n. 'woman's headdress or bonnet' (2).
cuirtean buidhe kiCrt\dn9 h/Cid, n. 'carrots' (15).

cuirthe kiCr'd, adj. (orig. p.p. of cuir) 'tired.'
cuis kiC:\, n. 'thing,' only in: ghni e cuis ni: a k^:l 'it will do,'
ghni iad cuis di ni: ad feAT.-J dii:
'
they will do for her.'
cuisle k^l'd, n. 'vein': cuisle mo chroidhe kÛ'd m? xrl: (term of
endearment, 2).
cul kiC:l {k^:r\, 3), n. 'back' (chiefly in prepositional expressions):

in gcul cloch 3r\ g^:r\ kT\xx '
behind a stone '
(3); ta an ghaoth
air do chul ta m yE: er dd x^ :l '
the wind is on your back
('behind you'), air a chulaibh er d xîhv, adv. 'behind' (8);
as do chul as dd xiC'A from behind you,' as cul Cnoc Leithid
'
as k/C:l {k^:T\, 3) krok I's-id^ 'from behind Knocklaid'; prep,

'back of,' 'behind*: cul nan gcnoc k^:l {k^l, kll) nar] grok
*
behind the hills,' cul an toigh kiC:l dti tEi '
behind the house.'
cullach k^lax, n.m. '
boar.'
cum (=Sc. coom) kiCm, n. 'dust of turf or sods' (9a). —Cf. k^m
cum
(An !)•._,
k^m, vb. 'keep'; 'hold' (§ 142); vb. n. cumail kernel {-al);
p.p. cuimte k^mtlj (i).
cuma, see coma,

cumhang fc/C,9», adj. 'narrow'; Bealach an Inean Chumhang
bjalax d nin'zn [n'in'zn] kCin {x^m) (pl.-n.).
cumasach, see comasach.

cumannta k^nidtitd (9a, 13), k/Ctmtax, k^motd, k^mdn (5), adj.
'
common ' ; adv. '
commonly ' : ta e dol cumannta ta d dol
kKmdtd 'he is always going' (6).
cunntae k/Cntai (8), k/Cndai (5), n. '

county.'
cunntas k^ntds {kont?s, 5), vb. n. '
counting.'
cuntairt kiCntDrt\, n. 'danger' (15).
cuntairteach kiCntntjax, adj. 'dangerous' (15).
cupard k/Cbdrd, n. '
cupboard '
(3).
cupla kiCp.ily n. '
couple ' (in roofmg).
curach k^rax, n. '
coracle.'
Curachaig k^rahe{ :)g, ktCrahgy k^ra^g, pl.-n. *
Cooraghy.'
curam k^:r?m, n. care.' '
curamach k/C:rdmax\ adj. '

careful ' (2).
cuta k^tdy n. '

cut' (of yarn): cuta do shnath k^td dd na: (3).
'
t84 the IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
da, num., see § 135.

da-bhliadhnach daivl'ianaXy pi. -aigh -i, n. & adj. 'two-year-old
(animal).'
daidico da\j (3), ciz\jd (15a), n. 'water hemlock.'
dall da:l dal (13), da:^ (3), adj. 'blind.'
dam dam, n. 'dam': Dam Dhomhnall 'ic Artair (Cairteoir) dam
yobl i kartjer (pl.-n., 4).
damhsadh davsDg, vb. n. '
dancing '
; bha sinn ag damhsadh aig a'
ChoUainn va: Jt'/i' 9 davs.ig eg' 9 xolln' we were dancing

'
at
hogmanay.'
dan fate,' only in: ta e in dan domh ta 9 n da :n d/C it is my fate (3).
' ' '
dana da:n9, adj. 'bold' (used, as in local English, for 'bad' or

wicked'): na bi dana anois na hi: da:n 9 nlj ; cf. § 118.
'
Daoin, see dia.
daor dd:r (L.E.), dE:r (U.E.), adj. '

dear' (of value),
daorach dE:rax, only in: air an daorach (-aigh) er 9n dEirax {doiriy 2)
'
drunk.'
dara, darna, ord., see § 136.
dath da, n. '
color ' ;
gabhaidh chuile dath dubh, ach cha ghabh
dubh dath gavi x^l'9 da diC ax xa yav d^ da (saying, 2).
de 4^, prep, 'of,' 'off' (§§ 98, 107, 125).
deacht dâxt, adv. 'just': deacht mar a bha ise tionntachadh a'
bhannach dâxt m9r 9 va /Ja tjznta:g 9 vanax (3).

deag, num., see § 135.
dealan, see teine.
dealan de dealan dê: {dêlan dê:, 8, dêbm dê:), n. 'butterfly/
dealg dâg (3, for dâT{g), pi. deilg dêl'g', n.m. '(stocking) wire.'
deamhan, see dimean.
dean, irreg. vb., see § 149.
dear, in : cha dtug me i ndear ha d^g mi n'ar '
I did not notice
(15, etc.).
dearg dârg, adj. '
red.' —Cf. g'arg (An i).
Deargan (name of an ancient hero, cf. Brian), in

dârgan, n.m.
pl.-nn.: Purt an Deargan p£rt 9n dârg9n (3), Sroin an Deargan
sn :n' 9n dârg9n, Sroin Deargan sn :n' dârg9n,
deargatan dârg9tan, pi. -ain zn\ n.m. '
flea.'
dearmad, in : ta me deanadh dearmad de ta : mz d^zn9g dârrndd d^z

'
I forget it '
(3).
'
GLOSSARY 185
dearmadach dârmddax (4, 15), dârmdtax (3), adj.

*
forgetful.'
deas dês, adj. 'pretty,' 'fine,' 'nice'; ag teacht deas do j tjaxt
dês do: 'coming close on him' (i); cha ba deas leis xa bj
dês lej '
he did not like.'
deas dês, adj. 'right': ar deas lamh De 3r dês la:v dê : 'on the
right hand of God' (9, in the Creed).
deas dês, n. 'south'; ag dol ma dheas ^ dol ma jes 'going
southward '
(10).
deich, num., see § 135.
deidh, only in: in deidh du d^zi {m dâi, d n'ai, U.E.), as deidh
as d^si, prep. '
after '
; in deidh meadhon lae dn d^si mz-du lEi
'
in the afternoon,' '
p.m.,' in deidh sin du dâi jln '
after that
(3), in deidh ocht 3n dâi oxt '

after eight '; with pron. objects,
see § 128; it forms past participles, see § 139.
deidheamhail d^zizl (4), d^zial (13), dâial (U.E.), adj. 'fond';
bha e deidheamhail air dram va d dâial er dram '
he was fond
of a dram.'
deifrigh dêfri, vb. 'hurry' (§ 142).
deilbh dêl'v, n. '
warping,' ' " start " of a net'
(15).
deireadh dêr'dg, n.m. '
end '
; go deireadh gd dêr'dg '
to the end,'
an bata ma dheireadh dm ha:td ma jer'dg 'the last boat.'
deoch dôx, n. '

drink ' : deoch an doras dôx ?n dords '
stirrup-cup.'
deor dô ;r, n.m. '
tear '
;
'
drop,' '
drink '
; ag sileadh nan deor
d I'll'dg nan dp:r (15).
dia, de dê, n. '
day,' only in the days of the week: De Domhnaigh
dê do :ni *
Sunday,' De Luain dê liCzn' Monday,' De Mairt
'
dê ma :rt\ *
Tuesday,' De Ceadaoine dê k'd :dnd '
Wednesday,'
De'r Daoin ijer dEin' (dd:n') 'Thursday,' De h-Aoine dê
h/C:n'{9) '
Friday,' De Sathairne dê sadrn '
Saturday.'
Dia dîa, n.m. '
God
Dia duit ar maidin dîa diCt\ dv madîn
'
(§ 109) ;
good morning Dia 's Muire dhuit dîa s m/Cr'd y^^J

• '
(3),
(salutation, 3), beannacht Dia (De) leat hjanaxt dîa {dê:) I' at
good-bye,' a Dhe 's Muire d je s m^r'd (interj.).

'
:
diabhal d^zml (L.E.), dâudl (U.E.), n.m. 'devil'; go seididh an

diabhal thu gd J^-'^J 3^ dâudl iC, go stroicidh an diabhal thu
gj strj:k' dn dâudl ^ (curses); diabhal bit go bhfeil ann
dâudl hit gd vel a:n '
there is nothing ' (cf. dimean).
'
diallait dpalid^y n. saddle.'
N
diasog, sec liasog.

dichcall, in: mo dhicheall m? jipl, m9 jidl 'my best' (15a).
differ (E.) dEjjr, n.m. *
difference.'
dileas dî :l\is, adj. 'faithful.'
dimcan dîm,m, an intensifying adv. (cf diabhal): dimean greim

dînwi grcm devil a bit,' similarly dînad grim (2).
'
ding, V. '
press,' '
squeeze,' *
push ' : mana n-eirigh thu as an sin
dingidh me san phit thu man,i n'iiri ^ as 9 \in dîn'i mz Sd fi-td K.
'
I will push you into the pit ' (12); vb. n. dingeadh diin'dg.
dinnear dîn'er, n.m. {dîn'er vo ;r, 3)
'
dinner.'
diog (dig) dî :g, n.f. '
ditch '
; in pl.-nn. Dig an Mhuilinn ^51 :g d
v^l'in. Dig Mhor dî:g voir.

diolt, V. 'deny': dioltaidh ead thar an gceann e diiilti ed har 9r\
g'a:n a '
they will deny that they did it '
(5).
diomach d^zmax, adj. '
displeased ': cha rabh e buidheach na diomach
ha ro a h/Ciax na d^zmax (15, etc.).
dionach dîdnax, adj. '

tight,' '
dry '
(of boat, 4).
diornach dî :rnax, diorsach dî :rsax, adj. '

tedious ' (Sc. " langsome ),
'insistent,' 'stubborn' (12).

diospoireacht dîsp^raxt, vb. n. '
disputing ' (15).
direach dî:r'axt, adj. '
straight,' '
right': ta e direacht ta d dîir'axt
'
it is correct.'
dis, dist, num., sec § 135.
diver (E.) dzivdr, pi. divers dzivdrs (3).
do ddy prep, 'to' (§§ 98, 107, 125): oidhche mhaith duit 7;p va
(ma) diCti good evening '
' [Ir.
'
good night ' (when calling or
meeting, cf dho k^:g'

le)], cuig do ds yo: 'five (minutes]
to two,' deich mionaidean do h-aon Jjef mjznad^M do: hE:n
(stressed),
do, poss. pron., see §§ 98, 127, 128.

do, num., sec § 135.
docha, see doigh 2.
doigh dj :j, dji, n.f.

'
manner '
: sin an doigh cheart I In dn do :j gart.
doigh, in: is doigh leam ds do: hm^ is docha leam ds doxd hm

'
'
I think (12; rare),
doigh, V. 'burn': pres.-fut. doighidh me do'i me; vb. n. doghadh
do-dg', p.p. doighte do:tid,
doihgh dEli, adj. '

difficult.'
GLOSSARY 187
doimhncacht dnn'axt, n. '

depth '
(4).
Doire dEr'd, n. '
Derry '
: Cunntae Dhoire k^ntai yEr'd, Loch Dhoire
lox yEr'd (15).
doirt dortl, v. '
pour '
; vb. n. dortadh do :rtdg
'
pouring.'
domhain do'in' , adj. '
deep.'
Domhnach, see dia; oidhche Domhnaigh I:p dj :ni '
Sunday night.'
Domlinall ddiudl, djjl, dDdX\ (3), n.m. 'Daniel'; in pl.-n. Uamhaidh
Dhomhnaill Bara iCavi yobl ba:ra (3).
dona djHD, adj. bad (§ 122); ta e go dona ta d gd djtid he is sick.'
' ' '
donn do:n, don, adj. brown,' dun '; Mairi Dhonn mairi yon.
' '
Donnchadh donaxdg, n.m. '

Duncan '
; ' (King) Donn '
; in pl.-nn.
Shabh Dhonnchaidh slhv yonaxi (2), Purt Righ Donnchaidh
p^rt rEi donaxi (4).
doras djr9S, pi. doirsean dor^dn, n.m. '
door ' ; doras a' chleibh
dotds d xle :v (cf. ucht).
dorcha djraxd, dorahag [doraig, 3, § 79), adj. 'dark.'

dorn dorn, n. '
fist,' '
hand '
(cf. under bainne) ; is f hearr ean san
dorn na dis ar chraobh Je;r z:n sd dorn na dê-ij er xroiv
(saying, i).
dosaen, see dusaen.
drachaidh draixi, adj. *
wet,' 'dirty' (of the weather): ta e go
drachaidh ta: gd dra:xi. —Cf. dra:xi (An i).
draighean draim, n.m. '

brier '
; in pl.-nn. : Purt an Draighean p^rt
dn draidn, Bealach Inean (an) Draighean bjar\ax in'zn draijn (3).
drake (E.): an Draca dn draikd '

the Drake '
(name of a ship, 3).
drama drantd (drami, i), n. 'dram' (§ 116).

dranndan drandan, n. 'noise,' 'sound' (15, etc.).
drar (drawer) dra-dr, pi. drairthean drair'dn, n. '
drawer' (3, § 109b).
dreallog dr'alag, n.f. '
swingletree.'
dreas dres, n. 'bramble,' 'brier'; in pl.-n. Inean nan Dreas in'zn
nan dres.
dreasog, see driosog.

dreimire dreimir'd, n. 'ladder.'
dressed (E.) drzst^d (6).
driegh (Sc.) drig
'
slow,' '
tedious,' " longsome " (5, 13).
driosog (dreasog) drzsag (8, 15), dresag (6), pi. -an -^n, n.f *
brier.'—
Cf drzsag (An i).
driseog, see driosog.

:
droch, adj., 5a' § 119; droch na daoinc dnx na dEm'd *

poor people'
Droghcda (E.) dnxjda.
droichcad dnpd, dn^zd^ (8), n.
*
bridge/
drolach dnlax, pi. drolaigh dnll {-di), n.m. 'pothook* (4, 13).
dromach, sec lus.
droman dromati, n. 'elder' (Ir. " burtree ").

dromanach dnmsnax, n. 'back rope' (of harness, 15, etc.).
drop (E.): drap el' 9 'another drop'; drapan 'wee drop' (Sc. 'drap').
druid dr^d^, vb. '
shut ' ; p.p. druidte drltj?
'
shut.'
druim drim, n. '

back ' : air mo dhruim er md yrim (3) Druim na ;
Claiginne drIm na kT\zg'in'D '

Cleggan Ridge (pl.-n.). '
dti, only in: go dti g9 dî : (15 b), g9 dê : (3, 8), prep, 'to':
o'n t-shnathad go dti an acair jn trajd gd dî: nakir '
from the
needle to the anchor ' ;
mixed up with ainti (q.v.) or in deidh
(q.v.): in de an gheafta dri dê{:) n jafa 'to the gate' (3).
dubh d^y adj. 'black': Domhnall Dubh dS^l d^ 'Black Daniel,'
Ailte Dhuibh altjj ylv iyliev) '
Black ' (surname) ; in pl.-nn.
Druim a' Chreisean Duibh drIm xrejzn dîVy Purt Inean Duibhe
p^rt in'dn divd.
dubhan d^-an, dân (15, etc.), n.m. 'fishing hook.*
Dubhar d^dr, (pl.-n.).
Dubhghall d^dly diC9T\ (3), n.m. *

Dougald.*
Dubhthach, in pl.-n. Uamha (an) Dubhthaigh (?) âv9 d^'i (8),
âv9 n diC-i (6).
duibhean diven, n.m. '

cormorant ' (or similar bird) ; in pl.-n. Allt
an Duibhean d/^ 9n divzn aT\t 9n dlvztiy 3), Lathrach Da Dhui-
bhean (?) la:rt 9 ylvzn [r\a:rt9 ylvzn, 3).
duibheas dlv9s, n.m. '

a kind of bracken growing in caves '
(5).
duil(e) d^:l'9, n.f. 'creature'; an duile bhocht 9n diC:l'9 vjxt,
a dhuile bhocht 9 y(i:\'9 voxt (voc, 2).
diiil d^:\\ n. 'expectation,' in: ta duil agam ta: diC:l. ag9m {am)
'
I expect ' (2, 15).
duileasc dll'9sk, d^l'9sk (15, etc.), n. 'dulse.'
duilleach d/Cl'ax, n. '
foliage,' '
leaves ' : ta an duilleach ag tuiteam
ta 9n d/CVax 9 t^tJ9m (5).
duilleog d^l'ag, n.f. 'leaf; duilleog Phadraic dll'ag faidrik' 'rat-
'
tail (9b, ace. to 9a, another plant).
GLOSSARY 189
duine d^n'9, din'd (L.E.), dEn'd (U.E.), pi. daoine doin'd (L.E.),
dE:n'd (U.E.), n.m. 'man' (§ 112); na daoine beag na dEm'd
bzg, or: na daoine coir na dEm'd h :r' 'the fairies' (3).
duir d^r' d^r' d^r\ dll' dll' dll dll' (call to pigs).
Duitseach dltjax, n.m. '
Dutchman '
; in pl.-nn. : Carnan an
Duitseach karnan dh ditjax (3), Stac an Duitseach stak 3n
'
dlt\ax (3), Cos an Duitsigh kos dti ditji '
The Dutchman's Leg
(a formation in the rocks, 3).
dun d^:ny n.m. (i) 'fort' (common in pl.-nn.); (2) 'heap':
dun mor de iteogan d^:n mo :r d^z itjagdn (3).
Dun, in: Cunntae an Duin kiCntai n d(C:n' (15), Mndai m d^:n' (3),
n. Co. Down.'
'
dusaen d/Csen, n. 'dozen': leath dusaen cloch I'e d^sen kr[jx (3).
duthaigh, n. 'country': frid an duthaigh/n;Jj dti d^-i 'through
the country '
(4).
duthchas diCx3S (12), n.
'
nature.*
e, pers. pron., see ^^ 124, 125.

each jax, pi. eich ef , or eachan jaxdn, n.m. '
horse.'
eadach e :dax, n.m. (i) 'clothes': eadach leabaidh e :dax I'ahi 'bed
clothes ' ; (2)
'
sail ' : cuir an t-eadach uirthe k^r' dti te :dax ^xd
*
set the sails.'
eadail, in: m'eadail m e:dz\ '

my treasure (term of endearment, 2).
'
eadan e :ddn^ n. '

face ' ; also in pl.-nn. : Eadan an Chinn Reamhar
eiddti d în ravdr (3).
eadar eddr, prep. *

between.'
eadtrom eidrdtn, adj. 'light' (not heavy),
eagal egdl, egdr\ (3), n.m. 'fear': ta eagal air ta: egsl er\ or: ta an
t-eagal air ta sn t\egdl dr' *
he is afraid. —Cf. zgdl (An i).
eaglach egdlax, adj. '

timid,' '
afraid.'
eaglais e^//J, n.f. 'church'; Bay na h-Eaglaise he: na hegr[ij,

(3), be:i na hegllj (15) '
Church Bay.'— Cf. eglii (pl.-n.. An i).
eagnais, in: as eagnais as egnil, prep. & adv. *
without (it)
'
(15,
etc.).
ealajWa, pi. ealachan jar|fl/ian (3), n.f. 'swan'; cf : iolar na eala(r)
na amhsan j'e/ar na jahr na avsan (from an old saying, 8).

—
Ealaidh, in: an Ealaidh d n'all

'
Ally' (pl.-n., at the Lower End);
air an Ealaidh cr d n'all, n'aT]i (3) 'at Ally,' {cf. Uig); Loch
(or: Lochan) na h-Ealadh lox {loxati) na âhg '
Ally Loch' (5).
eallach 'cattle': an t-eallach jti tjalax 'the cattle' (15).
Eamonn e:m?n, n.ni. 'Edmund.'
ean e;«, pi. ein z:n\ coin jo :n' (4), and canlaith, q.v., n.m. 'bird*;
•chicken' (especially in the pi.):na h-cin bheag na he:n' veg
* the chickens'; cearc an ein k'ark d n'z:n' (ne;«'), or cearc
an coin k'ark ? n'oin', or cearc na n-eoin k'ark na n'oin'
'
clucking hen.*
eanlaith, n. 'fowls,' 'poultry': na heanlaith na he:llg (13).
Eanna (?), in the pl.-n.: Cill Eanna (£annaigh?) k'i^l'znu (k'il'd na
I'e mi, 4) '
Killeany.'
eangach zgax, pi. na h-eangaigh na âyi (5), n.f. *net'; tarrain na

h-eangach tar in na hegax '
pulling the nets '
(8).
earrach jarax, n. '

spring '
(season).
Easan esan, pl.-n. —Cf. 65 '

waterfall ' (An i).
ease 'marsh,' in the place-name: Ease nan gCorr eskd na{T\) goir
(3, 5, 1$), eskd naT[ goudr (9, etc.), gnudr (8).
easconn, n. 'eel,' in: Lochan na n-Easconn lohan na ncskdn

*
Cleggan Loch' (9, 11).
easpog '
bishop,' in the pl.-n. Sroin an Easpuic sroin' d n'espik',
easrais, n. 'passage,' in: Easrais (Eiris) a Ghamhna erij d yavnd (3);
*
cf. Engl. esejn3*gavn3 (old), ejnj^gavnD (new) '
Esrishnagowna
(Pl-n)- ^
eigean, in: is eigean domh leig'dn d^ '

I must,' b'eigean do heig'dn
(be:g'Mj 3) dj: 'he had to,' ma's eigean domh ma jag'dn d/C
'
if I must.'
eigin, eigint, eiginteach, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (b).
eilbheog eVvag, n. 'burning coal,' (15a, b).

eile, eileag, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (b).
eilean el'zn, pi. eileain, el' en', eileanadh el'dn?g, n.m. * island/
Cf. el'?n (An i).
Eilispe elispz, n.f. 'Elizabeth' (2, Scot.),
eirigh eir'i, iir'i, v. 'rise' (§ 142); vb. n. eireacht: ag eireacht

3 g'e:r'axt, g'i'.r'axt, eireacht na greine eir'axt na grem'd (grE:n')
*
the sunrise '
(8).
GLOSSARY 191
Eireannach e:r'jnax, n. & adj. 'Irishman'; 'Irish.'
Eirinn e:rin', n.f. 'Ireland.'

Eiris a Ghamhna, see easrais.
eist, vb. '

Usten ' ; vb. n. ag eisteacht (le) j g'e :lt'axt k '
Hstening
(to).*
'
eiteachan etjahan, n.m. '
bobbin,' '
reed or quill in weaver's shuttle
(Scot, "pirn"); cuidhil eiteachain kail et\ahan' 'reel (for
winding yarn) '
(3).
eitearnog et\drnag (-ag'?), n. '
shuttle '
(3).
eiteog, eiteogaigh, see iteog, iteogaigh.
eochair, see iuchair.
Eo'm jj:n\ n.m. 'John,' e.g. Daniel Eoin Ban den' dl join' ha:n\
feil Eoin/e;'/' om' 'St. John's feast,' 'midsummer,' La feil Eoin
la: I'o'.n'
'
St. John's Day,' Mios fheil Eoin mi:sd I'oin' 'June.'
co\2i% jo :hs, n. 'knowledge.'
tovmjjirnd, n. *
barley'; min eorna mi^n' oirtid (9b).
fa fa, prep. *
about,' '
toward,' '
under '
[see §§ 98, 125) fa dheas:
fa jes
'
southward,' fa thuath fa hâ '
northward,' fa near
fa n'ar 'eastward' (?); cf. ma; uisce fa thuinn, see under
tonn.
£a.c\\zch.faxax, pi. fachaigh /(J:vi, n. 'shearwater' (bird, 3, 9b).
fad fad, n.f. *
length ': troigh ar fad trEi dr fad '
a foot long '
(3);
i bhfad {?) vad, adv. '
long,' *
far ' : an rabh thu i bhfad ? dn
ro /C vad 'were you far?' (6); prep, with gen. 'during,'
'along': fad na h-oidhche fad na hl:p, fad an gheimhridh
fad d jsvri, fad an bhealaigh /^J 9 vjall; fhad agus ad ds, conj.
*
as long as ' : fhad agus ta e tiream ad ds ta d t\xr'dm ; cf. faid.
£id2. fadd, adj. 'long'; 'far'; chan fhada bhuainn anois ha nadd
I
I
v/Czn' d nl\ '
it is not far from us now,' le fada h fadd '
for a
long time ' (with negation, 8).
fadalach fadalax, adj. *

lonesome,' '
weary.'
I
^% fa •<^» V. ' leave '
; vb. n. fagail fa igal, fagain fa :gin, fagailt
j
fa:galt\ (14); p.p. faigte /d ;^/j5 : chan fheil moran faigte ha nel
j
mo :ran fa :gti9.
faic, irreg. vb., see § 150.
;'
faid fad^, n.f. '

length '
(orig. dat. sg. of fad, q.v.) : goide an f haid
o na thainigh thu? g9 d^c nadi o na han'i : <C (lo), ge an fhaid
na thainigh thu? g'e: tiad^ na ha:n'i <C (6) '
how long is it since
'
you came ?
faigh, irreg. vb., 5ec § 151.

fail, pi. Âta. faltj (also used as sg.), n. *
turf spade': na falta
monadh na faltd moitidg '

the turf spades ' (15, etc.).
Faileacht /ti/'rtxf, pl.-n. (in Ballyconagan).
failte /rt ;/rJp, n. *
welcome': failte san to\^Ja:lt\d sdti tEi (3).
fainne /rt :«'<?, n. 'ring (for fmger)': fainne or jam' d Jir (2).
faireacan farikan, pi. -ain an\ n. '
ledge or terrace in rocks
(cf. creisean); in pl.-nn. : na Faireacain (Faracain) na fardkdn
(at Craigmacagan), Cnoc na bhFaireacan knk na var'ikdn
(varikm, varigm, 4), Baile na bhFaireacan bal'd na vargdn, hal na
vangdn (8), bal'd vardgdn (10), hal'd faragdn, E. bah ^varigdn
*
Ballynavargan ' (the old name of Mullindres); cf. Dinneen:
faireog, farog, farragan.
faireadh fa ir'dg, n.
'
dawn '
: faireadh an la ja ir'dg du lad.
fairrge, see farraice.
faithne, see foithne.
£i\fa:l, n.
'
fold,' '
pound '; *
wall ' (?); in pl.-nn. Fal na Gamhna
fad na gavnd, Fal Tuaithil, see Tuafal; Fal Dubh/a;/ d^ (4),
Sliabh an Fhail slidv d na:V '
Slieveanaille,' a dangerous place
on the north coast.'
falach, n. *
hiding,' only in: i bhfalach (5) valax {vaT[ahy 3),
adv. '
in hiding,' *
hidden ' : ag dol i bhfalach 3 dol d varâht
'
going to hide,' ga chur i bhfalach ^fj x/Cr d vaT\ah
'
hiding it '
(3).
fallan/d/^n, adj. *
healthy '
(15).
' '
fallsa/fl/55, adj. false (15, etc.).
(silt faltd, n.m. *
glen ' (with stream at bottom, 15, etc.); in pl.-nn.:
an Fallt dn fait *
Ault ' : ag obair anns an Fhallt d gobir ans d nalt,
Sruthan an Fhallt sr/Cjn d nalt, Bruach an Fhaillt br^3X d nailtj (8)
in other names: Allt (Alt), as: Allt an Choire ar[t d xor'd

*
Altacorry,' Allt an Duibhean alt dn divzn, Glaic Ailt an
Duibhean glak' alt\ dn diven (3).
fsAlus falds, faT\dS (3), n.m. * perspiration ' ;
an Toigh Falluis dn
tEi fall\ '
the Sweathouse.'
falmatar falrndtdr, n. *
tiller of rudder.'
I
—
GLOSSARY 193
hn fan, v. 'stay'; vb. n. hntnn fantin (2, 3, 12), fantail /fl«^fl/
(11, 13), fanacht /aH^x^

£a.nca. faT]kd, n.m. 'sheepfold' (Scot, "fank"), pi. fancaigh /rtrji^f (13);
in pl.-nn. Purt an Fhancaigh p/(rt d naT]ki, Cnoc an Fhancaigh
krok d nax\ki (15), Ceathramh an Fhainc (?) h'ardv d nsT[k'3 (4).
faobhar /E;v3r, n. 'edge* (4).
faochan/£;xfi«, n. 'mussel' (15).
hoc\iogfE:xag, n. 'dregs,' 'ale' (2); cf. caochan.
faod, def. vb., see § 155.
faoi//;; fî, fEi (8), prep. '
under (§§ 107, 124, 125).
'
faoileann /o.-Z'^w (L.E.), fE:l'dn (U.E.), n.f. 'seagull'; in pl.-nn.

Creag na bhFaoileann kreg na vEil'dti, Rudha na bhFaoileann
r^d na vEil'dn.
Faoilleach, in: Mios na Faoilleach mi:s na foil' ax (5), mi:s na vEil'ax
(13) 'February'; generally understood as: Mios na
bhFaoileann mils? na vEil'dn [jEil'dn), from the seagulls
following the plow,
faoin /£;«', adj. 'silly.'
far, rel. adv., see § 145.

'
fareir ghear/i?'re;r ^jeir, interj. alas ' (2).
'
farraice farik'd, n.f. sea.'
(isfa:s, v. '
grow '; vb. n. idem: ta e fas mall ta d fa:s mail
*
it is
getting late.'
£2SC2i^\i faskdg, faik\yg (8, 9a), n.m. 'shelter'; taobh an fhascaidh

tE:v d naski '
the leeward side.'
fzstOidh fast?g, vb. n. 'hiring': aonach fastadh bmaxfastdg (4),
fast, £sist2i fa3St,fa :st {12), fast? (4), adv. 'still' C£.fj:std (An i),
Manx foast (Kneen, § 72).

feach /s ;.v, v. '
try '
; vb. n. feachaint /s ixintj.
fead fed, n. '
whistle ' : fead ar son an dinnear fed dr son dn dîn'er.
fead, def. vb., see § 155.
feadanaigh ^'Jfi«i, vb. n. 'whistling' (13).
feadog fedag, n. '
plover '
(9a).
feag, pi. feagan/e^^« {fEg^n, 15), n. 'rushes.'

feairt, in: na cuir feairt air na kiCr fjart\ er' 'do not heed him' (2, 15).
feamain j[/'dmm, jf/'flmpn (15), n.f. 'seaweed,' 'wrack'; in pl.-nn.

Talamh na Feaman tabv na fjamdn (15), Talamh na Feamanta
tabv na fjamdnid, Purt na Feamanta p^rt na fjamdntd (8).
T94 THE IRISH LANGUAGK IN RATHLIN ISLAND
feannog fjatiag, n.f.

'
gray crow.*
fear fjar, pi. fir fir, n.m. '
man '
; ' husband '
: fear Mhary Jane
fjar veri d^cti; fir chlisne (chlisle) ^r xlijti'd (x/ij/'.^) 'northern
hght' (15, etc.).
fear/e.T, n.m. 'grass'; 'hay': ag obair aig an fhear d gobir eg'
d n'z'.r.
fearann '
land '
(' townland '), prob. in the pl.-n. Fearann na Serine
fjar {fjzr) ud skrim'd (4); cf. serin,
fearr, fhearr, comp., see § 122.

fcarban ^'^r/jd«, n. 'weed growing among potatoes* (3); Dinneen:
Ranunculus.
feart, see feairt.
feasog /e ;5rt^, n.f. 'beard' (3).

feidhm/e.*m, n. '
use ': ta feidhm agam air ta: fe :m agdm er' '
I can
use it,' '
I need it,' ghni sin feidhm domh ni : jIn fe :m diC
'I can use that* (10), ghni (deanaidh) sin feidhm ni: {d^sni)
jlnfe:m '
that will do.*
feidhm, def. vb., see ^ 155.
feidhmeamhail /e;me/, adj. 'needy': ta ead feidhmeamhail a ta
feitheamh air ta adfeimzl d ta: fi'dv er (saying about the fairies),
feidir, see f heatar.

feith^, V. 'wait'; vb. n. feitheamh /^-^y 'waiting.'
feith, n. gan f heith, gan f huil gd nzd g? nul
'
sinew ' :
*
without
sinew, without blood (7). '
fcochadan f^jfodan (6), f^Cdfir (14, prob. corrupt), fiCdSDgan (4),

'
n. thistle.*
feoiljf;':; ;/', n.f. '

flesh '
;
'
meat *
; feoil muicefp ;/' rmCk'd '
pork '
(3).
f heatar, def. vb., see § 155.
fhein, refl. pron., see § 129.
fiacal (fiacail) fiakily pi. {iSLchnfiakhn, n. 'tooth.' —Cf. fidksl (=fiacla,
pi., An i).
fisich fiax, pi. fiachan ^^X3n, n. 'worth,' 'price'; 'debt*: ti

fiachan orrtha ta: fiaxdn op 'they are in debt'; fiach mur
saoithreach, see saothar.
£\zch.fiax,fi-ax (15a), n.m. '
raven '; in pl.-nn. Leathtrom an Fhiaigh
I'etrdm d n'i'i, I'etrdm d n'iax, Toigh an Fhiaigh tEi d n'vi
'
the Crobie's House.'
fiadh fiag [fi^g, 5), n. *
deer.*
GLOSSARY 195
fiadhaidh fi^gi, adj. '

wild *
(5).
fiadhain ^'e^£«, adj. '
wild '
(§ 118); tuimog fhiadhain t^nag iagsfi (3).
fiadhnaise, see ianais.

fiafraigh fiafri, vb. 'ask' (§ 142); pres.-fut. fiafrochaidh ^tj/r^,
fiafra? ; mixed with iarr : fiarraidh me dithe fizri me dîp
'
I will ask her.'
fiagair /flî'r [1$), fiagord (i$2), jiagdr (5), n.f. 'lea' (land which has
not been plowed for many years); in the pl.-n. Cnoc na
Fiagrach krok na fiagrax.
fichead, num., see § 135.
ficheadamh, ord., see § 136.
fideog fidâg, n.f. * whistle '
(4) ; in pl.-nn. : Glaic na Fideoige
glak' na jid^zg'd (3), fidâg't (3), fidâgd (4), Inean Fideoige
in'zn fidâg'd (-ag'i, 3).
fidheal^'p/, pi. fidhleachan ^^/^x.?// (i), n.f. '
fiddle' (4); ag bualadh
na fidhil 3 biCabg na fi-dl (cf. buail).
fidhleoir ^ ;/'sr, ^/'er (15), n.m. 'fiddler.'
figh, vb. '

weave '
; imperf -cond. a dh'f higheadh d jvDg ; vb. n.
fighe> (3).
figheadoir fijdzr, n.m. *
weaver '
; ' spider.'
figheadoireacht ^^rrdAT^ {l), fiddraxt (12), n.f. 'weaving.'

fine fin'd, n. 'family,' 'people'; fine coimhtheach fin'd kEvax
' '
stranger(s) (2).
(inczihc ji :n' altjd J adj. 'fine.'
finish (E.) : ta me fmishte ta : we Jinijt'd (3) ; an ceol f hinisheadh

37] k'j:r\ inilag *
to finish the song '
(3).
fiodhj% (6, 8,^ 11), fig^ {15) Jm {S),fiti (12), pi. fiodhan//^pn (8),
n. '
wood,' in pi. '
ribs ' (of ship),
fiolatan (?), in pl.-n.: Purt na Fiolatan p^rt na fjebtan.
(lohr jebr (S),fjar]9r' (3), pi. na fiolaran na fjebrdn, n.f. 'eagle' (8);
an f hiolar 3 n'zbr '
the eagle '
(8) ; in pl.-n. : Cnoc na Fiolaire
krok na fjzr\ir'3 (3), kr\3x na fjer[ir'3 (3), knk na fjslag'd (5),
mixed up with feannog.
partly
fionjfi;«, n.m. wine (i); in pl.-n. Purt an Fhion p/Crt 3 n'i:n (3).
' '
fionnjjett, adj. 'fair': an Ceann Fionn dr\ k'anfjen 'Fair Head.'

fionnadh fjen3Vy n. '
fur,' '
hair '
: fionnadh cat fjzn3v hat.
fior Jz.T, adj. 'true': fior sin ^;r Jm, ta sin fior ta: \in fi:r
'
that is true.'
196 THE IRISH LANGUAGf. IN RATHLIN ISLAND
fior-uisce^ ;r<CJ^'c?, n. 'spring water*: tobar fior-uisce tohr Ji :ri(k'd.
fios /i5, n. 'knowledge'; ta fhios agam, see § 146; aig Dia ta fios
(e^') dîa ta: ^fis 'God knows' (3).
fiosta, in the adv. gan fhiosta^<? nist? '
without (anybody's) knowing,'
' '
secretly (3).
fiosraigh, vb. 'ask' (§ 142); pret. dh'fhiosraigh ise ^c jisdri i\d dê
'she asked him' (3); vb. n. fiosrachadh fisraag.
fireann /ir<?//, adj. 'male': gamhain £iTC2inn gav in Jirjn.

f irinn, n.f. '
truth '
: an f hirinn <? u'i :r'm.
flaitheamhnas ^rt<?t^^«55 (8), n. '

Heaven.'
'
fliuch fi'^x, adj. wet.'
Fliuchog fl'^hag, pl.-n.
flower: finudr, n. (3).
flur^^.T, n. 'flour'; cf. pliir.
flur^^.T, pi. fluran /?<C.T5«, n. 'flower' (2).

focal fjkdl, fikdT\ (3), pi. foclan fihbn (3), n. '
word.'
fochann foxDti, n. '
blades of corn '
(9).
fod, see foid.
foghmhar ^;i>pr {fivor, 2, 3), n.m. 'harvest'; 'autumn*: ta an
foghmhar mall ta dn fivdr ma:l; san fhoghmhar sd mvdr in the '
fall'; Mios an Fhoghmhair mi:s d novdr 'September,' Aonach
an Fhoghmhair / :nax d mvdr the Autumn Fair.' *
foid fi :d^, pi. foidean fi id^dti, n.

*
sod '
: foid mhonadh fj :d^ vo itidi
peat sod
'
(9).
'
foithne^n'5, pi. foithnean ^rt'^n, n. 'wart' (3).

folach, see falach.
folbh folv, in: theid me ar folbh heid^ me r folv 'I will go away*
(§ 153).
follain, see fallan.
fonn fo itiy n.m. '

tune '
;
' voice '
: chan f heil fonn maith aige xa
nel fo:n ma eg'd (3).
fore, pi. fuirc f^r'k\ n. *
fork '
(3).
fortan firtan, n.m. *
fortune ' : rinn iad fortan maith annsin rain'
ad firtan ma dti jin (3).
fos, only in the adv. i bhfos (p) vos *
over,' *
over here ' : bhfos
a' seo vos d \y
*
over here '
(3).
fos (fast, {sistdi) fa9St, fa: St {12), fast? (4), adv. *
still ': ta e garbh fasta
ta d garv fast? (4).

—
GLOSSARY 197
foscadh, see fascadh.

£oscsii\ fiskdl, vb. *
open '
(§ 142). C£. foskdl (An i).
fostaigh, see fastadh.

Francach /r^ri^rtx, adj. '
French '; as n.=cuilc Fhrancach.
fraoch/ro:x (2, s),frE:x (U.E.), n.m. 'heather.'
fraochog frE:xag, n.f. ' whortleberry.' Usually moineog. —Cf.
frîxag (An i).
fras/rrt5, frais/raj (15, etc.), n.f. 'shower' (§ 110).

frasaidheacht /rrt5i(?x^ vb. n. 'raining in showers' (15, etc.).
freagair, vb. 'answer' (§ 142); pret. cha do fhreagair xa dd regir;
vb. n. freagairt /re^^r^J.
freiceadan, n. ' watch (ing) '
(Scot.), only in the pl.-n. Cnoc an
Fhreiceadan knk dn rzk'ddan [rik'ddan, 5, krok [d) rsk'dtan, 4,
rzk'dtd, 9c, rek'dd, 15), or (corrupt) krok nafrik'ddan.
freisin /rejm, adv. 'also' (4).
freshailte /rejrt/^jp {2), fraâltjd (3, 8), adj. 'fresh': uisce freshailte
Ilk'dfrzlalt\d {fra\altli).
£ndfri:d^, prep, 'through' (§ 125).
frithir ^ri'-^r, adj. 'sore': ta mo mhuineal frithir ta: md v^n'al fridr.
frock (E.): pi. na frockachan na frjkam (3).

fry (E.): p.p. fryte /rîVJ^.
fuacht fâxt, n. ' cold ' : ta fuacht orm ta: f/Caxt orm *
I am
cold.'
fuadaiste /CtiJ/Jf'^, p.p. 'carried away' (as by the wind; 15, etc.).
fuaigh, vb. '
sew ' : pres.-fut. fuaighidh me fâi {fâji) me ; vb. n.
fuaighean /Cfl/e« (13).
fuaim fâm, n. sound.' '
fuar //Cdr, adj. 'cold.'

fuaradh, in: taobh an fhuaraidh tE:v 9 n/Cari 'the windward side.'
£\i2.x:og f/Carag {fârg, 12), n.f 'oatmeal with cold sour milk' (taken
especially at harvest time); fuarog cornst. f/Carag jj :rn9 (10).
{uzsclzdh fâskbg, n. 'relief (15, etc.).

£u2ith2iS3ich fâsax,fisax, adj. and adv. *
terrible '; '
very ': fuathasach
stoirmeamhail f/Casax stormzU fuathasach maith f/Casax ma
*
awfully good,' uair fuathasach dona Kar fosax dond *
very bad
weather.'
fuigh, see faigh.
fuil/C/', n. m. *
blood.'
jgS^ THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
fuiling, vb. '

suffer ' : chan f huiliiig thu an teas, as chan f hulling
thu an fuacht, chan f heil f hios agam goide ghni me leat ha n/Clin
/C .m tjcs as ha nXlin ^ jn fâxt ha ncl Us am gd dê: ni: mi I' at (2).
fuinncog, sec uinneog.
fuirscadh, sec chath.
fuiseog, sec uiseog.
furn/Cn/,/Cr,}« (15, etc.), pi. furnan /Cm,?«, furanadh //Cr^n^^ (15, etc.),
'
n. puffin.'
furusta /Arr^5^(,?), adj. 'easy' (§ 122): ta e furusta radh ta d f^rdst

*
3 ra :g it is easy to say.'
gabh^^f, vb. '

take '; go, vb. '
sing '; vb. n. gabhail âi^d/ *
taking ';
gozl [-al) 'singing': gabhail cto\ gozl k'oily an urr' leat ceolta
ghabhail? d niCl'dt k'o:T\td yozl '
can you sing? '
(3), but some-
times also 'taking': gabhail notion gosl no:l9n (3).
gabha, gabhain go-in, n.m. '
smith '
(originally dative form).
gabhadh^fl.-fc?^, n.m. 'danger.'
gabhadoir go-Jtsr, n.m. '
singer '
(3).
gabhal deorach go :l dp:rax, n. *
snipe '
(8).
gabhar godr, pi. gabhair go-ir (5), go'dr (3), gabhrthan go'.ptty
n.m. '
goat.'
gabhlan g3.oit\ie go dan gE:p, n. 'swallow,' 'swift' (8).
gach, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (a).
gad gad, n. '

withe.'
gadhar, n. '
lurcher ' (dog), see Text No. 10.
Gaedheal, n. '
Gael,' in pl.-nn. Purt a' Ghaedheal p/Crt d yE:jdl,
Baile an Ghaedheal bal'? yE :jdI '
Ballygill ' (the latter, at least,
doubtful, cf Gall).
Gaedhilg (Gailic; Gaelca) gad'ik' (i, 2), gE:lkd (11), gE:r[k3 (3;
never 0), n. 'Irish' (language): ta moran Gaelc aige ta:
mo'.ran gEilk zg'd 'he has (knows) much Irish.' The term
Gailic seems especially to designate the Scottish form, Gaelca,
the Irish form of speech (2). —Cf gE{:)lk (An i).
gagan gagan, vb. n. 'cackling': ta iad ag gagan ta od d gagan (6).
Gailic, see Gaedhilg.

gaineamh gan'9v, n. '
sand.'
;
GLOSSARY 199
gair, vb. 'laugh' (§ 142); pret. ghair yfl.'r'; vb. n. (ag) gairidheacht
d ga ir'iaxt '
laughing.'
gairdean gardên, n. '
brachium,' '
upper part of the arm.'
Gall, n. '
Lowlander,' 'native of the "Low country" in Antrim'
(cf the Rathlin Catechism, § 7), chiefly in pl.-nn. Baile Ghoill :
bal'D yEiV * Ballygill,' Gall-bhuaile gax\vâl'i (3), gar\val'i (3),
galvan'i (9, etc.).

gall ga:l (6), gav^ (3), gEil (from pi., 4), pi. goill gEiV (6), goillean
gEibn (4), n.m. '
a small kind of seagull, called kittiwake '
(8);
prob. orig. identical with the prec. word, cf. Albannach ;
gall
deorachan gal dô :raxan, a night bird, 15 ;
gall gaoithe gar[ gE :p :
'
to be blethering like a Gall gaoithe,' 3 ; in pl.-n. Carraic nan
Goill karik' na gEil; popularly supposed to occur in Ballygill,
see under Gall.
galla gab, n. '
bitch '
(5, Scot.).
gsimhsdn gavin, gaunn (gauin), pi. ga^rnhns. gavna, n.m. '

calf; in pl.-n.
Fal na(n) Gamhna/d;/ na gavriB (g. sg. or pi.).
gan, prep. *
without,' see § 100.
gann gain, adj. '
scarce '
(i).
gaoiseaid gE:jsd^, n. 'horsehair': gaoiseaid na n-eich gE:jsd^

na n'e<;.
gaol Ê;/, n. 'love' (Scot., cf. gradh).

gaothô; (L.E.), f. 'wind': gaoth tuath gE: tâ,
gE: (U.E.), n.
gaoth ma
gE: ma ^hiCa, gaoth dheas gE: jes (wrong?),
thuath
gaoth ma
dheas gE: ma ^jes, gaoth aniar gE: n'iar, gaoth anear
gE: n'ar; bealach na gaoithe bjalax na gE:p 'windy passage.'
— C£ g^: (An i).
garbh^drf, adj. '
rough ': ta e garbh, garbh ta d garv garv\ ro gharbh
n yarv.
Garbhach g'arvax,pl.-n., from the Engl. pron. g'arvd {-a).
'
g^Mizmch. garvdnax, garmdnax (4), pi. garbhanaigh garvdni, n. *
a fish
(Dinneen: '
brazor '
or '
sea-bream ').
garradh ga :rdg (ga:ra, 12), n.m. '

garden '
;
'
yard '
;
'
stone fence '
balla an gharraidh bar[D n ga:ri 'the garden wall' (3), garradh

chruach ga:r^g xnCax 'stackyard,' garradh na(n) cladh ga:rdg na
klog *
the graveyard ' ;
in pl.-nn. Bruach an Gharraidh Mhor
br/Cax d ya:ri vo:r (13), Bealach Charraic an Gharraidh bjalax
xarik' d ya.ri (3).
'
gSLSCSiii gaskan, n.m. 'little boy* (15, etc.).

gcadh/e;^ {15), gî-^g (/e/'^y, 8),/£;» {i2),g'Ei,g'ai (U.E., from pL),
pi. gcidh g'e:i (15), g'ei, g'ai (U.E.), g'ehn, g'ahn, n.m. goose.' *
gcafta g'(jftJy n.m. '

gate.'
'
gcal g'al adj. '
white,' '
bright ': ag fas gcal i) fa:s g'al
*
whitening
(of corn); oidhche gheal I:p jal 'bright night' (15).
gealacan g'abkan, n. '
the white of the egg '
(6).
gealach g'alax, n.f. '
moon ta ' : solas deas air an ghealach ta : sobs
dês er m jalax the moon
'
is bright,' oidhche ghealaighe 7;fp
jali (15), an ghealach ag apachadh d jalax d gapajg the ripening '
moon' (6)= gealach na buaint g'alax na bântj 'the harvest

moon.' —Cf. g'alax (An i).
gealbhan g'alvan, pi. gealbhain g'alven', n.m. *

graylag '
(8),
*
linnet
(15, etc.).
gealbhan ^Wt^^M, n. 'fire' (used by 15's grandmother),
geall^'fl.-/, vb. 'promise.'
geall, in: fond of (i, 5).
in geall air dr\ g'al er *
geannaire g'anir'd hammer.'

[g'znir'?), n. *
gear^'c.T, adj. 'sharp' (3). Cf. ^'s.t (An i). —

gearr, vb. 'cut'; pres. gearraidh me g'ari ms; pret. ghearr ja:r\
vb. n. ag gearradh ? g'ardg ; p.p. geairrte g'art^D
*
cut.'
gearr-fhiadh, gearradh g'arag, g'ang (4), n.

'
hare.' —Cf. g'ar9, g'ari,
g'ardi (An i).
geola ^':7 .7p, n., gramm. masc. (§ 108) 'yawl,' 'boat'; ta an geola
ag teacht anois ta dV[ g'j-.h tâxt d nlj (they used to say in the
old time),
geimhreadh g'^vrdg, g'ûrdg, n.m. ' winter ' : san gheimhreadh
SD jzurdg (3).
geimnigh /e ;mn'/, vb. n. 'lowing' (of cattle, 15).
geirseach, see giorsach.
Geogan g'ogan, an Geogan dr\ g'ogan, name of a tidal current off the
west coast of Rathlin (E. pgan)\ ag iascach anns an Gheogan
? g'iaskax ans d pgan (15, etc.), leigidh me Gheogan ar folbh
Veg'i mi jjgan dr folv (4).
giall, n. '
hostage,' in the pl.-n. Purt Dun nan Giall (na nGiall)
p/Crt d/C:n naj] g'iaj] (3), p/Crt d£:n na n'ial (6).
gil, in: air gil er g'il' 'white' (?).

giWe g'il'd, n.m. '
boy,' *
lad.' Cf. giolla. —Dim. giWesin g'il an (?, 8).
GLOSSARY 201
gimlead, ginilciin g'imjlan, n. 'gimlet' (lo).

giobach g'ibax, adj. '
rough '
(of the weather or the sea),
giolla ^'e/c?, pi. giollan ^'£/,7tt, n.m. 'servant boy,' 'boy,' 'lad.'
Gioll'easpaigh glaspi, glaspj (ii), glaspi (2), gâspi (3), n.m. 'Archie.'
giorsach (geirseach) g'srsax, g'ejax (4, 5), pi. giorsachan g'ersahdn,
n.f. '
girl.' —Cf. g'zrsax, g'erjax (An i).
giulain, vb. 'carry': pres.-fut. giulanaidh me g'^:r\ani me,

cha ghiiilain ha j^:r\in (3); pret. ghiulain j^:r]in (3); vb. n.
giuhn g'^: Ian; p.p. giulainte ^'^T.-ri-w^J^ (3).
giumhas g'iC-3S, n. bog fir used for candles'; cf lasog.
'
glac, vb. take (§ 142): an glac thu copan tae? 3r| glak ^ kopan
* '
tE:,
glacaidh e uair glaki a âr '
it will take an hour.'
glaic glak\ gkk' (4), n.f (i) '
hollow of the hand,' (2) '
hollow in
the ground,' '
valley,' in pl.-nn.: an Ghlaic Fhliuch d ylak' lux,
Glaic Dhorcha gkk' yoraxd (4), Glaic an Toigh Mor glak' dti
tEi mo :r, Glaic an Chairn glak' d ham'.

glaimsear ^/dmjer, n. 'greedy dog or cat' (15, etc.).
glaiseog gabhail (guail) gla\a *gâl, n. 'wagtail' (13).
glan, vb. '
clean,' '
wash '
; vb. n. glanadh glariDg : ag glanadh na
soithean 9 gland na sjpn.
glan gr\an (3), adj.
'
clean '
(§ 122).
glaodh glEijg (-y) (8), vb. n. 'calling': glaodh nan sraon glEid
nan srE:n.
'
glas glas, n. lock.'
glzs glas, adj. 'green,' 'pale': duine dubh glas d^n'd d^ glas (2).
glas glas, vb. *

lock ' : glas an doras glas 9n dords ; p.p. glasta glast.
glasaid, pi. glasaidean ^/aseipn, n. 'furrow,' Ir.
" shough."
glasan glasan, n.m. '
gleshin,' '
glaishin ' (E. pron. glzJ9n), the coal-
fish in a certain stage.
Glasgow, Glasco : gT\asko (3).

gleann gl'a{ :)n, n. * glen ' : na Gleann na gl'an '
the Glens (of
Antrim) *
(4).
gleidh, vb. '
hold ' : cha ghleidh xa yl'e.
gleireach ^/'e .Trt.r, gl'eir'axt, n. *hght'; 'haze': ta gleireach o'n (de'n)
ghealach air an uisce ta: gl'eirax on (dên) jalax er 9 nljk'9;

ta gleireach air a' ghealach ta: gl'e:rax er 9 jalax; gleireacht
de'n ghealach gl'e:r'axt d^zn jalax '
moonlight.'
glic glik', adj. *
wise ': duine glic d^n'9 gl'ik'.
gliogarsaigh iT/'j^.7(r)5/, vb. n. 'glittering' (13).

gliomach gl'imax, n.m. 'lobster'; in pl.-n. Purt nan Gliomach
piCrt nar[ gl'imax.
gloine glEtt'.i, n. '
glass.'
gloir ^riJ.-r' (3), n.f. 'glory.'

glor ^/j.T, n. 'voice' (13).
glun gU:ti {gin ;«, i), n. '
knee.'
gnothach grr?x, pi. gnoithe grri (3, 13), gnoithean gnpn (13), n.m.
'
thing,' ' business ' (esp. in pi.) : ar shiubhal leat tiomchall
air do ghnoithc o r'K.3 lat tl^nidl er dd yrri (3).
go g3y adv. part., corresponding to *-ly': ta sin go maith ta: Jm
gd ma, ta sinne go maith ta: jin'd gd may ta i go deas ta i gj
d^cs *
she is pretty.'
go, prep, 'to,' 'till' (§ 103 a); also gos: is fada gos amaireacht s add
gds d ma :r'axt '
it is long till tomorrow.'
go, gon, conj. (§§ 102, 103 (b), 145).
gob gob, n. 'beak,' 'bill'; 'point': gob laidir gob la:dîr\ in
pl.-nn.: Gob an Tairbh gob dti tEr'v (8), Gob na Bo gob
na bo: (10).
gobach gobax, n. dogfish.' '
goban goban, n. point sin Goban Tor '

' : jin goban tor
'
that is Torr
Head (5), Goban an Easpuic goban d n'espik'.
'
gobog gobag, n.f. a flat fish (Dinneen: sand-eel'), ' ' '
gogan gogan, n.m. " cogie," 'pail,* a wooden dish for containing
food chuir thu gogan mor do Eoin, a mhathair x^r /C gogan
:
mo:r d.i jo:n' ? va?r (2); bord nan gogan bo:rd naT\ gogan
'
cupboard '
(for the cogies).
goid gEd^y vb. '
steel.'
goide, interr. pron., see § 133.

goil gEl\ vb. n. '
boiling ': ag goil d gEl\ or: ar goil er (^r) gEl'
'
boiling ': pota ar goil pot dr gEl (3, 13).
goile gEl'd, n. '
stomach.'
goirid gErid^, adj. '
short '
(§ 122).
goirt gort^y adj. '
bitter,' '
sour '
(* salt,' ^c).
goirtean gortjzn, n.m. * small field,' in pl.-n. Goirtean Garbh
gortjsn garv.
gol, see gul.
gor, see gur.
—
GLOSSARY 203
gorm gjnHy adj. '

blue.*
govt gjrt, n.m. 'field' (10, 15, 15b); in pl.-n. Mullach a' Ghoirt
w^lax d yortj {ntiCla ^hortj), rmCh ^yortlm (9, etc.).
grad, in go grad gd grad, adv. '
soon.'
gradh gra :g, n. '
love ' ; a ghradh mo chroidhe d yra :g m3 xrEid
(term of endearment, 2), in gradh le dr\ graig k '
in love with.'
grainne gram'd, graidn'd (3), n. 'grain': grainne coirce gram'd
hrk'd (10), grainne oUa gra:n' oh '
a bit of wool ' (15b).
grainnean gra :n'sn, n.m. '
grain '
; ' shot ' : chan f heil grainnean ann
ha ncl gram'zn an '
there is nothing '
(13); in pl.-n. Bealach an
Ghrainnean hjzlax d yram'zn (8).
gniw gram, n. 'shot' (in gun, 15b).
granna gra:nj, adj. '
ugly.'
gras gra :s, pi. grastan graistdti, n. '
grace.'
greas grzis, n. '
web.'
greasaidhe ^rs .-5/, n.m. 'shoemaker' (15).
greasair ^re ;5£r, n.m. 'saddler' (15).
greideall gredâl, grsdâr\ (3), grsdpl (11), grad^dl (8), n.
'
griddle.'
greim grem, grim, n. 'bit': dimean greim air dîmdn grem er*not a
bit of it ' (2). —Cf grim (An i).
gudca griatiy n.f 'sun' (§ no). C£.gri:n (An i).
gna.n2ich grianax, adj. 'sunny': la grianach la-? grianax.

Grianan, an Grianan d grianan, aig an Ghrianan zg' ? yrianan (pl.-n.).
grinn grin\ adj. '

gay '
(2).
griseog gri:\ag {gr^:\ag, 10, loa), n. 'embers': chan fheil ann ach
cat griseog ha nel an ax kat gri ijag (of person afraid of the cold).
C{. griilax (An i).
grod, see grad.

grosaid gro iszdi, n. 'gooseberry': craobhan grosaid krEivdn
grjiszdi (8).
gruag, gruaig grâg, gnCag', n. ' hair (of the head).' —Cf gr^:g'
(An i).
gruagach gr/Cagax, n.m. '

brownie '
(' male fairy,' 2, 3). —Cf grîgax
(An i).
gruagan gr/Cagan, n.m. '

liver.'
gruaidh gr/Cai, n. '

cheek.'
grunta gr/Cnt?, gr^nd (4), n.
'
ground,' '
reef
gruth gr^, n. '
curds '
; bainne gruth ban' 9 gr/C '
beestings.'
'
glial ^(j<i<i/, n.ni. coal.'
gualainn gâlin, pi. guaillean gâl'dn, n. '

shoulder ': air a ghualainn
er J Yi(aT]iti (-.m, 3).
guidh gl: (i), gEi (9), vb. 'pray*; vb. n. guidhe air gl: er
'
cursing,' *
imprecating.'
guitear ^/C;^Jer, n. 'hole in stable wall' (15).
gul g^l, vb. n. '
crying,' *
weeping.'
guna giCniD (5), gH:n (15a), n. '
dress.'
gunna g^ti9, n.m. gun.' '
gur g^r, only in: cearc gur k'ark gXr 'clucking hen,' bainne gur
ban'cJ gur 'cluck egg' (6), leagain gur I'zging^r 'setting of eggs' (3).
gur, form of the copula,
§ 146. see
giita g^:td, n.m., said to mean 'channel' or 'narrow inlet' (4),

in pl.-nn. Purt an Ghuta p/(rt d yîtd (4), Guta Gorm gÛd
gorm (4).
guth g/C, n. '
voice '
(poet., cf. fonn): guth na h-eala g^ na gab.
hall (E.) h:L

hata hatd, atd, n. '
hat.'
haul (E.) h:l v. (15).

hikers (E.) hsikdrs (3).
hobais *h:^bal (interj., at lifting heavy things),
hogshead (E.): togsaidean mor de leann togsadpn mo :r d^z Van (3).
huit h/Cît <C'i7 ^Ht, tiCit /Cit Kit (3), call to ducks,
hunt (E.) : ag huntadh na gcearcan ? hzntdg nag'arkdn 'chasing the hens/

hut (E.) : huttail hotal (Engl. *
t '), vb. n. '
making into sheaves,'
'
hutting.'
i, pers. pron., see § 124.

iad, pers. pron., see § 124.
*
iall ial, idl, n. leather strap.'
ialltog Icathair alta^gl'e'ir, alt?^gVe'ir (gVe:r), n. prob. '
bat,' but said
to mean *
swallow '
(6, 8, 15).
ianais, in: goide thug ort a dhol i n-ianais an duine? g9 dê : hXg
jrt 9 yol d n"\ani\ dti d^n'd *
what made you go into the presence
of the man? ' (15).
GLOSSARY 205
iarann iarjti, n.m. 'iron'; an Chailleach larainn j xal'ax iarin (-3;i),
person in old story (3).

iaro iarjd (15), '/a'D5, idrw? (2, 11); n. 'grandchild' bidh iarno aig
an miol bi idrnod zg' dn tnidl (2).
iarr iar, vb. 'ask': iarraidh mi je :ri mi (2), an d'iarr i? dn dîar i.
iarraidh iari, vb. n. '

seeking '; n. '
try,' '
test,' cf. under uiseog.
iarraidh, in: a dh'iarraidh d jiari (jsn), prep, with gen. 'after'
(lit. *
to ask'): a dh'iarraidh nan bo 3 jiari {pri) nam ho:.
iasacht iasaxt, n. 'loan' (15, 15b).

iasc iask, pi. eisc e:\k\ n.m. 'fish.' —Cf. i :sk (An i).
iascach iaskax, vb. n. and n.m. '

fishing '
: ag iascach d g'iaskax ;
batan iascaigh ba:tj n'iaski 'fishing boats'; in pl.-nn. : Leac an

lascaigh Vak d n'iaski, Carraic an Iascaigh karik' d n'iaski.
idir idîr, intensifying adv. '
at all.'- —Cf. ig'ir (An i).
ifreann ifrDn, n. *hell': go h-ifreann sios ^j hifrju ji:s (curse),

'
lie I ;/'^, n. Islay ' (in Scotland) : in lie 9 n'i :l'd, as lie as i :l'd.
Ileach ill' ax, n.m. and adj. 'Islayman'; 'of Islay': Mairi Ileach
mz'.ri {mar'i, 3) id'ax, name of a rock that used to stand on
the north coast,
im im, n.m. *
butter.'
imirt, vb. n. 'playing,' 'plying': ag imirt ramh d g'immtf raiv
* rowing '
(15); cf. iomair.
in, prep., see §§ 102, 107, 125.
inbhear in'dVdr, n. 'port,' 'inlet,' in the pl.-nn. Inbhear Liath in'dVdr
Via, Stac Inbhear Liath stak in'dvdr Via '
Stacknavarlea ' ; often
explained as Inean (see below) na bhFear Liath (E. stak in'djjzr lia ;
cf. Bealach Ine bhFear Liath hjar]ax in'd var lia, 3).
inchinn, see ionchainn.

inde 9n dê:, adv. 'yesterday.'
indiu 9n d^^, adv. '
today.'
inean i:n'zn (11), i:n'9n, pi. ineanadh im'dndg (3, 15), n.m. (and f.)
*
port,' '
green way down to the sea, between rocks,' '
hollow ';
chiefly in pl.-nn. (usually pron. in'zn, in'du, or in'd): an t-Inean

Cam 3n tîn'en kam, an t-Inean Loiscte dn tîn'en r[ost'9 (3), Inean
Leathan in'zn Ve9n, Inean Mheadhon in' 9 {sn'9) vz9n (3), Inean
na bhFear Liath {see under Inbhear); an Inean Odhar 9 nin'dn
o-9r, Beal na h-Inean hz:l na hin'9n^.
inghean, see nighearl.

:
ingiic i;«'.7, pi. ingncan ini'jti, n. 'nail' (6, 15).

inncan, inncar in'zn (3), in'zr (15), pi. inncanadh in'jtiDg (3),
n.m. *
anvil.'
innis, vb. 'tell': prcs.-fut. innsidh mc mji (enji, 3) we, pret. an

d'innis? .m dîn'ij; vb. n. ag innse breagan (or: nan breag)
.9 g'itiJ9 bre :gM, nam bre :g,
intinn intliti, n. '

mind.'
iolar, sec fiolar.
iomad, iomadh, iomadhach, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (a).
iomain, vb. 'herd'; vb. n. ag iomain 9 g'imzn\ 9 g'imax (4).

iomair, vb. '
rov^ '
; vb. n. ag iomraim 9 g'/Cm9r9m ; cf. imirt.
iomaire inumj, pi. iomairean imir9n, n.m. '
ridge '
; in pl.-nn.
Pairc an Iomaire Alainn pa :rk' 9 n'im9r a iliUy Pairc an Iomaire
Cham pa:rk' 9 n'im9r xam.
iomdha, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (a).
iomradh, n. *
mention ' : cha dtug ead iomradh air ha dXg ad imrag
er *
they did not mention it '
(15).
ionaltradh, vb. n. *
grazing': ag ionaltradh 9 g'inar\tr9g (3).
ionann, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (a).

ionchainn, n. brain ': an ionchainn 9 n'zn9X9n
'
(6), 9 n'znahan (3, 9b).
ionga, see ingne.
iongantach V9ntax, adj. *
wônderfuL*
iongantas V9nt9s, n. 'wônder': chan fheil iongantas ann ha nel
V9nt9s an.
ionnsaigh jznsi, jEnsi (U.E.), jonsi (L.E.), vb. *
learn '
(§ 142)
fut. ionnsochaidh me jznsai (jensa :) me ; vb.n. ionnsachadh
jmsa9gjensa{:)g.
ionnsaighe, a dh'ionnsaighe 9 jensi (jnnsi, U.E., ensi, 9nsi), prep,
with gen. *
toward,' '
to '
;
*
for '
: ag dol ionnsaighe athair
's a mhathair 9 dol ensi {9nsi) a'9r S9 va'9r, a dh'ionnsaighe na
Macan Tire 9 jensi na mak9{n) tji:r'9, a dh'ionnsaighe an Fhallt
9 jznsi nalt *to Ault,' a dh'ionnsaighe an t-siopa 9 jensi n t\jp
*
to the shop'; cuig mionaid a dh'ionnsaighe ocht k/C:g'
mjenedi 9 jensi oxt *
5 minutes to 8 partly mixed up with the
'
;
fol.
ionns 'air hans9, h9ns9 (mixed up with chun *to'?), prep. *to':
ionnsair Dia hans9 dîa (7), is eigean domh dol ionnsair an
ghreasaidhe leis mo bhrog \e:g'9n d/C dol h9ns9 yre:si lej m9 vroig.
GLOSSARY 207
iorball ^rbol, AJr/)jr| (3), n. '

tail ' ; in pl.-n. lorball na Bo ^rbol na
ho: (8, 10).
losa i'ds (3), idSd (9), n. 'Jesus' ; losta Criost iistd kriist (9).
iota idtdy idt (3), n.f. 'thirst' : bhfeil iota ort? bhfeil aon iota ort?
vel idt ort, vel in idt ort
'
are you thirsty? '
(3), bha an iota mhor
air va d n'i?t voir er (3) ; iota mhor intn voir (to).
is, see agus.
is, copula, see § 146.

iseal iildU i'\3^ (3), adj. '
low '
(§ 122) : ta i fas iseal ta i fais i ijdr\
'
it (the fire) is going down '
(3) ; in pl.-n. faoi Rudha Chailean
Iseal//; r<0 xal'sn iijdT] (3).
isteach 3 st'ax, adv. '
in '
(motion),
'
istoigh d stEi, ? stai (U.E.), d stEig (3), adv. in ' (rest) : istoigh san
t-shiopa d stEi SDtt tjjpD.
istraigh, see under traigh.

iteog itjag, pi. iteogan itjagdti, n.f.
'
feather.'
iteogaigh, vb. '
fly '
: pret. dh'iteogaigh c jitjagi £ (3) ; vb. n. idem:
chan urr' leithp iteogaigh xa n/Cl'i itjagi '
she cannot fly '
(6).
ith If, V. '

eat ' ; vb. n. ithe, itheadh i-D {9 g'i-j, 2), ipg.
iuchair jXxir (3), jXxer (13), pi. iuchran ^Xxrran, n. 'key.'

iursin ji( I ran {juiran, 4), n., a certain weed, 'cow parsnip' (4) ;
in pl.-n. Leac na n-Iuran lak na n' Kiran (4).
July (E.): air an chuigeamh la de July er d xKig'a r[ai d^s d^Ûai (3).
kep, see ceap.

knit, see cniotail.
la la-d, T\a'9, T\ai (3), pi. laithean laipn (15), r[aipn, vâipn (3),
/flpn, laidn, n.m. 'day' (§ 112): la maith lad ma 'good day';
meadhon lae mz-dn (mjan) lEi *
noon,' '
midday,' roimh
mheadhon lae ro vzdn lli *
in the forenoon ' (2), in deidh
mheadhon lae 9n d^zi vz'9n (vjan) lEi '
in the afternoon '
;
a cuid laithean saoire 9 k^d^ lai9n sEir 9 (6), r\aipn sEir (3),
'
her holidays,' ' her vacation.'
labog la ibag, n.f. '
dirty woman.'
labhair, v. '
speak ' : pret. labhair e sin lo'9r a Jm, cha do labhair
xa d9 l'o'9r (2) ; vb. n. labhairt lav9rtj, lo-9rti, l'o-9rtl (2).
laclita, ill the pl.-n.: Coirc Lachta kor'j laxtj (4).

ladhar, pi. ladhraii iE:r.m, r\E:r.m (3), 11.
*
toe'
lacthamhail lEâv.m, adj. 'daily' (9a), from the Lord's Prayer;
cC Antrim Ic^hav.il (An 4, 5).
lafta Inft.i (r\-), n. Moft'; in pl.-n. Lafta an t-Shagairt T\aft on
tag.irtl (3).
lag lag, v\ag (3), n. 'hollow' ; in. pl.-nn. : Lag na Bo hg ua fo;,

Lag an t-Shagairt lag dti tagDrtj. — Cf. lEg (An i).
lagan lagati, '

small hollow.'
laghach lE-ax (9, 13), lE'.ix, lE:x, vÊax (3), adj. *
nice/ *
civil'
'
(Ir. free,' 2).
laidir la:dîr (-<?r), adj. 'strong.'

laigh lai, T\ai (3), vb. 'lie (down)'; vb. n. laighe latj, T\aid.
laigheacan labkan, vb. n. 'lying': dol a laigheacan dol d lahkan

'
going to bed '
(5), ta me mo laigheacan ta: mi md lahkan (13);
cf. suidheacan, treabheacan.
laiseog ghiiail lajag yATe/, n. 'wagtail' (15).
lamh la:v, T]a:v, pi. lamhan laivdu, n.f. 'hand.'
lamhchrann la:frjtu n. handle (cf. '
' suiste).
lamhthach la:fax, adj. 'handy,' 'smart' (15).

Ian la:H, T]a:n (3), adj. 'full.'
land (E.) : land.ig, vb. n. '

landing.'
langa lag3 (4, 14, 15a), laT\3 (15), n.m. 'ling' (fish),
lantern (E.): lantdrjn (8).

laochan lE:xan, n.m. 'young man' (Sc).
laodog U:dag (15, etc.), ll:dag (15), lEidag (11), n.f. 'little finger/
las, vb. '
kindle/ '
light ' : pret. cha do las me an cruiscean xa dd
las me dt\ kr/Cijk'en ; p.p. lasta lastD.
lasog lasag, n.f '

light ' (from giumhas, q.v.).
lasog guail, see laiseog.

lathrach la:rax (13), r]a:rax (3), la:rax, n. 'site/ esp. in pl.-n.
Lathrach Boidheach la: rax (bla:rax, 8) h :jax, Ldthrach

Da Dhuibhean (?) la:rax Id 'yiVe«, la:r t? 'y/ven, T\a:r td
'ylven (3).
Ic /'£, /e, prep. '
with '
(§§ 107, 125, 128) : oidhche mhaith leat
I:p ma I' at
'
good night ' (when leaving, both from those
and those remaining, '
leaving
mine'; le theacht hâxt '
cf. do)
in order to
; is
come'
learn (a)s I'am it
I
is
(§ 98).
GLOSSARY 269
leabaidh I'abi (3), I'zbi, pi. Icapthaigh I'api (13), n.f. 'bed'; in pl.-n.
Leabaidh na Bo I'abi na bo: (3).
leabog I'z-.bag, n.f. 'flounder' (15, etc.).
leabhar Vo-jr, pi. leabharan Vo'drdu (2, 3), n.m. '
book.'
leac I'ak, n.f. 'flagstone' (§ no): leac mhor de chloch I'ah voir d^s
xr\jx (3); dat. lie, sec § no; in pl.-nn. Leac na Cille I'ak na
k'il'd', an Leic (?) ?n I'ek' (3).
leag I'eg (L.E.), I'zg (U.E.), v. 'tumble,' 'throw'; vb. n. Icagain
I'sgin (3); leagain gur I'sgin g^r '
setting of eggs '
(3).
leagh I'eg (15, etc.), I'eg (11), vb. 'melt': pres.-fut. leaghaidh e
I'^gi ^ (3); vb. n. leagain I'egin (4, 9, 15, etc.), I'sgin (3, 11),
I'agin (11); leaghadh I'e-^g (15).
lean I'an, v. 'follow'; vb. n. leantain I'antin (2, 13), leanailt
I'analtj (13).
lean I'eDn, n. 'sorrow': a rinn mo lean <? rEin m? I'edn (15).

leana, n. '
meadow,' in the pl.-n. Cille na Leanaidh k'il'd na I'e :ni
(dat. sg.) '

Killeany '
(?, cf under Eanna).
leanab, leanabh l'an.w, I'zndb, n.m. '
baby.' —Rathl. Cat. Lenav.
leanaban I'audban, I'znoban, n.m. '
baby.'
leann I'an {a usually short), n. 'ale'; in pl.-n. Bealach an Toigh
Leann bjalax du tEi l'an<w (corrupt),
leannan I'anan, n.m. '
sweetheart.'
leas, n., in: cha rig thu leas, see § 123.
leasaigh, v. 'manure'; vb. n. leasachadh I'esahg.
leas-mhathair I'es vazr', n.f. 'stepmother' (15 etc.).
leath I'e, adj. 'half (§ 119).

leath I'e, pi. leathan I'e-m, n. 'half,' 'piece': tri leathan tri : I'e'dn.
leathan I'z-du (15 etc.), I'eDn, adj. 'broad.'

leathar Vesr, n.m. *
leather.'
leath-chrun I'exr^n, n. '
half-crown.'
leath-phaiste Vefa ilt'd, n. ' twin ' : da leath-phaiste da : I'efa :\t'd
(15 etc.).
leath-phighinn I'efin, n. *
halfpenny.'
leathtrom I'etrom, n. 'slope'; esp. in the pl.-n. Leathtrom an Fhiaigh
I'etrom d n'i'i (8; often also I'eprom).
leath tromach Vetromax, adj. 'sloping' (8; doubtful),
leath-uair /'e-^r, n. *
half hour ' : leath-uair in deidh ocht I'edr du
dâi oxt.
'
Icig I'c^', I'i^'y vb. 'let': Icig domh-sa I'eg' {I'ig') dX:sj 'let me';
pres.-fut. leigidh me I'cg'i tuz (4); vb. n. leigin I'eg'in (3),
I'ig'in (2).
^
leigh l'c:v, v. 'read'; vb. n. leigheadh l'e:v^g.

'
leighcas l'e-.is, n. '
cure (9).
leim l'e:tn, v. 'jump.'
Icim l'c:m, n. 'jump.'
leine I'ein'.i, Icm'd (2), n. 'shirt,' 'shift'; broUach Icine hrolax
l'c:n'd 'shirt front' (15).
'
leis /'cj, n. thigh.'
'
leisc I'ejk'y adj. lazy.'
'
leisce le^k'^, n.f. laziness '
(3).
Iciscire l'c^k'ir'9, n.m. '
lazybones.'
Icithead I'z-jd, n. 'breadth' (4); Cnoc Leithid knk h'td^ (15a),
krok Ve-idi {Ve-itj) '

Knocklaid ' (in Antrim),
leithid, only in: a leithid (de) d I'e-id^ (4, 15), d I'e-idi («?) 'such';
chan fhaca me a leithid ariamh ha nakd mi d I'eid^ d riav (12).
leithcheann I'epn, n. '
cheek.'
leitheogan Veagan (5), I'iagdn (12, 15), n. pi. (?) 'tangle':
leitheogan dubh I'eagdti dX {idem, 5).
leithphighinn, see leath-phinginn.
leoghan l'o:gdn, n. 'lion' (15 etc.); in pl.-n. Uamha nan Leoghan
âvd nan I'oigdn.
leointe Vy:nt\d, part. adj. 'sprained.'

leomhan, see leoghan.
leor, only in: go leor gd Voir, gos leor gd jl'j:r (L.E.) 'enough';
am go leor am g? l'o:r 'time enough' (15 etc.).
leora Voitd, adv. 'surely': leora ta /':7(;)ra ta:, leora chan fheil
Vo:rd xa nel.
liagan, see leitheogan.
liasog I'idsag, n.f. '
ear of corn.'
liath /'/a, adj. *
gray(haired) ' : duine liath d^n'd Via.
liath-shioc I'iahik {-hik), n. '

hoarfrost ' (2).
ligh, V. 'lick': vb. n. ligheadh Vi^g, l'e-?g (15; mixed with leaghj);
ta e ga ligheadh f he ta d ga Vidg he : (6) ; cf. I'iag '
sucking
(of a calf, 15).
*
liobar I'ihr, n. lip ' (i, 15b).
liomh I'isv, n. '
grindstone '
(5).
GLOSSARY 211
lion l'i:H, n.m. 'flax,' 'lint.'
lionadh /'/ :nDg, n.m. '

flood '
: ta an lionadh ag tcaclit ta du I'i :ndg
d tjaxt (8).
litir I'itîr (i, 3), I'itJDr (12, 13), pi. litircan I'itjirm (3), litrcan
'
I'itrdtt (i), n.f. letter.'
liugha I'iC-D (4, 15 etc.), I'iCag (9), I'^Dg (2), pi. liughach (liughagan)
I'X-ax (4, 15 etc.), râgDU (9), l'/(DgDn (2), n. '
lithe '
(fish).
Lizzie (E.): hsi.

lobhtha lo'd, part. adj. 'rotten.' —Cf. lo : (An i).
locaire chraois hkirj xrE:j, n. 'razor' (15).

loch loxD, lox, loh, r\ox{3) (3), n.m. 'lake,' 'loch': an Loch(a)
9n lox{3)'Church Bay': air an Locha cr d T[OXd (3), Loch
n-Eachach t\ox ^n'z-ax Lough Neagh.' '
— Cf. hx (An i).
lochan lohan, n. '

small loch.'
Lochlann, Lochann r\dxdn (3), n.m. '
Laughlin.'
lod, pi. loid, n.m. 'load': deich loid die(; T\j:d^ (3).
lofta, see lafta.
loingeas lEhs, n. '

big ship '
(15).
loinithe, see lonaithe.
loisc, V. 'burn'; vb.n. loscadh loskdg\ p.p. loiscte hst'd,
lomair, v. 'shear'; vb.n. lomairt T\omdrtld (3), see under Uamha.
lonaithe hni (3, 9a, 12), n.
*
churnstick.'
long lo^, lou^ (2), Ion (4, 12), lEu (8, 13), Idu (3), buy (15a),
pi. soithean 5ep« (cf. soitheach), n.f. 'ship': long mhor air
beagan tir lo^ voir er began tîir (saying, 2); crann na long
kran na Inu (3) '
the mast of the ship '; in pl.-n. Purt na Luinge
(Loinge) p^rt na lEid {dn lEid), na r]aid (3), Cnoc Tomhas Luinge
(Loinge) knk to-ds lE-d (9c). —Cf. p^rt nd lEid (An i).
lorg lorg, n. '

track,' '
trace,' '
mark '
(4) ; cf lurg.
lorga, see lurgan.
luach lâx, pi. luachan Uaxdn, n. *
worth,' '
price ' (15 etc.).
luachrach, in: airgead luachrach ar'g'dd Uarax, n. *
agrimony' (15).
luadhog, see luidheog.
luaidhe lâjd, n. '
lead.'
luaith Uag (3), Ua (4, 6), n.

*
ashes.'
luaithreach Uar'ax, n. *
ashes.'
Luan, see under dia, i ; La Luain lad Uan' {= La Brath '

ever,'
never j.
Ill THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
liiascadh, in: airgcad luascaidh arg'jd Uaski (15), arg'jd Uasax {S)y
n. '
mercury.'
luath Ua, adj. 'quick'; 'early' (§ 122): ta e nas fhearr a bhith
luath na bhith mall ta ? na se:r ? vi l/Ca na vi mal.
lub, vb. 'fold'; p.p. luibte U:btj.i.
luch lux, n. '
mouse '
(i, 5).
luchog Itixag, n.f. '

mouse '
(5) ; luchog f heir luxag c :r' '
field
mouse ' (2) ; in pl.-n. Tobar na Luchoige toh?r na luxag'

{luxag; there are several in Rathlin).
lucht T]^xt (3), n.
'
cargo.'
lucht T\/(xt (3), n. *
people ': ainti lucht an righ entî r\^xt m ri:.
luck (E.): Uk: go dtuiridh Dia luck ort g3 d^ri dîa Uk ort.
ludog, sec laodog.

lugha, sec § 122.
Lughnast U:twst, n. *
the last day of July ' (6); Miosa Lughnast
mi:sd U:ndst 'August.*
luidhear lEhr, n. 'flue,' 'chimney' (15, etc.).
luidheog llag, lEiag, n.f. '
lithe ' (fish),
luigh, see laigh.

lunn Un, n. 'roller under ship': cuir lunn faoithe (fuithe) k^r Un
jKb (15).
Lunnainn Unin, n. '
London ' : in Lunnainn dn Unin.
lurg Urg, n. '
trace,' '
track ' ;
in pl.-n. Lurg na Bo Urg na h:
*
the Cow's Track '
; cf. lorg.
lurgan 1/Crg9n, n. 'shin': lurgan na coise r\^rgan na ko]? (3).
lus l^s, n. '
plant,' *
herb '
; lus na Fraince liCs na frar[k'^ *
common
tansy '
(5) ; lus an dromaigh Us dn dromi (name of a certain
plant, 2).
'
luth /AT;, n. strength.'
ma, conj., see §§ 98, 144.

ma, man, manan, conj., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (b), 145.
ma ma, prep. '
about (§ 98): an taobh ma thuath dn tE:v ma ^h/Ca,
'
an taobh ma dheas dn tE:v ma 'jes 'the north, south side':

cf. fa.
mac mak, n.m. 'son'; mac tire mak tji:r'9, pi. maca tire makd tji:r'd,
n. 'wolf; na Maca Tire na makd t\i:r'? (makdn tji:rd, 4) 'the
Mackateeries (6a makd*tli:riz), name of two big erratic blocks.
'
GLOSSARY 2T3
Macagan, Creag Macagan kreg makagdu {-g'dtt, E.), pL-n.

Mac Aindrea, see § 3.
Mac an Bhrollachan, see § 3.
Mac an Charraic, see § 3.

Mac an Ghobhain, see § 3.
Mac an Sealgaire, see § 3.
Mac Aodh, see § 3.
Mac Cuaige, see ^ 3.
Mac Fhionnlaigh, see § 3.
Mac 'ille Aindreis, 5ee § 3.
Mac Uireatraigh, see § 3.
mach, see amach.
madadh mad?g, n.m. 'dog'; madadh caorach
pi. madaidh madi,
madd kEirax madadh ruadh madd râ 'fox,'
'sheep dog,'
madadh alia madd*gab 'wild dog,' 'wolf; in pl.-nn.: Leim
an Mhadaidh l'e:m d vadi (in Antrim), Sroin an Mhadaidh
5D;n' D vadi, sn :n' ? mad.i an Madadh Alia madd' yah, ;
d madd^yall '
Maddygalla ' (point on east coast).
maide mad^j, n.f. 'stick'; maide bhriste mad^j vri\t'd [bri\t'd),
n. 'fire-tongs'; maide mhuUaigh mad^? v^li (m/Cli), n. 'ridge-

pole' (8); maide seisrighe mad^? le\dri, \esri (2), \e:\t'd (4),
pi. maidean seisrighe mad^dn \e\[r)i (3), n. '
plow.' —Cf mod'd
hrilt'd (An i).
maidin madîn, morning maidin mhaith duit madîn ma d^tj

n.f. '
' ;
good morning,' ar maidin 3r madîn in the morning.'

' '
'
maighdean, in an mhaighdean mhara p vEid^dti vard the mermaid
:
'
(15).
liiaighstir msi'J^'er, n. 'master': maighstir scoil mzijt'zr shl (9b),
mastdr shl (8). •
Maile Mhoire, see § 3.

mair, vb. 'last': cha mhair e fada xa var' z fadd (12).
Maire, see Mairi.
mairg mar'g', n. 'woe': is mairg a mharbhadh muiltean foghmhair,

as mise cronan air mo lie s marg' d varvdg m^lt\sn fovdr ds mi\d
krjinan er md Vik' (the Umpet says at ebbtide); is mairg a
thainigh s mar'g' d han'i.
Mairghread, see Maraighead.
Mairi ma:r'i, n.f '
Mary.'
Mairt, n. 'March': sail Mhairt 5.? va:rtl 'in March.'

mairthcaiinach mar'.max, adj. '
lasting '
(12).
maistir, v. 'churn'; pret. mhaistir vaist.ir (12); vb. n. maistreadh
tnaistrjg (5), maisLir (12); cuinncog mhaistridh k^n'ag mastri (3),
maistri (5), vaist.ir (15a), vaistor (12), vastjr (8); bainne maistirte
ban' J mast.ntl} 'churn-milk' (8); p.p. maistirte maistirtlo (5).
maircach, i maireach (amaircach) (,?) tomorrow.'
ma:r'axt, adv. '
maith ma, adj. 'good' (§ 122); go raibh maith duit (agad) g,j rjhna
diCtl {ag.it)
'
thank you,' go raibh maith agad fhe^,7 r.i*ma agjt he:
'
thank yourself,' or '
same to you,' go raibh mile maith agad
gj ro mid'D ma at; chan fheil moran maith air ha nel moiran
ma er.
maith, v. 'forgive': go maithear nar bhfiachan mar a mhaitheas sinnc

dofa^^ madr tur viaxdti mDr 9 vads jin'j doifd (the Lord's Prayer, 9).
maitheamhnas madvrids, madvmDS (i), mavDms (2), n.m. 'forgiveness.'
mala ma:h, n. '
bag ' (i).
mala, malaidh mah, mali (§113), n. 'eyebrow' (i): mo dha

mhalaidh md ya: vall, codal (in) mo mhalaidh kjddl {m) md vall
(portent of a visit, 4, 15); pl.-n.: thuas aig an Mhala h/Cas eg'
d vah (13).
malairt malartj, vb.n. 'swapping,' 'exchanging' (15).
mall ma:l (12), ma:r\ (3), mal, adj. and adv. 'late' (§ 122); theid
me laighe mall he:d^ mi laid mail.
mallacht malaxt, molaxt, n. '
curse.' —Cf. Manx mollaght.
mana, §§ 100, 102, 103 (b),
conj., see 145.
manadh manag, man?g, n. omen,' ' '
spirit ' : droch-mhanadh drox
van.ig 'evil sign' (5).
maol mE:l, n.f. 'rounded promontory,' 'Mull': an Mhaol d vE:l

the Mull of Kintyre,' adharc an Mhaol edrk ? mE:l the Mull
' *
foghorn' (6), Sruth na Maoile sr^ na mEd'd 'the Moyle,'

Maol na h-6 mE:l na ho: '
the Mull of Oa '
(in Islay, 15, etc.).
maol, adj. 'bald'; 'rounded' (of a hill); Maol-chnoc mEilxnk

(pl.-n.).
maorach moirax (L.E.), mE:rax (U.E.), n. 'shellfish.'
mar m^r, adv. *

as,'
'
like goide mar ? gj
' ;
dê : mdr '
how ?
'
mar
sin leat m.ir \in Vat '
same to you.'
mar, conj., see § 144.
mar, rel. adv., see far.

:
GLOSSARY 215
Maraighead mdrzidd, nmzidt, ntdraijt (3), mdrz-dt (3, 4), mdra-dt (2),
n.f. '
Margaret.'
mar a ta mdt d ta: '
indeed it is ' (orig. Muire ta, cf. early Mod. E.
'
marry, it is ').
maram, in the phrase go maram go gd mordtn gd I suppose that :

'
'
go maram gon bi e deas imaireacht gd mordm gdm hi a dês ?

ma:r'axt (3), go maram gon glac e se miosan gj mordm gd grâk
s \e: miisdn (3). Same in Antrim; from m'anam 'my soul' (?).
marbh marv, adj. dead.' '
marbh, v. kill vb. n. marbhadh marvdg.

'
' ;
marcach markax, pi. marcaigh marki, n.m. horseman.' '
marcaidheacht markiaxt, vb.n. 'riding' (11).

mare, mari, in: mare go rabh mdr^z: gd ro 'had it not been,' mari
gon rabh i laidir mdri gdtt ro i la :dîr '
had she not been strong.'
Cf. an bre.
mart mart, n. '
beef (ox or cow fatted for food, 3).
Marta 'March'; san Mharta Sd vairt 'in March';
ma:rt{d), n.
Miosa Marta miisd mairt 'March'; cf. Mairt, of which it is

originally the gen. sg.
marthan maipn, pi. marthanadh maiptidg, n.f. 'queen' (3).
marthannach, see mairtheannach.
mas ma:s, n.m. 'buttock'; also a pl.-n.
match (E.) mat\, n.
mathair mazr' , maer, pi. maithrean ma :r'dfi, n.f. '
mother.'
meabhair mjrdr, n. 'memory' (15).
meacan, in: meacan aillcan mjakan {m'akan) al'sn, n. '
elecampane '
(5).
mead ms:d, mad, n.f. 'size'; co mhead kd vid, hd jit (13) 'how
many? ': co mhead nigheanan a ta 'gad kd vid n'idtidn d ta: gdd,
CO mhead blianta? kd vid bliantd, co mhead braithrean kd vid
bra :r'dn an mhead 's a bha ann d vz :d sd va :n
; as many as '
there were.' —Rathl. Cat. ka vead, ke ved.

meadal me:ddl, me:ddl, n. 'stomach'; 'a certain part of the sheep's
stomach,' '
tripe '
(2) ; mo mheadal md veidan '
my stomach '
(10).
meadhon mzdn, mean (unstressed: mzn, mjan), n., adj., & adv.
*
middle meadhon oidhche msdn I :p midnight
'
: roimh, '
' ;
in deidh mheadhon lae, see under la; in meadhon an tabla

d medti dti ta:bdl', go meadhon much gd mean mux 'middling
early,' ta me go meadhon ta: me gd mean (3).

2l6 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
meadhonach mz.max (15), tncanax, mcjnax, adj. 'middle';

'
'
middling '
: an Baile Meadhonach .ini bal'j msjtiax '
Ballymena
(in Antrim); go meadhonach j^j niZDtiax (adv., cf. meadhon).
mcantadhaigh tnz.vifl, uiz:nfl (15, etc.), vb.n. 'yawning': nuair a
bhios iad cuirthc bidh iad ag mcanfadhaigh nXjr d v'uis ad k^rhi
bii ad j msjnfl (3).
meannan mjatiau, n.m. '

kid '
; in pl.-n. Purt na Meannan piCrt na
mjanan (3).
mcar /»£.t, pi. mearan mz:r,vi, n.m. 'fmger'; an mear meadhon

J mz:r mcjn (11).
mearacan me:r?kan, n.m. 'thimble'; mearacan nan daoine coir

rns:rjkan nan dE:n'? h:r '
the foxglove.'
meas mis, n. '
respectability '
;
' estimation '
; mana bhi meas oirbh
air an Uig, bidh meas oirbh air an Ealaidh m.me vi: mis orv
cr d n^:g' bii mis orv er d n'all 'if they do not like you at
Ouig, they will like you at Ally '

(saying, 13).
measa, see § 122.
measamhail misal, adj. 'respectable' (15).

measca, in: ar measca er misk 'drunk': bha thu air measca
va /C er misk; cf. misce.
mcascamhail (misceamhail ?) misksl (-^'-?), adj. 'given to drink.'
meathadh mejg, vb.n. '
spoiling '
(' maigh,' 12).
medal (E.) medi)l (13).
meid, see mead.

meighligh ms;//, vb.n. '
bleating.'
meil mel, v. '
grind '
; vb.n. meilt meltj.
meirleach me:rl'ax, merlax, n. '
thief.'
meithid, in: is meithid domh smei{d) d/C '

it is time for me *
(2).
miann mian, n. '

desire.'
mias mids, n.f. 'platter': Ian mias mhor r\adn mids voir (3).
Micheal midl, mepl (E.), n. '
Micheal'; naomh Micheal nE: midl (9);
feil Micheal /f.'/ midl (8), Oidhche feil Micheal I:p feVmidl (12).
mil mil (' meille,' 12), miltjax (13), n. '

honey.'
mile mi:l'n, n. 'mile': tri mile trEi mid'd.
mile, num., see § 135.
'
milis mil'i\, adj. sweet.'
p.p. millte milt\d.

'
mill, V. spoil ' ;
GLOSSARY 217
mille-riugail mil'j'gr^gdl '

ground ivy ' (Engl. '
robin-run-the
hedge,' 2).
min min' (15), min, n. '

meal.'
min mi:n', adj. 'smooth' (15).
minic, go minic gd minik, adv. '
often.'
ministear min'ilt'zr, n.m. ' mmister (of the church).' —Rathl. Cat.
Minijter.
miola-chuileog, pi. miola-chuileogan melax/CV agdu, n. * midge,'
miofar mT:v3r, adj. 'ugly,' 'horrible' (15); orig. mi-bhuadhmhar (?).

miol midl, n. '
louse.'
Mionachog mjznaxag, n.f. (name of woman in rigmarole).
mionaid mimd^, mjened^, pi. mionaidean minzd^dn (12), mjsned^driy
n. 'minute'; san mhionaid sd vjsnatj (3).
mios mi3S, pi. miosan miDSDHy n.m. '

month ': tri miosa trEi vidSd (3).
miostadh miistdg, n. 'damage,' 'mischief (5, 15).
miotal mitdT\ (3), n.
'
metal.'
mire, in: dol ar mire dol dt mir'd *
going mad, wild '
(15).
misce milk' 3, n. '
drunkenness ' (15). —Cf. er mijk' (An i).
mise, pers. pron., see § 124.

mithid, see meithid.
mix (E.): p.p. mixte mifaja.
mo, poss. pron., see §§ 98, 127, 128.
mo, see § 122.
moch, see much.
modh mo, n. *
manners': chan fheil modh agam ha nel mo am (3).
moide, see § 123.
moine mo:n'd, mj:n'i, n.f. peat'; 'moorland.' '
moineog mj:n'ag, n.f. 'whortleberry' (15); cf. fraochog, which

is said to be a Mainland word.
mointeach mj :ntiaXy n.
'
moss.'
molt molt, n. *
wether.'
Mor mo:r, n.f, woman's name.
mor mo.T, adj. 'great,' *
big '
(§ 122): cha mhor nach b'urra leam
ha vo :r na h^td I'am *
I could hardly,' cha mhor mios ha vo :r
mi :s '
month goide is mor ort goide an solas a ta ann
almost a ' ;
g9 die mo :r jrt gd dê n sobs d ta a :n what matter is it to you

: s :
*
what yon light is? (2). '

r.l8 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND
moran wjr.vi, n., a fish called *

gunner '
(5).
nioran moiraii, n. 'much': moran gaoth mo : ran gE:, moran am
moiran aim, moran airgid moiran ar'g'id^ (13), moran do dhifFer
mo: ran dd yEpr.
Morag mo n.f., woman's name,
:rag,
mothachadh nva :g, vb.n. feeling (3). * '
mu, see ma, 3.

muc nwCk, pi. mucan m/Ckjn, n.f. *pig'; muc mhara m^k vara (i),
muc na mara m^k na marj, n. '
porpoise,' sometimes *
whale.'
Muclaigh mMl, Barr na Muclaighe ba:r na mMl (pl.-nn., 13).
mucogan m^kagdn^ n.pl. *
hips '
(berries, 9a).
much mux, m<Cx, adv. early': eirighidh an ghrian much na mall i:ri
*
yrian mux na mail (5), much agus mall m^x ds mail early *
and late.'
mughairne (mughdhorn) m^drn'd, m/Crn'9 (5), n. ankle.' *
muilead m^Cht, n. sorrow ta muilead orm ta

'
mtCbt jrm. ' : :
muileann mi^l'dn, n.m. *mill'; muileann gaoithe m^l'dn gE:p

'windmill'; in pl.-n. Purt an Mhuilinn p^rt d viCl'in.
muilleoir nUl'er, n.m. miller.' *
muiltean m^Cltjsn, n.m. wether car an mhuiltean kar d v^lt\zn

*
' ;
'
somersault ' (15).
muinchille m^lîn, n. 'sleeve' (15).
muineal m/Cn'al, n.m. '
neck '
; ' throat.'
muinntir mi^ntjir, m^Ctjar, n.f. ' people '
; an da sean mhuinntir
9n da: \an v^t^jr (3); muinntir eile m^ntjir el'd 'other people';
indef pron., see § 134 (A),
muir m^r\ n.f. '
sea *; esp. in pl.-nn.: Purt na Mara p^rt na mard (10),
Cnoc na Marach krok na marax (5); cf. also under sloe.
Muir-chreag m^r'oxreg, pl.-n. (3).
Muire m^r'd, n.f. 'the Virgin': Maire Muire ma:r'i m^r'd, naomh
Muire nl: (nE:) m^r'd (9) a Mhuire d v^r'd, Muire f hein miCr'3 ;
he:n {he:n'9, 15, etc.), a Mhuire mhin 9 v/C/d vi:n\ interjections,

muireatrach m^Cr'dtrax, n. '
sandlark.*
Muireatrach, 5ee § 3.
muirnin, n. 'darling': a mhuirnin 9 vorn'zn (prob. Engl, pron.),
cf. '
avourneen,' '
mavourneen '
(2).
mulaid m^kd^, n. 'sorrow': ta mulaid orm ta: m/Chd^ orm (13),

cf. muilead.
GLOSSARY 219
mulaidcach ntiihdâx, adj. '

sorrowful.'
mullach trndax, n.m. 'top'; 'roof; 'ceiling'; muUach an Diiin
Mhor trndax dti voir, mullach do cheann m^lax dj gam
diC:n'
(8; also=' hair '), mullach an toighc m^lax tEij. m

muna, mur, see mana.
mur, poss. pron., see § 102, 127.
music (E.) mjîsik (3).
na, def. art., see §§ 103 (a), 106, 107.

na, neg. adv., see §§ 140, 142, 146.
na na, conj. '
than.'
na na, conj. '
or,' see § 98.
na na, conj. '
neither,' '
nor,' see § 103 (a).
na, nas, comp. part., see § 121 (b).
nach, neg. adv., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (d), 137, 145, 146.
naigin nag'dn, pi. naigineadh nag'in'dg, n. 'noggin' (3, 15, etc.);
according to 15, naigin is used of a '
glass,' noggin nogan, of
the measure,
naipcin nspjkin, n. '
handkerchief.'
naire nair'd, n. 'shame': nach ba naire duit? nax bo nair'j d/Ctj.
naireach nair'axt, adj. 'shameful.'

namhaid na:ved^, na:vid^, n. 'enemy.'
nan, conj., see §§ 102, 145.
naoi, num., see §§ 102, 135.
naomh nE:v, n^:v (9), nE:, n^:, nl:, adj. 'holy': an Spiorad
Naomh 9n sp'zrdd nE :v, naomh Muire nl : m^r'd '
the holy
Virgin.'
naomh, v. 'hallow': go naomhthar t'ainm gd nlivjr tar'm (3),
naomhthar t'ainm nl:vd tar'm (9) hallowed be thy name.' '
nar, poss. pron., see §§ 102, 127.

nead n'ed, n. '
nest ' (10).
neamh n'av, n. '
heaven ' : nar Athair a ta ar neamh n9r azr d ta dr
n'av (3).
neamh-ghnathach, see neonach.
neamhnaid n'amdnid^, n'amdtidi, n. '
tormentil.'
neart n'art, n. 'strength'; *a lot': neart daoine n'art dEin'd *a lot
of people,' neart clann n'art kla:n 'big family,' neart aca n'art
akd '
many of them.'
ncoincan, sec sncoincan.

ucoiiach it'j:iiax, n'jin'ax (15), adj. 'odd,* 'peculiar.*
Niall n'ial, n'iaT\ (3), n.m. *
Neil.'
nic, sec § 3.
nighcan niwi, pi. iiigheanan ti'i-jtun, n.f. '

daughter.' —Rath. Cat.
cchan, pi. cehana.
nios, sec § 121 (b).
niutan ti'^tan, n. 'joint': niutan mo ordoige n'^tan tnj Jirdag (4).
no iij-?, adj. 'new,' only in: ur no /C:r no'd 'brand-new' (13);
in pl.-n. Baile No hal'd ^nj'd '
Ballynoe.'
noinin, sec sneoinean.
Nollaig, see Ollaic.
notion (E.) no:ldn\ gabhail notion gaval no:\dn (3).
nua, see no.

nuair, conj., see § 144.
Nuala niCab, n.f. 'Nelly' (13).
nus, in: gruth nuis gr^ n^'i\ '
whey ' (12).
o, prep., see §§ 98, 125; o cheann fada d â:n fadd 'long ago* (8),
deich bliadhna o shin dêg bliattd j hin '
ten years ago *
(4).
o na, conj., see § 144.
6 j:, interj.
6 r<iy n.m. 'grandson* (2, 15, etc.): an t-6 dn tr^.
obair ohir, ohsr, n.f.

'
work.' —Cf. ohr (An i).
obair ohir^ ohr, vb.n. '
working ' : ta e ag obair ta d gohdr.
O Beirn j*b'ern\ n.m. '

O Birne ' (E. j^born), name of an ancient
hero; also Beirn (Beam?), q.v.; also a pl.-n. j'b'ern' (below Ault);
in other pl.-nn.: Sruthan O Beirn snCan j*b'zrn\ Bealach O Beirn
bjalax j'b'ern' (3).
ocht, num., see §§ 102, 135.
ocras, see acras.
odhar odr, adj. *gray,' 'dun'; in pl.-n. an Inean Odhar j nin'en Odr.
6g o:g, adj. 'young.*

oibrigh, v. '
work*; pret. dh*obraigh iad yobri ad (3).
oidhche /;p, pi. oidhchean Eipn (U.E.), n.f. 'night*: oidhche
mhaith 7;p va {ma), oidhche mhaith leat I:p va I' at. Cf AT.-fp —
(An i).
—;
GLOSSARY 221
oige oig'd, n.f. *

youth '; Rioghacht na h-Oige ridx: na h:g'j (=Tir
na n-Og).
oighe, n. ' virginity ' : in a h-6ighe na h :^? (mixed up with the
prec. word, 9).
oighreog l:rag, n. 'ice': oighreog agus sioc l:rag agds Ji'fe (5).
oilean, see eilean.
oir or\ n. *
edge '
(8).
oiread, see urad.

oirleach orlax, n. *inch*: da oirleach da: orlax (3).
61 j:/, v. 'drink'; an 61 e? a noil e, chan 61 thu e xa m:l ^ e;
vb.n. \dem\ ag 61 d gd:\\ uisce 61 ^\]i' o:\
'
drinking water.'
olann ohn, n. '
wool.'
olc o\k, n. & adj. '
evil.'
Ollaic ollh! , olig\ nollk', nokd' (6), n.f.

*
the New Year '
(originally
*
Christmas ') : an Ollaic ^ nolIk\ nollg', noT\ig' (3), go dti an
Ollaic gD dê: novîg' 'to Christmas' (3), Ollaic mhaith duit
ollk' va diCt^, La an Ollaic las nollk' 'Christmas Day' (15).
Cf. Manx Olhck (Kneen, p. 40).
6pa j:p3y n.
*
narrow channel between two skerries ' (cf. Scot. 6b)
in pl.-n. Opa an Ghrianan j:pi> griaridn (3).
6r :r, n.m. '

gold.'
ord ord, n.
'
sledge.'
ordog :rdag, n.f. thumb (4). ' *
osnadh Dsridy n.m. 'sigh': osnadh trom jsm troim (2).
oven (E.) ovdti, n.
package (E.) paked^.
padhal pe-^l, n. 'pail' (15a).

Padraic pa:rik\ pa:rig\ n.m. 'Patrick'; in pl.-n. Cnoc Phadraic
krjk fa:drik'{-g').
paidh pa:jy pai, v. 'pay': paidhidh mise duit pa-i mi\? d/Ctl (3);
vb.n. (& n.m.) paidheadh paidg 'paying'; 'pay': shin do
phaidheadh hin ds faidg (3).
Paidi padî, n.m. '

Paddy.'
*
pailt pah\, adj. plentiful.'
'
pailteas paltjds, n. plenty.'
paipear pa :pzr, pa :pdr, n.m. ' paper '
; san phdipear sd fa :pzr
'
in
the paper.*
.
pair (E.) pe:r, n.

pairc pa:r'k', n.f. 'field' (Ir. 'park'); in pl.-n. Pairc Or pa:rk' ^:r
(E. park^j^:r), Pairc Cloch na Bioraighe pa:r'k' kbx na b'zri;
Bruach na Pairc brX;fx na pairk'

pdirt pa:rtf, n. 'part': in da phairt ?n da: fa:rtj 'into two parts/
paiste pa:lt\i, pi. paistean pa:jt'3n, n.m. 'child'; in mo phdiste
.VI ttufa:jt'3 'as a child.'
paiteanach patjortax, n.m. 'chicken' (13) or 'chickens' (coll.):
moran paiteanach agad? vel mo ran pat\dnax add (3).

bhfeil :
pardun pairddn^ n. 'pardon': gon gcuiridh Dia pardun domh

gdr\ g^ri dîa pa irddn dX '
God forgive me.'
partan par tan, n.m. '
small crab.'
passage (E.) pasid^; passage maith pasid^ ma 'a good crossing.'
peacadh pzkdg (7), pi. pcacaidh p'eki, n. 'sin': nar bpeacaidh
njr bjaki '
our sins ' (i). —Rath. Cat. pekka, pi. pekkea.
peacthach, pi. peacthaigh p'eki (9a, 13), pjaki, n.m. 'sinner': guidh
orainn na peacthaigh gEi orin' na pjaki.
Peadar pedor, n.m. *
(St.) Peter ' (9). —Cf. pzddr (An i).
peann pjain, n.m. 'pen'; peann luaidhe />/^;« lâjd 'lead pencil' (15),
scian pheann sk'ian fja:n 'penknife' (3).

peata, n. '
pet ': ta i na pheata ta i nafetd (corrupt, 6).
peeler (E.) pi(;)/pr, na peelerigh na pibri *

the peelers ' (i).
peicealach pe ik'dlax, n.m. '

showy person.'
'
peictear (pioctair) p'zxtzr, p'zxtdr^ pzkt\zr (prob. E.), n. picture.*
peige ruadh peg'd r/Ca, n. '

still.'
Peigi peg'i, n.f. *

Peggy.'
pian plan, n. '
pain.'
pigin, peigin, see peige.
pinginn, pighinn pi'in', pi:n\ pi. pighinnean pvin'dn, pi:n'dn,
n.f.
'
penny ' : bidh pighinn mhor aice coisinte go dti an Ollaic
hii piin voir zk'd hjintjj gd dê: noT\ig' (3); da phighinn da: fi:n'
'two-pence' (11), se pighinnean \e: pi:n'dn 'six-pence' (11),

aon phighirm deag ind pin dê:g 'eleven-pence' (11),
piobaire pi :hir'dy n.m. '
piper.'
piobar pihdr, n. '
pepper.'
pioc, V. '
pick '; pret. phioc/fe (7); vb. n. piocadh pikdg, ga phiocadh
gafikdg (3). .
^ ^
pioghaid pi-ad^, n. '
magpie.'
GLOSSARY 223
pionna fada pjsttD fadd, n. '

middle finger '
(15).
piopa piipd, pi:p, pi. piopan piipdti, n.f. 'pipe' (instrument).
piosa pi :sd, pi :s, n. '
piece '
: ith pios if pi :s, leanaidh me thu piosa
I'ani mi /C pi :s, piosa da scillin pi :s? da: sk'il'in.
pisear pijsr (pildr), n. 'pease' (13).

piseog pijag, n.f. '
kitten.'
pisreog, pi. pisreogan pijragdn, n.f. '

charm.'
pit (E.) pst{d), n. 'pit for ashes, under the fire-place': san phit Sd fzt[d).
piur pjîdT, pi. peathran pepn, n.f.
'
sister.'
plaideog, see ploideog and pluideog.

plaosc plE:sk, n. 'shell' (of egg): plaosc an uigh plE:sk d nî (6).
plaster (E.): plastdrdg, vb.n.

*
plata pla :td, pi. pla :tdn, n. plate.'
play (E.)plz:, n. 'fun.'

ploideog pbdâg, n.f '
rag '
(4).
pluc pUk, n. *
cheek '
(8).
pluideog pUdâg, n.f '

plaid,' '
cloak '; in pl.-n. Cnoc na Pluideoige
krjk na pUdâg'd {pUdâgj pbdâgd, 4).
plur pU:r, n. *
flour '
(13); cf flur.
poca pokdy n.m. ' bag,' * pocket ' ; poca breagach pokd hrz :gax
*
crosscurrent ' or 'tide eddy' (8, 15 etc.).
poca pj :k9y n. '
pocket.'
pog P •<?' ^' *
kiss.'
poitean pj p^J^H, n.m. poteen.'

'
:f Jew,
Pol pod, n.m. 'Paul'; in pl.-n. Uamha Pol j{:)v3 po:l (5).
poll po'.l, poly pi. puill pîV {plil'y pEil), n.m. 'hole'; 'mine':
puill ghuail p/Cil yXel; in pl.-n. Poll Gorm pol gorm (in
Church Bay), Poll Dubh po:l d^ (8).— Cf pol (An i).
pollog polagy n.f. '

rabbit hole '
(4).
pollog polagy n.f.

'
saithe,' *
pollock ' (fish, 4).
pollta poiltdy part. adj. *

pierced,' '
hollow,' in pl.-nn.: an Stac Pollta
d stakd po:ltJ, an Chloch Phollta d xlox foiltd (4).
p6nairep;nir [poiridr, 13), ho:nir, bonir (5), n.m. 'beans.'

ponta pontd (pontd), n. 'pound' (avoirdupois): da phonta siucra
da: fontd iiC:kr3, ceathair ponta deag sa' chloch k'eir pontd dê:g
S9 xlox; seacht bpont jaxt bont {bont?) 'seven pounds' (money, 8).
port, see purt.

porter (E.) portdr (=' stout,' 3).
;
pos pj :s, V. marry ' '

; fideog as foideog, bidh nas f hearr man an
bpos thu fidâg ds Joidâg hii na se:r man .vn h:s <C (said to
children, when they had hurt themselves, 13); vb.n. & n.m.
*
marriage,' '
wedding '; p.p. posta pj :stj: fear posta fjar pj :st.i.
posy (E.): posenadh pj:z,img (13), po:s.imig (3), n. 'posies,' 'flowers.'

post (E.) : postadh post.ig, vb.n. : htir a phostadh I'itj.ir d josUg.
pota pD, n.m. '
pot ' ; pota oven potd ovdn oven pot.''
potata pj*ta:td, p.itait.i, p?ta:t.m (10, prob. wrong), n.m. 'potatoes':

potata ur potait ^:r\ cf. cnap, cnapan. —Cf. pdtaitdy hdtaitd
{-a. An i).
praidhinn pra-in, n. 'haste': ta praidhinn ort ta: pra'in ort 'you

are busy,' bha e na phraidhinn va z nafra'in (' was in a hurry ').
praidhinneach pra'in' ax, adj. '

busy '
(6).
praiseach prajax, n. '
charlock '
(4).
preab prcb, n. '
kick ' : cuir preab air an spada k/Cr preh er dn spa :dd
'
step on the spade '
(15).
preachan prz :xan, n.m. '
young of raven ' : is geal leis an fhiach
a phreachan f hein ds g'al lej d n'iax d frz :xan he :n (proverb)
also used of a bad boy* '
(15 etc.).
press (E.) prss (=' cupboard,' 3).
prionnsa prznsd, n.m. '

prince.'
'
pris pri ;J, n. price.'
*
priseamhail ;?n;Je/, adj. 'precious,' splendid.*
pruchog pruhag, n.f. '
mouse hole.'
pucan p/Ckan, n.m. *
small bag,' in pl.-n. Lag nan bPucan lag nam
b/Ckan. —Cf. p/Ckan (An i).
puinnsean p^n\an (4), p^n^dn (2), n.

*
poison.'
purt p/Crt, n. '
tune,' '
air.'
purt p/Crt, n.
*
port,' *
inlet ' ;
in pl.-nn. Purt an Duine p^rt dn d/Cn'd
(5, 10). —Cf. p^rt (An i), Manx purt (Kneen, p. 57).
putog, pi. putogan p^tagdn, n.f. 'entrails' (3, 7).
rabhairt roprfj, n. '

springtide *
(15).
raca raikdy n. 'rake' (tool),
radh, raite, see abair (§ 147).
radan radan, pi. radain radzn\ raddndg (3), n.m. *
rat ' (i). —Cf. Manx
roddan.
GLOSSARY 225
raic, in: ag dol go raic .9 dol gD rek' '

going to ruin or waste.'
raithneach, see roitlineach.
ramaisc ra:mzlk\ vb.n. '
doing work the wrong way.'
ramh ra:v, n. '
oar.'
rath ra, n. '

prosperity '
: cro gcuiridh Dia rath air gD g^ri dîa ra er
(10).
razor (E.) rz:zDr, n. (15).
Reachlainn, see Reachraidh.
Reachlainneach rahr\in'ax, raT\in'ax, n.m. '
Ragheryman '
(3).
Reachraidh (Reachlainn) raxDti, raheri (11), raxmn', raxlin',
rahv[in (3), n. *
RathHn.'
realta redltd, pi. realtan redltdti, n. *
star.* — Cf. ridlt(An i).
rcaltach rialtax, adj. 'starry': oidhche realtach I:p rialtax (5).
realtog rialtag, n.f. 'star' (5, 11).
reamhad ravod, n. 'suet' (3).
reamha ravD, reamha le ravD /e, prep. '
before': ta eagal air reamha
leis ta : egol er ravd lei '

he is afraid of him,' a bha reamha leat
d va: ravD I' at 'that you were thinking of (3); reamha seo
ravd \j '
long ago.' —Cf. ravd lei
'
before '
(An i).
reamhar ravdr, raudr, adj. 'thick': bainne reamhar ban'^ rav?r\

in pl.-n. an Ceann Reamhar dr\ k'an ravdr (3), rau^r (2)
'
Kinramer '
(' the Thick End ').
reic Yzk\ rah' (U.E.), v. 'sell' (with prep. Ic 'to'); vb.n. idem\
*
p.p. reicte rak'tld sold ' (9a).
reidh rei(L.E.), rai (U.E.), adj. 'ready.'

reidhte reitl?, part. adj. 'clean,' 'cleared,' 'made ready.'
reidhteach re :tl9g (for -ax, § 50), n. (prob.) 'marriage contract,'
'
marriage.'
reidhtigh, v. 'clear,' 'solve,' 'arrange'; vb.n. reidhteach (q.v.);
p.p. reidhtiste reitlilt'd (2).
reithean refs«, n.m. '
ram '
(i).
riabhach, n.m., in pl.-nn. Inean an Riabhaigh in'd n riavi, in'zn

riavi (3).
riabhach riax, adj. *

brindled,' in pl.-nn. Sceir Riabhach sk'er riax
'
Skerriagh '
(3), faoi'n Cheann Riabhach//; n gan riax (3).
riabhog riavagy n.f 'skylark' (12); 'brindled cow.'
riach, in: chan fheil thu ach ag cur ma riach ha nel ^ ax d k^r ma
riax *
you are only joking '
(12).
riaghailtc rialt^j, part. adj. 'ordered,' 'ordained,' in: bean riaghailte

bjati rialtj.i
'
midwife,' '
nurse '
(orig. '
nun ').
riamh riav, adv. 'before'; 'ever.'

ribean ribzn, n. '
ribbon '
(7).
ribhe rlu.i, n. 'a certain kind of land,' in pl.-nn.: Pairc an Ribhe
pa:rk'.m riv.i, Toin (an) Ribhe Moine to :n' o rivn mj:n'.i.
Toin Ribhe Leathan tj:n' rlv.i Vz'dn, cf. toin rav? I'zinan (4),
rideanacht rldâriaxt, vb. n. '
scampering '
(' riganaght,' 12).
rig rlg\ rEg\ rzg\ v. 'reach,' 'attain': pres.-fut. rigidh rzg'i; pret.
rig e thoigh fhe rig' a hEi he:; vb.n. rigin reg'in (13).
righ rl: (n;), rEi (4), pi. righthean rl:pn (3), n.m. 'king' (§ 117).
ring (E.) rir\ : do na tri rings de na daoine coir dj : na trEi riT\s jje
na dE'.n'd koir (3).
rioghacht riaxt, rEiaxt (3), pi. rioghachtan riaxtm (8), n.f. 'kingdom.'
—Rathl. Cat. riachd.
rireabh, in: fa rireabh /rt ri:r.w, adv. 'seriously' (8); cf. riach.
rith (roith) rsf , v. '
run '
; vb.n. idem.
ro, intensifying adv., see § 98.
rob (E.) rjb, v.
rogaire ro'.gir'd, n.m. 'rascal' (3).

Roger ndpfy n.m. '
Roger,' in pl.-n. Moine Roger mo :n'd rjdpr.
rogha ro-d, n. '

choice ' (L.E.).
roilleagach nl'igax, adj. 'brindled': oidhche roilleagach I:p
roVigax (5).
roimh ro, prep. '
before,' see § 98.
roimh ro,prep. (§ 98), ro theine ro hin'd *
on fire ' (orig. troimh
*
through,' cf. Scot. Gaelic),
roimhe, see reamha.
roinn roin' {r^n\ 5), rEin\ vb. 'divide'; vb.n. roinnt rEintj;
p.p. roinn te rEintij.

Rois ro:j, n.f. '
Rose ' (woman's name, 3, 12).
roithlean, n. 'roller,' in: earn roithlean karn rllen (13), pi. cairn
roithleain kEr'n' rll'an' (15a), a kind of cart,
roithneach ron'ax, n.m. (?) 'bracken'; in pl.-nn.: Inean an Roithnigh

in'd n ron'i (3), Bealach an Roithnigh bjar\ax 9 ron'i (3); seldom
ran'i. —Cf. ran' ax, rEn'ax (An i).
rol (rothl) nr), vb. 'roll' (3); pret. idem.; vb.n. roladh (rothladh)
r^^^g (3).
:
'
GLOSSARY 227
roller (E.) rnukr, n. '

(bread) roller '
(3).
romhair rjivdr, v. 'delve' (5); vb.n. romhar rj:v3r.
ron rj:n, n.m. 'seal'; in pL-nn.: Inean an Roin in'en d ro:n\
Rudha an Roin (nan Ron) r^d n n:n', r^d nan rj :n.
ronnach (runnach) rjnax (4), r^nax, pi. ronnaigh rjni (15),

n.m. '
mackerel.'
ropa D :pd, n.m. '
rope.'
ros n:s, n. '
rose.'
ros, V. 'roast'; vb.n. rosadh rj:s^g (5, 12); p.p. roiste n:st'd
' ' '
roasted,' roast (12).
roth D, n. '
wheel ' : roth a mhuilinn o d viCl'in.
rotha DP, n. '
wheel.'
ruadh rXa, r^dg, adj. 'redhaired,' 'red': Domhnall Ruadh djdl râ;
in pl.-nn.: Dun an Ruaidh d^:n an [dn) râi (variously explained
as Dun Eoin Ruaidh or Dun an Righ), Moine an Ruaidh
mom'd TiCai (3).
ruagach rXagax, vb.n. '
roaming '
: bha me ruagach tiomall va : mi
nCagax tl^mjT] (3).
rucan r^kan {-Dn?), n.pl. '
turf ricks '
(15).
rud r/Cdy rid (2), pi. rudan r/Cdjny n.m. '
thing.'
rudha r^d, n.m. ' point ' (at sea) ; in pl.-nn. : an Rudha dn r^d
'
Rue Point.'
ruiseog r^\ag, n.f. *
skylark.'
ruiseog aoil (guail?) r£\a^gddl, n.f. 'wagtail' (8); cf. glaiseog, laiseog.
sabh sa:v, n. *
saw.'
sabhail, v. 'save'; p.p. sabhailte sa:valtj? 'saved,' 'safe.'
sabhall savjl, n.f. '
barn,' rith cat eadar da shabhall rsf kat eddr da
havdl (saying, 2); in pl.-n. an Toigh 's an t-Sabhall dn tEi Sdn
tavdl {savdly 6). —Cf. savjl (An i).
sac sak, n.m. *

bag ' ; an Sac Ban Dn sak ha :n '
the White Bag
(name of a monster) ; in pl.-n. Bealach nan Sac hjalax nan sak.
sagart sagdrt, n.m. 'priest'; toigh an sagart (for t-shagairt) tEi dn
sagdrt '
the parochial house.* —Rathl. Cat. do hagart.
saighdear saidêr (13), szidêr, n.m. *
soldier.'
*
saile sa :l'd, n. salt water.'
' *
saillte sailt^dy part. adj. salted,' salt.'
;
sail mhonadh sal' {s/Cl') ^VJ:n^g, n. 'peat spade* (15a; corrupt?, cf. fail),
saith, n. '
sufTiciency,' in: fhiiair me mo shaith hêr me mj ha:^
*
I am satisfied ' (3), am mo shaith am ttiD ha:g '
enough time,*
'
plenty of time '
(15, etc.).
sal sa:l\ pi. saltan sa:r\t?n (3), n. 'heel'; do shail do ha:il (3).
salann salvia n. '
salt.'
samhailt, see tamhailt.

Samhain, n.f Oidhche Shamhna I:p
'Hallowe'en*: havtid
'Hallowe'en' (3), Aonach Oidhche Samhna oinax I:p
savnd (4), Miosa Samhna miisd savno November.' '
samhog, see sobhrog.

samhradh savr^tg, saur.ig, n.m. * summer ' ; san t-shamradh S3n
tavng (3).
saobhshruth ( ?) sevDtag, n.f ' countercurrent ' : an t-Shaobhradh
Bhreagach 9n tzvdtdg vreigax 'the False Countercurrent' (5).
saoghal sEdI, n.m. *
world.' —Rathl. Cat. seahal.
saoil, V. 'think'; pres.-fut. saoilidh sE'A'i, cha saoil ha sE:l'\ pret.
shaoil me hEl mi, hll mi ;
goide mar a shaoileas tu de ? gd dê:
mdr d hEil'ds U d^z 'what do you think of it' (4); saoileabh an
dtainigh sol'dv dn dan'i *
I wonder whether he has come '
(8)
vb. n. saoilsin sE[:)lt\in (3), sElt\in (15), sillin (14).
saoire, see under la.
saor s^:r (L.E.), sEdr (3), n.m. 'joiner.'

saor 5<C,T (L.E.), adj. '
cheap.'
saor sE:r, v. *
deliver ': saor sinn as gach h-olc sE:r jin' as ga hoik (9).
saothar, n.f ( ?)
' work,' ' labor ' : ta fiach mur saoithreach innte
ta: fiax mor soir'ax eintjd 'you have enough (fish) in her {scil.
the boat) for your pains.'

Sasain, Sasana sasiriy sasmD, n.f. '
England ' : bratach na Sasain hratax
na sasin, dol go Sasana dol g3 sasdUd (3).
Sasanach sasdnax, pi. Sasanaigh sasmi, n.m. '
Englishman '
; in pl.-nn.
Purt an Sasanach ]^^rt 9 sasdnax. Lag an t-Shasanaigh T[ag dti
tasni (3).
sista sa:st9, part adj. 'satisfied' (3): sasta de saistd d^z 'pleased
with it '
(4).
saucer (E.) sa:ser {-9r?)y n. (3).
scadan skadan, n.m. *
herring.'
scaile ska :1'9, n. *
shadow '
(3).
GLOSSARY 22 p
scairbhigh skorvi, n. ' rough stony ground or place,' in pl.-n.

Scairbhigh Dhomh'all ic Airteoir skorvi yj :l i^kartjer (4).
scairt skartf, v. *call'; vb.n. idem: bha i scairt leis va i skartj /ej,
ta an coileach ag scairt ta dh kEl'ax j skartj (8).
scaithte skated, p.p. '

dressed '
(by separating the tops and ears for
thatching): connlach scaithte Ud :lax skatJD.
scala, pi. scailtean ska:ltJ3n, n. 'scales.'
scall, V. 'scald'; p.p. scallta go bas ska:r[tj gD ha:s (3).
scaoil skE:l\ vb. '

solve,' 'loosen': scaoil i an t-shnaidhm skE:l' i
dti tri'.m (3).
scarbh sharv, pi. scairbh skorv '

(L.E.), scarbhan skarvdu, n.m.
'
cormorant.'
scat skat, pi. scait skEt], n.m. '
skate '
(fish, 15).
scath ska:, n. 'shadow.'
sceal sk'zdU sk'z:r[ (3), pi. scealta sk'zdltd (sometimes also sg., 15),
sk'e:lt, n.m. 'news,' 'story'; 'reason': goide ta sceal duit?
g3 dê: ta: sk'z^l d^tj 'what is your reason?' —Cf. sk'idl (An i).
sceir sk'er, n.f. 'skerry'; in pl.-n. an Sceir Dhubh d sk'er'{d) y^,

an Sceir Bhan .7 sk'er'[D) va:n, Sceir an lascaigh sk'er' d n'iaski.
sceitheach, in: craobh sceitheach krE:v sk'i-ax, n. 'thorn bush' (3).
sceitheog sk'i-ag, n.f. 'thorn,' 'brier' (15).
sciamhghail sk'iavzl, vb.n. '
whining '
(of dogs, etc., 15).
scian sk'iatty pi. sceanan sk'amn, n.f. '
knife.'
sciathan sk'ian, sk'van (15, § 53), pi. sciathain sk'i'zn' (15a), n.m.
'wing'; 'fm': sciathan scait sk'van skEt^, cnamh sciathan scat
kra:v sk'ian skat.
scilleaid sk'il'ed^, n. '
skillet,' '
small saucepan.'
scillin sk'il'in, pi. scillineadh sk'il'img, n. 'shilling'; 'penny':
scillin ruadh sk'il'in râ.
scimlear sk'imkr, n. 'straying animal' (15, 15b).

sciste sk'i'i\t', sk'i:st' (13), n. 'rest': ghni me mo scist anois ni: mz
ntd sk'H^t' D «/J (3), ag deanadh do scist d d^zno dj sk'iijt'.
scith sk'i:, adj. '

tired '
(not common, cf. cuirthe).
sclamhaire sklafir, n. 'greedy person' (15).
sclate (Sc): scleite skletj^ 'slated,' p.p.
scod skj ;J, n. '

sheet ' (of sail).
scoil skjl', shl, n.f. *

school ' : toigh a scoil tEi d skol, bean an scoli
hjan d skol, bachlach aig an scoil halax zg' 3 skol '

a boy at school.'
scoilt skoltj, V. 'split'; p.p. scoiltc skoltfj (2).

scoilt skohj.), n. '
cleft,' '
gap,' pl.-n. Scoiltc Dubh skoltJD diC (8).
scornach skj irnax, n. '
throat.'
scornan, 11. ' gully ' ; pl.-n. : thios aig an Scornan hi :s eg' c
shrmti (15).
scraith skra^, pi. scrathan skrawi, n.f. 'green sod'; in pl.-nn. Scraith na
Smear skra^ na sme:r (9a), Cnoc na Scraith knk na skra^ (15, etc.).
scrcach skrzx (loa), v. 'scream'; vb.n. screachlaigh skrzixli,
screadlaigh skrzidli (13), scrcachlain skrz:xlin; in pl.-n. Cnoc
an Screachlain knk ? skrz:xlin (loa), krok na skrzidli (13),
cf. Scriodlain.
serin, n. ' shrine,' prob. in the pl.-n. Fearann na Serine fjzr na
skrim'D (4).
scriob skri:b, sk'i{:)b, v. 'scratch': pres.-fut. scriobaidh i thu leithe
skriihi i iC le\\ ta na cearcan praidhinneach ag scriobadh ta:
na k'arkm pra-in'ax «? skri :b.jg (6). Cf. § 92.
scriobh skriiv, v. 'write'; vb. n. scriobhadh skri:v9g.
scriodlain skridjlin, v. ' screaming,' in pl.-n. Cnoc na Scriodlain
knk na skridjlin (,? skridDlin), near ancient battlefield,
scriol skml, n. '
loose sand (on rock side),' E. '
scree.'
scrobadh sknkigy vb.n. '

scratching.*
scroban skn :ban, n.m. '
gizzard.'
scrog skng, n. '
a bite ' (15b).
scrog, V. '
bite ': vb.n. scrogadh skngdg: ta na deargatain ag scrogadh
ta: na dârgdlzn d skngng.
scuab sk/Cab, n. *
broom,' '
besom.'
scuab skâb, v. * sweep ' ; vb.n. scuabadh sk/Cakig : scuabadh an
urlar skâb;)g ? n/Chr.
scuinear sk^m'zty n. 'schooner' (8).
scuit sklt\, skEtj, interj. 'away' (to cats): scuit amach skEtj d max
(15 etc.).
scuiteadh (scuitseadh) sklt\dgy vb.n. 'hackling,' 'scutching (flax)':
stac scuitidh stak skltji '
a frame for scutching '
(3).
se, num., see § 135.
seabhac fo'^k, pi. seabhaic jo'iky n.m. '
hawk ' (i).
seachad jax^d (-t), adv. '

past': ta an samhradh seachad ta dn saurdg
\ax3t, De Domhnach a chuaidh seachad dê^do max d x/Cai faxdt
'
last Sunday.'
1
GLOSSARY 23
seachain, vb. '

miss ': sheachain me air âxin mi er '
I missed it '
(15).
seachran, in: dol ar seachran dor\ dr \axdran '

going astray' (3).
seacht, num., see §§ 102, 135.

seachtmhain laxtin, pi. seachtmhainean laxtin'dti, n.f. 'week': aon
uair san t-sheachtmhain in ^sr Sd t\axtin.
seadh, ord., see § 136.

' '
seafach \afax, n. heifer (5).
Seamas \e:mDS, n.m. 'James.'

scan Ian, adj. 'old' (§§ 100, 119, 120): ta an fear sin sean ta dn fjar
lin lan\ in pl.-n. an Seanlathrach dn \andrax 'Shandragh'; orig.
a plur.: ciil nan Seanlathrach k^:n nan laT[rax (3).
sean-athair \anadr (11), Janer, n.m. 'grandfather.'
seangan, see sioghatair.
sean-ghoirtean, n. '
old field,' in pl.-n. Druim an Sean-ghoirtean
drim dn \anyort\zn.
sean-mhathair janvsr, janvar, janmar (3), n.f. 'grandmother'; do
shean-mhathair dj <;anvar' (3).
'
searbh larv, adj. bitter.'
searmoin jarmsn', n.f. 'sermon'; aig an t-shearmoin eg' dn târmen'.
searrach jarax, n.m. '

colt.'
seas, V. '
stand ' ;
vb.n. seasamh \es3V : ta e na sheasamh ta d na
hesdv.
seascann, n. ' marsh grass,' in pl.-nn. Glaic an Sheascann glak' d
heskdn (5), Lochan an Sheascann lohan a heskdn (4); cf. § 97.
seibhin, see seifeog.
seiche, n.f. 'hide': an t-seicheas mhor dn tjeps voir (15; corrupt?),
seid Je id^, vb. '
blow '
; pret. sheid he :d^ ; vb.n. seideadh Je :d^dg ;
p.p. seidiste êidîjt'd.

seifeog, pi. seifeogan jefagdn, \ifagdn (9a), n.f. '
sheaf: cruinneachadh
na seifeogan agus leigin na boiteanadh le gaoth krin'ahd na iefagdn
as I'ig'in na hotfdndg k gE: (2).
'
seile êl'd, n. bee.'
seilean Je/'ew, pi. seileain jel'en' (Je/'en), n.m. '

bumblebee.' (2).
'
seileastrach jel'dstrax, n. flags ' (Iris).
seipeal, n. '
chapel,' in pl.-n. Bruach an t-Sheipeal brâx dn tjepdl (3).
seisreach ê^dr'ax, n. 'team' (15a); cf. under maide.
seo, dem. pron., 5ee § 131.

scol Jj;/, 11.111.

'
sail ': bata seol ba:tj jjd.
scol fighc ij:r[ fi.^ (3), jj :l fijt (12), n. 'loom.*
scoladoir fj :htzr (15), ^j :T[dder (3), pi. seoladoirean j?:btzrjn (15),
ij:r[jdzr\vi (3), n.m. '
sailor '
(3).
scomra jjuihry n. '
room '
(3).
Sconaid ^j:nad^, n.f. 'Janet.'
scorda fj:rd.i, jjrd.i (3), ô:rt.i, 11. 'sort': goide an scorda madadh?
d^c : n \j:rd.i tuad.ig 'what kind of a dog?' (14), seorda eagla
jj:rd cg.il 'kind of fear'; an aon scorta 9 nin loirtd, a h-uile
seord o h/Cl'.i jj:rd (3).
seorsa J":?
:rsD, n. '
sort ' ; cf seorda.
seorta, see seorda.
Seosamh, n.m. 'Joseph': a Sheosamh d joisdv (voc, 9a).
'
settliste (E.) sstli^t'j, p.p. settled '
(4).
shawl (E.) J.;/ (3).^
shift (E.) jifa, n. '

a cut of yarn.'
shine (E.): cha mhiste leam cad do bhiodh tu do shineal ha vijt'd
I' am ka d? vh t/C d.i jsin'al (13).
siapan jiapDU, n. '

soap '
(15).
sibh, pers. pron., see § 124.
sicin, see chicken.
Sile J/;/'.?, n.f. 'Julia,' 'Sheila.'
sileadh jil'^g, vb.n. 'shedding' (15).
'
sileastar jil'Dst^r, n. sedge.'
simileaid Ji'mi/sJj, n. '
chimney.' —Cf. Jim^/er (An i).
sin, dem. pron. & adv., see ^ 131.

sin, V. ' stretch ' ; vb.n. sineadh // :n'dg : ag sineadh mo chosan
,9 J/:»'r9 w,9 xjsm (3).
Sine ji:n'3 {-a), n.f. 'Jean,'
'
Sheena.'
sinn, sinne, pers. pron., see § 124.
sin-sean-athair J/« famr\ n.m. '
great-grandfather.'
sin-sean-mhathair Jm ânuzr'y n.f. '
great-grandmother.'
siobadh sneacht ji :h,i sn'axt, n. '
snowdrift.'
sioc jlk (15), jik, n. 'frost': sioc liath jlk Via (=liath-shioc), sioc
dubh \Ik d£ hard frost.'—Cf. Izk (An
'
i).
sioghatair lighter, n. 'ant' (13).

' ' '
siol Ji>/, n. seed : cuir siol k/Cr Jw/ sow.'
sion jijn, n.m. '
weather.'
:
GLOSSARY 233
sionnach Iznax, n.m. '

fox '
; ta an teine leat anois mana dtuir an
sionnach uait e ta m tjin'9 Vat d nlj mjriD diCr dti lenax vâtj s
(said when anybody was lighting a fire). — Cf. fenax (An i).
siopa J:>p, jap.i (4), jap, n.m. *

shop,' '
store ': san t-shiopa sdn tjjpd.
sios si :s, shs, Ji :s, adv. '

down '
(direction) : ta an teine ro f hada sios
ta dtt tjiti'.i n ad? \hs *
too far down.'
siosur, siosaer \i:szr, n.m. 'pair of scissors,' in pl.-n. Poll an
t-Shiosaer po :l dti tji :szr (if anybody puts his ear to it, he will
hear a sound like that of a pair of scissors).
siotraigh litori, vb.n. 'neighing' (15).

siothlachan (siolachan) liar\ahan, n.m. '
sieve '
(3).
siubhail, v. 'go,' 'pass'; 'die'; pres.-fut. siubhlaidh j/C:li (12),
s^:li (2); pret. shiubhail e f^^/' a 'it died' (of animals);
vb.n. siubhal, in: thar shiubhal (§§ 139, 153).
'
siucra liC:k?r [\iC:kdr?), n. sugar.'
siud lid, dem. pron., see § 131.
siur, see piiir.
siurailte liC:ralt\[d), adj. '

sure '; go siurailte gd l^:ralt\d '
surely.'
skep (E.) sk'ap, n. '
bee skep '
(U.E.).
skimp (E.): ag skimpadh leo d sk'smpdg I'o: 'saving for them-
'
selves (3).
slaightear slait\dr (15), sT\Eitlzr (3), sllitlzr (4), n.m. 'rascal.'
'
slainte sla :ntJ9, n.f. health.'
slainteamhail sla:ntjsl, adj. 'salutary.'
slanlus sland^s, n. 'plantain' (15a).
slanuightheoir : an Slinuightheoir jn sla:nlzr 'the Saviour' (3).
slaod, V. 'pull,' 'trail,' 'carry on back' (15, etc.); vb.n. slaodadh

slEid^g.
slaodan slE :dan, n.m. '
cold (in one's head) '
: ta slaodan orm ta
slE:dan orm. —Cf. sU:dan (An i).
slat slat, n.f. '

rod '
;
'
yard '
: ag cunntas slat gan eadach 9 k^ntds slat
gd nEidax [neidax], saying (2); slat mhara slatd vatd.
slate, see sclate.
slatog slatag, n.f. '(violin) bow' (15, etc.).

slave (E.) sleiv, n. (3).
sleamhain sVavin, adj. 'smooth'; sleamhanadh sVav3ndg (14),
a kind of smooth thistle (Centaurea ?) ; earn sleamhain karn
ll'avin 'slide cart' (15); cf. slipe.
Q
— ;
sliabh slijVy pi. slciblitcau slcivt^jHy n.m. 'slope,' 'mountain':

air an t-shliabh cr jn t'Viav (3).
slibistcan sl'ibijt'Dti, n.pl. '

awkward people '
(12).
sligc slig'.i, pi. sligean slig'.m, n. '
shell ' (6) ; also part of the
" cruisie."
slimcar J//:m£r, n.m. '
lazy person '
(15).
slinn J/i:/i, n. 'weaver's reed'? (15).
sliocht sl'ext, n.m. 'trace,' 'scar'; in pl.-n. Sliocht an Fhianais (?)
sl'zxt .1 n'hnil (/I'leniJ).
slipe (E.) jlEip {jloip), n. 'slide cart' (a kind of sled for carrying down
sods from the mountains); also: earn sleamhain.
sliseog jliiag, n.f. 'shingle' (15, etc.).
sloe slok, n. '
gully ' ;
in pl.-nn. Sloe na gCailleach slok na gal'ax^
Sloe na Moran (Mara) slok na mordti (seldom mard), a rough
place in the sea, off the south point (orig. a place inland).
Cf. shk {slok?) tid morm {mar3ti, An i).
sloe shk, sr[jk (3), syk, slok (9, 15b), v. '

pull,' in nursery rime:
sloe isteach an duine seo slok {sr\jk, sjk, slok) 9 \t'ax dtt d^n'd
{dEti'.i, 9) p.
slogan, sec slugan.
sloig, see sluig.
sloinneadh sUn'pg (L.E.), slEn'^g (U.E.), n.m. 'surname';

'
meaning '
(5).
sluagh sUag, n.m. ' host,' ' crowd,' ' people,' ' fairy host '
according to 15, etc., sluag is the 'king of the elves';

in pl.-n. Bealach an t-Shluagh bjalax dn tliCag.
'
sluasaid sluaszd^ (15a), sv[6aszd^ (3), n.f. shovel.'
slugan sr\i<^gan (3), n.m. '
vortex,' in pl.-nn. Slugan Diin nan Giall
ST\/Cgan d^:n nax\ g'iar\ (3), Slugan Inean Riabhaighe sr\^gan
in'zn riavi (3). —Cf. sUg^n (pl.-n.. An i).
sluice (E.) sUJD, slIJD, n.

sluig sUg\ sllg' (15b), V. 'swallow'; vb.n. sluigeadh sUg'dg (8).
sman(an), conj., §§ 100, 102, 103 (c), 145.
see
smaoinigh smi:n'i, smE:n'i (9), v. 'think'; vb.n. smaoineachadh
smi:n'akig, smEm'ag (9).
smear 5ms ;r, pi. smearan smzirmy n. 'blackberry.'
smearach smz :rax, n. *
thrush.'
smeorach, see smearach.
GLOSSARY 235
smigead stnig'jd, n. '

chin.'
smoke (E.): bhfeil thu smokadh (smocadh) vcl iC smj:hg. ?
smug sm^g, n. spittle thilg i smug air hilg'

'
sm^g er she spat
'
: i
'
on it' (3).
snaidhm snE:m [sno :m, 4), pi. snaidhmean snomidn (4), n.f. 'knot':
an t-shnaidhm on trl:m (3).
snaithean snaiên, n. *
thread.'
snamh sna:v, v. 'swim'; vb.n. idem: ag snamh 9 snaiv, dol a
shnamh dol d na:v (4); also used for sniomh: bean snamh
hjand snaiv 'spinning woman' (14).
snaoisean snl:\zn, n. 'snufF'; sean snaoiseanadh Ian snl:\dndg
'
old notions.'
snath sna:, n. 'yarn': cuta de shnath Mtd d^z hna: (na:) *a cut
of yarn '
(3).
snathad snasd, snadt, n.f. '
needle ' : a h-uile ni o'n t-shnathad go dti
an acair (d) Ml'? n'i: o:n tradt gd dî: nakir (3). —Cf. tra:d
(An i).
sneacht sn'axt{d)y n. '

snow.' —Cf. sn'axt (An i).
sneoinean sn'om'zn, pi. sneoineanadh sn'jm'ztidg, n. 'daisy' (4, 13, 15).

sniomh sn'i:v, vb.n. 'spinning': bha iad in gcomhnaidhe sniomh
va ad DT] gj'.ni sn'iiv (cf. snamh).
snug (E-) sn^g, adj. *
pretty.'
so, dem. pron., see § 131.
sobhaircin, see surclain.

sobhrog soirag [su:rag, § 23), n.f. 'sorrel' (with strong taste, 13);
cf. biadh eanain.
socair sdUW, sjkdr, adj. 'quiet.'
soirbheas, n. 'windward': ta an bata air an t-shoirbheas ta dm ha:t
er dn torvds ; cf. ta i dol go maith air an t-sairbhearacht (

?)
ta i dol g3 ma er' dn taivdraxt (9), er dn tarvdrax (15 etc.).
soirbhigh, v. '
speed,' '
prosper ' : go soirbhighidh Dia duit gd szrvi
diiadai{^).
soisealta sj:jaltd, adj. 'kind,' 'sociable': duine beag soisealta
diCn'd beg sj :ialtd (15).
soitheach srdx (8, 15), sE-dx, szax szdx (3), pi. soithean sjpn, sEpn,
szpn (3), n.m. '
vessel,' '
ship '; ag glanadh na soithean ? gland
na sjpn '
washing the dishes.'
sol sol, n.m. '

bottom of net ': tuir leibh an sol tdr lev dn sol (2).
' —
solas sobs, sobs (11), sor[cis (3), n.m. 'light': gan solas g9n sobs,
(an) toigh soluis {jti) tEi solij (11), tEi /ior|iJ (3) 'lighthouse.*
Cf. sjbs (An i).
son, in: ar son .n sjn, or hotly prep, with gen. '

for . . . sake,' *
for ':
ar son do dhinnear pr son dd jin'er, ar shon an luath dr hon

D Ua (' ashes '), ar son marcaidheacht dr son markiaxt, ar son
tiormachadh Dr son tlerma:g (3), ta iad ro dhaor ar shon a
gceannacht ta ad ro yE:r dr hon d g'anaxt 'they are too dear to
buy '
(6) ; car son kar ^son '
why ?
sonas sonds, n. *
luck '
: sonas ort son?s ort : in pl.-n. Purt an t-Shonais
p^rt dn tonij '
Portantonnish '
(4).
sop sop, n. '
wisp.'
sopog, pi. sopogan sopagjn, n.f. 'sheaf,' "hut."
Sorcha sora:g, n.f 'Sarah' (3).
spad, V. '
strike,' '
kill ': spad iad e le cloch spad ad z k klox (i).
spig, spog spo :g, n.
'
paw '
; in pl.-n. Purt an Spag piCrt dn spa :g.
—
Cf spa:g (An i).
spaid, spada spa:d[d), spaid^ (15), n. 'spade': spad monadh spaid

momdg (4). —Cf spaidd (An i).
Spain spam', n.f. 'spoon'; Spain bheag spam' veg, Spain tae
spam' tE: (3). —Cf spam (An i).
spairiseach sparijax (2), starijax (8), adj. *

haughty.'
spawn (E.) spanadh spam?g, vb.n. (15 etc.).
'
speal spjal, n. scythe.'
speal, V. '
mow ' ; vb.n. spealadh spjabg : bha me spealadh va : me
spjabg (15).^
speak spjalt, n. '
milt ' (of fish),
speir spe :r, pi. speirean spe irdn, n. * cloud ' (in pi. usually
'
the sky ').
speireach speirax, adj. 'cloudy' (2).

spell (E.) spzl ('a while') ; chan fhag me Reachraidh cheann spell
ha na:g md raxdri gam spzl, ta spell gos an bi e reidh fast
ta: spzl gds dm bi z rzi fadst (13).
spiorad spjzrdd, n. '
spirit.'
spog, see spag.

spool (E.) sp/Cl (3), n. 'spool,' 'bobbin' (Sc. 'pirn'); spo:l (15)
'
shuttle.'
sporan sporan (13)^ n.m. *

purse '
(13).
GLOSSARY 237
sprig (E.) sprzg\ n. (8).

spuin sp^:n', spd:n', n. 'spoon' (U.E.), c£. Spain.
sraon srE:n, n. 'corncrake' (8).
sraothartach, see srofartaigh.
srathair sraDr, n. '
straddle '
(3).
'
sreangan srz-an, pi. sreangain sre-an\ n. '
shoestring,' '
apron string
(3)-
srian srian (Jrw«), n. 'bridle' (15, 15b).
srianach srianax, n. '
bridleneb '
(a bird, 3, 12).
sroin sroin' , n. '
nose,' '
point ': tiomall an t-shroin ^J^m^T) 3« trjin' ;
in pl.-nn.: Sroin an Mhadaidh sroin' d vadi, Sroin an Mhinistear

srj:n' d min'ijt'er, Sroin an Tollabhae srjin' dti tolave.
srofartaigh srofdrti, [str-, 8), vb.n. 'sneezing': bha e srofartaigh va d

srofdrti.
sruth sriC, n. '

brook,' '
stream.'
sruthan sr/Can, n.m. 'stream,' also 'chute or spout for rain water';
in pl.-nn. Ceann (an) t-Shruthan k'an trân {tr^m, 3, 8).
stab (E.) stjb, v.; stab iad e stjb ad s (3).

stdbla staihdl, n. 'stable.' —Cf staihdl (An i).
stac stak, n. ' stack ' (conical top), in pl.-nn. : Stac na Caillighe
stak na kal'i, Stac Mor stakd mo :r (3), Stac Buidhe stakd b^j? (4),
Stac na Bainnse stak^ [stakan?) na bainJD (5).
stad stad, v. 'stop'; vb.n. i Jem.
staighre stEir'9, n. ' stairway ' : suas an staighre SiCas jn stEir'd
*
upstairs.'
' '
stairseach (starsach) starsax, n. threshold,' doorsilL'
'
stealladh st'ar{?g, vb.n. spraying.'
stearnal (stairneail) starn'dl (3), n. '
sea swallow.'
Steochan (Steofan), in: La Steochan lad st'oixan "Boxing Day."
stick (E.); pret. stick ^t'ik (3); vb.n. ag stickeadh d \t'ikdg (3).
stiuir st'Kir, n. '
helm.'
'
stocaigh, pi. stocaighthe stoiki {sbki), n. stocking.'
stoirm stjrm, n. '
storm.'
stoirmeamhail stjrmsl, adj. '
stormy.' —Cf stjrmalt, stErmalt'd (An i).
stol stj:l{d)y n. 'stool.'

storas sb :ras, n. '
stores,' '
property.'
stradog stradag, n. '
spark '
: stradog as an teine stradag as dn t\in'd.
stribh stri:v, vb.n. 'toil,' 'struggle': tig ort stribh le theacht frid
an saoghal cho maith *s is urra leat tîg' ort striiv k gaxt fri:d^
jti sEdl xj ma Sd s^rj Vat (3) ; cf. Engl. '
strive'
stroic stn:k\ v. 'scratch,' 'tear': td eagal orm gon stroic e mo
Idnihan ta egdl orm gdn stroik' {stn:k) a md la :vdn ; vb.n. strocadh
stnikd (3); cf. under diabhal.
stuama stâmd, adj. *
wise,' '
dignified.'
stuaman sUaman, n. *
solitary or dull man ' : duine stuaman d^n'd
sUaman\ pl.-n. an Stuaman dti stuaman (an isolated stack),
stuif, see stuth.
stuth st^, n.m. 'stuff': stuth maith st^ ma.

suas {d) sâs, adv. *
up '
(direction) : cumaidh iad a suas k/Cmi at d s/Cas
*
they will keep up.'
subh, see sugh.
subhan cafraidh siCdti ka:fri, n. *
sowens ' (with sour milk),
sue sik sik sik (s^k, 2), call to young calves.
sugan sîgan, pi. sugain s/C:gan', n.m. *
rope ' ; sugan muineal
sigan m/Cn'dl (11), mEn'dly sugan connlach sigan kjilax (11)
*
horse collar ' (filled with straw) ; cf. cor shugain.
sugh, n. *
berry ' : sugh sealbhan (orig. talmhan) sik jaT[dvan (3),
jik faT]dvan (3), slg3 jalvan (13), sXk \alvan (15) *
strawberry.'
sugh 5/C;, n. 'juice.'
sugha sK:, n. '

soot '
(3).
suidh slj (i), si (L.E.), sEi, sai (U.E.), v. '
sit '; vb.n. suidhe sljd (i),
sEidy said, said (3): bha e na shuidhe va 9 na hnid^ ti me mo

shuidhe ta: me md hnid (ta me shuidhe ta: me hEid).
suidheacan, suidheachan, vb.n.: bha me suidheachan va: mi
sljdxan (4), ta mise ('s) mo shuidheacan ta: mijd s md hijdkan (5),
ta: me hEidkan (13), ta: me saidkan; cf. laigheacan.
suil sX:l\ pi. suilean s^:l'dny n.f. 'eye'; suile bhuidhe s^l'd ^vîd
'
com marigold.'
suilean s/C:l'en, n. 'bubble' (15).
suipear sipzr, n. '
supper ': in deidh shuipear dti dêi hiper (3).
suiste sX:lt'd, n. *
flail,' consisting of buailtean bâltjen and
lamhchrarm la:fdrdn ('handle'), connected by a strap (iall ial).
surclain sdrklan\ sdrklan', n. 'primrose' (15); cf. Dun Surclain

dK.n sirklan' '
Dunseverick '
(15).
swing (E.): pret. shwing e hwii\ e (3).
sycamore (E.): szkdmo:r.
;
GLOSSARY 239
ta, substantive vb., see § 146.

tabhair, irreg. vb., see § 152.
tabla ta:bdl ta:bh, te{:)hdl (U.E.), n. *
table.'
tacaid, n. 'tack': tacaidean brogan takatjdn hro :gdn (8).

tacaite takit'd, part. adj. ' hobnailed ' : brogan tacaite hroigm
takit'd (15).
tachair, v. ' happen ' : pret. thachair iad air haxdr at er
'
he
met them ' (3) ; vb.n. tachairt taxdrtl, ta'drtl (6) : bidh iad
ag tachairt ort hii ad d tadrt^ ort '
you will meet them '
(6).
tacht, V. ' choke ' ; pres.-fut. tachtaidh me thu taxti mi ^ (8)
p.p. tachtaiste taxti\t'd.
tae tE:, n. 'tea' (cf. tea),
tafann tafdti, vb.n. '

barking.*
taileag, see aileag.
taillear tad'zr, n.m. 'tailor.'
tairne tar'n'{d), pi. tairnean tar'n'dtt, n. 'nail' (8, 13).

tairneach tarn' ax, tarnax, n. 'thunder': ta tairneach ann ta:
tarn' ax an (15).
tairneanacht tarn'enaxt, tarn'dnax (15), n. *
thunder.'
tairnge, see tairne.
taisean (taiseain ?) ta\zn, ta^dn, v. '
show '
;
*
give (me) ' : pres.-fut.
taiseanaidh mise talzni {tajdnij tajni) mi\d\ pret. an do thaisean?

dn da hajsn.
taithighe ta-i, vb.n. 'visiting': bi taithighe air do chairdean, ach
na bi taithighe ro trie ortha bi ta-i er dd xardpn ax na bi ta-i rj
trek' op (12).
talamh tahv, tar\dv (3), n.m. '
earth ': air an dtalamh er an dax\dv (3);
cf. under sugh.

tamailte taimaltld, adj. 'afflicted,' 'sorry': ta me tamailte ta: me
ta:maltJ3 (15).
tamhailt taviltly tavaltj, tamalt\, n. 'monster' (15).
tamhnach taunaXy n.m. '
cultivated piece of land,' common in pl.-nn.
—
Cf tavnax (An i).
'
tana tana, adj. thin.'
tanalacht, n. 'dizziness,' 'giddiness': ta tanalacht in mo cheann

ta: tanalaxt an ma â:n.
taobh tE:Vy tXv, n. *
side': an Taobh Tuath an t^v tâ *
the North
Side,' aig an taobh zg' an tE:v, aig taobh cloch mhor zg' tE:v
kT]jx vo:r (3), taobh a suas tE:v d sâs, isteach d st'ahy istoigh
D stEi, amach 9 maXy ainuigh j nidi (adverbs, 13). —Cf. t^:v

(An I).
Taobhog tEivag [treivag, 4), pl.-n.
taod (tead), n. '

rope,' '
tether ' : cuir an t-each air taod k^r dti
rJrt.Y er tE:d '

tether the horse ' (15).
taoman tE.man, n.m. 'bail' (for baihng water),
tapaidh tapi, adj. 'quick,' 'smart'; go tapaidh ^,7 tapi 'quickly';
ceann tapaidh k'am tapi 'smart head' (3).
tarbh tarv^ pi. tairbh torv (L.E.), tErv (U.E.), n.m. '
bull'; in pl.-nn.:
Cnoc an Tairbh knk <vi tErv (torv). Loch an Tairbh
lox m tErv (8).
tarrain taritiy tarzn, tarjtiy v. '

pull,' '
haul ' : pres.-fut. tairmidh me
tarn'i (tarni) me; pret. tharrain harin; vb.n. tarrain tarin;
tarrain do anail tardtt ds anal, a tharrain na torpan d harin na

'
tjrpdn '
to pull the sods ' ;
also n. draught.'
tarrthail ta :raU vb.n. '
helping '
(8) ; n. '
help '
: chostainn tarrthail
xjstin ta :ral (8) *
I would need help.'
*
te fje, adj. hot.'
'
tea ti: (Engl. t '), n.; cf. tae.
teacsa tjeks9, n. 'permit' (15).
tead, see taod.
teaghlach tje :lax, n.m. 'family': ta teaghlach mor aige ta: tje:lax
mo:r eg'd.
teallach tjalax, n. *
hearth '
(also said to mean '
blacksmith's tongs,' 4,
evidently mixed up with teanchair).
teanchair tjanaxer, n. 'tongs' (15 etc.).
teanga, teangaidh tjegd (2, 3, 15), tjayi (i, 5, 12), n. 'tongue':

an teangaidh dn tjayi (5); cum do theanga (tjieangaidh) k^m
dd hegd (f<jyi, 5). —Rathl. Cat. mo henga.
teannta (teannca), in: i dteannca do (le) dâT\k3 dd (/e), adv. 'near,'
*
next to ' : i dteannca do'n f hear (duine) sin diax\kd dd n'ar
[dm d/Cn'd jin, 11), an t-aon i dteannca do'n laodog dn tin dâr[kd
ddn lE:dag 'the fourth fmger ' (11), an t-aon i dteaimca leis
dn tin dâT]kd lej (11).

'
teas tjes, n. heat.'
teich rjef, V. 'run,* 'flee'; pret. theich heg; vb. n. teicheadh /Jep^.
teid, irreg. vb., see § 153.
::
GLOSSARY 241
teidlieag tjcag, tjiag (9), v. 'warm,' 'heat'; pres.-fut. teidheagaidh

tjcagi, tjcaxi (?, 12); pret. theidhcag heag (13); teidheag thu
fhein tjeag ^ he :n (imper), teidheagaidh me do leithcheann
tjeagi mi d? lepn (2); vb. n. teidheagadh tieagjg (3, 13), tîag^g
(9), tji^^g (?» 5)' ta me dol a mo theidheagadh fhein ta: ms

dol a md heagd {hiagj) he :n (11).
teine tîn'd, n.f. 'fire' (§ 113): teine aidhear tîn' am, teine dealan
t\in'd dealan '
Hghtning '
(i).
teintean, in cloch teintean kr{jx tlintjen'y n. '

hearthstone '
(3).
thall ha:l hal, hax] (3), adv. 'over,' 'yonder'; thall air hal er,
'
prep. over.'
thaobh-eicin, indef. pron., 5ce § 134 (B, b).
thar har, adv. and prep. '
over,' '
across '
(usually thar le, q.v.).
thar le har /e, prep, 'over,' 'across'; thar le beinn har le hem'
*
over the rock heads ' ;
thar leis har lei, ^<^v.
'
over '
ag bruith thar leis d hreg ^hardlel '

boiling over.'
thios hi:s, adv. 'down' (rest).
thro(imh), prep., see § 98.

thu, thusa, pers. pron., see § 124.
thuas hâs, adv. '
up '
(rest) : thuas ud hâs ad '
up there.'
thugainn, see § 154.

tibhead tlivdt, n. '
thickness ' : da oirleach ar tibhead da : orlax dx
t\w2i (3).
tig, irreg. vb., see § 154.
tighead, see tibhead.
tigheama tjidrnj, n.m. '
lord ' : nar dTighearna mr diidrtid ; ta an
Tighearna leat ta dti tlidrn? lat.
till, V. '
return '
; pret. thill iad na bhaile hil' ad na val'd ; vb.n. tilleadh
tlil'3g.
timcheall, see tiomall.

timthire teallach t\imdr Ujalax, n. *
fire-tongs '
(=maide bhriste).
tinn tjin, adj.

'
sick,' '
ill ': ta e tinn ta d tjin, ag fas tinn dfa :s tjin (3).
tinneas tjin'ds, n.m. '

disease.'
tiomall, tiomallta ^J<Cm3/r(a), t\^mdU t[^mdV\ (3), tlimdl (2), adv. and
prep, 'around,' 'about': tiomall an choirneal tl^nidl d xjrn'al,
tiomall fichead tl^nidlfidd about twenty ' '
; usually with air or thart
tiomall air tlimdl er *
about it,' cuiridh sinn tiomallta air dramai
k^ri jin' tl^mdlt er drami, tiomall air a h-uile rud tlimdl er d
hXl'o rXd, tiomall thart Reachraidh tj/Cnidl hart raxDri '

round about
Rathlin.' —Cf. k'/Cntdk (An i), Manx chymmylt (Kneen, § 8i).
tionntaigh tjeriti (-/, -pi), v. '
turn *; vb.n. tionntachadh tjzntahg (2, 4),
tjenta{:)g (3, 13); p.p. tionntaiste tjentijt'9.
tioradh /Ji.tp^, n.m. *
grist (dried in the kiln)' (15b).
tiormaigh, v. *
dry '
: imperf.-cond. an dtiormochadh e dti dêrma:g
e (6); vb.n. tiormachadh tferntahdg (2, 13), tjerma:g (3, 6).
tir tji:r, pi. tir(th)ean ^J/.T^n (4), tirtean fj"i;rtj5« (3), n.f. 'country';
an tir seo m tji:r \y (=' Rathlin').
tirim, tiream tjir'<im, adj. *
dry '
(§ 122).
tiuc tj^k{9) ti^k{j) Uf^k call to hens.
tiugh tj/C, adj. '

thick': ta an fharraice tiugh leis ta ? narik'd /J<C /ej.
tiugainn, see thugainn.

tobaca tj*bah, n. '
tobacco '
(5).
tobar tobor, n.m. ' well ' ;
in pl.-nn. : Tobar an Uisce tohdr d
nljk'j (3).— Cf. tjbdr (An i).
tog, V. 'lift,' 'raise,' 'take'; 'build'; pret. thog hog; vb.n. togail
togel, togdl.
*
togail togzly togal, n. building.'
toigh toi, tEi (L.E.), tEi, tai (U.E.), tEig (3, sometimes), pi. toighean
tEidn, n.m. '
house ' : toigh soluis tEi sollj, toigh scoil tEi shl,
toigh an Aifreann tEi d nafidn 'the chapel,' toigh 61 tEi j:l
'
tavern ' ;
bean an toighe bjan dti tEid ; in pl.-n. Glaic an Toigh
M6r glak' dtt tEi mo :r.
toil tjl n. '
will ' : do thoil dd Z^:?/.—Rathl. Cat. do hoil.
toihgh, V. 'please': fut. ma thoileochas tu ma hoVads t/C (3),

ma hol'ds t/C (6, 12), rud ari thoileochas tu r^d dri hl'agds (for x)
t^ (12); p.p. (part, adj.) toiliste tolilt'd 'pleased.'
toin to :n\ n. bottom ta an toin as a' phota ta dtt to :n' as d fotd
' '
: ;
in pl.-nn. Toin an Ribhe Moine to:n' d rlvd mom'd^

Toin Ribhe (?) Leanan to:n ravd Vzinan (4), Toin le Gaoith
to:n hgE:p (4; cf Toin ri Gaoith, in Arran, Scotl.).
toiseach tojax, tojaxt, n. *
beginning ' : o'n toiseach on tojax, dn tojax
*
at first,' teid me air toiseacht tje :d^ mi er to\axt '
I will go
first' (3).
toisigh, V. 'begin': pres. (fut. sense) toisighidh me toiî mi (12),
fut. toiseochaidh me amdireacht to:\ax? mi mair'axt (12); pret.
thoisigh iad hoiî ad (3, 12), ho\i ad.
GLOSSARY 243
toit tjtj, n. '

smoke.'— Cf. M' (mi, An i).
toit btj, vb.n. '

smoking.'
Tollabhae 'tolave{:), pl.-n. '
ToUoway.'
tom to :m, torn, n. '
bush.'
tomhais, v. 'guess'; 'measure,' 'weigh': pret. thomhais me
h'ij me (15); vb.n. tomhas trDS.
tomhas trds, pi. tomhais, tomhaisean t:}-ij (also sing. ?), tD-iJDHy
n. '
measure ';
'
weight,' sean tomhaisean jan trildn; cur amach
tomhaisean kiCr d max trildti 'putting riddles' (15).
tonn to:n, n.f. 'wave'; uisce fa thuinn Ijk'j fa h^:n' '
subsoil water.'
tonnog, sec tunnog.
Tor tor, n. '
Torr ' (in Antrim, 5).
toradh, n. '
fruit ': toradh do bhroinn losa tord dd vrEin' idSd (9).
tordan tordan, n.m. '
bunch or tuft of heather '
(5).
torp torp, pi. torpan torpdn, n. '
(heather) sods ' (for burning) : buaint
torpan h/Cdntl torpju; in pl.-n. an Torp jn torp. —Cf. torp, An i.
torr, see Tor and tur.
torradh toirdg, n. 'funeral': aig an torradh zg' dn toirdg [to:r, 2).
tost, in: bi do thost hi: dd host '

be silent.'
'
tostach tostax, adj. silent.'
tota totd, pi. totachan totahdti, n.m. *

seat ' (in a boat) ; the seats are
named: an tota beag dti totd h'Eg, an tota reiste (reidhiste?) rei^t'd,
an tota togaile togal'd, an tota chroinn xrEin, an tota

gualann g/Cabn (15).
tow (E.): towte isteach toit^d st'ax 'towed in' (3).
track (E.) trzk', n. (3).

traghadh traigdg (i), traig, vb.n. 'ebbing'; tragadh phoc traigd fok
*
countercurrent,' 'whirlpool' (15, etc.); cf. poca.
traigh tra:j, trai, n.f. 'beach': an traigh mhin dn tra{:)i vim',
traigh gaineamh tra:j gan'dv [idem)', ta an traigh ag teacht
ta dn tra :j d tjaxt '
it is ebbing ' (8) ; ta miann a chait anns
an traigh, ach cha dtuir e as e â ; mian d x^tj ans dn tra :j ax xa
diCr a as a, ta biadh a' scuit istraigh ach cha dtuir e fhe as e
ta: biag d skltj d stra:j (strai) ax xa d^r a he: as a (13, proverb).
traona, see sraon.

trap (E.) trap, *a two-wheeled cart': bha trap aca va: trap akd.
trascadh tra:skdg, n. 'feeling of hunger': ta an trascadh orm ta: n
tra:skdg orm (12), bha trascadh orm va: tra:skdg orm (13).
trasna trastu, prep, with gen. 'across': trasna an cuan trasnd t\
ki(ati (8), trasna na tire trastu na tji:rj (3).

tre, sec thro(imh).
trcabhacan, in: reidh leis an treabhacan re/ lej m t'r'o-dkan *
ready
with the plowing* (U.E., ace. to 13); cf. laigheacan.
treabhadh tro-?g (i, 8, 13), tr'o?g (3, ace. to 8: t'r'odg), vb.n. *
plowing.'
trean trsdti, adj. 'fast': cho trean 's a b'urra leithe xo trzdn s d
b/Cr9 hp (3).
tri, num., see § 135.
tri-bhUadhnach trEivlianax, adj. '
three-year-old.'
trie (troic), in: go trie gd trek' '
often,' ro thric ry hrek' {rek')
*
very often.'
' '
triobloid tribhd^, n. tribulation,' trouble.'
trinnsear trEnjer (15), trEinjsr (3), ^rsnjer, n. '
(wooden) plate.'
triomhadh, ord., see § 136.
triur, num., see § 135.

troid trjd^, vb.n. 'fighting' (3); coileach trod kEl'ax (kol'ax) trod
*
gamecock.'
troigh trEiy pi. troighean trEidtiy n. *
foot ' (measure) : troigh ar fad
trEi dr fad (3).
trom troirriy trom, adj. 'heavy': mas trom leat do cheann, gur ro
throm e mas troim I' at dd gain gd[r) ro ro:m s: (a hogmanay
game, 3, 13).
troman, see droman.
troscadh trjsk9{g), vb.n. 'fasting* (' troska,' 12); cf trascadh.
troscan, see truscan.
trough (E.) trjx, n.
truagh tr/Ca, trâg (12, 15 etc.), n. & adj. 'pity'; 'pitiful':

mo thruagh m9 riCa [r/Ca)
*
alas,' mor an truagh mo :r dn trâ
'it is a great pity,* cf. truaighe; is truagh leam ds trâ {tr/Cag,
12, 15 etc.) I' am {I' dm) 'I pity.*

truaighe trâjd, trâi, n. '
pity ' : mor an truaighe mo :r dn trâjdy
ba mhor an truaighe hd voir dti tr/Cai (15 etc.).
truideog tnCdâg (trldâg), n. '
thrush.'
trup (truip) trip, n. ' the fairies *
; in pl.-nn. : Bealach an Truip
bjalax dn trip; Inean an Truip (Truimp) in'en dti trip [trlmp, 4;
the latter maybe from tromp '
jew's-harp,' associated with fairy
music).
GLOSSARY 245
truscan tr^skan, n.m. '

suit of clothes '
(3).
tu, tusa, pers. pron., see § 124.
tuafal (tuaitheal, etc.) tiCafal, t£afdl (8), Uafdr (3), n. and adj.
'
booby ';
'
stupid,' '
awkward ': chan fheil tuafar ann ha nel t/Cafdr an (3),
duine tuafal d^n'd Uafdl (8); in pl.-n. Fallt (Fal?) Tuafal aVUafil,
faV[Hâfdr (3), Fallt Tuaitheal faVtuapl (5), aPtuagdl (12),
alHâfrax {S),faVUafo {4),fal*UaJi (2), a dangerous place on the
north coast.
tuagh Uag, pi. tuaghan tâgdn, n. *
ax.'
tuaitheal, see tuafal.
tuath tâ, n. 'north': an taobh tuath m tE:v tXa, ag dol ma thuath
d dol ma hâ '
going northward.'
tuathal, see tuafal, etc.
tubaiste, pi. tubaistean t^hilt'dti, n. '
mishap,' '
accident ' : is trom na
tubaistean air na slibistean ds tro :m na t^bi^t'dn er na sl'ibilt'dn
(saying, 12).
tug (E.) tugachan Ugaxsn '
chains of plow '
(15, 15b).
tugha t^9, n. '
thatch.'
tuig t^g\ tig', tEg' (U.E.), V. *
understand ' : pres.-fut. tuigidh
ti^g'i, tig'i; vb.n. tuigsin t^gjin, tuigeal Ug'al, tig'al, Ug'zl (13),
^^^'^Ti (3)-
'
tuighte (tuite) t^tj?, part. adj. thatched.'
tuille (tuilidh) t^l'D (3), Ul'i (3, 13), n. 'more': ma ta tuilidh ann
ma ta: t^l'i an (3), chan fhaca sinn e tuilidh ha nakd \in' s t^l'i
*
we did not see it any more ' ;
tuille 's choir, tuihdh 's coir
t^l'd s? xj :r, t^li s h :r
'
too much '
: ta tuille 's choir salann air
ta : t^l'd s? XD :r sabn er.
tuit t^tl, titj, V. '

fall '; vb.n. tuiteam: ta an toigh ag dol a thuiteam
ta dn tEi ? doV[ ? hltjdm (3).
tuiteam tiCtj^m, n. 'fall': tuiteam na bhadhna tiCtj^m na bl'iand

*
fall of the year '
(10), tuiteam uisce t^tjdm I\k'd '
waterfall ' (S).
tunnog tiCnag, pi.tunnogan t^nagdn, n.f. duck ' ' : uigh tunnog
î tiCnag '
duck's egg (8). Cf tiCnag (An '
i). —
tur t^r, n.m. '
heap,' '
hill,' in the pl.-n. an Tur M6r dn t/Cr mo :r.
turadh tiCrDg, n. '

dry (fair) weather.'
turcach t/Crkah, n.m. 'turkey'; coileach turcach kEl'ax t/Crkah
'
turkey gobbler.'
tus, n. 'beginning,* in: mar a bha o thus m9r 9 va: h^ds.
'
uachtar baiiinc âxtjr baii'j, n. cream.'
uaigh iCajy âi, pi. uaighean âjm, n. *
grave.*
uaigncach ^zg'n'ax, uzg'n'ax (15a), adj. 'lonely,' 'lonesome' (8).
'
uaine ân'j, adj. green.'
uair <Crtr, ^zr, <C.9r, n.f. '
time ' ;
'
weather ' : aon uair san la in /Czr
S3 lad, uair am /Cer am '

an hour's time '
(2) ; uair mhaith
âr va {ma) 'fine weather'; c'uair, interr. adv., see § 144;
uair a, conj., see air a.
uamh, uamha âv{3), pi. uamhachan âvaxBti (5), n.f. 'cave' {§§ 113,
115), in pl.-nn. Uamha nan gColman âv3 naT\ golman
: 'the
Pigeons' Cave,' Uamha Pol o[:)vd pil, Cnoc na h-Uamhadh krok
na hâvdg, Incan na h-Uamhadh in'zn na hâvdg (4), Uamhach
O Beim âvah Uamhaidh Dhomh'all Bara /Cavi yol
j ^b'zrn',
haira (3), an Uamhaidh Lomairte d nâvi {mvi) T\om3rtjd 'the

Shearing Cave '
(3).
uan ân, ^9n, n.m. '

lamb.'
uasal uasjl (15a), in: duine uasal d^n' /Casjr] (3), pi. daoine uasal
dE:n' âsdl (2), n. '
gentleman.'
ubh, see uigh.
ubhall ^dU pi- ubhallan ^dbn, n. 'apple': craobhan ubhallan
krEivdn ^dhn 'apple trees.'
ucht uxt, /Cxt, n. '

breast '
(2) ;
'
stomach pit.'
Uchtaigh ^xti, pl.-n. (below Brockley).

ud ad, adv. '
yonder,' usually in combination with thall: an toigh
ud thall ?n tEi a*tal '
yonder house.'
Uig ^:g\ n.f. '
Ouig ' : an Uig ri n^:g' {nE:d\ 6), air an Uig
er d niC:g' 'at Ouig,' ag dol go h-Uig <? dol gd hi(:g'',
Cnoc na h-Uige knk na h^:g'd (pl.-n.); Uig an Mhuilinn

/C:g'd v^Vin Mill Bay '; uig originally=' bay
' '
?
uigh /Ci, pi. uighean /Cpn, /Cidn, n.

'
egg ': uigh cearc (circe) <Ci k'ark (3),
k'irk'd (12), uigh tunnog î t/Cnag, uigh geidh <Ci g'zi (3), uigh
turcach iCi Urkah (3).
uile, indef pron., see § 134 (B, a).
Uilleam iCl'am, n.m. '

William ' : Uilleam cratha' t'iorball Î'am krad
Urhl '
the wagtail '
(8).
uilinn <C/m, n. '

elbow.'
uinneog iCn'ag, ^n'zg (i, 13), n.f.
'
window.' —Cf. ^n'ag (An i).
uisce ^[k'dy Ijk'd, n.m. 'water'; 'rain': bhfeil an t-uisce arm? vel
:
GLOSSARY 247
dn tljk' an '
is it raining ?
'
cosmhail leis an uisce hsal le^ j nllk'd
'
looking like rain,' cha bhi gaoth laidir riamh ann gan uisce
ha vi: gE: la:d^jr riav an gd nllk'd (saying), uisce beatha
^\k'9 [llk'd) hz3 'whiskey'; casan uisce, see casan. —Cf. ^sk'd,
zsk'dy dsk'd (An).
uiseog, n.> in Rathlin name of a sea bird: bheireadh an la sin iarraidh

air na uiseogan ver'dg dn lad jln iari er na Xjagjn (said of a
very wet day, 15).
ur iC.T, adj. '
fresh,' '
new.'
ur (uir) ^:r, n.f. *
earth '
(3).
urad ^rdty n. '
quantity ' : an urad 's a ghlacadh tu 9 n/Crdt Sd x\akd t^
*
how much you would take *
(3), sin urad 's ta fhios agam-sa
J/n ^rdt s ta 'is agjmsd, is esan an urad duine 's thainigh na bhaile
jzsDn ^rdt d^n'd sd hain'i na val'd (3).
uraidh, in: i n-uraidh ? n^ri 'last year.'
urlar urlar (15a), iCrldr, iChr, ^v^dr (3), n. 'floor'; also 'bottom of a ship.'
umaighe <Cmi, pi. urnaighthe ^rnt, n. and vb.n. *

prayer '
;
'
praying '
bha e ag urnaighe va : giCrni *

he was praying ' (2), bha e ag
gabhail a gh-urnaigh(th)e va d goal d y/Crni (idem, 2) ; ag gabhail
an urnaighthe ;? goal ? mCmi '
saying their prayers.'
urra, urraidh, urrain, def. vb., see § 155.
urramach /Cr^max, adj. 'honorable,' 'respectable' (15).
us Xs, adv. 'here,' 'give me' (§ 152) : us piosa paipear iCs pi:sd
pa:pzr (15).
Usaid ^szd^, n.f. '
Ushet ' (pl.-n.) : san Usaid S9 n^sad^ '
at Ushet '
(3),
LoCh. na h-Usaide lox na Msid^d (5), loha na Msddi (4)
'
Ushet Loch.'
usaideadh £:sad^Dg, vb.n. '
using ' (2).
usaideach iCisadâx, adj. '

useful.'
use /C:sk, n. '

fish oil ' (used for burning in the " cruisie ").
utan, see niutan.
watch (E.) iw/J, n. : watch oir wjt\ o:r' *

gold watch.'
well (E.) wzl, vEl, interj.
whip (E.) hwip: whip e leis e hwip a le\ s (3).

wild (E.) wEild, vEild, adj.
yoke (E.), vb.: yoke e e isteach^'ofe a s st'ax *

he yoked him in ' (3).
Royal Irish Academy, Dublin
Todd lecture series
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THE IRISHLANGUAGE IN RATHLIN

PUBLISHED BY THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

DUBLIN HODGES, FIGGIS & CO.,

Price Seven Shillings and Sixpence

THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN

PUBLISHED BY THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS & CO., LTD.

THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT 121

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH

THE present work was encouraged by

Irish Academy, which in 1937 gave a grant (renewed in 1938)

to cover the expenses of a visit to Rathlin during August, September

order to get records of what remains of the Gaehc language in those

Rathlin, situated as it is between Ireland and Scotland, and having

interest to linguists as well as to students of folklore. Irish and Scots

that a description of its native dialect ought not to be without

interest for both Irish and Scottish scholars.

Though I have done my best in recording the dialect as faithfully

as possible, statements as to sounds, etc., will perhaps appear

picture of its structure as it was when commonly spoken. Hence

The printing expenses have been aided by a grant from

bodies which have supported and encouraged me in my work,

anil the teachers, who helped nic so much dunng my stay in

Rathhn. To Sean O Suilleabhain, archivist of the Irish Folklore

There is still a great number of short texts, of folkloristic rather

than of linguistic interest, which I hope to publish later on.

abs., absolute mterr., interrogative

coll., collective (noun)

E., Engl., English pron., pronoun

indef , indefinite v., vb., verb

DiNNEEN, Irish-English Dictionary. Dublin, 1927.

Baile Atha Cliath, 1927.

O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, Past and Present. Dublin, 1932.

Sommerfelt, Dialect of Torr, Co. Donegal. Christiania, 1922.

NTS, Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap.

GENERAL REMARKS ON THE IRISH OF RATHLIN

periodically absent from the island. During the time of my

a matter of practice in speaking the old language, for the Irish

I. This may mean either Mainland Irish or Rathlin Irish.

2 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Scottish settlers who came to the island after the complete

and Gailic, of which the former seems to be more common in the

in the dialect. According to the popular opinion, the Rathlin dialect

(pronounced with Engl. means Scottish GaeUc.

are quite conscious of their independent position, a feeling that may,

I. is sometimes maintained that the Rathlin people used to call the

Mainland,' just as is common in the Scottish islands. I have not heard

The list of speakers already referred to is the following (arranged

about 70, whose mother was Scottish. Upper End.

brother of John. Upper End.

(9b) Miss Annie McCurdy, sister of Patrick.

(10) Joseph Anderson, Mullindres, aged about 60, same grand-

(11) Daniel McFall, Kinramer (Glaic an Toighe Mhor), aged about

I. Now living at Ballycastle, Co. Antrim.

(12) Miss Lizzie McKcaguc, Ballyconagan, same grandmother as

The most important family in Rathlin has always been the

held in doubt by others). But it is certain that these people have

Mac Uireatraigh, seems to be the best. When prefixing Clann,

as for instance Miss Annie Black, by her mother and maternal

Scottish MacCuthaige. Mrs. Ann Jane Craig's mother was Esther

cf. O Tuathail Scanchus Ghlcann Ghaihhlcy p. xxiv) Mhoire mal'd