Healthcare - Aparaschivei La Tipar PDF

For my wife Anca, and my special daughter, Ilinca.

Table of Contents
Abbreviations............................................................................................................9
Introduction ............................................................................................................ 13
A. The Scope ...........................................................................................................13
B. The Aim of the Study ..........................................................................................15
C. Resources ...........................................................................................................17
D. Technical Data....................................................................................................18
E. Acknowledgements ............................................................................................18
CHAPTER I
A Review of Medicine‐Related Sources in the Roman Empire. The Case of Moesia
Inferior.................................................................................................................... 21
A. Literary Evidence................................................................................................21
B. Epigraphic Sources .............................................................................................26
C. Archaeology in Support of Medicine..................................................................28
D. Numismatic Evidence.........................................................................................29
E. Papyrology ..........................................................................................................31
F. Data Provided by Related Sources......................................................................31
CHAPTER II
Greek and Roman Medicine. Evolution and Cultural Influences ................................ 33
A. A Short Historical Overview ...............................................................................34
B. Phases of Graeco‐Roman Medicine ...................................................................35
C. Schools of Medicine ...........................................................................................43
D. Medicine, Religion and Magic ............................................................................46
E. Morality and Professionalism in the Physician – Patient Relationship...............50
CHAPTER III
Physicians and Medical Structures in Moesia Inferior............................................... 59
A. Civilian Physicians. Generalities .........................................................................59
B. Civilian Physicians of Moesia Inferior.................................................................68
C. Medics and Healthcare in the Roman Army.......................................................80
D. Military Physicians of Moesia Inferior................................................................90
E. Veterinary Physicians..........................................................................................97
F. The Hospitals. Valetudinaria...............................................................................98

G. The Valetudinarium of Novae ..........................................................................102
CHAPTER IV
Medical, Pharmaceutical and/or Cosmetic Instruments.......................................... 107
A. Introduction .....................................................................................................107
B. Data Provided by Literary Evidence..................................................................110
C. Material Culture ...............................................................................................113
D. The Manufacture and Use of Medical Instruments .........................................114
E. The Specific Finds of Moesia Inferior................................................................127
CHAPTER V
Hygiene and Healthcare of the Communities of Moesia Inferior ............................. 141
CHAPTER VI
Medicine and the Gods.......................................................................................... 151
A. Introduction .....................................................................................................151
B. A Few Words about Apollo Iatros in the Greek Cities of Moesia Inferior ........152
C. Asclepius, Hygieia and Telesphoros. Origin, Power and Attributes .................155
D. Asclepieia. General Description .......................................................................159
E. The Health Triad Asclepius‐Hygieia‐Telesphoros in Moesia Inferior................162
F. Other Divinities with Curative Tasks.................................................................180
G. Theophoric Names ...........................................................................................186
H. Divinity – Physician Relations...........................................................................187
I. Several Conclusions ...........................................................................................189
CHAPTER VII
Final Considerations .............................................................................................. 191
Bibliography .......................................................................................................... 201
Primary Sources....................................................................................................201
Secondary Sources ...............................................................................................204
Tables.................................................................................................................... 223
APPENDICES .......................................................................................................... 241
Index..................................................................................................................... 253
MAP: PHYSICIANS AND MEDICAL STRUCTURES OF MOESIA INFERIOR .................... 261

Abbreviations
Encyclopedias, Dictionaries and Other Reference Works
ANRW – Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im
Spiegel der neueren Forschung, H. Temporini, W. Haase (eds.), Berlin ‐ New
York.
DNP – Der Neue Pauly. Enzyklopädie der Antike; vol. 1 (1996/1999), vol. 4 (1998); H.
Cančik, H. Schneider (eds.), Stuttgart, Weimar.
LGPN ‐ A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names; vol. V.A, Coastal Asia Minor: Pontos to
Ionia, T. Corsten (ed.), Oxford, 2010.
LIMC – Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae, Zürich‐München, 1981‐....
OPEL – Onomasticon Provinciarum Europae Latinarum: vol. I, B. Lőrincz, F. Redő (eds.),
Budapest, 1994; vol. II‐IV, B. Lőrincz (ed.), Wien, 1999‐2002.
ODB – Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 3 vol., A. P. Kazhdan (ed.), New York, Oxford,
1991.
SNGCop – Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, The Royal Collection of Coins and Medals,
Danish National Museum, 44 fasc., Copenhagen, 1942‐2002.

Corpora of Inscriptions
AE – L’Année épigraphique, Paris.
CIG – Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, Berlin.
CIL – Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin.
IDR II – Inscripțiile Daciei romane, II, Oltenia şi Muntenia, culese, însoțite de comentarii
şi indice, traduse în româneşte de G. Florescu şi C.C. Petolescu, Bucureşti,
1977.
IGBulg – Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria Repertae, G. Mihailov (ed.), I, Inscriptiones
orae Ponti Euxini, Sofia, 1970; II, Inscriptiones inter Danubium et Haemum
repertae, Sofia, 1958; III/2, Inscriptiones inter Haemum et Rhodopem repertae.
A territorio philippopolitano usque ad oram Ponticam, Sofia, 1964.
10 Healthcare and Medicine in Moesia Inferior
IGLNovae – Inscriptions grecques et latines de Novae (Mésie Inférieure), V. Božilova, J.
Kolendo, (eds.), Bordeaux, 1997.
ILBulg – Inscriptiones Latinae in Bulgaria Repertae, B. Gerov (ed.), Sofia, 1989.
ILS – Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, H. Dessau (ed.), ed. a IV‐a, 1974.
IOSPE – Inscriptiones antiquae Orae Septentrionalis Ponti Euxeni graecae et latinae, I‐II,
IV, B. Latyschev (ed.), Saint‐Petersbourg, 1885‐1901.
ISM – Inscripțiile din Scythia Minor, greceşti şi latine. I. Histria şi împrejurimile, adunate,
însoțite de comentarii şi index, traduse în română de D.M. Pippidi, Bucureşti,
1983; II. Tomis şi teritoriul său, reunite, însoțite de comentarii, traduse de I.
Stoian, index de Al. Suceveanu, Bucureşti, 1987; III. Callatis et son territoire, Al.
Avram (ed.), Bucarest‐Paris, 1999; V. Capidava‐Troesmis‐Noviodunum, reunite,
însoțite de comentarii şi index, traduse în română de E. Doruțiu‐Boilă,
Bucureşti, 1980.
RIB – The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, R.G.Collingwood, R.P. Wright (eds.), Oxford,
Gloucester, 1965‐...
SEG – Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, Leiden, Amsterdam, 1923‐...

Journals
AJA – American Journal of Archaeology. The Journal of the Archaeological Institute of
America, Boston.
AJP – The American Journal of Philology, Baltimore.
AMN – Acta Musei Napocensis, Cluj‐Napoca.
AnnRCollSurgEngl – The Annals of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, London.
Antike Welt – Antike Welt. Zeitschrift für Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte, Mainz.
Apulum – Acta Musei Apulensis, Alba Iulia.
Archaeologia Bulgarica – Archaeologia Bulgarica, Sofia.
Archeologia – Archeologia, Warsaw.
Archeologia Classica – Archeologia Classica. Rivista dell'Istituto di Archeologia della
Università di Roma, Roma.
Arheologija – Arheologija, Sofia.
Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt – Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt, Mainz.
Britannia – Britannia. A Journal of Roman‐British and Kindred Studies, London.
Abbreviations 11
BJ – Bonner Jahrbücher des Rheinischen Landesmuseums in Bonn und des Vereins von
Altertumsfreunden im Rheinlande, Bonn.
BMI – Buletinul Monumentelor Istorice, Bucureşti.
Bull. N. Y. Acad. Med. – Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, New York.
CCA – Cronica Cercetărilor Arheologice, Bucureşti.
Chiron – Chiron. Mitteilungen der Kommission für alte Geschichte und Epigraphik des
Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, München.
Classica et Christiana – Classica et Christiana, Iaşi.
The Classical Quarterly – The Classical Quarterly, Cambridge.
Dacia – Dacia. Revue d’archéologie et d’histoire ancienne, Bucureşti, I‐XII, 1924‐1947;
N.S. I, 1957‐.
DossArch – Dossiers d'Archéologie, Dijon.
Eirene – Eirene. Studia Graeca et Latina. A journal of classics at the Institute for Classical
Studies of the Academy of Sciences in Prague, Prague.
Expedition – Expedition Magazine. Penn Museum. University of Pennsylvania, Museum
of Archeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia.
Folia Archeologica – Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, Budapest.
Germania – Germania. Anzeiger der Römisch‐Germanischen Kommission des Deutschen
Archäologischen Instituts, Frankfurt.
Gesnerus – Gesnerus. Swiss Journal of the History of Medicine and Sciences, Basel.
Hermeneus – Hermeneus. Nederlands Klassiek Verbond, Zwolle.
Hesperia – Hesperia. The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens,
Athens.
Historia – Historia. Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, Stuttgart.
Hormos – Hormos. Ricerche di Storia Antica. Università degli Studi di Palermo, Palermo.
HSCP – Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Cambridge.
Izvestija Varna – Izvestia na Narodnia Muzei v Varna, Varna.
Izvestija Veliko Târnovo – Izvestia na Narodnia Muzei v Veliko Târnovo, Veliko Târnovo.
Janus – Janus. Revue internationale de l'histoire des sciences, de la médecine, de la
pharmacie et de la technique, Amsterdam.
JHI – Journal of the History of Ideas, Philadelphia.
JHS – The Journal of Hellenic Studies, London.
JRA – Journal of Roman Archaeology, Portsmouth (RI).
JÖAI – Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien, Wien.
Kernos – Kernos. Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique,
Liège.
Latomus – Latomus. Revue d’études latines, Bruxelles.
MCA – Materiale şi cercetări arheologice, Bucureşti.
Medizinhistorisches Journal – Medizinhistorisches Journal. Medicine and the Life
Sciences in History, Mainz.
Michmanim – Michmanim. Hecht Museum Journal, University of Haifa, Haifa.
Nikephoros – Nikephoros. Zeitschrift für Sport und Kultur im Altertum, Hildesheim.
Novaensia – Novaensia. Ośrodek Badań Archeologicznych w Novae. Uniwersytetu
Warszawskiego, Warsaw.
Peuce – Peuce. Rapoarte, studii şi comunicări de istorie şi arheologie, Tulcea.
Pontica – Pontica. Revista Muzeului de Arheologie, Constanța.
Priroda – Priroda, Sofia.
REG – Revue des études grecques, Paris.
Revista medico‐chirurgicală – Revista medico‐chirurgicală a medicilor naturalişti din Iaşi,
Iaşi.
Sargetia – Sargetia. Acta Musei Devensis, Deva.
SCIV(A) – Studii şi cercetări de istorie veche (şi arheologie), Bucureşti.
SHM – Social History of Medicine, Oxford.
Starinar – Starinar. Organ Srpskog arheološkog društva, Belgrad.
StCl – Studii Clasice, Bucureşti.
Studia i Prace – Studia i Prace. Travaux du Centre d’Archéologie méditerranéenne de
l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences, Warsaw.
Thracia – Thracia. Bŭlgarska akademiia na naukite, Sofia.
Valahica – Valahica. Studii şi cercetări de istorie a culturii, Târgovişte.
ZPE – Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bonn.
Introduction
"For where there is love of the human being
there is love of the medical art"
(Hippocrates, Precepts, L. 8. 258)
A. The Scope
One of the greatest physicians of Roman antiquity, Aulus Cornelius
Celsus, started his famous treatise, De Medicina, with a comparative definition
of medicine: Ut alimenta sanis corporibus agricultura, sic sanitatem aegris
medicina promittit (“Like agriculture which promises food to healthy bodies,
medicine promises health to the sick one”).1 This simple sentence describes, to
a great extent, the priorities of ancient man, his attitude to maintaining and
recovering health.
The care for personal health, of the family and of the community, was a
permanent concern for man since his affirmation as a rational being. After the
Greeks provided a scientific dimension to medicine, the Romans took over,
processing and completing numerous elements and all this remained the
foundation of this vital science until modern times.
The works of Hippocrates, the medical treatises of the members of his
school, of the physicians of the Roman period, and also other bigger or smaller
contributions of specialists in the medical art, had the role of assuring a
constant evolution of this chapter in the social life of the Graeco‐Roman
antiquity.
The preoccupations for the study of medicine, for research, existed long
before the imposition of Roman power. Still, the main merit of the Romans was
that they fully exploited the knowledge of the Egyptians, Greeks, Etruscans,
Germans and other people. Later on, in the Middle Ages, these practices of the
Graeco‐Roman period, a temporal interval of maximal development, started

1
Cels., Proem., 1 (our translation).
representing the base of research. In modern times, certain specialists in the
field recognize in their writings the undoubted merits of the Greek and Roman
predecessors, and many of the methods and means they used are unchanged
or slightly cosmeticized inheritances of the Graeco‐Roman period.
Regarding the province of Moesia Inferior, whose territory included
parts of present‐day Romania and Bulgaria, it should be specified that in spring
2010, when we applied for funding for the project Roman Medicine in the
Province Moesia Inferior, there were no major current studies for one of the
most important aspects of daily life in the region: the care for health and
medical preoccupations.
In the meantime, our Bulgarian colleague N. Kirova finalized her PhD
thesis, and published her as a volume dedicated to medicine in Thracia and
Moesia Inferior. We would like to thank the author for the kindness of
providing us with such a volume. It contains a good analysis of the specific
instruments identified in the territory of Bulgaria, mentions a number of civilian
and military physicians who were active in the two provinces, as well as a brief
discussion regarding the relationship between medicine and religion. Still, in
spite of the fact that it is a well‐reference book, demonstrating meticulous
research, there remain several major inconveniencies. The research into
Moesia Inferior, especially of the northeastern region, which corresponds to
Romanian Dobruja and the neighbouring territories, under the direct
administration of the province, is rather lacunar. Many of the interesting
aspects regarding the relationship between the rational and the supernatural
have not been convincingly demonstrated. In addition, the Bulgarian language
represents a significant impediment to accessing the information. Nevertheless,
we must salute the publication of this volume for us a very good starting point.
At the end of our project, undertaken during the period 2010‐2012, we
decided to publish this volume meant to synthesize the aspects which seemed
important to us for the topic concerned and which would provide a useful
working instrument for the Romanian and European scientific environment.
The book is also addressed to a wider category of students with specializations
such as history, medicine or even other educational fields, as well as to the
Introduction 15
aficionados of the history of Roman daily life, for whom the references to
certain general aspects are, sometimes, more generous.
The title of the volume highlights both the preoccupation with the
prevention of disease occurrence, and also, separately, those scientific
practices specific to the medical art, which involved the application of
knowledge by specialized staff.
In this broad context we have tried to delineate between medical
practices consisting in the application of scientific methods and alternative
methods. Whilst the contributions of magic, religion, folklore can not be
included in the medicine of physicians, they must certainly have their place in
the widest sense of healthcare.
This research direction is consequently a small step in the identification
of the elements pertaining to healthcare and medicine in a province, Moesia
Inferior, with a rather complex and interesting ethnic structure.
We are fully aware that, for various reasons, a number of pieces of
information which would have been suitable for the present volume were
omitted, and we take responsibility for this. The precariousness of the
circulation of information between Romanian and Bulgarian research spheres
represented a significant impediment. Consequently, there will be room in the
future for a more detailed research of the topic, possibly also from a
multidisciplinary approach.
B. The Aim of the Study
Our main purpose is the identification of possible references to an
elaborate medical system in the civilian and military arenas of Moesia Inferior.
The province was created following the administrative reorganization which
took place at the end of the first century AD and had certain interesting
characteristics, which also influenced the evolution of the medical process
within it’s area. The Western Pontic Greek cities especially, and also the cities
with Greek constitutions founded during the time of Trajan in the region,
respectively Marcianopolis and Nicopolis ad Istrum, represented ideal locations
for practitioners of the medical art from the traditional schools of Asia Minor.
The Hellenistic tradition, well‐documented in Moesia, was another additional

element for the specialists of this part of the province, be they physicians,
teachers, architects, philosophers, rhetoricians or with another types of
training.
The medical needs of the urban and rural Roman communities in the
center of the province and the Danube area shall not be ignored either.
The Roman military units, arranged in a rather large number both in the
castra of the province, and also in the immediate neighboring territories, were
deployment fields for the practitioners of the Hippocratic art in the provincial
military environment.
Our aim has been to focus not only on one of these components such
as scientific or sacerdotal medicine, the medical and pharmaceutical
instruments, the contribution of hygiene or of the medical edifices, but we have
attemted to achieve as wide as possible approach to the matter. In order to
have a correct view of an essential aspect of daily life such as the preservation
and reacquisition of health, it must be considered globally, including as many
aspects as possible be they directly linked or only tangential to the main
subject. Celsus stated that omnes medicinae partes ita innexae sunt, ut ex toto
separari non possint.2 In the same way I consider that such a topic must be
approached from as many angles as possible, in order to observe the causality
and unexpected effects. The fundamental objectives I have set are included in
the desire to correlate the existing information that pertains to personal and
collective health. We want to create, as much as possible, a realistic picture of
the medical structures of the province Moesia Inferior during the first ‐ third
centuries AD, to draw attention to a possible confrontation between medicine
as science and healing though traditional methods, the relationship between
physicians and their patients, the various social categories of the patients, and
the civilian and military physicians’ relationships to the healing divinities. We
also intend to provide a short presentation of the medical and pharmaceutical
instruments and of their usefulness during the medical process. Recognizing the
influence of the health state over the individual, with the fluctuations

2
Cels., De Med., V, Proem., 2: ”All medicine components are interlinked, so that it is
difficult to separate them totally” (our translation).
Introduction 17
intervening in case of epidemics is a topic which unfortunately does not enjoy
too much documentation in our region of interest.
Beyond the analysis of the documents available to us, we shall
complete the text with appendices, tables, drawings, photos and maps whose
role shall be to facilitate the work of researchers or those interested in this
topic.
C. Resources
The title of the book is meant to be a reflection of a variety of aspects
which we want to deal with, although we are aware that an exhaustive study of
the matter is impossible due to the shortage of sources for the considered
space. In the described context it is vital to know and use all available sources,
both ancient and modern, written and unwritten, noting the contribution of
each one to discover the realities of that period.
Literary sources, often due to the authors’ subjectivism, render only
rarely unfiltered information. In our attempt to differentiate between them we
shall use the ancient Latin or Greek writers’ references within the present work.
We think we do not have the variety nor the consistency of information
to achieve all of our objectives. It should be carefully noted that for these
reasons it was essential that comparisons were made with situations
encountered in other parts of the Empire, requiring meticulous documentation.
The contributions, especially the archaeological ones, of Bulgarian and
Romanian colleagues who published studies on medical instruments,
inscriptions, numismatic material, and Graeco‐Roman art items are of the
utmost importance.
We shall use the editions of numerous specialized Greek and Latin
treatises, corpora of available inscriptions, numismatic catalogues, general
books or special studies about the archaeological discoveries, the medical or
pharmaceutical instruments, works of art and representations of the healing
divinities, and also the results of interdisciplinary research based on
anthropology, paleobotany and archaeozoology.
D. Technical Data
Throughout the entire book we shall use terms in a unitary manner,
although there are numerous viable variants according to several criteria. For
example, for the health divinities, we shall use the variant Asclepius
(Ἀσκληπιός), to the detriment of variants taken over in Latin, Aesculap,
Aesculapius, Esculap etc. We shall also use Hygieia (Ὑγιεία) and not Hygiea or
Hygeia, Telesphoros (Τελεσφόρος) and not Telesphorus, all of them being
correct variants.
Regarding bibliographic references, we shall use several abbreviations
in order to avoid creating confusion: p.‐page, n°‐number, fig.‐figure, pl.‐plate,
tab.‐table; col.‐ column; N‐unknown (person), comm.‐commentaries, ed.‐editor,
trans.‐translation.
E. Acknowledgements
The present work is the result of research undertaken during the last
two years thanks to the funding received through the CNCSIS (UEFISCDI) grant,
Human Resources, PD_487. I am indebted to the Elias Academic Foundation for
facilitating our research in the libraries of Vienna. I received a vital support
from the reviewers of this work, Senior Researchers Virgil Mihailescu‐Bîrliba
and Costel Chiriac, from the Institute of Archaeology in Iasi, Mihai Popescu PhD,
from CNRS, L’Année épigraphique, Paris, Senior Lecturer Ligia Ruscu, from the
University „Babeş Bolyai”, Cluj‐Napoca, Susan Stratton, from the University of
Cardiff.
We cannot ignore either the voluntary but much needes support of
colleagues in research institutions from the European countries we
collaborated with during this period. Our sincere thanks go to Professor Marion
Meyer, head of the Classical Archaeology section of the Institute of
Archaeology in Vienna, for the provided documentation, Professors Thomas
Corsten and Fritz Mithoff, from the Institute of Ancient History of the University
of Vienna, Alexander Minchev PhD and Valeri Yotov PhD, from the Museum of
Archaeology in Varna, Gergana Kabakcieva PhD and Nadejda Kirova PhD, from
Introduction 19
the Institute of Archaeology and the Museum in Sofia. I should also aknowledge
the priceless help provided by Romanian colleagues from the prestigious
institutions in the world who facilitated access to sources that would otherwise
be difficult to obtain. Special thanks go to Senior Lecturer Mădălina Dana from
the University of Sorbonne, Paris, Dan Dana PhD from CNRS Paris, Professor
Moshe Fischer from the University of Tel Aviv and Anne Marie Avramut from
the University of Vienna.
I would also like to thank the Romanian colleagues for the critical but
constructive opinions they expressed, for the bibliographic material they
provided me with, for the permanent support to the attempt of approaching a
fascinating subject for the literature of the Moesian space. In this regard, we
would like to mention especially Senior Researcher Alexander Rubel,
coordinator of the series in which this books has been included, John Bilavschi
PhD, Vasile Chirica PhD, Professor Victor Spinei, from the Institute of
Archaeology in Iaşi, Professor Nelu Zugravu from the “Alexandru Ioan Cuza”
University in Iaşi, Florian Matei‐Popescu PhD, from the Institute of Archaeology
in Bucharest, Gabriel Custurea PhD, Zaharia Covacef PhD, from the National
History and Archaeology Museum in Constanța, Vlad Vornic PhD, from the
Institute of Archaeology in Kishinev.
I would also like to address my special thanks to the translators of this
volume, Cătălin Hriban PhD and Coralia Costaş PhD, and also Professor Traian
Mihăescu PhD, from the “Gr. T. Popa” University of Medicine and Pharmacy in
Iaşi, Mrs. Meda Gâlea for the trust and support granted during the last two
years.
This project would not have taken place in normal conditions without
the permanent support and understanding of my family, of my wife Anca and of
our wonderful daughter, Ilinca, to whom we shall be always grateful.

CHAPTER I
A Review of Medicine‐Related Sources in the
Roman Empire. The Case of Moesia Inferior
A. Literary Evidence
Literary sources have a special potential in showing the development

conditions of the Graeco‐Roman medical art. I refer here particularly to
specialized sources, but also other writings, be they literary, philosophical, or
historical, where authors make sometimes direct or indirect references to
medicine‐related aspects.3
Additional attention must be paid to attempting to delimit fictive,
fanciful or calumnious stories, frequent in the literary texts and, also in the
historical biographies, from the truth that can be supported using alternative
sources as well.
The description of the diseases, of the treatments which could be
applied, their relation to the divine will, the identification of the scientific
causes of the respective physical or psychical illnesses, are aspects which are
identified especially in the works of the specialists of those times. Roman
physicians, by their writings, assured the continuity of medical research, having
benefited, themselves, from the knowledge transmitted by those civilizations
that dominated the world before the rule of Rome.4

3
It is interesting to note the dialogue of Plato, Gorgias, 465A‐B: “Oh, Socrates, the
rhetor may contain and control almost all faculties. And I shall give you an obvious
proof. On many occasions, already, I went with my brother and with other physicians
to visit sick persons at home – some would reject taking medicines or trusting physicians
to cauterize them or to operate a wound. Well, when the physicians were not able to
convince them, I managed to do so with no other instrument but rhetoric” (our
translation).
4
We refer, in particular, to Greek medicine on which a very vast bibliography is
available. Only concerning the evolution of the medical art promoted by Hippocrates
Specialized written sources, handed down to our times, are treaties or
fragments of medical papers. Within these, papers dealing with the production
and use of medicines, be they medicinal herbs, of animal origin or even other
remedies, formed a considerable percentage. Theophrastus of Eresus (fourth –
third centuries BC), in Book IX of the Inquiry into Plants, provides a presentation
of medicinal herbs.5 In his poems Theriaca and Alexipharmaca Nicander of
Colophon (second century BC) provides details on the types of poisons of
animal origin or derived from plants, and also on the corresponding antidotes.6
Crateuas (second century BC), the physician of Mithridates VI of Pontus, even
drew up an illustrated herbarium, later challenged by Pliny the Elder, in the
Naturalis Historia. Mention should also be made of Apollonius Herophileius or
Mus (first century BC), a famous pharmacologist of Alexandria, with the work
Peri Euporiston (De Facile Parabilibus). But one of the most important
physicians and pharmacologists of the time was Pedanius Dioscorides, of
Anazarbus, Cilicia (circa 40 ‐ 90 AD). His work, De Materia Medica, was a
reference study until the Middle Ages, being reproduced in many editions
through time. Dioscorides made an alphabetic list of about 600 plants with
curative properties that the Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, Thracians, Dacians etc.
used.
Regarding the medicine treatises, from the period of research, mention
should be made of the famous physician Aulus Cornelius Celsus (25 BC‐50 AD),
with his equally famous treaty De Medicina.7 Structured in eight books, the
treatise was one of the most important in the period, and remained very
popular subsequently.8 Claudius Galenus (129 ‐ 200 AD) of Pergamum, left the

and his school there is a considerable number of works, out of which we quote only
several titles: Vitrac 1989, Jouanna 1999, Longrigg 2001. Also the famous school of
Alexandria draws the attention of specialists in the history of medicine: cf. v. Staden
1989; Littman 1996, p. 2678‐2708.
5
For details see Scarborough 1996, p. 41‐42.
6
Jacques 2008, p. 49‐61.
7
Deuse 1993, p. 819‐841; Mudry 1993, p. 787‐799.
8
Following an introduction, Proemium, the other books are structured according to the
approached topics as follows: I. History of Medicine; II. General Pathology; III. Specific
Diseases; IV. Parts of the Body; V‐VI. Pharmacology; VII. Surgery; VIII. Orthopedics.
A Review of Medicine‐Related Sources in the Roman Empire 23
largest number of specialized works of the Roman period, writings contained in
the Corpus Galenicus.9 Apart from their uncontested value, the two also had
the advantage of being copied over time with assiduity, and this determined
the transmission of their works in considerable fragments. Other physicians of
the period, highly esteemed by their contemporaries, did not enjoy the same
popularity and dissemination.
Crito (first – second centuries AD), Trajan’s physician, is the author of
Cosmetics and Simple Medicines. Scribonius Largus (first century AD) left 271
medical prescriptions reunited in Compositiones.10 Apollonius Glaucus (second
century AD) wrote On internal Diseases. The main work of Soranus of Ephesus
(second century AD), Gynecology, was used until late in the Middle Ages as the
theoretical foundation for obstetrics and gynecology. The famous physician
trained in Alexandria also left other treatises fragmentarily preserved, such as
Acute and Chronic Diseases, and also fragments reproduced by the compilers of
the fourth ‐ sixth century AD. Oribasius of Pergamum (325‐403 AD) also studied
in Alexandria. He is known for two collections of excerpts from the writings of
Galenus and by other physicians who have previously practiced. Only fragments
of Collectiones have been preserved to our times.
Apart from these physicians, famous in their period for the qualities
they proved, and also for having served the Imperial family, I would also add
some less well know individuals, of which we have only indirect references. This
is the case of the two Andromachus, son and father (first – second centuries
AD), Athenais of Cilicia (first century AD), Servilius Damocrates (first century

9
On Galenus see Vegetti 1994, p. 1672‐1717; Hankinson 1994, p. 1834‐1855; Garofalo
1994, p. 1791‐1833; Rocca 2003. Among his works, mention should be made of the
introductory treaties (Oratio Suasoria Ad Artes, Si Quis Optimus Medicus Est, Eundem
Esse Philosophus, De Sophismatis In Verbo Contingentibus, Quod Qualitates Incorporea
Sint, De Libris Propriis Galeni, De Ordine Librorum Suorum, De Sectis, De Optima
Secta, De Optimo Docendi Genere, De Subfiguratione Empirica, Sermo Adversus
Empiricos Medicos, De Constitutione Artis Medicae, Finitiones Medicae, Introductio
Vel Medicus, Quomodo Morbum Simulantes Sint Deprehendendi, Ars Medicinalis). Then,
there are also the treatises of Physiology, Anatomy, Hygiene, Aetiology, Semeiotics,
Pharmacy, Instruments of Clinical Practice, Therapeutics and also another few fragments.
10
See Sconocchia 1993, p. 845‐922 and Önnerfors 1993, p. 924‐937.
AD), Sextius Niger (first century AD), Thessalus of Tralles (first century AD),
Marcellus of Side (second century AD), Diomedes of Tarsus (third – fourth
centuries AD). In addition, in the following centuries, many physicians and
researchers in the field of medicine took over and even improved the works of
their precursors. This is the case of Marcellus Empiricus (fourth – fifth centuries
AD), Caelius Aurelianus (fifth century AD), who translated and took over
information from Soranus, Cassius Felix (fifth century AD) and Adamantius (fifth
century AD). Aetius of Amida (sixth century AD) wrote a compendium,
Tetrabiblos, where he refers especially to eye, teeth and neck diseases. A
physician famous in his time was Paulus of Aegina (seventh century AD) who
also studied in Alexandria before this center was conquered by the Arabs in 643
AD. His treatise, On Medicine, compiled numerous works from the Graeco‐
Roman classic period.
Apart from specialized medical works, other historical documents
describe the physicians who would serve the community or a famous family,
reminding of specific edifices, of temples dedicated to healing divinities. Travel
writings also provide good opportunities to note details of the remedies used
by certain populations, the organization of the medical system or the methods
used by specialists or other categories of healers. Particularly important were
the notes pertaining to the social, political, religious attitude in case of
epidemics, the measures taken by central and local authorities, the support of
physicians and/or gods,11 the influence of diseases on the fate of a military
confrontation etc.12

11
A very interesting such writing is the one of Saint Cyprian (of Carthage), De
Mortalitate, telling that the large epidemics which affected the Roman world after
250 AD determined thousands of people to adopt Christianity.
12
Apart from specialists, in most of the works by ancient authors there are references
to actions involving the care of physical or mental health: this is the case of
Suetonius (Jul., 42) and Seneca (De Beneficiis, VI.16), following the evolution of the
physician’s profession, with the advantages obtained from various Emperors, and
also the legal problems they would encounter. Pliny the Elder (N.H., 29. 8) shows his
interest for the medical activity and the works provided by physicians in the first
century AD. Details on the physicians’ rights and obligations are also found in SHA,
Alexander Severus, 44.4; several physicians and healers are mentioned in the work of
Flavius Josephus (details in Kotek 1985, p. 47‐66). The interest for this professional
There are also written sources and notes on cases of malpractice
providing arguments in answer to those condemning the physicians’ lack of
professionalism.13
Direct references to medical activities in Moesia Inferior province are
not very numerous, but the physicians of this province, be they civilian or
military, or employees from other provinces, surely knew many of these
writings, and used them in their everyday practice. Moreover, the training of
higher degree physicians took place in specialized schools in Asia Minor centers,
where the writings of these coryphaei of medical practice were undoubtedly
used as a theoretical basis.
Still, there are also references albeit fragmentary or indirect, which can
be identified in the literary sources, relating to the medicines used by the local
inhabitants and also the medical apparatus available in the Lower Danube
region. The writings of Dioscorides, Pseudo Apuleius, and later on of Iordanes,
on plants used by the Getae and the Dacians as remedies for various diseases
are famous.14 Seneca also describes the herbs on the Danube which were used
in making poisons.15 Lucian of Samosata mentions a physician, Toxaris, from
Scythia, who went to Athens where he was considered a successor of
Asclepius.16
The famous Publius Ovidius Naso suggests that during his exile at
Tomis, being sick, he enjoyed no medical care whatsoever.17 Moreover, the
poet exiled on the Black Sea coast blames his illness on the water quality and

category is also to be found in different contexts in the works of later authors or
compendia: Dig., 27.1.6.2‐4; Cod. Just., 10.58.9.
13
Plutarch (De Tuenda Sanitate Praecepta, Moralia, 122 B‐137 E) tells how a certain
Niger of Galatia swallowed a fish bone, and the option of the physicians in the city
was to make an incision following which they would extract the bone. The
consequence was that the operation got infected and the patient died. Other details
are also to be found in Renehan 2000, p. 226‐229.
14
Vaczy 1968, 1969, 1971, 1972.
15
Sen., Medea, 717‐724.
16
Lucian, Scytha, 1‐5.
17
Ov., Tristia, III.3.10.
the fact that “here people drink water from the marsh mixed with the sea
salt”.18
Later on, Dio Cassius describes an episode that became famous in
literature, when Emperor Trajan personally participated in the nursing of his
soldiers, probably after the difficult battle which took place near Adamclisi.19
The medical care the Roman soldiers required is also confirmed by
representations on Trajan’s Column.
B. Epigraphic Sources
The contribution of epigraphy to the history of medicine cannot be
questioned. Inscriptions are the most considerable source of knowledge
regarding the medical and medicine‐related activities within the Empire. Be
they votive epigraphic monuments, funerary, official, private or of other, there
are many aspects that can be extracted from their exhaustive analysis.
In many cases the physicians of certain regions are known only from
epigraphic monuments due to the insufficiency or subjectivity of literary
sources. It is possible, based on inscriptions, to establish their specialization,
the social environment they were active in, their place of origin, whether they
were employed by a certain community or whether, on the contrary, they were
traveling doctors. Inscriptions also provide clarifications regarding the possible
forms of organization in associations or specialized collegiums available to
physicians.
From common people, who however were able to afford to order such
monuments, to Emperors, the inhabitants of the Empire would implore the
gods’ help or would manifest their gratitude for the healing they obtained from
their good will. Votive monuments meant to honor healing divinities are
another proof of the healthcare received by the inhabitants of urban
communities and also by those from the rural settlements. In Moesia Inferior

18
Ov., Ex Ponto, II.7.73‐74 (our translation).
19
Dio Cassius, Hist., LXVIII.8.2. For the location of this episode in Moesia Inferior, see
Vulpe 1964, p. 205‐232.
we remark the mentions of Apollo Iatros in the Milesian cities especially during
the Classical Greek and Hellenistic period. Most of the monuments invoking
healthcaring divinities adopted by the Romans from the Greek pantheon, such
as Asclepius, alone or with his relatives Hygieia, Telesphoros, and also other
healing divinities: Sarapis and Isis, Artemis‐Diana, Hercules, Hecate etc, are
dated to the Roman period.
In close correlation with the fearful attitude people had when facing
disease come the wishes for good health which were made in various contexts.
Numerous inscriptions which had a different message started or ended with
good health wishes: salus.
Funerary inscriptions are very important sources of knowledge
providing details regarding the possible diseases or infirmities the deceased had
suffered and the physicians’ involvement in treating them.20
A very important position within the available sources is taken by the
inscriptions memorializing the urban or rural caretakers who supervised the
organization of the inhabitable and commercial space in the communities they
ran. They had a significant role in maintaining the hygiene of the settlement, in
preventing overcrowding, coordinating construction works of edifices meant to
provide both psychic and physical comfort, and also healing facilities, such as
the thermae, latrinae, water adductions, cloacae etc. I refer to the aediles in
the Roman cities and to the local leaders of rural settlements, magistri or
aediles. Local authorities had an essential role in managing certain crises, such
as epidemics, by trying to prevent them in a first phase and then by hiring
physicians, and providing for the temples dedicated to the healing divinities. All
these aspects are to be found, at least partially, in the epigraphical material
discovered on the territory of Moesia or which refers to this region.

20
The fourth century AD epitaph of a child from Nicomedia is interesting in this context:
“I, Flavius Maximinus, scutarius, senator, built this stele to my son Octimus who lived
5 years and 15 days; operated by a physician, he entered the world of martyrs” (our
translation after Samama 2003, n° 309).
C. Archaeology in Support of Medicine
Archaeological discoveries constitute a category of sources of the

greatest importance when approaching the history of Roman medicine; a useful
complement to the analyses made by philologists or historians.21 In fact,
systematic archaeological research undertaken during the last two centuries
have considerably increased the interest in the history of ancient medicine
especially since literary sources were not enough to cover the diversity of the
components of this fascinating scientific and cultural field.
Regarding Moesia Inferior, excavations carried out as early as the
beginning of the twentieth century indicated, in addition to the numerous
indirect proofs, sufficient evidence of the existence of spaces meant for
physical healing.
Specific edifices, such as the valetudinaria, various monuments or
statues of healing divinities, and also elements in the architecture of cities or of
military fortifications that reflect the preoccupation for hygiene and the
prevention of certain epidemics, the medical instruments and other auxiliary
objects are remarkable evidence for individual and collective healthcare. All
these elements are found in Greek cities and also in the Roman communities of
Moesia Inferior. Remarkable, firstly by the rarity of its attestation within the
Empire, and also by the numerous answers provided following minute research,
is the discovery of the only military legion hospital on the Lower Danube at
Novae.
Another category of specific monuments are the temples dedicated to
healing divinities. The Asclepieion of Glava Panega, to which we could add the
praying spaces of Novae point with certainty to the existence of an intensive
practicing of the healing gods’ cult.
In most important centers of the province of Moesia Inferior there are
statues of healing divinities. Most of them are of stone, but we are sure others
were also made of bronze or silver. The archaeological sites of Novae, Odessos,
Tomis and Nicopolis ad Istrum provided such items, remarkable for their
documentary and artistic value.

21
Krug 1985, p. 12‐15; Künzl 1999, p. 60; Baker 2004, passim.
Cleanliness, concern with hygiene, and a thorough organization of

activities meant to prevent possible critical situations were the task of local
authorities. The honor of serving the community, of being chosen among the
notables of the city was huge, and the responsibility and contribution of those
chosen were also important. For any community water supply was a priority.
Archaeologists brought to light complex adduction systems in the large cities of
the province. Consequently, the existence of the thermae was a natural asset
for any urban center and very probably, even for the more modest communities.
Among the archaeological discoveries, medical and auxiliary
instruments are particularly important. The equipment of physicians and of the
members of the medical profession consisted on the one hand of the
specialized instruments, prospective, surgical or pharmaceutical, and on the
other hand of medicines of mineral, animal or botanic origin, as well as in glass,
metal, wood, bone or ceramic vessels. The discovery and knowledge of these
items in the Roman period was possible due to the tradition characteristic of
the Principate period, of burying physicians together with the instruments they
used during their lifetime.22 On the basis of the number and variety of such
artifacts it was even possible to identify centers for their production in the
Lower Danube region.
D. Numismatic Evidence
During the imperial Roman period among the healing divinities

Asclepius is the one most frequently represented on coins in various
hypostases. He was represented either as a middle‐aged individual man or as
an honorable old person, with the staff and the snake accompanying him,
either alone or attended.23 The god’s representations on coins were current

22
This is a characteristic noticed for the period between Augustus and Constantine and
which could lead to an exhaustive research of this category of materials during the
Roman period: Künzl 1999, p. 61. It needs to be specified that the archaeological
discoveries of such artifacts during previous periods are quasi unknown.
23
Beatty 1974, p. 85‐95.
especially in the period when he enjoyed the greatest popularity, during the
reigns of Emperors Commodus and Caracalla, but not exclusively.24
Members of Asclepius’ family were differently presented by these
sources. Epione, his wife, is more rarely represented while Hygieia, the
daughter, had an appreciable popularity, being usually shown near the father
god. Telesphoros, Asclepius’ son, god of convalescence, the one who
completed his father’s work, acquired the Romans’ appreciation only later, in
the second century AD. Other divinities are also well represented on the
numismatic material of the Empire. This is the case of the Roman goddesses
Valetudo and Salus. On some coins temples of Asclepius are also represented,
thus providing an important element for the identification of such edifices in
certain locations within the province. Apart from the representations of the
divinities, Roman and Greek coins also represent items of medical equipment.
Glass chalices and medicinal herbs are shown on coins.25

Fig. 1. a. Asclepius on the reverse of a coin of Tomis, after Moushmov 1912, n° 2110;
b. Hygieia, on the reverse of a coin of Tomis, after Moushmov 1912, n° 2028;
c. Telesphoros, on the reverse of a coin of Marcianopolis, after Moushmov 1912, n° 652
There are hundreds of examples of the healing divinities on coins from
the localities of Moesia Inferior. At Marcianopolis, for instance, there are
several dozens of such illustrations of Asclepius, Hygieia and Telesphoros.26

24
On a coin of Pergamum, Marcus Aurelius is displayed as Asclepius, and his wife is
represented as Hygieia, as a confirmation of the appreciation medicine gods would
enjoy in the period: Beatty 1974, p. 86.
25
Beatty 1974, p. 92.
26
See, in general for this kind of representations Gouchtérakliev 1996, p. 18‐38.
E. Papyrology
Papyri are documents pertaining to medical activity, particularly of

ancient Egypt, including the Roman period until late in the sixth – seventh
centuries AD.27 They are very important sources in the identification of medical
remedies, intervention methods and original vocabulary. According to the
information they contain, papyri may be grouped in several categories: literary,
documentary and magic.28 Unfortunately from Moesia Inferior we do not have
any such document, but we can assume that the terminology used in these
documents, elaborated exclusively in Greek, was also common to the
practitioners from the region we are concerned with.
F. Data Provided by Related Sources
Anthropology is a very important source for the knowledge of

particularly interesting medical details. Paleopathology is one of its branches
that has become very popular in recent decade. It can identify certain maladies
specific to a certain historical period.29 For instance, the existence of
rheumatism can be confirmed on the basis of the existence of exostoses on
bones. Also, anthropological researches can determine the frequency of caries,
one of the most frequent and visible diseases.
In direct relation to anthropology, we should also mention here
paleobotany and archaeozoology, sciences which can provide important details
on the diet of certain social environments and, implicitly, on various diseases
that could be frequent to the population of a certain region and in a certain
period, according to the type of food eaten.30
It is in the same category of sources that we could include local folklore.
Ancient beliefs and also healing methods exceeding the limits of science

27
For details about egyptian medicine see Nunn 1996.
28
Marganne‐Mélard 1996, p. 2709‐2740.
29
Details on the implications of paleopathology in the history of medicine can also be
found in Krug 1985, p. 15‐21.
30
Davies 1971, p. 122‐142; Flint‐Hamilton 1999, p. 371‐385.
remained in people’s consciousness. Verbal transmission of these non‐

conventional means regarding the curative properties of certain plants,
sickness incantations, the so‐called quack remedies, are extensions of the
medical tradition whose origin is to be found already in pagan antiquity.
Finally, we cannot omit physical‐chemical analysis on specific artifacts,
such as medical instruments resulting from archaeological excavations. These
can provide useful information on the origin of the items, production
technology, and their circulation in various areas of the Empire etc.

CHAPTER II
Greek and Roman Medicine.
Evolution and Cultural Influences
“Take care of two things when practicing medicine:
Heal or at least do not harm the patient”
Hippocrates, Ep., 1.11
The history of Graeco‐Roman medicine represents one of the most
fascinating branches of the history of science. From Hippocrates to the
representatives of the Alexandrine school, from the famous Roman physicians,
Celsus and Galenus, to the compilers of the sixth – seventh centuries AD,
medical knowledge evolved considerably, being left to posterity in the form of
numerous treaties and specialized writings. And when the Europeans in the
early Middle Ages did not have the necessary power to research the field, Arabs
took it over and it is also through them that Europe later rediscovered and
reinvented this science, together with numerous other fragments of Graeco‐
Roman culture.
During the modern period the writings of Hippocrates and of the other
famous physicians were re‐edited in several editions, and the methods
demonstrated in these specialized treaties were applied in current practice.
Many of the natural remedies continued to be made according to the recipes
preserved since antiquity, and a good part of the theoretical base was
represented precisely by the classic writings of Graeco‐Roman medicine. The
discovery and valorization of the sites of Pompeii and Herculaneum, with a
great deal of archaeological evidence pertaining to daily Roman practices,
opened the way for a complex research of the ancient medical phenomenon,
on the basis of both written and other types of resources. 31
A. A Short Historical Overview
Without claiming that we can extensively present below the impressive
literature of the topic, we shall try to make a short incursion at least into that of
the twentieth century.
Medical instruments discovered as a result of the archaeological
excavations carried out at Pompeii and Herculaneum in the previous centuries
were identified as early as at the beginning of the twentieth century. The work
signed by physician J.S. Milne on ancient medical instruments, whose first
edition was published in 1907, continues to be a reference in the field.32 The
usefulness of epigraphy for detailing the nuances of several components of
ancient medicine has been confirmed by several reference volumes which
represented vital instruments for later research. The books by R. Pohl33, J.
Oehler34, and especially H. Gummerus35, references works of that period,
served as basis of exhaustive studies undertaken later on. The second half of
the twentieth century brought, undoubtedly the most important contributions
to the research of Graeco‐Roman medicine. L. Cohn‐Haft36, V. Nutton37, J.
Scarborough38, A. Krug39, G. Penso40 and C. de Filippis‐Cappai41 for the theoretic

31
At Pompeii, medical instruments were discovered in ca. 15‐20 houses. The Casa del
Chirurgo (the House of the Surgeon), Casa del Medico Nuovo and the taberna medica of
Aulus Pumponius Magonianus are by far the most outstanding: Jackson 2005a, p. 210.
For the instruments found in these places see Bliquez 1994, p. 79‐82, with catalogues.
32
Milne 1970 (second edition).
33
Pohl 1905.
34
Oehler 1909, p. 4‐20.
35
Gummerus 1932.
36
Cohn‐Haft 1956.
37
Nutton 1977, 1993, 2004.
38
Scarborough 1969, 1993.
39
Krug 1985.
40
Penso 1984.
41
Filippis Cappai 1993.
Greek and Roman Medicine. Evolution and Cultural Influences 35
part, and also E. Künzl42, R. Jackson43, J. Bliquez44, regarding the medical
instruments, consolidated the research in the field. During the last two
decades, several interesting monographs approached certain aspects only
vaguely considered until then, such as the relation between rational medicine
and mythology (J. Vons45), systematized the information on Greek and Roman
physicians from the first tendencies of the occurance of this profession until
late antiquity (J. Longrigg46, E. Samama47, B. Rémy48). Physicians practicing
within the army enjoyed special attention (J. Wilmanns49, C. Salazar50, P.
Baker51). The specialized terminology of the Roman period was also well
structured, according to the information we have so far from D.R. Langslow’s
work52.
Generally, the approached topics aimed at a constructive continuity in
specialized research and the results are obvious. In spite of this, numerous
regions of the Roman world remained largely unknown due to either the
precariousness of the sources or a lack of accrued interest for the subject per se.
B. Phases of Graeco‐Roman Medicine
One of the universally accepted facts about the development of
medicine in the Ancient World is that Greek medicine is one of its fundamental
stages.53

42
Künzl 1983, 1996, 2002.
43
Jackson 1997, 2002, 2005.
44
Bliquez 1988, 1994.
45
Vons 2000.
46
Longrigg 2001.
47
Samama 2003.
48
Rémy 2010.
49
Wilmanns 1995.
50
Salazar 2000.
51
Baker 2004.
52
Langslow 2000.
53
In their turn, the Greeks took over much knowledge from the populations they
entered in contact with, such as the Egyptians, Assyro‐Babylonians, Mesopotamians,
Phoenicians, Jews and Minoans.

Fig. 2. Iapyx, the physician, removing an arrowhead from the leg of Aeneas, Pompeii
fresco, Casa di Sirico, first c. BC, National Museum in Napoli
The schools of medicine of Knidos, Kos, and then Alexandria, Pergamum,
and Smyrna were vital centers for the preparation of famous specialists in the
field.
Hippocrates of Kos, the earliest writer on this topic, is considered in the
specialized literature a veritable “father of medicine“. His writings reveal much
evidence of philosophical influences, but his main achievement was precisely
that of distinguishing medicine from philosophy.
The basis of the specialized literature of the Graeco‐Roman period was
represented by Corpus Hippocraticum, a vast body that brought together
treatises by Hippocrates, and also of the pupils of his school.54
The post‐Hippocrates period was one of advances in the field.55 In the
third ‐ second centuries BC the school of Alexandria became a prestigious
institution which decisively supported the evolution of Greek medicine,
especially through its main promoters, Herophilos of Chalcedon and Xenophon
of Kos, the pupils of the famous Praxagoras of Kos, but also Erasistratus, a
disciple of Chrysippus of Knidos.56 The famous library which existed there,
unique in the ancient world,57 as well as the professors who were sought after
by all aspirants turned this Hellenistic center into a veritable university.58

54
Krug 1985, p. 39‐47; Jouanna 1999; McKeown 2002, p. 53‐67. Hippocratic medicine is
represented by about 60 medical treatises which focus either on therapeutics or on
prognosis and ethics. Philosophical and rhetoric components are not absent either,
and there are also certain dissertations aiming at introducing the physician to his
customer. Some of the most important writings in this vast body of work are: The
Sacred Disease, On Ancient Medicine, On Precepts, On Prognostic, On Affections, On
the Nature of Man, On the Physician, On Regimen, On Humors, On Diseases, On
Wounds and Ulcers, On Fractures, On Joints, Mochlicon, On Airs, On Epidemics, On the
Surgery, On Law, On Decorum, On the Art, On Nutriment, The Monumental Oath,
Aphorisms.
55
For post‐Hippocrates medicine see Mudry 1982, p. 515‐519, and also Krug 1985,
p. 57‐61.
56
Krug 1985, p. 61‐64; Garofalo 1988; von Staden 1989, and also Littman 1996, p. 2678‐
2708; for surgery see Michler 1968.
57
The library burnt down in 48 BC, according to the data transmitted by Plutarch
(Parallel lives, Caesar, 49.6), in fact the only contemporary source. Recent archaeological
research seems to have identified its initial location: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/
science/nature/3707641.stm
58
For instance, the human dissection for medical research was performed for the first
time within the school of medicine in Alexandria. On this research method Celsus,
the famous Roman physician, said: “the study of cadavers is necessary for those who
would learn medicine, and the dead show positions and relations of internal organs
better than the living or wounded man”: Proem., 74, (translation apud Scarborough
1993, p. 32).
Together with the extension of Roman power to the Greek cities,
already in the Republican period, several foreign experts in various fields of
learning found favorable conditions for practicing their profession in the Roman
cities. We refer mainly to orators, poets, astronomers, rhetoricians, architects,
pedagogues, and also physicians. Already at the end of the Republic, in the
Roman intellectual milieu Greek language had become particularly important.59
Regarding medicine, the Romans, with their well‐known capacity for
absorption of high cultural values, took over both theoretical knowledge of the
texts of Greek physicians from prestigious specialized centers, and from
practitioners of Greek origin. In fact, as with other cultural and scientific
influences, it was the Greeks who introduced rational medicine to Rome.
However, the Romans assimilated medical knowledge not only from the Greeks
but also from other peoples such as the Etruscans.60 Celsus confirms that the
medical practices were not common and they related to each people’s
philosophy and mentality.61 Roman physicians knew for instance that methods
applied in treating certain diseases were different in Rome if compared to
Egypt, Gallia or Scythia. Soranus demonstrates this diversity of situations,
analyzing the treatment of new borns by the Germans, Scythians, Greeks and
Romans.62 Consequently, the Romans did not only copy from Etruscans, Greeks
and other peoples methods, knowledge, and principles, but they also analyzed,
adapted and developed these systems.
In the period of the Republic, there was no organized medical
assistance in Rome, despite the existence of physicians. Slaves, freedmen and
foreigners (especially Greeks) were the majority of practitioners in this
profession.63 They were mainly used for treating the sick people on the

59
Scarborough 1993, p. 22.
60
Interesting are also the contacts between Etruscans and Phoenicians, especially
regarding dental medicine: Baker 2004, p. 15. As for Etruscan influences on Roman
medicine see Scarborough 1993, p. 9‐22.
61
Cels., Proem., 30‐1.
62
Sor., Gyn., II.12.
63
André 1987, p. 33‐36. For the status of doctors in Rome, see p. 97‐179, but also
Scarborough 1969 and Filippis Cappai 1983, p. 65‐87.
agricultural properties, in craftsmens’ workshops and in fighting rings. Yet, such
“care” was manifested for a selfish motive: protecting property by looking after
workforce. A consciousness of the necessity for an elaborated medical system,
widely usable by all social categories and which would be able to complete if
not to replace traditional theurgical medicine and magic widely practiced in the
Roman society, was completely absent.
Healing divinities of Greek origin, such as Apollo and then Asclepius,
were initially adopted by the Romans on the backdrop of ravaging epidemics
that affected Rome. Then, the Greek practitioners of this profession were well
received initially. The very first public physician employed in Rome in 219 BC,
Archagathus, from Sparta, referred to as vulnerarius medicus, was accepted
with hope by the Roman authorities and the population, but in a very short
time he came to be considered a butcher64. During the period that followed, a
tendency to reject Greek physicians, whose number would undoubtedly have
formed the majority, appeared in Rome and evolved to the point where they
were considered criminals due to the surgical methods and instruments they
used.
Cato the Elder, and his assiduous followed, Pliny the Elder, were the
main challengers of the newcomers. A fragment of the writer who fell under the
ashes of Vesuvius is relevant in this regard: “They (the Greeks) have taken an
oath among themselves to assassinate all Barbarians using the science of
medicine, and this very thing they do for a fee, so that may be trusted and may
destroy with ease. They constantly speak of us (the Romans) too as barbarians,
and they insult us more filthily than others by calling us Opici. I have forbidden
you to have dealings with doctors”65 .
Old Roman medicine with herbs, prayers to Gods for good health, and
magical practices were generally considered much more effective and less risky

64
Tradition acknowledges Archagatus as being the first Greek doctor who practiced in
Rome, but in reality he was most probably the first public Greek physician in the
Urbs: Nutton 1981, p. 18; Nutton 1986, p. 38‐39. Pliny, N.H., 29.12‐13 tells how
Archagathus received even a practice, a taberna, from State funds, and then he was
considered carnifex, butcher or murderer, “because of his knife and cautery”.
65
Plin., N.H., 29.13‐14 (translation apud Scarborough 1993, p. 24).
than the physicians’ unsafe and dangerous operations. Traditional medicine

was a viable solution according to the first references of Roman medical nature,
contained in the encyclopedias of Latin writers of the end of the Republic and
the beginning of the Empire. For instance, De Agricultura by Cato contained
numerous medical recommendations, and so did those provided by Varro,
Columella or Vitruvius. Still, the rejection was in general addressed not to the
Greeks’ theories on medicine but their manner of application. The best proof is
represented by the famous treaty by Aulus Cornelius Celsus, De Medicina, who,
disregarding dubious or confused Greek principles, managed to extract and
apply what was important and considered positive in order to use.66
A differentiation should be made between the implementation of
medical services by the authorities, in an organized manner, after their
necessity is acknowledged, and the perception of the application of medical
practices by the population and the “mass media”.67 It is hard to demonstrate
when the convergence of the two dimensions took place. Most probably
together with the de jure recognition of the physician’s profession and the
stimulation for the practice of the profession by measures taken by the
authorities.
Coveted as well as controversial, the medical profession came to be
considered vital for the smooth development of individual or communal
activities in society only in the imperial period of Rome. However, if physicians
in the republican era did not enjoy the due support from the State, starting
with Caesar, the involvement of the authorities was clear. This moment meant
a significant growth in the number of practitioners and, implicitly, of interest
for medical research. Suetonius stated that the main advantage doctors
obtained was that Caesar granted them citizenship.68 By obtaining this right,
they benefited from more immunity which aimed at encouraging access to this
profession. Augustus also made an important contribution to the consolidation

66
67
We refer to the exponential voices of the time, literates, rhetors, philosophers.
68
Suet., Jul., 42 : Omnes professos, et liberalium artium doctores, quo libentius et ipsi
urbem incolerent, et coeteri appeterent, civitate donavit.
of the previously obtained advantages.69 Vespasianus and Hadrianus

strengthened and increased privileges for doctors too.70 Yet these measures
brought negative consequences as well. Many charlatans presented themselves
as authentic doctors in order to obtain undue advantages, leading the once
again being to condemnation of the physician’s profession. The absence of any
test to grant the right to practice favored the proliferation of poorly‐qualified
practitioners, attracted by financial gain. “The labour market” was the only one
able to select the good from the poorly trained. Numerous texts of the time call
into question the usefulness of a profession where profiteering is so common.
Pliny the Elder, again, believed that “physicians practice their knowledge at our
risk and make experiments on the skin of the sick; the doctor is the only
unpunished person in the case of manslaughter. In fact, they may even blame
the patient for not respecting the treatment“.71 Even some of the greatest
specialists of the period challenged the attitude of their fellows. Galenus made
the observation that many physicians talk about medicine without being able to
show their skills.72
During the time of Antoninus Pius there was even an increase in the
number of physicians, which led to the introduction of legislative initiatives to
limit the number of individuals who could take advantage of these privileges.73
Still this profession was not exclusively viewed negatively. Cicero
dissociates liberal professions from the servile ones, placing medicine in the
first position among learned occupations.74 This attitude was expressed, it is
true, when referring to doctors who acquired a special prestige in Rome, in
spite of their Greek origin. This is the case of Asclepiades of Bithynia who came

69
Suet., Aug., 59; Dio Cassius, Hist., LIII.30.
70
André 1987, p. 86‐87. For the decrees granted by Vespasianus in the year 74 AD, see
Oliver 1989, n° 38, with comments at p. 121‐123.
71
Plin., N.H., 29. 8 (our translation).
72
Gal., On prognosis, XIV.
73
A fixed number of five, seven or ten physicians would be set according to the number
of inhabitants in the communities they served. We refer here exclusively to
physicians paid from public funds. Digest, XXVII, 1.6.2‐4 with comments in Oliver
1989, p. 588‐590.
74
Cic., De officiis, I.42.
to Urbs around 120 BC and became an acknowledged professor and
practitioner of the medical art.75 Seneca appreciated physicians, whom he saw
as close to the patients, as true intellectual partners with outstanding
capabilities.76
The knowledge of physicians was, in practice, available at all social
levels. At the imperial court they became indispensable personages77 and as
they did in military units, in large cities as well as in smaller communities. If
there was no doctor in the town, one would be hired from outside. More than
that, the basis of a medical teaching system financed by the State was put in
place in the time of Severus Alexander.78
Physicians attracted to Roman cities were in a position to replace at
least a part of the priestly and magical medicine widely used by the Romans.
Nevertheless, we are convinced that the mystical element continued to insert
itself artfully and subtly into medical activities and, sometimes, traditions
replaced science. In many cases, rational medicine coincided with popular
medicine. However, authentic physicians succeeded, in general, because a
scientific approach convinced patients that “medicines and drugs are the hands
of the gods”.79 Moreover, the central authorities seized on the direct relations

75
Vallance 1993, p. 693‐727. Celsus (Proem., 11) speaks of his influence in Rome: “…no
one troubled over anything at all, other than to examine what had gone before until
Asclepiades altered in great measure the consideration of healing”: (translation apud
Littman 1996, p. 2698).
76
Sen., De Beneficiis, VI, 15‐16.
77
Literary sources preserved the name of the personal physicians of some Emperors:
Tiberius's (Caricles) ‐ Tac., Annales, VI.50, Nero's (Andromachus of Crete) – Gal., De
theriaca ad Pisonem XIV, Claudius's (Quintus Stertinius Xenophon of Kos, followed by
Gaius Stertinius Xenophon and Scribonius Largus) ‐ Tac., Annales, XII.61 and 67,
Trajan's (Crito) ‐ Ioannes Lydus, De magistratibus, II.28, Marcus Aurelius and then
Commodus's (Galenus).
78
Aelius Lapridius, Alexander Severus, in SHA, 44.4. Against this source see Nutton
1977, p. 216‐217. In Graeco‐Roman Antiquity there were no schools of medicine
similar to those of the modern period. The concept of school involved rather a group
of initiated persons who followed the teachings of a professor.
79
The phrase belongs to Herophilos of Chalcedon. Details in v. Staden 1989, p. 400.
between politics and health policy for the population, which resulted in
the”purchase” or “manufacture” of doctors.
Physicians who had acquired a reputation also had a selected clientele,
from whom they obtained considerable revenues80 and influence in the Roman
social milieus and even the political ones. This is the case of the physicians of
the Imperial family, who were respected and very well rewarded for their
services. Thus, G. Stertinius Xenophon, physician of Claudius, was able to set
some salary conditions upon his employment.81
Naturally, not all practitioners of Hippocrates’ art could enjoy the same
conditions. There are mentions of physicians who were unable to make a living
from the revenues they would get from this profession and were forced to
change employment. The writings by Martial are eloquent in this regard,
confirming that doctor Dialus, specialized in surgery, changed his profession,82
while a doctor treating especially eye diseased became a gladiator.83
C. Schools of Medicine
Medicine of Alexandria was adopted by Rome following the Greek
tradition, but particularly after the inclusion of Egypt as a Roman province.
According to these models, in Rome and in the Empire there functioned several
schools of medicine, or sects based on different philosophical principles, as well
as divergent opinions regarding the attitude towards the disease and the

80
Famous doctors in Rome could earn even 250000 sestertii a year according to the
words of Pliny (N.H., 29. 5), while doctors of the Imperial house could even reach
even 500000 sestertii. For other fabulous revenues of some Roman physicians, see
Penso 1984, p. 105‐106.
81
According to Tacitus (Annales, XII.67) this is the same physician who killed the
Emperor, in 54 AD by sticking a poisoned feather down his throat.
82
Martial, Epigr., I.30: Chirurgus fuerat, nunc est vispillo Dialus / Coepit quo poterat
clinicus este modo. Furthermore, in I.48, Nuper erat medicus, nunc est vispillo Dialus
/ Quod vespillo fuit fecerat et medicus.
83
Martial, Epigr., VIII.74 : Oplomachus nunc est, fuerat ophtalmicus ante / Fecisti
medicus quod oplomachus.
remedies to be prevalently used. The most popular were the Empiricists, and
the Dogmatists, but soon the Methodists and the Pneumatists were also
mentioned, while the Eclectics combined elements encountered in all other
sects.
The Empiricists are recorded after the mid‐third century BC through
Philinos of Kos and his fellow, Serapion of Alexandria. Philosophical ideas
promoted by adepts of this school are found among the Skeptics. Their
methods were chance observation, experimentation and systematic collection
of data and the basic doctrine was founded on experience, peira.84 Celsus
defines in a revealing manner the essence of the empiricist theories: “it is not
the cause of the disease which matters, but what defeats it”.85
On the contrary, they expressed a lack of interest for anatomy,
physiology and rejected dissections categorically,86 unlike the Herophileans the
school from which they had split off. The most famous members of this school
were Heraclides of Tarentum, in the first century BC, Zopyrus87 and his disciple
Apollonios of Kition88.
The Dogmatists, who were closer to the Epicureist principles, but
included also stoic elements, focused on anatomy, followed symptomology and
practiced dissections, which they considered necessary for the research and
identification of the causes of diseases. They were followers of the adepts of
rational medicine, and their main concerns were physiology, aetiology, hygiene,
semiotics and therapeutics.89

84
Littman 1996, p. 2700‐2701.
85
Cels., Proem., 38.
86
Empiricists rejected the practice of dissection because they considered that after
death internal organs would change their characteristics: “Nor is anything more
foolish, they say, than to suppose that whatever the condition of the part of a man's
body in life, it will also be the same when he is dying, nay, when he is already dead;
for the belly indeed, which is of less importance, can be laid open with the man still
breathing”: Cels., Proem., 42 (translation apud Lacus Curtius online library).
87
He became famous when he sent an antidote against the poisoning of Mithridates VI
Eupator.
88
For details see Littman 1996, p. 2701.
89
Littman 1996, p. 2699.
The Methodists developed another school of medicine in Rome at the
beginning of the first century AD, starting from the doctrine of Asclepiades of
Prusa, Bithynia, followed by his disciple, Themison of Laodicea. In many cases,
their conceptions of the types of diseases were contradictory and confused,
which attracted the criticism of their contemporaries.90
They focused on diet control, natural condition control and all types of
gymnastics, being the most famous school of medicine of the Principate.91 A
very interesting inscription discovered at Vienne, of Gallia Narbonensis, refers
to an Asclepiadian physician, that is one who attended the school of
Asclepiades.92
The most important representative of the school was Soranus of
Ephesus, trained in the medical art at Alexandria. His main treatise, Gynecology,
was the seminal work regarding the process of giving birth and taking care of
the new borns, and also of women in general until late in the Middle Ages.
Starting in the mid‐first century AD the Pneumatists, whose basic
principles derived from stoicism, also came to Rome. The key representative,
who moved this sect from Alexandria, was Athenaeus of Attalia. The essence of
this school was the existence of pneuma, spirit, breath, situated in the heart
and which also spread to other organs. The disequilibrium, dyscrasia¸ meant
the installation of disease. Pulse, diet and physical therapy were the main
elements which the treatment depended on.93
Galenus was a sympathizer of the ideas of the Pneumatics, and so was
Rufus of Ephesus, a very famous practitioner of medicine in the second century
AD, who adopted the principles of this school.

90
Methodists do not manage to understand at least with each other regarding the
types of diseases as Celsus, Proem., 66 states, while Galenus noties their
superficiality: Gal., I.84 K.
91
Littman 1996, p. 2699.
92
CIL XII, 1804. We refer to M. Apronius Eutropus, medicus asclepiadius, sevir
Augustalis of the colony. For comments see Rémy 2010, p. 122‐124, n° 27.
93
For details about the philosophic ideas pertaining to the existence of pneuma see
Littman 1996, p. 2702.
A sect, the Eclectics, split off from the adepts of this last group, their
main promoter being Agathinus of Sparta. The ideology of this school was
inspired by all the others, and was mainly based on the humoral theory of
Hippocrates. Galenus is the most important figure of this theoretic trend, the
paradigm of the Eclectic School who brought together in his writings an
impressive quantity of knowledge from his predecessors.94
All these schools of medicine, inspired by philosophical conceptions of
man and environment, appeared in the background of acerbic theoretical
debates which led to the evolution of ancient medical science. Although certain
specialists of the time were not visibly involved in any of these sects, there was
an accrued interest in the specialized opinions issued by their members. For
instance, Celsus, who discusses the ardent disputes between Empiricists and
Dogmatists, illustrates the conceptions of both parties and discusses these
topics.95 All these reflections, innovating ideas and also contradictions or
confusions existed in one form or another in the medical practice of the period.
D. Medicine, Religion and Magic
Genetic inheritance, economic and social conditions, the numerous

armed conflicts of the time, and particularly the will of the gods, the
possibilities and even their wish of punishment, were the main causes of the
occurrence of disabilities and diseases in the ancient perception. Beyond the
reasonable perception of Hippocratic art, beyond the theoretical and practical
training physicians were received, religion and magic continued to play an
important role in the mentality of the period, especially in healthcare.
Any manifestation of life in Roman society was related to a divinity; an
entity beyond the human understanding and beyond reason and which
provided hope for a positive solution to problems. In this context, medicine,
apart from its scientific perception, which acquires real value starting with
Hippocrates, was connected to the supernatural.

94
Littman 1996, p. 2704.
95
Cels., Proem., 10. Details in McKeown 2002, p. 63‐64.
At the beginning of the third century AD, the jurist Ulpian, when
defining a medicus, excluded from among the practitioners of this profession all
those who would use incantations, imprecations or exorcisms, although there
were people saying these occult means had been useful to them.96 At least at
the official level a certain predilection for reason could be noticed in perceiving
a physician. In spite of this, the reality was different.
In fact, based on very different principles than those provided by
reason, science and experimentation, Romans continued to use more or less,
depending on their position in society, their economical potential, and fashions
of the time, theurgical medicine, with its sacerdotal aspects, and also magic.
Traditional medicine cannot be ignored as it constituted a combination of
supernatural practices and of remedies that had been inherited and which had
proven, through time, to have curative properties.
According to Graeco‐Roman religion, good health was offered to the
mortals by gods. This was considered a priority, preceding beauty (kalos),
personal success (ischus), glory (philodoxia) and wealth (chrematismos). Plato
placed health first among good things on Earth.97 Divine action was perceived
to be in direct relation to the occurrence of diseases, and especially of
deformities. Both disease and illness stigmatise the patient as different.98 The
perception of disease as an intrusion of evil, is frequently encountered in
antiquity.
Physical and mental disabilities, and we refer here especially to
congenital deformities and madness, are attested in documents as being the
manifestations of abnormality in all human societies, including the Roman
one.99 These were, after all, forms of radical punishment applied to the mortal.
They were permanent, incurable and affected the running of daily activities.
From literary and epigraphic sources, from plastic representations or from
anthropological research on skeletons there appears to be a rather high

96
Dig., 50.13.1.3. Details in Rawson 2003, p. 99, note 9.
97
Plato, Les lois, I.631 b‐d.
98
Vlahogiannis 2005, p. 180.
99
On the causes of the psychic diseases in Antiquity, which were either of congenital,
accidental, occupational nature see Stock 1996, p. 2283‐2410.
incidence of such anomalies, from where also came the accrued fear when
faced with anomalies. It is on this mental structure that the Spartans’ and then
the Romans’ actions of killing children with physical malformations can be
explained.100
Gods could bring numerous diseases to the unfaithful or those who
were the authors of crimes pertaining, especially, to disobedience to the
divinity. Apollo brings the plague,101 Zeus brings blindness,102 and also
infertility103 and madness.104
At the same time, healing by the gods was considered a miracle. Votive
deposits of parts of the human body made from terracotta, ceramics or other
materials are the most suggestive of the wishes of the deponents. Eyes, legs,
arms or other parts suggest the origin of the suffering and encouraged the gods
to focus on that element. The practice of votive deposition of anatomic parts
started in the first century BC. Many of these vota were recovered from the
soil, and also from rivers.105
But theurgical medicine was completed by sacerdotal medicine. The
link between common man and divinity was made by priests who, by various
means and especially through the interpretation of dreams, would make
possible the transmission of the divine message and, implicitly, the healing of
the patients. In general, the ancient world considered dreams as an instrument
of intermediation between the earthly world and the divine one, and invariably
assigned them supernatural origins.106
Time passed but people and the mentality related to their belief
remained almost unchanged. Modifications can be identified, without any

100
Dionysos of Halicarnassus, RA, II.15.1‐2; Plutarch, Lyc., 16.1‐3.
101
Iliad, 1.456.
102
Iliad, 6.193.
103
Iliad, 9.454‐6.
104
Iliad, 6.234, 9.377. For details Vlahogiannis 2005, p. 184.
105
From the Tiber, for instance, in direct association with the temple of Asclepius which
was found exactly on this river, many representations of the uterus were brought to
light: La Gall 1988, p. 16‐21, Baker 2004a, p. 20.
106
Numerous details on the meaning and implications of dreams in Greek and Roman
medicine, are provided by Achté 1989, p. 43‐69 and Oberhelman 1993, p. 121‐156.
doubt, at the technological level, regarding the accumulation of knowledge and
the means of intervention. But human mentality is a component hard to follow
throught its evolution in history and, we believe, much more difficult to change.
Apart from the relationship between the human patient and the
divinity, magic also played an important role in the healthcare employed by
ancient man. If scientific medicine is based on observation and diagnosis of
human diseases, and religion appeals to divine help with priests acting as
intercessors, magic on the other hand used ritual techniques and incantations
which exceeded the limits of the natural, of normality.
Prayers, blood sacrifices, invocations of the dead, curse tablets,
purifications (katharmoi), amulets, binding spells (epoidai), magic potions, and
the fabrication of the figurines are some of the instruments that magicians,
wizards and purifiers would make available to those requesting their services.
In Greek and Roman societies such occurances were frequent,
indicating the fears and aspirations of those practicing them.
Scientific theories promoted by Hippocrates and others of his school
provided alternative explanations to religious or magic belief for the medical
deed. In spite of this, the fear of punitive actions of the gods, which could cause
diseases or deformities, persisted in Greek and then Roman society.107 A radical
delimitation of the rational from the supernatural is not used even in the
Hippocratic works. Certain diseases were considered as having both divine and
human origins. For instance, epilepsy, seen by many as being of “sacred origin”,
appears in many treaties with such double origin, divine and human.108 We
would have expected that the harsh fight the Hippocratic authors have against
those dishonest competitors they call magicians (magoi), beggar priests
(agurtai), purifiers (kathartai), and also charlatans (alazones) would lead to an
absolute negation of any supernatural intrusion. And yet, things were not like
this.

107
On the nuances of the terms synonym to disease and health, such as illness, sickness,
ailment, infirmity, disability, dysfunction, defect and deformity see Amundsen, Ferngren
1996, p. 2934‐2936.
108
Especially On Sacred Disease contains numerous remarks as to the origin of the
disease. See for this Collins 2008, p. 35.
We can assert without fear of being wrong that in spite of several
attempts, Graeco‐Roman medicine did not manage to separate science from
religion and magic. And we do not know whether it was really attempted since
the specifically human mentality is based on alternatives exceeding the
palpable universe we live in.
Some of these relationships continue even in contemporary medicine,
as a sign of an indestroyable continuity of the mentality based on a deep sense
of the supernatural which humans natively possess.
A satisfactory title for the situation of Roman medicine during the
imperial period would be the one of quasi‐rational medicine.109
E. Morality and Professionalism in the Physician – Patient Relationship
The “Hippocratic Oath” sets the basis of professional ethics for
physicians and represents the essence of a noble profession which has people
in the foreground of its activity.
Mostly literary sources, as well as some inscriptions, provide us with
several interesting pieces of information about the conditions model physicians
fulfilled in Graeco‐Roman times. They determined to help their fellows by
exclusively following the criterion of disinterested need. These honorable
practitioners of the Hippocratic art are in opposition to the charlatans,
physicians with poor professional training, and also to those aiming for income
and fame, ahead of the fulfillment of professional tasks. Still, the latter are
accused and condemned, more or less directly, in the sources of the time.
In the ancient specialized literature or even in non medical writing,
several controversies were launched. How could one recognize a good doctor,
how should he behave with patients of various ranks, what was the relationship
between the obtained advantages and the obligations he had in relation to the
patient?
Regarding the criteria according to which patients could select really
professional physicians, who would be neither charlatans nor poorly trained,

109
the famous physician Galenus tries to build a paradigmatic image of the
authentic physician. It is true that this is a subjective image, as the model is
precisely himself.
A young man who would tend to master medical art, needed several
sine qua non elements which pertained both to his qualities, and the support of
the surrounding people. First of all, he had to be intelligent, to have studied and
practiced since childhood sciences which could develope his thinking, such as
arithmetic and geometry. In addition, he had to have a wide specialized training
provided by the best masters of the period in which he lives, he had to love
studying continuously, despise worldly vanities, have mastered from an early
age the methods to discern between truth and falseness, and have the capacity
to permanently practice the same methods. Apart from the wish of fulfilling all
these conditions, the aspirant was also supposed to have the financial
resources that would allow him to travel, purchase bibliographic materials, pay
teachers etc. 110
The qualities of physicians in the Roman period result from the sources
of the time, but their description varies from one author to another. What
matters a lot in these stories is the context in which the respective exegetes
contacted with such physicians, the effects of these connections and also the
tradition taken from predecessors. For instance, Seneca saw in them
(physicians) intellectual partners, with remarkable qualities.111 Cicero is one of
those considering medicine a savant science, which must be removed from the
rank of servile professions.112 Pliny the Younger fully trusted physicians, as he
himself was healed from a serious disease.113 But the opposite current was also
very strong. The hate of Pliny the Elder against this professional category was
inherited from Cato, who had an obvious aversion to Greeks in general.
Physicians were, for the most part, Greek.114

110
See details in Vegetti 1994, p. 1672, but also in Boudon 1994, p. 1421‐1467.
111
Sen., De Beneficiis, VI.15‐16.
112
Cic., De Officiis, I.42.
113
Plin., Epistulae, LXXIII.
114
Plin., N.H., 29, 7.
In fact, ancient sources speak of physicians becoming corrupt, trying to
get rich, giving up study in order to improve their performance, forgetting
Hippocrates’ Oath. Emperors also took measures for fighting careerism among
physicians and for preventing cupidity which dominated more and more
practitioners of this art. Inscriptions of the period also speak of a medicus
ingeniosus, pru(dens pau)peribus non cupidus115 and of an artis medicine
doctiss(imus).116 The need to mention these qualities, frequently encountered
in physicians’ epitaphs, indicates the existence of enough cases when
physicians were accused of immorality.
Galenus identified the physicians’ moral decline throughout the entire
society. One of the effects of the degeneration of the medical profession is the
return to religious medicine, to the detriment of the scientific one, a
phenomenon that include especially the upper classes of society.117
Still, the recognition of the indispensability of this profession results
from the fact that Roman Emperors multiplied and consolidated physicians’
immunities. Sources also speak of a certain closeness between imperial
patients and their personal physicians. The fact that physicians have a better
access to Emperors, when compared to other acolytes, is obvious since Galenus
afforded to refuse participation in an war expedition organized by Marcus
Aurelius and he was the only one having untrammeled access to the palace
reserves of medicines.118 Families with economic potential who could afford a
personal physician benefited from the services of these familiares et domestici
medici. We can suppose that in this case this was more than a service supplier ‐
customer relationship.
Rich famous physicians, who enjoyed benefits which normally appeared
together with the recognition of their professional quality, also received special

115
CIL VI, 37805a.
116
The physician Tib. Claudius Apollinaris is considered by his wife and daughter very
well trained in the medical art: Rémy 2010, p. 109‐111, n° 19.
117
Vegetti 1994, p. 1678.
118
Galenus, De libris propriis, 18‐19 asserted that god Asclepius himself advised him in
his dream to not accompany the Emperor against the Germans; details in Wickkiser
2008, p. 57.
respect from society. Court physicians and those with a name in the high strata
of society were in a relatively low number. Most of them practiced the
profession to the benefit of any type of patient, this especially for economic
reasons, and also probably based on the principle according to which any
patient must be taken care of to the same extent.
A few examples speak eloquently of Graeco‐Roman society. In an
inscription mentioning the physician Menophantes of Hyrcanis it is pointed out
that he “treats patients equally”,119 while Damiadas of Lacedemonia, “focuses
his work“, equally, “on the poor and the rich, on slaves and on free men”.120
One could assume these specifications result from the fact that many of the
physicians would not comply with such behavior, and those who did deserved
to be pointed out. Medici publici, employed by communities, on public
expenses, had the tasks “of succoring the poor in the community, rather than
to care for the rich”: Archiatri scientes annonaria sibi commoda a populi
commodis ministrari, noneste obsequi tenuioribus malint quam turpiter servire
divitibus.121 This recommendation, discriminatory in the end, was made for
obvious economic considerations, since the rich could afford to see a doctor for
a certain amount of money.
Regarding the physicians’ considerable fees, apart from the salaries
they received from the community which they served as medici publici, there
were situations when money could also be received after private consultations.
We do not know either from inscriptions or from literature how much a
consultation would cost or how much doctors would receive monthly. In
exchange, there are situations in which physicians would practice for free,
either because the patient did not have financial means, or because he wanted
or had to show in public demonstrations what he was capable of and thus
attract an important clientele. In the first case, in a chapter in a Hippocratic
treaty it is specified that the physician should not request a high salary and
should take into account the financial possibilities of the patient.122

119
Samama 2003, n° 67.
120
Samama 2003, n° 35
121
Cod.Just., 10.53.9.
122
Samama 2003, p. 51, note 88 with the Hippocratic Precepts, 6.
Yet, the quality of the physician – patient relationship is also weighed
according to the physicians’ degree of success. There are not many
circumstances in which physicians’ failures are condemned, but they are not
absent. In funerary monuments of patients having suffered a lot from the
activity of physicians this situation is explicitly specified. The epitaph of a boy
who was the victim of a surgeon is eloquent.123 We also have a series of
defixiones, tablets with curses, which can show certain patients’ attitude
towards physicians who did not treat them adequately, but they may also be
signs of the wish of revenge for particular reasons and not only for professional
ones.124
In contrast, there are numerous cases in which healed individuals
wanted to give thanks with beautiful words addressed to their physicians,
together with the gods who watched over them.125 Certain inscriptions specify
the body parts which were healed.126
It is worth mentioning that the thanks addressed to certain physicians
are clearly fewer in number if compared to the monuments where such thanks
are addressed to the medicine gods: Asclepius, Hygieia, Apollo, Telesphoros
etc. The literary sources speak of the existence of several tablets set up by men
and women healed “by the god’s good will” in the temple of Asclepius in
Epidaurus,127 Kos or Trikka.128
But how would a consultation effectively be carried out?
Physicians would treat patients either at their domicile, where they
were called, or in the medical practices, and the military medics in the

123
Samama 2003, n° 309 .
124
As a result of the bad attitude of some physicians that practiced only for the love of
silver (chrematismos), immunities (aleitourgesia) or for glory (philodoxia), the names
of some practitioners of the Hippocratic arts appear on curse tablets (defixiones):
Samama 2003, n° 480, 494, 506 and p. 36.
125
Samama 2003, n° 15, 274, 325‐326, 342. Keenan 1936, p. 172.
126
Samama 2003, n° 274, 325.
127
Pausanias, II.27.
128
Strabo, Geogr., 8,16,15, apud Vlahogiannis 2005, p. 180.
valetudinaria. It is here that they would keep instruments, consulted books,
and create and store the medicines.129

Fig. 3. Physician reading in his office,
funerary relief, fourth c. AD,
Archaeological Museum in Ostia,
after Filippis Cappai 1993

A consultation consisted in the discussion with the patient and
members of their family about the suffered symptoms. There followed the
effective examination of the diseased, the pointing out of the sick organ,
finding the adequate remedy, following the consultation with the patient by
the prescription of the treatment.130
Celsus speaks of the attitude the physician must have in a consultation:
to be in a good mood, to be in front of the patient, having a good light which
shall allow him to see the patient’s face well, to communicate a lot with the
patient and his family. We can see from here the necessity for a physician to
acquire many skills beyond his strictly medical training. He also had to be a
good actor and a good speaker, in order to keep the patient’s reactions or
those of his family under control, and also he had the ability to explain very

129
Hyg., Fab., CXLVII. Samama 2003, p. 37‐38.
130
Penso 1984, p. 126‐129.
clearly. The physician’s patience is another vital feature; he had to be tolerant
when the patient was not coherent, when he would not manage to describe his
symptoms, he had to stand insults and injuries.131
Regarding the treatment that the physician would prescribe, it usually
consisted in recommendations for a special diet, bloodletting, or the administration
of medicines.
The fight for patients or, rather, for imposing in front of other
colleagues in the same profession led, on many occasions to conflicts between
physicians. The patient was frequently manipulated, either in real situations, or
in invented ones. An expulsion case of Rome is famous. It involved a physician,
Quintus, who was accused by envy in an unjustified manner by colleagues in his
profession, claiming that he had poisoned patients.132
On the other hand, the reference in St. Augustin to the high moral
quality of a surgeon in Alexandria shows the diversity of situations which can be
specified. Thus, the Christian writer tells how a famed physician in the period
was called to consult a patient in a difficult situation, who was taken care of by
other physicians. The Alexandrine physician suggested that the patient
continueed trusting his physicians, appreciating their qualities. Finally, they
carried out the operation, in the presence of the physician invited to attend.133
There are also references to patients investing a considerable amount of trust
in their physicians.134
In the end we may ask ourselves whether the physician – patient
relationship really evolved together with the medical deed per se, with the
improved methods and with the discoveries made in the field of medicine or is
this something which stays very much the same.
Regarding evolution of medical technique, the spectacular knowledge
which resulted from research carried out over the centuries, progress is
obvious. On the contrary, the trust or lack of trust in physicians, the acceptance
or rejection of the methods used by physicians to the detriment of healing by

131
August., Serm., 175.2; 176.4.
132
Vegetti 1994, p. 1675.
133
August., De Civ. Dei, 22.8
134
Details and examples in Keenan 1936, p. 172.
means of divine help for instance, the criticism or the adulation for certain
practitioners, reputed successes or less emphasized failures, are aspects which
registered little visible change, whatever the period.
Moreover, this is how human relationship, through history, converge
towards a common denominator and tend to be preserved. The purpose of
medicine is health, and the physician is the one who must find the means to
reach this state as Galenus, undoubtedly the most important physician of
antiquity, would say. This situation is found in any historical period and the
perceptible fluctuations are insignificant.

CHAPTER III
Physicians and Medical Structures in
Moesia Inferior
The professional training, the accumulated experience, the environment

they worked in, and the patients they served are defining criteria for the
assessment of living and practicing conditions of physicians in Roman Imperial
society. The income they obtained depended on these elements, but the fame
and influence they would acquire if they managed to enter the upper layers of
society were not to be neglected either.
A delimitation of civilian from military physicians, of generalist from
specialized physicians, of public from private physicians or of those hired by
certain communities from traveling physicians has been done in historiography
and has been efficient for methodical considerations. Still, trying to strictly
divide the various categories of physicians is impossible, in our view, on many
occasions, the tasks of the practitioners of the Hippocratic art within civilian
communities overlapped during wartime with the tasks specific to the military
environment, while specialists in certain diseases would be obliged to get
involved in different situations and so on.
Our intention in this chapter is to follow the characteristics and
representations of physicians within the Roman Empire and, then, within the
province of Moesia Inferior, and to determine whether such a strict separation
is viable.
A. Civilian Physicians. Generalities
The Roman medical system acknowledged already in the first century
AD a constant evolution with the purpose of a better internal organization.
According to their training, civilian physicians were grouped by generalists and
specialists, that is to say specialists for every part of the body.135 The ideal
doctor was however considered to be the one who had knowledge of all three
areas of medicine: dietetics, pharmacology and surgery.136
Given the relatively low population density we can suppose that strict
specialization would be the preserve of a small number of physicians, especially
those in large communities, and also of traveling physicians. Greek sources
recorded little evidence of such circumstances, so it becomes more and more
obvious that specialization began to appear mainly during Imperial Roman
times.137 Still, persons with multiple specializations existed.138
Eye specialists (gr. ἰατρός ὀφθαλμικός, lat. medicus ocularius) and
surgeons (gr. χειρουργός, lat. chirurgus) were the most widespread. There are
numerous testimonies both literary and archaeological and epigraphical, in the
civilian environment, and also in the army.139 Surgical interventions, especially
complicated ones, were apparently carried out by specialists.140

135
See in Penso 1984, p. 245‐405 all types of diseases the Roman physicians were
aware of, with the means used for the fighting and treating them. For surgery see
also Michler 1969; for a more strict specialization in surgery see Künzl 1983a, p. 487‐
491; for ophthalmology, Nielsen 1974 and Korać, 1986, p. 53‐71, but also Rocca
2003, for brain diseases.
136
Cels., Proem., 9.
137
A passage from Cic., De Orat., III, 33 refers to this variety of specializations: An tu
existimas, cum esset Hippocrates, ille Cos, fuisse tum alios medicos qui morbis, alios
qui vulneribus, alios qui oculis mederentur? Thus, physicians appear separately from
surgeons and eye doctors.
138
A certain freed slave, P. Decimus Eros Merula of Assisi, is specified as medicus clinicus
chirurgus ocularius: CIL XI, 5400. The epitaph of the physician Claudius Agathamerus
and of his wife, Myrtale, speaks of this professional as a doctor (iatros) who
administered fast working medicines for all kinds of diseases : Jackson 2005a, p. 205,
fig. 12.1.
139
Cic., De Orat., III.33; Martial, Epigr., X.56, Cels., VI.6.8A and other physicians of the
time refer to this specialization. In graves has been found a number of collyrium
stamps of such medici ocularii. Details in Jackson 1996, p. 2234‐2235. In inscriptions,
many are certified as specialists: Rome ‐ CIL VI, 3987, 6192, 8909‐8910, 9605‐9609,
33157, 33880, AE 1924, 196; Italia ‐ CIL V, 3156, 3940, 8320; CIL X, 6124; CIL XI, 742,
5400, 5441, 6232; North Africa ‐ CIL VIII, 21105; Baetica ‐ CIL II, 1737, 5055;
Physicians and Medical Structures in Moesia Inferior 61

Fig. 4. Ophthalmological examination, funerary stele, third‐fourth c. AD, Museum
Malmaison, France, after Filippis Cappai 1993
There is also evidence of other categories. Medici auricularii were quite
frequent within the Empire. There are epigraphic attestations,141 but they are
represented especially by numerous specific medical instruments discovered on
archaeological sites.

Mauritanian Caesarea ‐ Samama 2003, n° 459. See details in André 1987, p. 63‐65;
Nielsen 1974; Künzl 1983, with references; Korać 1986, p. 53‐71; Jackson 1996,
p. 2228‐2251.
140
Celsus, VII.2 differentiates between physicians and surgeons, intending to draw
attention to the fact that surgery was not practiced by the same specialist; Samama
2003, n° 381 about two surgeons who worked in the year 227 AD in a town in the
province of Arabia. See for Rome CIL VI, 3986; 4350, 33882 and for Italia CIL IX, 3895.
Surgeons are described by different names in the sources: chirurgus, medicus
chirurgus, vulnerarius, vulnerum medicus, chirurgus venarius: Jackson 2002, p. 87‐94.
141
CIL VI, 8908; AE 1910, 71.
The instruments found in graves show a significant spread of specialists
in lithotomy,142 and a smaller expansion of dentists.143 We also have important
literary information about specialists in throat operations, hernia, rectal
treatments, but also in dietetics, and hydrotherapy.144 One medicus o(ssa) also
appears in a single and rather uncertain inscription within the Empire.145
Doctors were employed by communities as medici publici,146 in order to
treat the members of the respective locality, and also in order to observe
violent or accidental injury or death. Also, influential families with economic
potential could benefit from the services of private physicians, domestici et
familiares medici.
Medical practitioners could be attached to certain public institutions,
such as circuses and theatres,147 watching fights between gladiators,148 being
present at sports competitions,149 as well as in private institutions, such as the
various professional associations (collegia).150

142
Cels., VII.26. Archaeological sources are rather generous with the instruments which
were used in these operations.
143
Ulpian specifies the teeth specialists: Dig., 50.13.1.3, but there are also such mentions
in Gal., De part. art. med., 2; see Künzl 1983a, p. 487‐491 and Jackson 1993, p. 86.
144
Jackson 1993, p. 86.
145
Gummerus 1932, p. 62, n° 226. See for the bone surgery Jackson 2005, p. 97‐119.
146
A clear mention in this regard appears in the case of P. Frontinius Sciscola, medicus
colonorum coloniae Patriciae (Cordoba), identified in an inscription of Mellaria in
Hispania: Gummerus 1932, n° 327. Comments in Rémy 2010, p. 104‐105, n° 14. In
the same colony a medicus ocularius Patriciensis is also mentioned: Rémy 2010, p.
90‐91, n° 3.
147
Vit., De Arch., V.9.
148
A certain Trophimos, a doctor who tended for the wounds of fighters in the arena, is
mentioned in a text from Kos: Samama 2003, n° 30. A medicus ludus Matutinus see
in CIG 6658 and Samama 2003, n° 473; another one in CIL VI, 10172; for details
about this category of doctors see Robert 1940, passim. Also, consult Scribonius
Largus, who indicates the measures taken by surgeons to heal the wounds of
gladiators: Scrib. Larg., Comp., 71 and 77. Even Galenus started his career as
physician working for gladiators.
149
They are mainly reported in gymnastics competitions. An inscription from the
second‐third centuries AD mentions the doctor Heleis of Thyateira. He was in charge
As for the physicians of the government, there was a hierarchy of such
doctors, since in the inscriptions a supra medicos is recorded,151 but also a
scriba medicorum.152 The organizational chart of the doctors of the imperial
house provides information about a decurio medicorum,153 indicating that these
medical practitioners were organized in decuriae, but there were also more
ἀρχιατροὶ, official court physicians.154
Medici ambulatores had an interesting situation. Doctors, like any other
category of free professional employees, were always traveling, either to
acquire new knowledge, or to practice in various cities.155 They carried with
them medical kits, probably less complex, various vessels with medicines and
focused on treating frequently encountered diseases: eye inflammations,
stomatology interventions, small surgery interventions etc. They were active
especially in fairs, in border regions or wherever local conditions would not
allow the permanent settlement of a physician.
Generally, the doctor’s profession was a male preserve. However, there
are testimonies that indicate that as early as the Greek period women practiced
Hippocrates’ art.156 The first epigraphic mention of a medicine woman comes

of an association of gymnasts: Samama 2003, n° 229. For more information about
what treatments were applied to athletes see Plin., N.H., 28. 237. See also Samama
2003, n° 37‐38.
150
After the decuriones of a collegium fabrum tignariorum, L. Tettius Clycon (Glycon?),
medicus, is mentioned: CIL XI, 1355. See for comments Gummerus 1932, p. 64, n° 235.
151
M. Livius Liviae l(ibertus) Orestes was supra medicos: CIL VI, 3982.
152
T. Aurelius Telesphorus is recorded as the secretary of the association of doctors in a
Latin inscription (CIL VI, 9566) but also in a Greek one from the third century AD,
perhaps a translation from Latin or vice versa: Samama 2003, n° 485.
153
CIL VI, 3984; Penso 1984, p. 114.
154
About archiatroi as personal physicians of political leaders in Antiquity see Nutton
1977, p. 193‐198. The first evidence of an archiatros was made in the first part of the
second century BC, with a note about Crateros of Antiochia, a doctor of the
Seleucids: Samama 2003, p. 42. In Rome, Andromachus, Nero's physician, is the first
archiatros recorded by sources: Penso 1984, p. 114.
155
See Samama 2003, p. 25‐26, with details and references for the Greek period.
156
Parker 1997, p. 131‐150. Mythology confirms the interest of certain women of
Greece for medical art, especially for gynecology. Hagnodice of Athens disguised as a
from the fourth century BC. A certain Phanostrate of Athens, is referred to as
μαῖα καὶ ἰατρός.157 This combination confirms, first of all, her specialization as
midwife, but that she probably also had the knowledge of a doctor, ἰατρός, at
least regarding the diseases specific to women and children.

Fig. 5. Tombstone of a woman physician, Museum Metz, first c. AD (CIL XIII 4334), after
Jackson 1993, pl. III, fig. 5
In fact, apart from the doctors themselves, the staff considered part of
the medical system also includes the midwives, μαῖα, or ἰατρομαῖα, and in
Latin obstetrix. They practiced also “a kind of medicine” even if, sometimes,

man in order to be received in the cast of physicians, because the Athenians forbade
slaves and women to learn the art of medicine: Hyg., Fab., 274.10‐13.
157
Samama 2003, n° 2. We should note the name of ἰατρός, used as masculine and not
ἰατρίνη or ἰατρείνη.
they were under the instruction of male physicians. Midwifes were included
among the practitioners of the liberal arts who were rewarded with benefits.158
In general, families with economic potential could afford to hire such midwives
to take care of women about to give birth and immediately afterwards.

Fig. 6. Terracotta relief of the funerary monument of the obstetrix Scribonia Attica and
the medicus Marcus Ulpius Amerimnus, her husband, second c. AD,
Archaeological Museum in Ostia
Returning to the female doctors (medicae), they are mentioned in the
Hellenistic period,159 and also in the Roman period, until late during the

158
Ulpian, Dig., 50.13.1.2.
159
It is in Byzantium that an inscription dated to the second – first centuries BC was
found, in which a certain Mousa, daughter of Agathocles, ἰατρίνη (or ἰατρείνη) is
Christian period160. From the Latin inscriptions throughout the Empire, one can
notice that if obstetrices were exclusively of servile origin, among medicae
about 30% were ingenuae.161 Moreover, it might be that women doctors could
also treat men while no such tasks are mentioned among those of the
obstetrices.162 Such statistic situations could be a proof of the role and
differentiated professional training specific to women in the medical staff of
the Roman period.
A very interesting inscription dated to the third ‐ fourth centuries AD,
from the city of Gdanmaa, Lycania, memorialises using the term
ἀρχιειατρήνα a certain Augusta, who “brought about the healing of many sick
persons”.163 She is honored by her husband, also a doctor, ἀρχιατρός, which
suggests that the two practiced the profession from an equal standing. In fact,
like in the case of male doctors, Soranus indicates that for being competent,
the midwives had to have knowledge of dietetics, of pharmacy and of surgery
as well.164 It seems the burial ritual with their instruments also applied in the
case of female doctors.165
Another category of medicine practitioners were the masseurs –
doctors (gr. ἰατραλείπτης, ἀλεῖπται, lat. iatraliptae). Pliny the Younger also
specifies among specialists the masseurs or the medical therapists.166
They are especially found in private environments, in gymnasia, where
they were in charge of the athletes’ physical shape, massaged them, and
rubbed them with oils. However they worked under the supervision of a

mentioned. The term may also designate a midwife: SEG XXIV, 811; Samama 2003,
n° 310.
160
See for some interesting conclusions concerning the origin, representativity, and
activities of the medicae and obstetrices in Roman period at Alonso Alonso 2011,
p. 267‐296.
161
Alonso Alonso 2011, p. 281, fig. 2.
162
Alonso Alonso 2011, p. 282.
163
Samama 2003, n° 342.
164
Sor., Gyn., I.4. Details about the training of women physicians in Parker 1997, p. 134‐136.
165
Jackson 2005a, p. 209.
166
Pliny the Younger, Epistulae, X.4.1. Links to medical structures also had the ointment
sellers (unguentarii, pharmacopolae, seplasiarii).
physician, whenever there was one.167 It is certain that not all such institutions
had specialist doctors. That is why the role of masseurs became much more
important, as a result of the anatomicaly knowledge they had and which they
could use when needed. Accidents were frequent, and measures needed to be
taken fast in order to avoid wounds becoming worse. There are not many
mentions in the sources of the time, but since they are mentioned in the edict
of Vespasianus among the beneficiaries of privileges, together with physicians
and professors, their role seems to have been considerable.168

A physician’s role was to identify the signs of the disease and to fight it.
Phases towards in reaching the final aim, to give back health, consisted nearly
every time of testing the causes of the disease, its effects, and healing
possibilities. In the works of the time, certain diseases were known to be
incurable. For the treatable ones positive results depended on knowledge held
for manipulating the sick person or the affected part, on medicines, on surgery,
but also on chance, luck and in many cases divine help.
In the absence of hospitals or civilian hospices during the period of the
Principate, physicians discharged their duties in special spaces, in dispensaries
or surgeries for consultation (gr. ίατρεῖον, lat. taberna medicinae). Here they
treated the sick, kept instruments and medicines or consulted books.169
Iconographic evidence and certain written sources confirm that such rooms or
buildings with several rooms170 had to be, first of all, large and well lighted.
Such practices must have also taken place within baths, spas and perhaps
Asclepieia.171

167
Samama 2003, p. 10 and n° 37‐38 and 229.
168
Apart from this legislative document there is also an inscription mentioning M.
Aurelius Septimius Marinus, ἰατραλείπτης and libertus of Emperor Marcus Aurelius
or perhaps of Commodus: Samama 2003, p. 12.
169
Hyg., Fab., CXLVII. See also Samama 2003, p. 37‐38.
170
Sometimes taberna medicinae designated not only the room where the medical
advice was given, but the whole house where the respective physician lived: Jackson
1993, p. 89.
171
Jackson 1993, p. 88‐89.
Regarding Moesia Inferior, the goal is to identify the civilian physicians
who served the communities in the province, based on the sources at our
disposal. This will allow us to draw some conclusions about individual and
collective healthcare and also on the specific activities of civilian physicians in a
peripheral province that had special characteristics in terms of ethnic
composition and the pattern of urban settlement.
B. Civilian Physicians of Moesia Inferior
The discovered inscriptions provide us with most of the information
about the activities performed by the civilian physicians of Moesia Inferior.
Archaeological excavations and the rather poor literary sources are also
helpful in our approach. Moreover, the same hierarchy of sources revealing
medical activity is found throughout the Empire. The information available in
the specialized writings of certain physicians of the time refers to specific cases,
and we can be confident in their usefulness for all professionals who were in
contact with the medicine schools of the time. A well trained physician of
Moesia Inferior would certainly read or have at hand treatises of Greek or
Roman specialists which were disseminated at least in the renowned centers of
the period. Still, direct information on practitioners of the physicians’
profession results from the epigraphic monuments discovered within the
province.
Therefore we will first present here are the elements that epigraphic
and archaeological sources provide on this professional category from the west
to east, following the line of the Danube, towards the Black Sea coast, in Roman
and Greek settlements.
A votive inscription found at Novae (Svishtov, Bulgaria) from the second
half of the second century AD provides information about Ae(lius) Macedo,172
med(icus) (appendix II, n° 1).173 The inscription about the doctor Macedo was

172
The cognomen Macedo was quite widespread throughout the Empire, including
Moesia Inferior: OPEL III, p. 42.
173
Kolendo 1998, p. 62‐64; AE 1998, 1134.
found in the military hospital, valetudinarium, that has been identified in the
camp of Novae. Military physicians usually belonged to a particular military
structure such as a legion, an auxiliary troop or a naval unit. Since there is no
information stating that he was part of a military unit, we can assume that he
was a civilian physician who carried out his duties in a military hospital. Within
the Empire there are numerous cases of civilian physicians temporarily working
in military units, in various contexts.174
The votive inscription is dedicated to the gods of the medical arts.
Unfortunately, apart from the two divinities, Asclepius175 and Hygieia, who are
honored by this monument, we know no other details about this physician.
A man named Διό[δω]ρος, perhaps a civilian physician as well, was
mentioned in another inscription discovered in the military hospital of the
legion I Italica of Novae (appendix II, n° 2).176 The fragmentary inscription, in
Greek, was recovered from a later building, where it was embedded. It was
possible to date inscription to after 212 AD.177 The dedication made to
Asclepius, the savior god, indicates that this individual is another possible
practitioner of Hippocrates’ art, although it is also possible that this votive
monument was erected by a patient.
Advancing eastwards within the province, at Troesmis we find T.
Rascanius Fortunatus, of the Pollia tribe, originally from Faventia, the Emilia
Romagna region of Italia (appendix II, n° 3).178 It is very likely he was a
community physician. In the local communities, well‐known doctors were in
particularly high demand. Usually the local administration would welcome
qualified people who wished to settle in a city. On his arrival in the Moesian city

174
L. Iulius Euthemus of Carnuntum would be in this situation: AE 1929, 215; also L.
Iulius Optatus of the same city: AE 1969‐1970, 502.
175
For linguistic modifications of the form Aesclapus used in the inscription, see Stati
1960, p. 46‐47.
176
IGLNovae, 176; Kolendo 1998, p. 64 and note 43.
177
The timeline was established on the basis of a supposition of the editors of
IGLNovae, p. 179, according to which the gentilicius of the personage could have
been Αὐρήλιος.
178
ISM V, 193.
the local authorities probably employed this physician on the basis of his
professional qualifications.
However, to avoid the intrusion of impostors, the city council devised
ways to test those who were applying for medical positions. A series of tests of
skills and knowledge, and several public presentations and speeches were used
in the selection process. Just as in the Greek period, physicians had to earn
their place in the community, as the community was responsible for their
salaries.179 As far as we are concerned, we should mention an inscription from
the second century BC which particularly draws our attention because it
provides evidence of how the recruitment process for physicians worked.
Doctor Διοκλῆς came from Cyzicus to Histria180 and held several public
lectures in the city's γυμνάσιον,181 in which he tried to prove his abilities, but
also aimed to attract customers (appendix I, n° 1).182 The practice was common.
Poets or artists, practicing their rhetorical skills, used the same technique.
The authorities in Troesmis hired the physician in the second century
AD. Unfortunately, our epigraphic document does not specifiy whether medicus
Rascanius was active in the municipium, the canabae or the civitas. The

179
About the salaries see Samama 2003, no. 47‐53. In addition to the remuneration
from public funds, the doctor could benefit from fees from the patients: Cohn‐Haft
1956, passim.
180
Cyzicus, the famous city in the Propontis, was considered a veritable “university
center”. The Histrians had a stable cultural and commercial relation with the city in
Asia Minor: see ISM I, 267 and Dana 2011, 53.
181
About the γυμνάσιον as a conference place see Debru 1995, p. 69‐82. Among
those giving conferences in these edifices there were also physicians who lectured
on topics such as hygiene, surgery or other aspects that interested the local
communities.
182
ISM I, 26. The phases undergone by such an aspirant are interesting, being very well
reflected in this epigraphic document: first of all, the physician made several
presentations and demonstrations appreciated by the city inhabitants. He thus came
to be very well famed among them. Later on, probably after deliberations regarding
the opportunity of his employment, the college of the archontes asked for his
services, and he accepted to be the community physician. In the Roman cities, the
ordo decurionum would make the decision of granting exemptions from taxes and
other liturgies.
municipium Troesmis was the result of the twofold development between the
canabae settlement raised near the legionary camp of legion V Macedonica and
the civitas (local community).183 The way in which medical assistance was
provided between these two communities, which lead to the formation of the
city of Troesmis, is a question that cannot be clarified at this moment. We can
only assume that since they had different administrative institutions,184 they
had different medical structures as well. This situation raises new questions
such as: who served the canabae? Military or civilian physicians? What kind of
relationships existed between the physicians in military units and those in the
nearby civilian communities?
The most plausible option is that there was a mutual interest in
establishing a connection between the two backgrounds, civilian (consisting of
the canabae, civitates and municipia) and military. Evidence has been found at
Novae, where, as we saw above, civilian physicians were working in the military
hospital. On the other hand, civilians needed the expertise of a military doctor,
a specialist in surgery, who had the knowledge to treat wounded soldiers. For
the army physicians this collaboration was a way of improving and using their
knowledge of women’s or children’s diseases, as they looked forward to
retiring from the military and continuing their work in a civilian environment.185
Fortunatus Rascanius worked in the community of Troesmis until he
was 50 years old, and his followers, freedmen Rascania Phoebe and T.
Rascanius Euthycus, wanted to highlight this in the monument they dedicated
to him.
The citizens living on the west coast of Pontus Euxinus all had good
reasons to have their entire medical system thoroughly reorganized,
considering the tradition recorded in the Hellenistic period.
In Histria, the evidence of medical activity is obviously that of the third
– second centuries BC. We think, first of all, of the demonstrations given by the

183
It is most likely that the city of Troesmis obtained municipal status between the
years 179‐180 AD: Aparaschivei 2010, p. 111.
184
ISM V, 158.
185
Baker 2004, p. 52.
physician coming from Cyzicus to be hired by the Histrian authorities.186 In
another local decree, a possible physician who had successfully served in this
city during the second century BC is rewarded by a grant of proxenia, the right
of citizenship and some fiscal exemptions (appendix I, n° 2).187 These are
measures which confirm the existence of a well‐organized medical structure in
this period. They also consolidates the respect professionals in this field
enjoyed and at the same time they attest to the sources of income and the
advantages resulting from the creation of a position acknowledged within the
branch. It is also to the same period that two fragments of an honorific decree
are dated, initially published separately, they commend the activity of a
probable public physician, who took care of several prisoners taken by enemies
and who were at Tomis (appendix I, n° 3‐4).188 The city rewarded him for the
courage, services and remarkable financial contributions which he gave in
solving this sensitive case.
We know no names of doctors from Histria in the Roman period.
However, we have valuable proof that there was an association of physicians in
the second half of the second century AD. It is well known that the opportunity
for doctors to associate was recognized by decrees promulgated by Augustus
and later by Vespasianus.
An inscription referring to the organization of physicians serving the
community was erected in honor of the benefactress of the city, the Aba
priestess, daughter of Hecataios (appendix II, no 4).189 She offered several gifts
to the professional people in the city, including the physicians. The number of
medical practitioners in Histria must have been quite significant. The
recommended number of doctors who were benefiting from tax exemptions
and other rights, resulted from Antoninus Pius’ edict meant to limit fraud.190

186
ISM I, 26.
187
ISM I, 32.
188
ISM I, 4 and 16, rejoined by Avram 2000‐2001, p. 339‐344. This is probably about the
mid‐third century BC conflict between Histria, allied to Callatis, against the city of
Byzantium, for the influence over the ἐμπόριον of Tomis.
189
ISM I, 57.
190
See Oliver 1989, p. 588, appendix 8 (Modestinus, Dig., 27.1.6.2 and 7).
The medical profession is mentioned together with other professional

categories, including teachers. In fact, in almost every circumstance in which
physicians are mentioned as being exempt or benefiting from other types of
advantages, they are specified together with teachers.
To Tomis refers the first piece of written information for this region
regarding the medical system. The poet Ovidius suggests that when he fell sick
during his exile in the west‐Pontic city, no one was assigned to provide medical
care to him when he needed it.191 However, the text has a slight note of
exaggeration and a desire to impress the reader. This is a characteristic of
Ovid’s exile work, meant to inspire compassion in the Roman authorities. For
this reason, it cannot be considered fully truthful. In fact, epigraphic and
archaeological proofs contradict him, instead indicating consistent medical
activity in this city.
Organized medical activity is well documented in Tomis especially
during the Roman period. In an inscription found at Enisala (today in Tulcea
county, Romania), a certain Κλαδαῖος leaves a personal description to his
descendants in the form of a metric epitaph (appendix II, no 5).192 Proudly
declaring himself a citizen of Tomis, he declare that he has mastered the arts of
Hippocrates. The term ἄναξ, used in the text of this epigram could also be
translated as “leader of a medical school”, which would equate with the first
mention in the region of such a structure.193 The Dorian dialect used here is also
interesting, as it indicates that this physician of the second century AD may
have studied medicine in a southern city where he could have learnt the dialect
used in the text.
It is also at Tomis that the only mention of a medicine woman, or a
midwife, ἰατρείνη, has been found (appendix II, n° 6).194 Unfortunately, the

191
Non domus apta satis, non hic cibus utilis aegro, nullus, Apolinea qui levet arte
malum („No house seems right, no food good enough, when you’re sick no doctor
(Apollo’s disciple) around to take care” (our translation): Ov., Tristia, III.3.10.
192
Samama 2003, n° 97, p. 196; SEG XXX, 844. In Kirova 2010, p. 83, the form
Σκλάδατος, it is used, apud Danoff 1931‐1934, p. 89, n° 1.
193
Dana 2011, p. 188.
194
ISM II, 333; Dana 2011, p. 188.
condition of the epigraphic monument is very poor and it is not possible to
confirm this beyond doubt. The monument was probably a funery stele dating
to the second – third centuries AD. This is the only possible mention of a
woman practicing the medical art in the region.
Medical instruments found in a few tombs at Tomis confirm that we are
dealing with other medical practitioners who operated in the second – third
centuries AD. The most important funerary complex was discovered in the
1970s and contains the remains of a generalist physician.195 The four pieces
that were identified show great artistry (tab. I, n° 1). In the same center other
graves were discovered from which items that can be associated with medical
or pharmaceutical activity were brought to light (tab. I, n° 2‐3).196
In Callatis, no inscriptions confirming the presence of physicians have
been discovered. However, the sarcophagus of a wealthy woman, of the second
century AD, contained a spoon‐probe that could be used in medical or
pharmaceutical activities, alongside several glass vases and a few spoons made
of bone (tab. I, n° 4).197 It is obvious that these objects could have been used for
cosmetic purposes. However, it is known that medical practitioners may have
been trained in the preparation of cosmetic products and acquired the relevant
skills.
In Dionysopolis evidence about medical colleges from the second and
third centuries AD has also been found. Two honorary decrees, one from the
first part of the third century (appendix II, n° 7),198 and the other from the end
of the second century and the beginning of the third (appendix II, n° 8),199
dedicated to the same benefactor, a certain Marcus Aurelius [‐‐‐]koros, son of
Antiochos, set the medical association and the teachers’ association alongside
each other.

195
Bucovală 1977, p. 91‐96, fig. 1‐6, Künzl 1983, fig. 87.
196
Aparaschivei, Vasilache 2012 (in print).
197
Rădulescu, Coman, Stavru 1973, p. 258‐263, fig. III/1, IV/1‐3, V/3.
198
IGBulg I2, 15 (bis).
199
IGBulg I2, 15 (ter). Several institutions are mentioned, such as the Council of the city,
the seven tribes, with the ἀγορανόμοι, doctors, teachers, merchants and artists’
associations.
A physician who worked in Asia Minor, but who was also originally from
Dionysopolis, is a special case. An elegiac distich of the second – third centuries
AD, found at Vasada, between Pisidia and Lycania, recounts him as “a good
doctor” (appendix II, no 9).200 This physician, Dionysios by name, died more than
1000 km away from his country of origin. Dionysios provides us with a classic
example of the itinerant physician. Physicians, like rhetoricians, philosophers,
poets, and musicians would pass from one city to another either to study or for
practice.201
Archaeological sources confirm a sustained medical activity in
Dionysopolis. Several medical and surgical instruments made of bronze and
bone, as well as other specialized vessels with pharmaceutical substances, were
discovered in a family tomb of the second – third centuries AD (tab. I, n° 5).202 It
is most probable that one of the deceased was a physician who had worked in
the city. On the basis of the discovered inventory, another tomb in the same
city area seems to have been that of a doctor (tab. I, n° 6).203
Odessos (modern Varna) does not provide the name of any physician
for the Greek and Hellenistic period. The Roman period records the name of
Asclepiades, son of Appelas and grandson of Demetrios, the town’s physician
during the second century AD (appendix II, n° 10).204 Being a member of a
prominent family of medical practitioners, he held several political and religious
functions. He was a priest of Θεὸς Μέγας and γυμνασίαρχος but was also
acclaimed by the people as a ἀριστεὺς, “the best citizen”. The ἀρχιατρὸς title
provides further evidence for the existence and functioning of medical
associations in Roman times.205 During the Hellenistic period ἀρχιατροὶ were

200
SEG XIX, 866 and IGBulg I2, 50, but also Samama 2003, n° 345, p. 444 and Dana 2008,
p. 12, note 14. The inscription states that he comes from Krounoi, an older name for
the city of Dionysopolis, west of the Black Sea.
201
In the Graeco‐Roman world numerous such travelling physicians are attested: details
in Samama 2003, p. 25‐26 and n° 7, 35, 53, 56, 64, 69, 75, 81, 105, 108, 118, 124‐
128, 132, 136, 152, 165‐166, 227, 341, 345, 458, 464, 468, 474, 495, 497, 500.
202
Škorpil 1912, p. 101‐134; Tafrali 1927, p. 31‐42; Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419.
203
Tončeva 1954, p. 74. (non vidi) ; Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419; Künzl 1983, p. 110.
204
IGBulg I2, 150; Samama 2004, n° 94.
205
RE II, 1896, col. 463‐464.
the personal physicians of the royal families, and then they were known as
civilian physicians in the Greek cities in the Eastern part of the Empire. They
became common from the second century AD206 onwards, when Antoninus Pius
set some limits on the number of those who benefited from exemptions. The
term is found in documents until the fifth and sixth centuries AD.207 To our
knowledge no other ἀρχιατροὶ are attested in Moesia Inferior.

Fig. 7. Tombstone of Asclepiades, archiatros of Odessos (IGBulg I2, 150), second c. AD,
Archaeological Museum in Varna, photo V. Yotov
We cannot be sure that our individual was in charge of the medical
association, but it is certain that he had an important role in the structure
which provided medical care in the city. In this case, it seems that this was the
official title given to the city doctor.

206
About ἀρχιατροὶ as public doctors in the Greek East see Nutton 1977, p. 198‐206.
207
Samama 2003, p. 44‐45.
Asclepiades is also interesting due to the theophoric name he bears,
which is derived from the patronymic god of medicine and is characteristic for
many Greek physicians. Mention should also be made of a possible affiliation to
the famous family of the Asclepiads of Kos, who claime to be descendants of
Hippocrates.208 In addition, he is represented on the funeral stele in a seated
position, bearded and wearing clothes specific to Asclepius. In the lower
register of the monument five pieces of Roman military equipment are
represented: the shield (clypeus), the armour (lorica), the helmet (galea), the
sword (gladius) and the greaves (cnemides). These elements might suggest that
he could have been, at a certain time, an army physician.209
Our understanding of the medical activity occuring in the Roman period
in the city area of Odessos is completed by the interesting archaeological
artifacts that were identified there. At least four or five Roman tombs with
inventories belonging to possible physicians have been discovered (tab. I, n° 7‐
11). This is indicated by the medical and pharmaceutical instruments, but also
by other glassware necessary for the storage and preparation of drugs.
At the beginning of the second century AD the cities with Greek
constitutions, Marcianopolis and Nicopolis ad Istrum, were founded by
Emperor Trajan. Initially, these cities were included in the province of Thracia,
but starting with the end of the second century AD they are found in Moesia
Inferior. Most of the population in this area come from famous cities of Asia
Minor, and among them there were also physicians.
M. Octavius Aper, originally from Nicomedia, is identified as a medicus
in a funerary inscription from Pliska, Bulgaria, from the second‐third centuries
AD (appendix II, no. 11).210 The cognomen also reflects his Greek origin.211 It is
possible that he worked in a Greek city on the Black Sea coast, but, more

208
The idea that Hippocrates himself and his disciples would have been connected to
the medical practice of Odessos was advanced. In fact, as it was demonstrated, this
was an error: Dana 2011, p. 186.
209
See also Nutton 1977, n° 79 for details about this physician.
210
AE 1935, 70; Conrad 2004, p. 211‐212, n° 316.
211
LGPN, V.A, p. 277, and about the spread of this cognomen in the Roman provinces
see also OPEL I, p. 138.
probably, he served in Nicopolis ad Istrum. It is well known that, in the city
founded by Trajan, both the elite and many members of the middle and lower
classes came from the two cities of Bithynia, Nicaeea and Nicomedia.212
Moreover, Nicomedia was recognized for its rich cultural and scientific
traditions, including in the medical field.213 The school of Menodotus of
Nicomedia, developed in the middle of the second century AD, is famous.214
Also, St. Panteleimon lived in Nicomedia and became patronus of the doctors.
In Marcianoplis the discovery of further inventories, from graves which
contained simple or highly complex medical devices, demonstrates the
presence of medical practitioners, even if we have no physicians’ names left.
These three tombs, dating from the end of the second century and the
beginning of the third century AD, contained various probes, instruments for
dissection, scalpels, and forceps, as well as other accessories used in the
processing of powders or ointments (tab. I, n° 12‐14).215
The most spectacular medical kit from Marcianopolis and perhaps one
of the richest and most varied from the whole territory of the Empire was
found in the ruins of a house that was burnt down in the fifth century AD.
According to the author who brought them to our attention, the approximately
32 instruments and accessories, most of them made from bronze, some of
them with silver or gold inlays, belonged to a physician who may have inherited
them from his ancestors.216 Like most artifacts found in the region, the
instruments are typical for the third century AD.217

212
Tačeva 1969, p. 116‐117.
213
About the physicians of Nicomedia see Samama 2003, n° 307‐309. Schools with a
tradition of medical education in Asia Minor were located also at Smyrna (Samama
2003, n° 193‐198), Pergamum (Samama, 2003, n° 185‐190), Ephesus (Samama 2003,
n° 203‐223) and Knidos.
214
Perilli 2004.
215
Minchev 1983, p. 143‐148.
216
Minchev 1983, p. 147‐148.
217
It is approximately to the same period that is dated the famous compound “Domus
de chirugo” of Ariminium (Rimini, Italy), an edifice relatively recently discovered, and
which preserves, in spite of destructions caused by fire, more than 150 medical
instruments: Jackson 2005a, p. 212.
From their diversity, complexity, technical and artistic craftsmanship,

and the sheer number of objects found, we believe what we are dealing with a
medical practitioner’s office (ίατρεῖον) that functioned in Marcianopolis
starting from the third century AD. This probably enabled the professional
activity of numerous physicians, under the governance of the city. Its presence
also explains how objects came to be passed down over several generations,
the wide variety of operations they could be used for (from ophthalmologic to
gynecological operations, from simple to very complex surgery) and their high
material value for the period in question.
In addition to the medical instruments found in tombs, we have
identified numerous specialized pieces discovered in excavations or outside
archaeological contexts.218 All this confirms a state of normality in terms of the
distribution of the medical practice in Moesia Inferior.
In conclusion, every item of information about the individuals known
from inscriptions, or whose work appears in the burial inventory discovered in
archaeological excavations, helps to construct the image of the activities of this
guild in Moesia Inferior.
There is no doubt that the most considerable amount of evidence for
medical activity we have comes from the Greek cities, where medical traditions,
transmitted mainly from the Hellenistic period, were very rich. Knowledge
exchange with the renowned medical centers in Asia Minor gave a remarkable
boost to the professionals in this part of the province. The local authorities
made an important contribution by always being very supportive of the liberal
professions. As physicians were seen as an important part of the community
members of the profession were often well rewarded by wealthy individuals.
The respect with which physicians were regarded within communities
did not serve them well in terms of gaining a public role, at least not for many.
Besides Asclepiades from Odessos, who was a member of a prominent family of
the city, none of the individuals mentioned above played any role in the
administration. This situation could be the result of exemptions from the
performance of public officials who assumed significant costs from owners.

218
For medical, pharmaceutical and cosmetically instruments see the next chapter.
Antoninus Pius offered philosophers, rhetoricians, teachers and physicians the
opportunity to refuse public office such as gymnasiarchia, priestly offices or
positions with other obligations they might have on a local or provincial level.219
However, in the Greek communities on the territory of the Empire, there are
numerous examples of doctors who were involved in administrative activities,
who contributed financially to the accomplishment of different tasks and who
were praised for their merits.220
So, having drawn a picture of the doctors’ activities in various
communities of the province of Moesia Inferior, we find that there was already
a strong medical tradition in this province, where the Greek civilization
preceded the imposition of Roman authority. The organization of physicians
and their professional training are factors which gave a serious boost to Greek
civilization in a province which was regarded as Latin, as was the case of Moesia
Inferior.
C. Medics and Healthcare in the Roman Army
As for the application of medical knowledge by physicians within the
armies, ancient authors give only sparse information for the pre‐Roman period.
The activity of certain iatroi, treating the wounds of the soldiers, is however
described in the Greek armies.221

219
Oliver 1989, p. 590, appendix 9 (Dig., 27.1.6.8).
220
Doctors who were at the same time ἄρχοντες (Samama 2003, n° 268), βουλευταί
(Samama 2003, n° 119, 209, 216, 250, 298), ἀγονοθέτες (Samama 2003, no. 231),
ἀγορανόμοι (Samama 2003, n° 33, 119) have also been identified.
221
Xenoph., Anb., III.4.30; Xenoph., Const. Laced., XIII.7. As for their origins, it is
possible that they were helots or foreigners: Salazar 2000, p. 71. Achilles Tatius
(Leucippe and Clitophon, IV.10) mentions one physician assigned to the army, while
Philo of Byzantium (Mechanical Syntax, V.94.12.24) mentions the medical services
provided to the mercenaries involved in one of the wars of the time. Procopius
(Goth., VI.II.25) gives the detail that after nightfall the physicians attended the
wounded taken from the battlefield.
There is no conclusive evidence for the existence of a specialized
medical corps in the army during Greek antiquity. Yet, Hippocrates himself
recommends to aspiring physicians: “He who wishes to practice surgery must
join the military and follow mercenary armies; for thus he will become
experienced in this requirement”.222
Some memorable events in the political history of the Graeco‐Roman
world, such as the transformation of Greece into a Roman province, favored the
adoption and the development by the Romans of a large number of features
which were culturally Greek. Knowledge disseminated through medical
manuscripts, physicians and training centers for future practitioners was
assumed and adapted until medical practice became a techné, performed at
institutional level, under the patronage of the Roman State. The changes were
not immediate. However, information is still scarce for the Republican era,
including for the military sphere.223 The attitude towards the treatment of
wounds was quite superficial. It seems that Roman soldiers attended to the
injuries received in battle themselves.224 The writings of the ancient authors, as
well as the artistic imagery of the time, link battle wounds and their treatment
to heroism. This led to a certain perceived “stoicism” throughout the Roman
Republican armies.225
The situation changes radically around the time of the emergence of the
Principate. Following the growing influence of the military and the
reorganization of the Roman army, the need for a means of control for such a
dispersed force (on the borders, in provincial garrisons, on deployment in war
zones) becomes evident.
The development of this service is based on several measures taken for
the first time by Caesar. He granted the right of citizenship to practitioners of
the medical arts and organized specialized medical corps within his armies.

222
Hippocrates, Medic., 14.IX. 220 L (translation apud Salazar 2000, p. 73).
223
Tit. Liv., II.47.12; Dionysos of Halicarnassus, RA, V.36.3; Tac., Annales, IV.63, but
references see also in Plin., N.H., 29.6 and Sen., Epist. Mor., XCV.15. For details in
Salazar 2000, p. 75‐78.
224
Polyb., III.66.9; Plutarch, Crassus, 25.5.
225
Since the time of Augustus the privileges of the liberal‐arts practitioners
multiplied. Positive repercussions also affected the military physicians. The
epigraphic material and archaeological sources in general, as well as
contemporary authors, provide much of the information about medical science
within the military environment. Thus, one can build an image of the impact of
the medical phenomenon on this vital sector of Roman society. Moreover, the
acknowledgment of the importance of medical services by civilian decision‐
makers is shown by the remuneration of the specialists and the building of
hospitals from public funds. This is also confirmed by the relatively large
number of medici who practiced mainly in the border regions during the
Principate. The justification of this allotment is quite logical. In this period, the
military was at peak organizational level, and medical services became
indispensable. This is underlined by the numerous edicts issued in favor of
physicians by several Emperors. Moreover, the border regions were the
“hottest” area of the Empire, and the density of military units was, therefore,
much higher. In conclusion, it is normal that medical structures would be better
established, especially in these sensitive areas.
When embarking on a study of the Roman military medical phenomenon,
one must take into account two aspects: prevention and treatment.
The location of the military camps, the maintenance of hygiene and a
set of general rules for communal living were among the measures of
prevention. The ancient authors recommended certain sites as adequate for
setting up the camp: loci salubritas eligatur.226
The first edifices built, after the camp perimeter was raised, were the
baths (thermae). These were constructed either within or near the castra, and
supplied with water of the best quality. The water came from nearby rivers and
sources but, quite often, was brought by means of aqueducts (aquaeductus)

226
Veg., Mil., 1.22. Also, … locis, ne in pestilenti regione iuxta morbosas paludes, ne
aridis et sine opacitate arborum campis aut collibus, ne sine tentoriis aestate milites
commorentur : Veg., Mil., 3.2.
from considerable distances.227 Moreover, wells (fontes), cisterns (cisternae),

sewer systems (cloaca), and toilets (latrinae) were essential components in the
urban setting of the castra.228
The soldiers inhabiting these military camps were required to pass the
probatio at their recruitment, consisting of the criteria of age,229 height230 and
health.231 Vegetius gives details about what a recruiting officer should watch
out for.232 Once they passed muster, the soldiers were provided with adequate
food,233 while physical exercises helped them stay in optimal physical and
mental shape.234
The idealized descriptions provided by literary texts also correspond to
the preserved artistic depictions of contemporary soldiers. One example which

227
Dirty water was considered to be the main cause of disease: Nec perniciosis vel
palustribus aquis utatur exercitus; nam malae aquae potus, veneno similis,
pestilentiam bibentibus generat: Veg., Mil., 3.2.
228
Johnson 1983, p. 202‐214; Baker 2004, p. 40.
229
This parameter is difficult to establish with accuracy, even though some calculations
were carried out on the inscriptions. Wilmanns (1995, p. 46, note 105) remarks that
in 75% of the documented cases, the age of recruitment was between 17 and 20.
230
Veg., Mil., 1.5 and Codex Th., 7.13.3.
231
Herod., 4.9.5: “He ordered the youths to form in rows so that he might approach
each one and determine whether his age, size of body, and state of health qualified
him for military service”. Also, two Egyptian papyri mention that the soldiers went
through physical examination to be checked for special marks or scars, in order to be
identified on the battlefield if fallen, as well as to have their eyesight thoroughly
checked: Davies 1969, p. 211 and 222; Baker 2004, p. 37.
232
Veg., Mil., 1.6: Sit ergo adulescens Martio deputandus vigilantibus oculis, erecta
cervice, lato pectore, umeris musculosis, valentibus brachiis, digitis longioribus,
ventre modicus, exilior clunibus, suris et pedibus non superflua carne distentis sed
nervorum duritia collectis (“Look hard at the face, eyes and entire conformation of
the limbs, to choose an able soldier. The person chosen should have alert eyes, a
straight neck, broad chest, muscular shoulders, strong arms, long fingers, small
stomach, slender buttocks and calves and feet that are not swollen by surplus fat,
but firm with hard muscle) (translation apud Baker 2004, p. 38).
233
Davies 1971, p. 122‐142.
234
For details on the daily activities of the soldiers see Davies 1974, p. 299‐338.
is often invoked is Trajan's Column, on which Roman soldiers are shown with a
perfect muscular tone.
But who cared for the soldiers when they were wounded or ill? It is
evident, judging from the sources, that physicians treated, on one hand, violent
traumas and on the other illnesses which also occurred in peacetime.
Specialized medical personnel dealt with wounds or diseases related to the war‐
zone or occurring elsewhere. They decided whether certain soldiers were to be
discharged on medical reasons,235 to be treated in hospitals or to be allowed to
continue their convalescence in the barracks.236
The question that arises immediately is: who could be recruited into
this medical corps that cared for the wounded and, generally, for the
incapacitated from the army units?
The Greek tradition, which is indisputably definitive for the development
of Roman medicine, had an essential role in the preparation and training of this
professional category. Against this background, historiography concluded that
most of the physicians were Greek.237 Within the military it is true that quite a
high number of physicians bore Greek names. Many of them joined the army to
gain citizenship, an easy way for non‐Romans who enrolled in the auxiliary
units. However, the approximately 100 inscriptions dated to the time of the

235
When discharging the wounded soldiers back to their units, the physicians had to
attest as for their state of health: Cod. Just., 12.36.6. For example, a whole unit in
Vindobona was disbanded because of disease. See also in Baker 2004, p. 41.
236
One of the Vindolanda (Chesterholm, England) tablets presents the report made by
one auxiliary unit, cohors Tungrorum, in 90 AD. It says that out of the 296 troops,
265 were in good condition, while 31 were in need of medical attention. Out of
these, 15 suffered from various illnesses (aegri), six were wounded (volnerati), but
not necessarily in combat, while 10 suffered from eye diseases (lippientes): Bowman,
Thomas 1994, n° 154. See also Allan‐Jones 1999, p. 136. For the specialists in
ophthalmology, see Jackson 1996, p. 2228‐2251.
237
Salazar 2000, p. 79. In fact, Pliny the Elder relates that: “In spite of its utility,
medicine is, among the Greek science, the only one not practiced by the Romans”:
Plin., N.H., 29.8. His assertions must be rethought as referring more probably to the
Republican period.
Empire show there was also a high degree of popularity for this profession
among Romans.238
Since their emergence as a separate corps, i.e. from the time of Caesar,
physicians were attached to various military units. They were immunes, i.e.
allotted special tasks, which exempted them from the daily duties of ordinary
soldiers: optio valetudinarii239, medici, capsarii240, et artifices et qui fossam
faciunt, veterinarii, specularii, fabri, sagittarii, aerarii et qui aegris praesto sunt
omnes inter immunes habentur.241
Trajan's Column depicts a soldier who is considered by some scholars to
be a capsarius of this kind who attends a wounded soldier.242 His clothing is

238
Wilmanns 1995, p. 139‐257.
239
Optiones valetudinarii seems to be the administrative staff of the military hospitals,
but one cannot be sure if they also had medical duties. Only a few optiones
valetudinarii are mentioned throughout the whole Empire: Italia ‐ CIL VI, 175, 31145;
AE 1973, 53; Gallia Belgica – CIL IX, 1617; Germania Inferior – CIL XIII, 8011; Pannonia
Inferior – AE 1937, 181; Wilmanns 1995, n° 65, p. 217; Numidia – CIL VIII, 2563. The
epigraphic sources also reveal the presence of optiones convalescentium, who might
be also involved in the actual tending of the sick: CIL VI, 1057‐1058; CIL X, 3478, with
details in Baker 2004, p. 43. It is certain that the optiones were assigned to the
valetudinaria.
240
Capsarii and marsi seldom mentioned in inscriptions: Numidia – CIL VIII, 2564 (marsus
legionis), 2618 (ex marso legionis)) were charged with cleaning and bandaging minor
wounds. The capsarii are mentioned a few times throughout the Empire: Germania
Superior – CIL XIII, 5623 (first like miles legionis and then capsarius), 11979 (Genius
capsariorum); Pannonia Superior – ILS 9095; Pannonia Inferior – AE 1986, 594 (miles
capsarius legionis), CIL III, 13386 (eques capsarius), ILS 9169 (capsarius cohortis);
Numidia – CIL VIII, 2563 (capsarii, discentes capsariorum legionis). They were part of
the medical corps of the army but, being regarded more like medical orderlies with
relative minor responsibilities, it was thought that they might be garrisoned with the
auxiliaries and not with the legions (Wilmanns 1995, p. 173). Another hypothesis
states that they were specialists in treating the snake and scorpion bites, in the
regions were these were a menace: Plioreschi 1998, p. 548 and notes 60‐61.
241
Tarruntenus Paternus, Dig., 50.6.7.
242
Davies 1969a, p. 84; Wilmanns 1995, p. 135; Baker 2004, p. 43 unlike Salazar (2000,
p. 82) who is more circumspect, and Scarborough (1969, p. 254) who declares that
this is an ordinary soldier.
identical to that of the wounded comrade he attends to. This is, however, a
natural result of the war‐zone conditions governing his practice. It is quite
difficult to ascertain if this person is or is not part of the medical corps of that
unit, and not only because of his clothing.

Fig. 8. Relief with a member of the Roman military medical staff (capsarius?),
Trajan’s Column, Rome, second c. AD
A number of literary sources describe soldiers tending to each other's
minor wounds, without waiting for a medic.243 It is quite plausible that, due to
battlefield conditions, the lack of medical personnel was acute and the soldiers
tended the wounds themselves, at least until more comprehensive care
became available.244

243
Tacitus (Historiae, II.45.3), describing the battle of Bedriacum, in 69 AD, mentions
that the soldiers tended each‐other's wounds: isdem tentoriis alii fratrum, alii
propinquorum vulnera fovebant. Dionysos of Halicarnassus (RA, IX. 50.5) describes
soldiers who applied false bandages to avoid being sent into battle. In conclusion,
the ordinary soldiers were knowledgeable enough to use bandages when needed.
244
It is difficult to evaluate accurately the number of physicians in one military unit. J.
Wilmanns (1995, p. 70) calculated that, for the around 400.000 troops of the Roman
army in the mid‐second century AD, the number of physicians required was
What is hard to believe, in our opinion, despite some literary sources, is
the information that the care of the medical corps was restricted to the
officers, excluding the ordinary soldiers.245 It is possible that medical care was
prioritized according to rank, but even in this case, the rank‐and‐file must have
been attended by a practitioner employed by the state. The Hippocratic Oath,
as well as other sources, both epigraphic and literary, recommend that the
priorities are established according to the gravity of the affliction, and all
patients must be treated equally, regardless of their social status.246 These
ethical principles were applied mostly in theory, of course. The main purpose of
the medical corps remained, without any doubt, to return the wounded back to
the battlefield as quickly as possible and in the best physical condition.
An interesting case is that of P. Vedius P. libertus Threptus medicus,
identified at Chersonesus, north of the Black Sea.247 The inscription reads as
follows: D(is) M(anibus) | [T(ito) C]incio T(iti) lib(erto) | [Ba]sili vix(it) | [an]n(is)
XXII et | [P(ublio)] Vedio P(ublii) lib(erto) | [Th]repto medi|[c]o interf(ecto) a
Taur(is) | [Ci]ncius Epictet[us] | [col]liberto et amico | f(aciundum) c(uravit).
This is a very useful document from several points of view. Physician Threptus is
not specified as belonging to any military unit and was, most probably, the
personal physician and the libertus of P. Vedius P. f. Quirina Antoninus, knight
and laticlave tribune of legion I Italica at the beginning of the second century.248
It is therefore possible that within the army there were also personal

approximately 600‐800, i.e. 10 physicians per legion. It is possible that even more
physicians were allocated to the cohortes vigilum, due to the specificity of their
activity: see details in Rémy 2010, p. 51.
245
Velleius Paterculus, II.114.1‐2. Scarborough (1969, p. 68‐70) argues for this hypothesis.
246
An interesting second century AD inscription mentions a civilian physician of Athens,
Sarapion, and describes the responsibilities of an “authentic” physician, which are
practically the same as those in the Hippocratic Oath: “... in this state of mind, like a
savior god, who cares equally for slaves, paupers, rich people and kings and spreads
his care upon all, like a brother” (adapted translation apud Samama 2003, p. 35 and
n° 22).
247
IOSPE I2 , 562, p. 201‐205; AE 2000, 1280.
248
Dana 2011, p. 191. On the installation of Roman military units in allied states,
especially at Chersonesus, see Haensch 2009, p. 209‐225.
physicians, apart from those hired by the State and meant to serve the military
units.
Last but not least, the inscription is particularly interesting from the
perspective of the fate of the freed slave physician had, and which demonstrates
that in spite of their statute in the military environment, physicians were not
protected against being killed or wounded during armed conflicts in which they
were participating, even thought they were in non‐combat units.249 The
mentioned physician was killed during a fight: interfectus a Tauris.
The epigraphic sources mostly mention the medici. More often than
not, the word medicus is accompanied by designations confirming his affiliation
with a military unit (medicus alae250, medicus cohortis251, medicus legionis252,
medicus duplicarius), designating his specialty (medicus clinicus253, medicus

249
For other physicians in Chersonesus, of the Greek and Hellenistic period, see Dana
2011, p. 192‐193, also Samama 2003, n° 101‐103.
250
Germania Superior – M. Ulpius Telesporus, medicus alae (CIL XI, 3007); Britannia –
M. Aurelius [‐‐‐]ocomas, medicus alae Vetonum civium Romanorum (Gummerus
1932, n° 377).
251
The designation medicus cohortis is very frequent throughout the Empire, either in
relation with the praetorian cohorts, or with the provincial auxiliaries. For the
physicians serving with the praetorian cohorts, see Domaszewski 1908, p. 15, 26. The
epigraphic sources document these physicians in: Italia – CIL VI, 37194 (medicus
cohortis veterinarius); SEG XIV, 615; CIL VI, 2532 (medicus clinicus cohortis); AE 1945,
62 (medicus chirurgus cohortis); CIL VI, 20, 212,1058‐1059, 2594; AE 1917, 18, 118;
AE 1952, 143; Britannia: CIL VII, 690 (medicus ordinarius cohortis); Germania
Superior – CIL XIII, 6621, 7415, 11767; Pannonia Superior – CIL III, 10854; Moesia
Superior – AE 1903, 290; Egypt – Wilmanns 1995, n° 79, p. 234 and Samama 2003, n°
415 (medicus bis cohortis).
252
Beside the simple medici legionis (Germania Superior – CIL XIII, 5208, 6700; Noricum
– CIL V, 4367; Pannonia Inferior – AE 1923, 14, AE 1937, 180, Cod. Just., 10.52.1, CIL
III 3537, 3583, 14347.5 ‐ a miles medicus legionis; Dacia – IDR II, 42; Egypt – CIG
4766, 5088; Africa‐Numidia – CIL VIII, 2872, 2951) the medici ordinarii legionis are
also mentioned, as well as one medicus stipendiis of a legion from Pannonia Inferior
– CIL III, 14349.
253
A medicus clinicus cohortis is mentioned in Italia: CIL VI, 2532.
chirurgus254), as well as other ones which are more difficult to interpret
(medicus castrensis or castrorum255, medicus ordinarius256, miles medicus257).
Compared to civilian physicians, who must have searched for employment with
communities affluent enough to pay their fees, the physicians within the
military had their pay assured.258
If one takes into account the young age at death of some military
physicians, as mentioned by the epigraphic sources, it is quite improbable that
they acquired enough experience, even had they started their training in
adolescence.259 This situation apparently supports the hypothesis that the army

254
The title reveals that this medic was a surgeon, medicus chirurgus cohortis: AE 1945, 62.
255
These physicians were most probably assigned to the castra. Only three inscriptions
mention them: Italia – CIL VI, 31172; Gallia – CIL XIII, 1833 and AE 1937, 180.
256
Medicus ordinarius is regarded as the rank equivalent of a centurion: Davies 1969a,
p. 89; Wilmanns 1995, p. 80‐88; Salazar 2000, p. 88. For the opinion that this was
”first soldier in his duties, not a physician”, see Scarborough 1968, p. 258. There are
few such physicians attested throughout the Empire, all from different units: legions
(Raetia – CIL III, 5959, 6532; Pannonia Superior – CIL III, 4279; Numidia – CIL VIII,
18314), auxiliaries (CIL VII, 690), numeri (Germania Superior – CIL XIII, 11979), which
implies a coherent organization of the medical system within the army. See details in
Baker 2004, p. 44 and appendix 2, n° 7, 18, 22, 39
257
The title of miles medicus is quite ambiguous, but it seems to suggest that these
physicians were not part of the officer corps. Only three examples were found
throughout the Empire (Pannonia Superior – CIL III, 4061; Germania Inferior – CIL
XIII, 7943; Pannonia Inferior – CIL III, 14347.5 and, perhaps, in Dalmatia – AE 1903,
376). Baker (2004, p. 44) is of the opinion that the miles medici were ordinary
soldiers who were exempted from work only in case of emergency, in order to help
attending to the wounded. There is also the hypothesis that the title of miles would
indicate that the respective medic received his training after joining the army:
Nutton 1969, p. 268.
258
Wilmanns 1995, p. 85 and 101.
259
T. Aelius Martialis, medicus cohortis, dies 22 (AE 1903, 290); M. Valerius Longinus,
medicus legionis, at 23: IDR II, 42. During Hellenistic times, the medical training was
supposed to take six years, as demonstrated by an Egyptian document: Ellis Hanson
1989, note 1. Galenus himself went to study many years, between 145‐157 AD, in
various centers across the Empire: Pergamum, Smyrna, Corinth, and Alexandria. For
the stages of one's training in the medical profession, see Boudon 1994, 1425‐1429.
physicians were not formally trained beforehand, but that they were trained on
the job, during their army service.260 In our opinion, there was a difference
between the physicians who, after a period of practice as civilians, joined the
army for various reasons, and members of the medical corps with superficial,
probably on‐the‐job, training. It is not impossible that their remuneration was
differentiated according to these factors. But what was the situation of medics
in the army of Moesia Inferior?
D. Military Physicians of Moesia Inferior
Epigraphic sources provide the most accurate evidence for the

existence of a medical corps within the army of Moesia Inferior. The various
inscriptions linked to the military units in the Danubian province, as well as
throughout the rest of the Empire, specify the units in which these specialists
were employed, their training and experience, or, possibly, their rank in their
respective military unit or within the medical corps.
Aurel(ius) Artemo261 is a physician mentioned in a second century AD
inscription (appendix III, no 1).262 His unit, legio XI Claudia, was headquartered
at Durostorum,263 but a vexillatio of this legion was garrisoned at Montana,

There is information about physicians who could acquire, theoretically, the
necessary knowledge in only six months (Thessalus of Tralles, one of the leaders of
the Methodist sect and Nero's personal physician is contested even by Galenus in his
works: Pigeaud 1993, p. 565‐598).
On the other hand, military physicians who died at advanced ages are also attested:
Allius Quartio, medicus cohortis...veterinarius, at 85 (CIL VI, 37194), just like G.
Papirius Aelianus, medicus ordinarius legionis (CIL VIII, 18314), but also P. Calventius
Germanus, at over 70 (CIL VIII, 2834).
260
261
See OPEL I, p. 178 for the spread of the Artemo cognomen.
262
CIL III, 7449; Gummerus 1932, n° 431; Velkov, Alexandrov 1988, p. 271‐277.
263
For the history of this legion in Moesia Inferior see Matei‐Popescu 2010, p. 133‐141.
where the inscription was discovered.264 This person is mentioned at the end of
a shortlist of principales of this detached unit, after the tesserarius and the
tubicen, but before the immunes venatores. He attended 76 soldiers of the unit.
The inscription, found in the territory of Montana, at Almus, confirms
that the physicians, or at least some of them, were also included in the
category of principales, even though they were in lower‐ranking positions.265
This means, firstly, that this medic serving in a vexillatio was not a simple
soldier receiving standard payment, like any other munifex. He had been raised
to a higher rank and he was remunerated as sesquiplicarius.266 It is very possible
that the members of the medical corps were organized in a well‐ordered
hierarchy. The newly recruited could thus benefit from the experience of the
older physicians, who had higher ranks.
As for the designation with which Artemo appears in the inscription,
medicus, without the name of the unit or any other title, it represents a
situation also encountered in the case of other physicians in provincial military
units.267
Another medic is mentioned in a funerary inscription of Carsium
(appendix III, no. 2).268 Quintus Erucius Victor,269 medicus cohortis, was active

264
The location of this legion, at such a large distance, is remarkable, if one considers
the fact that there was another, much closer legion, the first legion Italica,
headquartered in Novae. For some hypotheses, see Rankov 1983, p. 52‐54.
265
For the principales of a legion, see Breeze 1974, p. 263 ‐278.
266
Wilmanns 1995, p. 78 and n° 72.
267
Italia ‐ L. Iulius Helix, medicus (CIL VI, 19); Britannia – Hermogenes, iatros (CIG XVI,
2547); Antiochus, medicus (AE 1969‐1970, 291; Marcus Aurelius [‐‐‐], medicus (RIB
1028); Germania Inferior – Albanus, medicus (AE 1975, 634); Priscus, medicus (AE
1953, 246); Pannonia Inferior – Marcius Marcellus, medicus (CIL III, 3413); G. Iulius
Filetio, medicus (CIL III, 3583); Palestina – Callimorphus, iatros (Wilmanns 1995, p.
229, n° 75); Egypt – Serapammon, iatros (Wilmanns 1995, p. 235, n° 80); Alcimus,
iatros (Wilmanns 1995, p. 236, n° 81); Numidia – P. Calventius Germanus, medicus
(CIL VIII, 2834).
268
ISM V, 103.
269
About the Italic origin of the nomen Erucius see Schulze 1991, p. 112 and p. 411,
while for its spread in the European provinces, see OPEL II, p. 122. As for the
some time during the second century AD, most probably in an auxiliary cohort
about whose place of origin there is no information.

Fig. 9. Tombstone of Erucius Victor, medicus cohortis (ISM V, 103), second c. AD,
Archaeological Institute “V. Pârvan” Bucharest, photo: F. Matei‐Popescu
In this Danubian center only cavalry units, alae,270 have been documented
so far. In this context, one can assume either that this medic served somewhere
else and came back home, or that the inscription originated from a different
area. There is also the possibility that the medic transferred here, after having
served in a different garrison. A medic could pass from one unit to another,
under certain conditions. This is the case of a certain Telesporus, who served
first with ala Indiana Gallorum in Germania Superior and then with ala III
Asturum, in Mauretania Tingitana.271

cognomen Victor, this is very frequent throughout the Lower Danube region: OPEL
IV, p. 167‐168.
270
For the presence of ala II Hispanorum et Aravacorum at Carsium, see Suceveanu,
Barnea 1991, p. 64; ISM V, 94‐95, 102, but also Matei‐Popescu 2010, p. 189; for the
location of ala Gallorum Flaviana at Carsium, see Suceveanu, Barnea 1991, p. 63; for
arguments against it, see Matei‐Popescu 2010, p. 185.
271
Wilmanns 1995, p. 194‐196, n° 46.
Troesmis is the origin of a hypothetical Aelius Aurelianus, medicus alae
(appendix III, n° 3).272 This medic served with the ala that covered the region
from which legion V Macedonica was withdrawn, sometime at the end of the
second and the beginning of the third century AD.273 At the level of the Empire,
the medics serving with such units (alae) are rarely mentioned. We do not
know any details concerning the medical activity of this man in the region.
At Barboşi, in a castrum located on the left bank of the Danube,
guarding the northeastern border of Moesia Inferior (see the map), a certain
Veturius,274 medicus legionis I Italicae is mentioned (appendix III, n° 4).275 After
the withdrawal of the legion V Macedonica from Moesia Inferior, around 167‐
168 AD, the sector was assigned to legions I Italica and XI Claudia. It is possible
that this medic came to Barboşi with a unit detached from Novae, the
headquarter of the legion I Italica. Veturius is mentioned by his title of medicus
legionis, even though it is certain that he served with only a vexillatio. Medicus
legionis is the most frequent title throughout the territory of the Empire also
designating, it seems, medics assigned to subunits within the legion.
Two army physicians, who attended the units garrisoned in this center
at the mouths of the Dniester at the end of the second‐beginning of the third
century AD, are represented on a marble monument from Tyras,276 dedicated
to the gods of medicine, Asclepius and Hygieia, (appendix III, no. 5).277

272
ISM V, 170.
273
About the legio V Macedonica in Moesia Inferior see Matei‐Popescu 2010, p. 35‐53.
274
The cognomen Veturius is quite frequent even in Moesia Inferior: OPEL IV, p. 164.
275
ISM V, 299.
276
This Pontic city enters a new stage of its existence from the time of Vespasianus,
when it is placed in dependency of the province of Moesia Inferior: CIL III, 781, with
Mommsen's extended commentary.
277
Karyskovskij 1987, p. 53; AE 1995, 1350; Sarnowski 1995, p. 326. At Tyras the inscriptions
mention several military units originating in Moesia Inferior: legio I Italica (AE 1925,
78); legio V Macedonica (one very interesting inscription attests that this legion was
assigned authority in the region since Trajan: Doruțiu‐Boilă 1972, p. 46; see also AE
1925, 77‐78; AE 1934, 112; AE 1990, 868‐869, AE 1991, 1362), legio XI Claudia (AE
1925, 78), classis Flavia Moesica (AE 1990, 870 and AE 1995, 1350). For the findings
of tegulae associated with these units, see Sarnowski 1995, p. 328 (the map).

Fig. 10. Epigraphic monument with military medics from Tyras, end of second ‐
beginning of third c. AD, Archaeological Museum in Odessa, after Karyskovskij 1987
Lucius Papirius Olymphicus278, medicus vexillationis, appears together

with Numerius Seius Ga[rgil?]ius 279, medicus duplicarius classis Flaviae Moesiacae
as dedicators of this votive monument, pro succesu M. Attali Placidi. It is quite
clear that the first individual served with a vexillatio of the legion I Italica
detached to Tyras, while the second was with the Classis Flavia Moesica280,
which had a statio there, but which was subordinate to the commander of the
land forces. Normally, this inscription would express the gratitude of the two
physicians for their commander, on the occasion of his promotion or after the
successful end of a mission.281 In our opinion, the adaptation of the expression
pro successu to the meaning of victory against disease, or a heavy wound, could
be justified.

278
The nomen Papirius is frequent mainly in Italia (OPEL III, p. 123‐124), while the
cognomen Olymphicus is not attested within the Empire.
279
The restitution of the name was proposed by Karyskovskij 1987, p. 53. Regarding
Seius, see OPEL III, p. 162‐163, while about the spread of the possible cognomen
Gargilius, see OPEL II, p. 164.
280
For the history of naval forces on the Danube see Matei‐Popescu 2010, p. 245‐249.
281
Sarnowski 1995, p. 326.
Going back to the physicians of our inscription, for the first the
designation of medicus vexillationis is the only occurrence known so far within
the territory of the Empire. This means the diversity of designations received by
the members of the medical corps is greater than we thought, and complicates
implicitly the analysis of ranks and titles. For the physicians serving with a
vexillatio there is no explicit mention of the title medicus vexillationis, but one
miles medicus vexillationis282 and one miles medicus283 are known. In Moesia
Inferior there are also mentions of one medicus legionis and one simple medicus
who again were serving, most probably, with units of the vexillatio type. Is it
possible that these designations might suggest something more than a simple
payment‐based hierarchy of the practitioners of Hippocratic arts, i.e. miles
medicus, receiving standard pay, medici ranked with the principales, remunerated
with 1.5 standard pay and medici duplicarii, who received double pay.284
The second medic, N. Seius Ga[rgil?]ius, medicus duplicarius, was
attached to a unit of the Classis Flavia Moesica, headquartered at Noviodunum.
As confirmed by the cases of other naval units, medical services were provided
by medici duplicarii.285 We do not have enough details about this medic, but
one may assume that this is the only occurrence of a physician serving with a
provincial naval unit. Only Axius, medicus ocularius classis Britannicae, is
mentioned by Galenus, but his activity seems to be only temporarily within the
military field.286 All the other medici duplicarii found in the sources serving with
naval units were in Italia.287

282
Wilmanns 1995, n° 66, p. 217‐219.
283
Wilmanns 1995, n° 38, p. 185‐186.
284
T. Flavius Euprepetus (CIL VI, 3910) is mentioned first as miles classis praetoriae
Mise(nensis) and then as medicus duplicarius, which might suggest a promotion:
Wilmanns 1995, p. 166‐167.
285
For duplicarii, “the ones receiving double pay”, see Sander 1959, p. 239‐247 with
details. For the medical services within the naval units see Nutton 1970, p. 66‐71.
286
Gal., De comp. med., 4.8.
287
Medici duplicarii are attested in the naval units stationed in Italia, classis praetoria
Misennsis and classis praetoria Ravennas: CIL VI, 3910, 32769; CIL X, 3441, 3442
(medicus duplicarius triere), 3443‐3444; CIL XI, 29 (medicus duplicarius nave); 6944;
AE 1984, 337.
Another inscription from Tyras, dated to 115‐116 AD, is dedicated to a
centurion of legion V Macedonica, and it mentions a certain Marcus Valerius
val[‐‐‐‐] (appendix III, n° 6).288 The completion val(etudinarius) could be
viable,289 although we have certain reserves in this regard. This title, without
mentioning optio, is not present in any other epigraphic document. Our
individual is listed after other two names of principales, most probably from a
detached unit of legion V Macedonica garrisoned in Tyras. These are Cornelius
Vitalis actuar(ius)290 and Iul(ius) Iamblic(hus), eq(ues). In this context, this
possible optio valetudinarius was most probably related to his activity in a
military hospital, either on‐site, in Tyras291, or in another castrum within the
province of Moesia Inferior, perhaps Troesmis, where the headquarters of
legion V Macedonica were located.
In conclusion, in Moesia Inferior, the diversity of attested titles is proof
of the existence of a complex specialized medical corps within the provincial
army.
As is the case in the rest of the Empire, in the Lower Danube region, the
most frequent testimonies for a complex medical system using qualified
military personnel date from the second and third centuries AD. The
inscriptions that mention military physicians are exclusively in Latin and were

288
AE 1990, 869.
289
Cassia 2008‐2009, p. 260, tab. 2, n° 9.
290
For this position in the legion’s roster, see Domaszewski 1908, p. 38‐39. Actuarius
(actarius), included among the principales of a legion in classical Roman times, was
helping the cornicularius with his duties in the tabularium, and was himself assisted,
probably, by the librarii. During the Late Roman Empire they were working for the
paymaster’s office and their activity is regulated by a law issued by Emperor
Anastasius: Rea 1996, p. 162. Rostovtzeff, Bellinger, Hopkins, Welles (1936, pl.
XLIV.1) edited the text of an inscription with the name of a certain Heliodoros,
actuarius. The interesting fact is that the in the tenth century the aktouarios is
mentioned as the one handing out the prizes to the winners in the chariot races,
while later they were described as well‐regarded physicians, possibly ones attached
to the imperial court: ODB, aktuouarius, p. 50.
291
The existence of a valetudinarium at Tyras may be discussed: Karyskovskij 1987,
p. 55.
found in the castra of the units stationed on the Danube line. For the Greek
Pontic cities epigraphic documents come from Tyras.
E. Veterinary Physicians
The most important progresses of medical science have always been
inseparable from zoomedicine.292
Veterinary medicine already received special attention in the Greek
period. We find references to medical practices applied to animals in the works
of several ancient authors, including, but not exclusively, physicians. In
Xenophon’s treatise, On the Art of Horsemanship, there are several indications
which refer to horse diseases and treatments as well. Hippocrates also makes
several comparisons between various human and animal diseases. Aristotle left
several pieces of information on the organs of animals, the development
environment, the diseases they were suffering from.293 Interestingly, Varro
even distinguishes between the animal doctors, who are scientists, medical
doctors practicing veterinary medicine, and the practical animal breeders.294
The most important study on this topic is Hippiatrica, a synthesis of different
veterinary books, ordered probably by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the
Byzantine emperor.
In the military environment such specialists were very important. It was
compulsory to treat the beasts of burden accordingly, which formed an
important component of the military entity in particular for transporting food.
The veterinarians of this time, called ἱππίατροι in Greek and veterinarii in
Latin, and later mulomedici, had a well defined position within the cavalry units
especially.295

292
See details about this relationship in Zucker 2008, p. 63‐78.
293
For more details about Greek and Roman writers about this topic see McCabe 2007,
p. 4‐12, but also Théodoridès 1984, p. 149‐158.
294
Varro, De Re Rustica, 1.1.22.
295
In Digest, 50.6.7, the veterinaries were included among the immunes of the Roman
army. This is a branch of medicine approached by a too small extent in specialized
literature: Fischer 1988, p. 191‐209. There are several inscriptions attesting that this
We do have information for such a horse doctor within Moesia Inferior
from an inscription of Nicopolis ad Istrum. Αὐρ(ήλιος) Σεβαστιανός,
ἱπποιατρός is the only such specialist in the entire province and most
probably he served in a military unit of the region (appendix III, n° 7).296
F. The Hospitals. Valetudinaria.
The word hospital comes from the Latin hospitium which means guest
room, and also entertainment space for guests.297 During the period of the
Principate there are no viable arguments pleading for the existence of such
specialized establishments in the civilian environment.
Patients who could not afford a family doctor, who would come and
see them at home, went to the public physician’s medical practice, taberna
medicinae, where they were seen and then returned home to follow the
treatment. Rich families had house physicians who would supervise the
evolution of the disease, but in their own homes, not in a specialized
institution.
Tacitus tells of an episode which occurred in a small town near Rome,
where several individuals wounded in the collapse of an amphitheater were
taken to private houses and not to a hospital or special place of care.298 From
this we can perceive a certain indifference of the authorities in relation to
organized medical practice.

profession was widely spread, especially in the military environment: Italia (CIL VI,
37194 ‐ medicus cohortis veterinarius), Britannia (AE 1990, 670), Pannonia Superior
(CIL III, 11215 – veterinarius legionis), Egypt (CIG 5117 – veterinarius equinus
cohortis?), Nubia (CIG 5054 – medicus veterinarius?). For the instruments used by
these veterinary doctors, see Kirova, 2010, fig. 41‐42, p. 106‐108.
296
IGB II, 687.
297
See Wagner‐Hasel 1998, col. 794‐797.
298
Tac., Annales, IV.63. References to the treatments applied to patients at home are
also found in Columella, XI.18, Cato, I.1. Details in Retief, Ciliers 2005, p. 220.
The first such institutions were set up quite late, in the Christian era,
under the influence of religion.299 Paradoxically, Christianity promoted a certain
aversion towards the effects of rational medicine. Anatomy, scientifically
understood, was denounced, while causes of death were searched for, just like
healing, by the divinity and they could be treated according to the sins of the
suffering person.
Under the impact of charitable actions promoted for helping the poor,
the sick, strangers, those persons without family, the old, and orphan children,
starting with the fourth century the so‐called xenodochia or xenones became
operational. Bishop Leontios of Antiochia founded several such establishments
in the mid‐fourth century. They were functioning through monastic
establishments. One of the first such hospitals founded by religious authorities
was organized by Bishop Basil of Caesarea, in 369 AD. He attached the hospital
to a monastic establishment and hired physicians and nurses to take care of the
patients.300 The edifice contained, apart from rooms for the sick, which seem to
have been numerous enough to host all those with medical needs, a special
section for the leprous, spaces for travelers, with facilities for animals, and
locations for the poor who were provided with minimal subsistence conditions.
At the end of the fourth century, in the capital city of the Eastern Empire,
bishop John Chrysostom founded similar institutions, named nosokomeia
(places to care for the sick), with the same type of medical staff, cooks and
other persons willing to help.301 The fact that there were employed physicians
with scientific training was placing the initiative on a position which somehow
contradicted the understanding the Church had of this science. In spite of this,
we tend to believe that these persons were fervent believers in God and their
acceptance as such was acknowledged as useful for their suffering individuals.

299
For details see Miller 1984, p. 54‐56; Miller 1985; Samama 2003, n° 328 and p. 37: an
epitaph of the fifth century AD, from Euchaita, in Pontus, mentions a doctor who
worked in a hospital.
300
St. Basil, Epist. 94. For details on this hospital, and also on such establishments see
Miller 1984, p. 54‐55, and also Retief, Ciliers 2005, p. 22.
301
Miller 1984, p. 55.
This type of hospital functioned especially in the Roman East, but they
are also mentioned in the West.302
On the contrary, in the military environment, together with the
extension of the Empire, the need for a better organization of the army was
acknowledged by the authorities. Moreover, the wish of using the maximal
capacity the human mass available to it led to the foundation of medical
hospitals in parallel with healthcare spots, functioning in tents and which are
mentioned already for the Republican period.
The meticulousness they were built with, the adaptation to the
environmental conditions and compliance with hygiene and location rules
demonstrate the seriousness with which the Romans regarded medical care,
the military included.
This type of edifice was built within the castra and represented an
answer given by the Romans to the issue of sickbay isolation.303 In the places
where the sick or the wounded could not be transported to a city, where they
could be treated properly, the military administration constructed hospitals of
this kind. This seems to be an exclusively Roman idea, as these types of
institutions are not attested before the reign of Augustus. Before that, the
wounded were installed in special tents raised inside the camps.304
Without drawing a ground plan of such a valetudinarium (gr.
ὑγιαστήριον), Hyginus mentions its location within the castrum: above or

302
Julian the Apostate, precisely against the background of his attempts to sustain the
reaffirmation of pagan practices saw these hospitals as benefic: “In every city
establish xenodochia in order that strangers may profit by our benevolence”: Julian,
Epistolae, 49 (translation apud Retief, Ciliers 2005, p. 222). Mention should be made
of the fact that the personal physician of this Emperor was the famous Oribasius.
303
Initially, these buildings were the places for treating sick slaves on estates in the
countryside: Columella, XI.1.18. See also Krug 1985, p. 207.
304
Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 6.38. According to Nutton (1969, p. 262), the oldest
valetudinarium attested, Haltern, follows a ground plan that seems to be the result
of a cluster of tents, tentoria. Other older opinions indicate the hospital of
Carnuntum as the oldest in the Roman world: Haberling 1909, p. 457.
beyond the commanding officer’s house (praetorium).305 Such buildings were

located, supposedly, in many of the important castra especially the legionary
ones, but also in some of the auxiliaries’. The inscriptions mention the existence
of valetudinaria in at least two auxiliary forts: at Stojnik, in Serbia306 but also at
Beroea (Alep), in Syria.307 Archaeological finds could provide evidence for more,
but without the assurance that some of the edifices identified as valetudinaria
could have been used exactly for this purpose.308
The authority over the hospital was given to the commander of the
camp, the praefectus castrorum.309
The legion hospitals in the border regions are famous, like those along
the Rhine, on the Danube and in Britannia: Haltern,310 Novaensium‐Neuss,311
Bonn,312 Vetera I and II313 (Germania Inferior), Vindonissa314 (Germania
Superior), Lauriacum315 (Noricum), Carnuntum316 (Pannonia Superior),
Inchtuthil317 (Britannia Inferior), Caerleon318 (Britannia Secunda), to which

305
Hyg. Grom., Mun. Castr., 4 also gives the reason for this location. It was one of the
quietest areas of the castrum: ut valetudinarium quietum esse convalescentibus
posset.
306
In the castrum of cohors II Aurelia nova miliaria equitata – CIL III, 14537, Cassia
2008‐2009, p. 251.
307
In the castrum of cohors IIII Lucensium – AE 1987, 952. See also Cassia 2008‐2009, p.
261, tab. 2, n° 13.
308
See the sites from Housesteads, Wallsend, Valkenburg, Wiesbaden, Öberstimm,
Künzing, Hodd Hill, Pen Llysten, Fendoch: Press 1994, p. 95‐96; Allan‐Jones 1999;
Baker 2002, p. 71.
309
Veg., Mil., 2.10; Details about these praefecti in Dobson 1974, p. 413‐415.
310
Schnurbein 1974, p. 68‐70.
311
The first military hospital discovered by archaeological excavations: Koenen 1904, p.
111‐112; Waterman 1970.
312
Petrikovits 1960, p. 42‐43, and pl. 3.
313
Schultze 1934, p. 54‐63.
314
Krug 1985, p. 206, fig. 91.
315
Vetters 1977, p. 364; Press 1994, p. 98.
316
Obermeyr 1967.
317
Pitts, St Joseph 1985.
318
Boon 1972.
Novae, in Moesia Inferior, should be added. In these hospitals diseased soldiers
or those with heavy wounds were treated. Light wounds were treated by the
medical staff directly on the battlefield. On the those requiring a longer
convalescence were discharged as soon as they could walk, in order to free the
beds. They were sent to recover in the barracks or, in graver cases, they were
permanently discharged.319 It seems that only approximately 5% of the
members of a military unit could be hosted in such an edifice, but in case of
need adjacent spaces were also used.320
G. The Valetudinarium of Novae
The military hospital of Novae was built with funds from the State
treasury and it is one of the best preserved edifices of this kind in the Roman
world. It was uncovered within the praetentura of the legion castrum during the
archaeological excavations carried out by a Polish‐Bulgarian team in the 1970s.
This spectacular building was erected during Trajan’s reign on the
location of the former Flavian thermae,321 in the area of the scamnum.322
The Dacian wars played an important role in the decision to secure a
specific space for the wounded brought from the battlefield. The hospital
was most probably built with government funding by the soldiers of the
legion headquartered there, I Italica, with help from other military units.323

319
Regarding the capacity of the sick rooms in military hospitals, for example at Inchtuthil,
the hypothesis was put forward that the rooms could accommodate four beds. In
other opinions this number varies from two to eight: Allan‐Jones 1999, p. 136. More
details in Press 1990, p. 332, note 10.
320
Retief, Ciliers 2005, p. 221.
321
Dyczek 1997, p. 43‐44; Dyczek 2000, p. 89‐103.
322
Press 1985, p. 367‐371; Press 1987, p. 171‐184; Press 1990, p. 327‐334. For the
location of other valetudinaria throughout the territory of the Empire see Schultze
1934, p. 54‐63, while for the Danube region, Press 1994, p. 93‐100.
323
Several stamps of legio I Minerva Pia Fidelis, a detached unit apparently working
on the construction here, were uncovered: Dyczek 2002, p. 686.
Its dimensions were 80×73 m, with an interior yard of 42.40×32.60 m.324 The

rectangular structure consisted of two rows of rooms, separated by a central
corridor.

Fig. 11. Plan of the castrum Novae, first‐ second c. AD, after Dyczek 2003, p. 8, fig. 1

324
Its dimensions are comparable to the ones of the military hospital of Carnuntum:
Press 1990, p. 328.

Fig. 12. Plan of the valetudinarium at Novae, after Dyczek 2005, p. 237, fig. 2
The importance of hygiene and the organized spacing of the sick‐hall,
elements found in all such constructions throughout the Empire, were confirmed
by the archaeological discoveries. The floors of beaten earth were repeatedly
remade, a sign that cleanliness was paramount for such an establishment.325
Several medical instruments were uncovered and identified inside the
perimeter of the hospital.326 The corpus of such finds from the castra of the
province is quite inconsistent. The majority of medical instruments were found
in the Greek cities on the Pontic shore or in the Greek foundations of Trajan.327
The consultation rooms, the storage rooms for drugs and foodstuffs
were located around the sick‐rooms, together with therapy and relaxation
rooms, the kitchens and other ancillary spaces.328 Each hospital was different,
both in its space for treating the sick and its building technique. The construction

325
Press 1990, p. 330.
326
Dyczek 2002, p. 687.
327
Kirova 2010, p. 285 (the map).
328
Dyczek 2002, p. 686.
was supposed to provide hygiene, light, heating, security, access to bathrooms
and latrinae, relaxation space and to the temples arranged inside.329
The care for the physical well‐being (that concerned the physicians and
their auxiliary staff) was complemented in every establishment by the spiritual
care provided by the cult spaces. The porticoed courtyard of the Novae hospital
included places for prayer inside which altars bearing inscriptions, statue bases,
a fireplace for offerings, images of the healing gods and other religious objects
were found.330
The main altar was dedicated to Aesculapius by the legion headquartered
in Novae, probably from the foundation of the hospital, with a simple, official
formula: Aescula/pio sacrum / leg(io) I Ital(ica).331 This altar, together with
other elements, led to the conclusion that the temple in the interior yard was
dedicated only to Asclepius. The goddess Hygieia could have had another small
temple within the hospital, if one analyzes another, later, inscription.332
Independent of these official activities, the patients and physicians offered
private vota to the divinities of healing.
The hospital was under the care of the praefectus castrorum, while the
optiones valetudinarii were in charge of its management. Beside the medici
who were the main body of professionals, the medical staff also included
capsarii and medical orderlies. Unfortunately, we do not have any clear
attestations of medics or other medical staff working in the valetudinarium of
Novae as army employes.333 The valetudinarium of Novae functioned until the
time of Caracalla or later.334 It is possible that its maintenance became too
costly or inefficient, as more of the legion’s subunits were detached all over the

329
Schulze 1934, p. 56‐58; Press 1987, p. 182.
330
Dyczek 1997, p. 47; Dyczek 1999, p. 495‐500; Kolendo 1998, p. 55‐70.
331
Kolendo 1998, p. 56, n° 1; AE 1998, 1130.
332
Kolendo 1998, p. 57, n° 2; IGLNovae, 18; to this, the base of a silver statue of Hygieia
(remained unidentified) must be added: Kolendo 1998, p. 58, n° 3.
333
The only physicians, mentioned above, from the inscriptions found within the
hospital are Aelius Macedo (AE 1998, 1134) and, perhaps Διόδωρος (IGLNovae,
176), most probably civilian physicians working in this military hospital.
334
Dyczek, Szubert, Sarnowski 1988, p. 512‐515; Dyczek 2003, p. 7‐20.
province. On the basis of the numismatic finds, it was concluded that between
the reigns of Elagabalus and Gordian III the hospital might have been used only
partially. From the middle of the third century, its functioning can no longer be
ascertained, while from Gallienus to Claudius II only the temple of Asclepius
was used by the civilian population. More recent research found that at least
the sacred area in the hospital courtyard was used after the abandonment of
the hospital.335
To conclude, the disappearance of the valetudinarium of Novae
happened within a wider context, with a favorable political situation, encouraged
by troop movement, as well as by the changes in the demography of the
castrum.
According to Hyginus, an establishment of this kind must have existed
in each garrison.336 Unfortunately, archaeological research into the first‐third
century AD fortifications of Moesia Inferior has provided little information.
Therefore the hospital of Novae remains the only one excavated and studied
archaeologically at present. While the auxiliary castra or castella with small
garrisons could have located medical activities in specially raised tents, it is very
possible that in legionary camps, such as the one at Troesmis, Durostorum337 or
Oescus hospitals of this kind were built. Still, the mention of a military
valetudinarius, of the legion V Macedonica with the quarters in Troesmis, but
with active troops at Tyras, can be an additional argument for believing there
were other such edifices within the province.

335
Dyczek 2005, p. 231‐232.
336
Hyg. Grom., Mun. Castr., 4.
337
Donevski 2009, p. 106.
CHAPTER IV
Medical, Pharmaceutical and/or
Cosmetic Instruments
"What drugs will not cure, the knife will;
what the knife will not cure, the cautery will;
what the cautery will not cure must be considered incurable"
(Hippocrates, Aphorisms, L. IV, 609)
A. Introduction
The complexity of the medical toolkit used by physicians and other
practitioners of the medical arts of the Roman world is confirmed by
discoveries of remarkable examples in well‐known Roman sites in Italy, Gaul,
Germany and other parts of the Empire.
The scholarly interest in this category of items can be traced back to as
early as the eighteenth century and it is well represented in the nineteenth,
when the artifacts uncovered in the sites of Herculaneum and Pompeii were
presented to the public.338 The initiative of Doctor John Stewart Milne, an
aficionado of ancient medical texts, opened a new approach for the history of
medicine. His work, Surgical instruments in Greek and Roman Times, printed in
1907 and subsequently reprinted, cleared many issues regarding the
functioning of the ancient medical toolkit. Following the valuable studies of
Mario Tabanelli, who advanced the then current knowledge on ancient medical
instruments, only in the last decades of the twentieth century the works of
Ernst Künzl, Ralph Jackson and Lawrence J. Bliquez made significant

338
Bayardi 1755; Romanelli 1817; Vulpes 1847; Vulpes 1852.
breakthroughs towards giving the medical toolkit its proper importance in the
study of ancient medicine.
Therefore, both through archaeological research and the substantial
contribution of the Greek and Roman literature, a coherent image has been
assembled on the usefulness and the diversity of these specific items. The
difficulties in identifying all of them were many, despite the fact that the
apparent similarities with modern instruments are sometimes remarkable.
First of all, there are still many unknown aspects related to the joint use
of many articles, in medical and/or domestic, artistic or crafting activities. Next,
it is difficult to define precisely the provenance of many of these artifacts, as
well as the specialized skills required for their manufacture. It is obvious that
the medical instruments had special characteristics, related to their usage, and
their storage and manipulation under special conditions. It is uncertain whether
the implements were made in specialized workshops or by generally skilled
craftsmen among many other objects.
During the last decades, following the advancement of complex,
interdisciplinary research methods, successful results have been achieved in
the chemical analyses of metal artifacts, a fact that is an important step toward
the better understanding the manufacture and provenance of medical
instruments.
Regarding the contribution of the items with medical specificity to the
history of ancient medicine, there was a dispute among specialists, generated
by a group of scholars claiming that most often archaeological finds are only
superficially taken into account by classicists and even by mainstream
historians focused on ancient medicine. Instead the information from ancient
literary texts was overvalued. Due to this process, certain aspects were missed,
which could have been better defined by the contextual analysis of a set of
surgical instruments found in relation to other archaeological material or by the
historical interpretation of the same find. The comprehensive research of this
type of material is possible only if one employs, beside the classic, purely
descriptive approach, of studying the items and their usages, also contextual
analysis of the find. In fact, the material culture of a people indicates a
multitude of meanings and usages, beyond the prosaic manifestations and
Medical, Pharmaceutical and/or Cosmetic Instruments 109
concerns of daily life. Regarding medical instruments, a complete and correct
interpretation of the finds should result in a possible identification method for
the ways the ancient Greeks and Romans perceived the human body, its
illnesses and their cures, inter‐human relations and the human‐divine. The
analysis of one surgical instrument outside its context of discovery turns a large
part of its associated information into unfounded speculation. The necessary
condition is that the provenance of the finds is a clear archaeological context.
Unfortunately, many such finds from within the confines of the Empire lack
exactly such a necessary context.
It is also true that the description of these artifacts was carried out in
tight connection with their practical, rational and scientific utility. Until recent
times, the connection with the divinity, the magical meanings or other aspects
beyond the conventional were understated or simply ignored. In the context of
the lack of separation between the irrational, the supernatural and the rational
in ancient medicine, as in the rest of the ancient Greek and Roman daily life, it
is normal to believe that the usefulness of the medical instruments was
influenced by several apparently different, converging factors. For example,
one can establish interesting relationships between the usage of the medical
instruments and its perception by the patient or the healer. Some instruments
could have been regarded as “enchanted” if they contributed to the healing of
a large number of people or, on the contrary “cursed” and linked to disease and
bad luck, if their use did not result in the expected, beneficial, outcome.339
There are several interesting examples that support this case. Some
medical kits could have been deposited with the aim of getting rid of them as
they were associated with disease, and evil. This is the case of certain finds of
Vindonissa, in Switzerland, which were apparently broken, desecrated and
buried with the intention of ending the bad luck or the evil that they
supposedly caused.340
From a different perspective, the medical tools could be regarded as
symbols and their votive burial could be associated with certain persons with
special qualities. In most of cases, medical tools are regarded just as simple

339
Baker 2004a, p. 8.
340
The symbolic profanation is attested in the Roman period: Baker 2004a, p. 14.
objects, tools of a rational trade, and their connections with the ancients'
mentalities and beliefs are ignored. This is a modern perception, which does
not characterize the societies of the past. The notion of “rational” is
understood today in a completely different manner than the one used by the
ancients, hence the lag in thinking and accepting ideas from the past worlds. In
certain contexts, these instruments, laid down mostly in graves, are linked to
the person using them (i.e. the physician), suggesting also a possible
relationship with the people the physician was treating. In the end, the agents
responsible for the entombment of the instruments were the physician's heirs,
possibly his surviving healed patients.
It is certain that no matter if the sources we deal with are ancient
medical writings or archaeological finds or other types of sources, the
knowledge and use of all these sources are indispensable in a domain of
research that is poor in information. As such, the interdisciplinary approach is
compulsory.
B. Data Provided by Literary Evidence
Far from being comprehensive, Greek and Roman texts describe, in
quite numerous details, the various types of medical instruments, referring
mainly to their usages, but also to their manufacturing technique or the
materials they were made of. In fact, ancient literature was an essential source
in describing the items of the medical sphere, even though the archaeological
finds were of equal importance in confirming the shapes, structure and
materials used to create them.
Hippocrates, a forerunner in the study and application of scientific
medical principles and practices, is also the first to have made substantial
references to the medical toolkit. The usage of many specific implements is
included in the texts collected in the Corpus Hippocraticum, the very Bible of
ancient medical literature.341

341
In De Medico, I.62 he mentions the lancets used in wet cupping. See also, I.60, about
the phlebotome; for the ophthalmic probes see II.100.
During the Roman times, which are the object of our scientific focus,
the references are more consistent, using as a base the Classical Greek and the
Hellenic inheritance. Aulus Cornelius Celsus describes in detail several surgical
instruments in the eight books of his De Medicina.342 In the seventh book, he
provides most of the information, with direct reference to the surgical practices
of the famous Alexandrine school. He focuses on scalpels and cauteries,343 as
well as on some other tools, like surgical hooks,344 forceps,345 named with the
generic word vulsella, probes346 and specula.347
The most famous physician of the Roman times, Galenus, left several
texts, collected in the Corpus Galenicus, of which quite a consistent part had
been preserved.348 His anatomical texts include a substantial amount of
information on surgical instruments.349 He mentions the utility of scalpels for
many operations requiring dissections, puncturing the fetal skull in obstructed
labor etc.350 He also includes in his case study of a spine dissection the
description of a special knife, referred to by Milne as Galen’s knife for opening
the vertebral canal.351 There are also some important details on probing devices
with “double olive” and on their usefulness,352 as well as on the spatula
probes.353
Soranus of Ephesus focused his research on obstetrics and gynecology.
His works include many interesting references to vaginal specula,354 knifes,355
uterine probes, cauteries,356 forceps, embryo extracting hooks etc.

342
Details in Milne 1970, p. 90‐100 and, especially, in Jackson 1994, p. 167‐209.
343
Cels., VII. 2.4; VII.6.4; VII.10.1; VII.19.7; VII.26.2.
344
Cels., VII. 12.5; VII.16.2; VII.28.2.
345
Cels., VII. 12.1B and 1D; VII. 28.2.
346
Cels.,VIII. 2.3; VIII.3.5‐6.
347
Cels., V.2.B.
348
Comments in Vegetti 1994, p. 1672‐1717.
349
See details in Garofalo 1994, p. 1810‐1813.
350
Gal., XI.1011.
351
Milne 1970, p. 31‐32.
352
Gal., II. 581.
353
Gal., XIII.466.
354
Sor., Gyn., II.40.
There are also several Christian authors who, despite their distrust
against scientific medical practices, specify, although in sometimes vague
terms, the instruments used by surgeons, as well as the use of various specific
medical methods. Tertullian mentions in several instances items in the
medical/surgical toolkit,357 so does St. Augustin who, in several instances refers
to instruments used by surgeons,358 and Hieronymus who mentions the ferrum
and the scalpellus in his works. 359
In the Late Roman period, Paulus of Aegina was the author of a
compilation that consists of several books and describes many surgical
instruments.360 This is a generous text, with detailed descriptions of the
instruments, as well as of the procedures employed. For example, regarding the
scalpels, he mentions the fact that these were used in opening the thorax and
the abdomen,361 while the description of the large diversity of probe types is
one of the important features of his compilation.362
Apart from the specialist authors of the time, medical instruments are
specified in numerous occurrences in the texts of other ancient Greek and Roman
authors, whose area of interest was more or less focused on medicine.363
In fact, our description of the main types of medical instruments will be
based mostly on the accounts of these ancient authors.

355
Sor., Gyn., II.18.
356
Sor., Gyn., XXVII.
357
Tertullian, De Anima, 26.
358
August., Ep., 93.8; 104.7; Serm., 80.3; 87.3.
359
Hieronymus, Ep., 40, 1.1; 55.5.5; In Osee, p. 63.
360
On the work of Paulus of Aegina see details in Krug 1985, p. 217‐218.
361
Paulus of Aegina, VI.74. For other types of knifes see also, VI.25; VI.30‐31; VI.73;
VI.78.
362
Paulus of Aegina, VI.9; VI.14; VI.77; VI.90.
363
Sporadic mentions are also found in Scribonius Largus (Compositiones
medicamentorum), with details in Sconocchia 1993; Aretaeus of Cappadocia (Causes
and Symptoms of Acute Disease); Rufus Festus (98‐117 AD) (De renum et vesicae
morbis); Oribasius (Collectiones); Marcellus Empiricus (De medicamentis), to mention
here only a few of the most famous specialists or compilers of the time.
C. Material Culture
Archaeological sources have one of the main roles in the description
and the typology of medical items. Most finds originate in funerary inventories.
While the finds that can be related to medical practice dating to the Greek
periods are very few, around and after the first century AD they are more and
more frequent.364 The burial of medical practitioners with the toolkit they used
during their lives was common practice during the first ‐ third centuries AD.365
In the entire Empire tens of such graves have been cataloged, containing
identified medical instruments or objects of auxiliary medical usage.366
Irrespective of whether these items formed complete medical kits, as in the
case of the graves at Bingen – (Germania Superior),367 Kolophon – (Asia),368 Nea
Paphos – (Cyprus),369 Wehringen – (Raetia),370 or only a few items were
symbolically deposited, as is the case of the majority of such discoveries, these
artifacts were, certainly, bearers of meaning. Most probably they belonged to
the deceased, and after death a family member would indicate, in this way, the
occupation of the deceased during his lifetime. These grave goods might also
symbolize mediation between life and death, as their real‐world use was the
saving of lifes.371

364
For medical instruments datable to the period prior to the first century AD, see Künzl
1996, p. 2436‐2438.
365
Jackson 2005, p. 101.
366
See a map with the distribution of these graves throughout the territory of the
Empire in Künzl 1983, fig. 1.
367
Como 1925, p. 152‐162.
368
Caton 1914, p. 114‐118.
369
Michaelides 1984, p. 315‐332.
370
Künzl 1983, p. 120, pl. 95.
371
The latest research points out that several toolkits were found in rivers. The advanced
interpretation was that they were part of incineration “tombs” with the ash spread
over water. With this opportunity, these instruments would have been spread over
water as well, having the same meaning as the one of the inhumation tombs: Baker
2004a , p. 18‐19. For a much more reserved attitude, see Künzl 1993, p. 100‐101.
Archaeological excavations, undertaken mainly in cemetery compounds,
but also within settlements, as well as random discoveries, brought up a large
number of medical instruments, all over the territory of the Empire.372 The
representation of medical‐specific objects on tombstones meant to honor the
activity of physicians or on other types of monumental finds is also an
important source of knowledge about this category of artifacts.

Fig. 13. Cupping vessel and dental forceps on the reverse of a coin from the fourth c.
BC, British Museum, after Jackson 1993, pl. I, fig. 1a
In spite of such facts, the general tendency is to overestimate the
number of objects for medical use, when, in fact, the use of many of the
uncovered artifacts was cosmetic or for personal hygiene or other uses,
sometimes even without any connection to the care of cure of the human
body.
D. The Manufacture and Use of Medical Instruments
Medical instruments had special qualities that could be achieved if they
were manufactured from the right material and with the proper technique. The
cutting edges were very sharp and some instruments (probes and hooks, for
example) were required to possess special elasticity. The cleanliness of the

372
The archaeological finds of the famous sites of Pompeii and Herculaneum are
prevalent, forming in fact the pillars of the history of ancient medicine based on
archaeological finds: Bliquez 1994.
instruments before an intervention was a prerequisite, although we do not
have data attesting the practice of instrument sterilization in antiquity. The
instruments were washed or cleaned superficially, with the exception of the
cauteries, which were by default disinfected by heating.373 The storage
containers for the instruments were supposed to possess special qualities too.
The materials used to manufacture these objects were varied and their
production required specialized skill and knowledge.374 Bronze was the material
most frequently used.375 The large majority of medical instruments and objects
for hygienic use were made of various alloys of copper, zinc and/or tin. Iron,
with the steel types known to the Romans,376 was used mainly for scalpel
blades, scissors and other instruments that required easy sharpening.377 Lead
was used for probes and intra‐vaginal tubes. Silver and gold were materials
used mainly for decorating the instruments.378 The use of horn was mainly
meant for the making of syringe tubes, as well as other instruments, such was
the pessarium.379 Small spoons and needles of various sizes were made of bone,
while discoveries of scalpel handles, needles and drug boxes attested the use of
ivory in this industry. Wood, a perishable material that is seldom found in
excavations, was used for spatulas, powder boxes and instrument containers.
Stone was the preferred material for making mortars and pestles as well as

373
Jackson 1997, p. 223‐224.
374
On fabri ferrarii, the craftsmen who produced most of these items, see in Krug 1993,
p. 96‐97 and fig. 3.
375
Hippocrates, I, 58 recommended: “use bronze only for instruments” (translation
apud Milne 1970, p. 14).
376
377
Milne 1970, p. 10‐13. Galenus knew, for example, that the best scalpel blades came
from Noricum where one could find iron of the best quality: Gal., II.682 K; see also
Jackson 1997, p. 225.
378
Scalpels ornamented with precious metals are the most frequently encountered
items of this type. See also an interesting material about Moesia and Thracia in
Kirova 2006, p. 537‐548.
379
This is a ring‐shaped instrument, more or less flexible, used for correcting certain
anomalies in the position of the uterus.
querns for mixing drugs. Certain spatulas were also made of glass, and so were
the bottles for potions and liquid ingredients.
The toolkit of a physician could include instruments used strictly for
surgical operations or for general interventions.
In the following section we shall describe briefly some of these items
and their usage, as well as the presentation they receive in the written sources.
We should add that the variety of these objects is already mentioned in several
reference works, and our intention is only to create a general image of this
category of artifacts. The majority of these items are also found in the medical
toolkits uncovered within Moesia Inferior.
The scalpels (gr. μάχαιρα,σμίλη, lat. scalpellus, culter, scalper) and the
lancets (gr. φλεβοτόμον, lat. phlebotomum) were the most frequently used
cutting instruments. They appear quite often in surgeon's toolkits starting with
the first century BC. In most cases, scalpels were made of a bronze handle
attached to a steel blade.380 The blades were detachable and could be straight,
with one or two edges, or curved (in very few cases). The usual scalpel is
straight‐bladed and with a spatula handle. It was used as an opener in surgical
operations or for removing small cysts.
Whenever surgical incisions are mentioned, regardless of the affected
area of the body, they are specified in connection with the usage of scalpel.
Celsus recommends that surgeons should also use such instruments for the
removal of infected skin.381 Other objects with similar roles were the surgical
knives (ferramentum). These are preserved in much smaller numbers, probably
because of the material used, iron being much more exposed to corrosion.382
Surgical knives were used as hole‐cutters,383 in lithotomy384 or for operating on
hernias.385

380
Krug 1993, p. 93‐100; Künzl 1996, p. 2449‐2450.
381
Cels., VII.1.1.
382
Details in Jackson 1994, p. 170‐171 and Baker 2004, p. 142.
383
Cels., VII.15.1.
384
Cels., VII.26.2.
385
Cels., VII.19.7‐8.

Fig. 14. Cutting instruments: a. Scalpel (length 153 mm), after Jackson 1990a, fig. 1, n°
6; b. Lancet (length 128 mm), after Jackson 1990a, fig. 1, n° 4; c. Surgical knife, after
Baker 2004, fig. 106

Generally, cutting instruments may define a set of tools as having
medical use, the large majority of the other instruments having other possible
uses. The non‐medical uses of such items cannot be excluded, the most
frequent mentions of such being those used by craftsmen, and also those used
for creating works of art, such as sculptures.
The medical probes (gr. μήλη, ὑπάλειπριον, lat. specillum) were
manufactured in various shapes and dimensions.
These instruments were used especially to explore fistulas,386 but also
for the dosage and insertion of some medicines, for mixing the pharmaceutical
or cosmetic substances and they were uncovered in large numbers throughout
the Empire.
One of the main characteristics of the probes is the combination of two
working parts, resulting in a large array of useful functions. There were simple
probes, ear probes (gr. μηλωτίς, lat. oricularium specillum, auriscalpium),
probes with one or both ends in the shape of a sphere or an olive pit, probes

386
Cels., VIII. 2.3; VIII.3.5. In V.28, Celsus writes: “But first it is well to put a probe into
the fistula to learn where it goes and how deeply it reaches... “ (translation after
Milne 1970, p. 52).
with one globular and one spatulate end (spatula‐probes) (gr. σπαθομήλη,
lat. spathomele), or probes with spoon‐shaped ends (gr. κυαθισκομήλη, lat.
cyathiscomele) etc.

Fig. 15. Probes: a. Ear probes (1. spoon‐headed – 178 mm, 2. flat‐headed – length 161
mm), after Jackson 1990a, fig. 4, n° 10 and 9; b. Rectangular spatula‐probe (length 184
mm), after Jackson 1990a, fig. 4, n° 14; c. Leaf‐shaped spatula probe (length 190 mm),
after Jackson 1990a, fig. 4, n° 15
Celsus recommends their use for a large number of operations, varying
from fixing the cartilage of a broken nose,387 to the application of medicines to
the eye.388 Also, according to Galenus, when consulting certain female internal
organs, some special probes are required: “When the woman is not pregnant it
admits the nucleus of a probe or something slightly larger”.389
The ear‐probes, oricularium specillum, are regarded by scholars rather
like cosmetic instruments. However, apart from their utilization for removing
earwax, as well as some foreign bodies, including maggots, they also had some
medical usages. For example, they are mentioned as useful tools in operations
on hemorrhoids.

387
Cels., VIII.5.1.
388
Cels., VI.6.11.
389
Gal., II.898K. Translation after Milne 1970, p. 54.
A special ophthalmic probe with a scoop, which resembles the general
shape of the ear‐probes, is mentioned as an instrument for curettage of the
inside of a small cyst on the eyelid by the literary sources of the time.390
The olive‐ended probes could be used in pharmaceutical procedures to
mix substances, as well as in surgical operations proper to explore fistulas.391
A large number of finds consists of the so‐called ligula‐probes. This
particular part of the probe was often used in personal grooming, to extract
various substances, powders and creams from their containers. In medical
practice, their use is mentioned in extracting calculi from the urinary tract.392
Spatula probes are also quite numerous among the finds. These were
used for spreading ointments on infected parts of the body, but also for mixing
them. They could also be used for cauterizing wounds.393 Soranus finds them
useful for cutting and sealing the umbilical cord.394
The forceps (gr. λαβίς, μύδιον, τριχολαβίς, lat. vulsella, volsella,
forceps)395 were of several types: forceps for polyp extraction and for removal
of anal warts, for re‐positioning broken bones, uvula forceps, tooth fixation
forceps, normal forceps etc.

Fig. 16. a. Dental forceps (length 180 mm), after
Baker 2004, fig. 74; b. Curved‐edged bone forceps
(length 212 mm), after Jackson 1990a, fig. 5, n° 3

390
For details see Jackson 1994, p. 181.
391
Cels., V.28.12C.
392
Jackson 1994, p. 181.
393
Cels., V.28.3; VII.22.4; VII.27.8.
394
Sor., Gyn., III.27.
395
Detailed comments on the ancient terminology of these instruments can be found in
Renehan 2000, notes 8 and 11. See Künzl 1996, p. 2450, also and for the evolution of
such items until the modern period; cf. Kirkup 2002, p. 149‐155.
Tweezers are included in the same family, although they have different
applications. They were generally used for personal grooming (i.e. for hair‐
removal), with several other ancillary uses, like pulling the wick of the oil
lanterns and lamps in order to fire it.396 Such finds are quite numerous, with a
large variety of shapes and dimensions.
The surgical hooks (gr. ἂγκιστρον, lat. hamulus acutus, hamus retusus)
could have one or both ends sharpened, or one blunted end (blunt hook)397.
Celsus recommends the use of sharpened hooks for retracting the lips of
wounds and incisions, and for fixing in place the lips and the underlying
tissue.398 Tonsil operations, as well as ophthalmological ones, were usually
carried out using such instruments.

Fig. 17. a. Four sharp hooks, after Bliquez
1994, pl. XXIV, n° 1. (length 115 mm), 2.
(length 108 mm), 3. (length 150 mm), 4.
(170 mm); b. Double blunt hook (length
159 mm), after Jackson 1986, fig. 2, n° 16

The blunt hooks were used mostly to raise and protect the veins, but
also to extract foreign objects from inside the ears.399

396
Tabanelli 1958, p. 87‐88.
397
Künzl 1996, p. 2451.
398
Jackson 1994, p. 172.
399
Jackson 1994, p. 172.
In the same category one should include the obstetrical hooks, used to
extract the dead fetus out of the mother's body.
The dimensions and shapes of these instruments are very varied and
the discoveries of composite instruments (i.e. the handle of bronze and the
active part, the hook proper, of iron or steel) are quite frequent.400
The specula are complex instruments and consequently quite rare
among the archaeological finds, although their use was quite widespread in
classical antiquity. The rectal speculum (gr. μικρὸν διόπτριον, κατοπτήρ, lat.
speculum rectum) was used in the investigation of certain rectal afflictions,
while the smaller ones could also serve as vaginal specula.401
The vaginal specula (gr. διόπτρα, διόπτριον, lat. speculum, speculum
magnum matricis), together with other instruments of related use, such as fetal
hooks or decapitating knifes, are part of the obstetrics toolkit, used in births
and abortions. Sources specify at least three types.402

Fig. 18. a. Rectal speculum (length 156
mm), after Jackson 1986, pl. XII A; b.
Vaginal speculum (length 194 mm),
after Künzl 2002, pl. XXIV, B28

400
Paulus of Aegina (VI.18) reminds that: “Seizing the pterygium with a hook with a
small curve we stretch it” (translation apud Milne 1970, p. 87).
401
Baker 2004, p. 136.
402
For details see Kirova 2002, p. 82.
The cupping vessels (gr. σικύαι, lat. cucurbitula) were in use long
before the Roman times, for therapeutic bleeding.403 It seems that the
materials used for their manufacture were glass, horn and bronze. Metallic
bleeding cups were the most frequently used.404

Fig. 19. Cupping vessel (height 144 mm), after
Baker 2004, fig. 68

The cauteries (gr. καυτήριον, lat. ferrum candens)405 were instruments
with diverse shapes: trident, olive‐ended, gammate etc. Cauterization was a
medical procedure well used throughout the ancient world.

403
Caton 1914, p. 118; Künzl 1982, p. 513‐532; Künzl 1996, p. 2449.
404
These instruments are also described by Celsus, II.11: “There are two kinds of cups,
bronze and horn. The bronze is open at one end and closed at the other, the horn,
open at one end, as in the previous case, has at the other end a small foramen. Into
the bronze kind burning lint is placed, and then the mouth is fitted on and pressed
until it sticks. The horn one is placed empty on the body, and then by that part
where the small foramen is, the air is exhausted by the mouth, and the cavity is
closed off above with wax, and it adheres in the same way as before. Either may
advantageously be constructed not only of these varieties of material but of any
other substance. If other things not to be had a small cup or a narrow mouthed jar
will answer the purpose. When it has fastened on, if the skin was previously been cut
with a scalpel it extracts blood; but if it be entire, air.” (translation apud Milne 1970,
p. 101‐102).
405
Künzl 1996, p. 2451.

Fig. 20. Cautery (length 240 mm), after Bliquez 1994, p. 134, fig. 103.

Celsus, Galenus, as well as Paulus of Aegina mention this procedure as a
required step of the surgical intervention. Usually, the cauteries were attached
to a long handle and were employed to cauterize unhealthy or dead tissue, but
also healthy tissue in order to avoid infections in the post‐operation stage. We
are certain that other instruments or parts of instruments were used in the
same manner, to the same purpose: probes, blades, spatulas, and needles were
heated in a fire and applied to the required part of the body.
Medical spoons (gr. κυαθίσκος, lat. ligula‐cochlear) were made out of
bronze, silver or, more rarely, of ivory, but the most frequently used material
was bone. They had multiple uses, mostly the measuring of ingredients for
drugs, heating of medicines, as well as extracting ingredients and drugs from
their containers, bottles, unguentaria or boxes. They could also be used as
cauteries.406 The majority of the spoons follow the shape typology of the
spatulas, with varied lengths or depths; the small round metal or bone spoons
were sometimes also used by surgeons.407
Scissors (gr. Ψαλίς, lat. forfex) are quite common among
archaeological finds. Their multiple usefulness is one major boost for the
frequency of finds. They were an agricultural implement, a craftsman’s tool, but
also a medical instrument. Written sources specify the use of scissors for

406
Tabanelli 1956, fig. XXXV.
407
Bliquez 1994, p. 49.
cutting the hair off of an area to be operated on, as well as for preparing
bandages. There are also mentions of cutting into the body by means of
scissors.

Fig. 21. Scissors (length 202 mm), after Baker 2004, fig.
105

One paragraph from Celsus is quite revealing: ”There have been others
who cut away the omentum with scissors, which is unnecessary if the portion is
small”.408 The cutting away of the excrescences from various areas of the body
was carried out in many instances by using scissors.409 They were also widely
used in veterinary medicine.
Needles (gr. βελώνη, lat. acus),410 made out of bronze, bone or ivory,
were used for the suturing of open wounds, besides, of course, their non‐
medical uses. This is also one of the cases where it is difficult to differentiate
between the instruments of medical purpose and the domestic ones. The only
cases when it is truly possible identify them as medical needles are those when
they are components of medical kits.

408
Cels., VII.21. Translation apud Milne 1970, p. 49.
409
For example, Paulus of Aegina (VI.58) describes the use of this instrument for removing
excrescences on the penis.
410
Künzl 1996, p. 2451.

Fig. 22. Needle (length 119 mm), after Künzl 2002, pl. IX, A41

There are plenty of literary references mentioning these objects. The
descriptions are not very detailed, but archaeological discoveries provide
information on a variety of dimensions, shapes and uses.411 The suture of open
wounds was the first and most common use.412 Needles were also used for
affixing bandages.413
Stylus‐shaped medical instruments (gr. γράϕιον, γραϕίς, lat. stylus)
are part of that category of instruments whose precise use is quite difficult to
identify. In fact, many such instruments were used in household activities as
well as in medical practice. Some of them were cataloged as surgical
instruments, while others, identical in all aspects, were thought to be writing
instruments for wax tablets. In spite of the opinion that, due to its shape, a
stylus could be used as a writing instrument as well as a surgical one,414 it is
probable that the medical stylus was similar to the writing one, but not the
same instrument. Galenus describes its use in tooth‐extraction,415 but its
medical use was varied.416

411
For their classification thereof according to shape and sizes see Milne 1970, p. 74‐76.
412
Cels., VII.16.
413
Cels., V.26.
414
Milne 1970, p. 72.
415
Gal., XII.865K.
416
Hippocrates, I.46.
Strigils (gr. ξύστρα, lat. strigilis) are included in the same category of
multi‐functional implements. They had a wide range of shapes and dimensions.
From the medical point of view they were frequently used for warming and
pouring oil and other drugs into the ear.417

Fig. 23. Strigil (length 210 mm), after Milne 1970, pl. XXV, 1.

The medical, cosmetic or pharmaceutical toolkits included a larger
variety of objects: special trepanation instruments (gr. τρύπανον, χοινικίς,
lat. modiolus), syringes (gr. πυουλκός, lat. clyster, syringe), various catheters
(gr. καθητήρ, lat. fistula aenea) and multi‐purpose tubes (lat. canulla), mortars
(gr. ἰγδίον, lat. mortarium), pestles (gr. δοῑδυξ, lat. pistulum), querns (gr.
ἀκόνη, lat. cos), bandages and medicine cases, (lat. theca vulneraria, capsus),
various rods for mixing substances, and glass vessels for storing liquids.

Fig. 24. Syringe (length 130 mm), after Milne 1970, pl. XXXVIII, 1.

417
Cels. VI.7.1.

Fig. 25. Slab for preparation of ointment
(75x52x16 mm), after Künzl 2002, pl. VIII, A37.

Fig. 26. Box for drugs (128x71x23 mm), after Künzl
2002, pl. XXXVII, B120

The particularities of certain instruments can lead to the identification
of the respective physician's specialty.
The description, in some places more detailed than in others, was
mostly carried out with the aim of identifying the usage of the specific artifacts
uncovered within the territory of the ancient province of Moesia Inferior. In
most of the cases, the types of finds included in this general presentation are
also found among the discoveries in the area of the Lower Danube.
E. The Specific Finds of Moesia Inferior
Regarding the territory of Moesia Inferior, finds testifying to the
presence of this type of artifact resulting from archaeological excavations are
not rare. We will endeavor to present the most important discoveries of this
type within the province, with no claim to comprehensiveness. It is difficult to
gather all the material that can be included in the category of medical
instruments, since a significant part of it is poorly published.
We shall focus on artifacts discovered in graves, which are proven to be
components of medical kits used by the physicians of the region, without
ignoring, though, other finds, some of which are quite spectacular. In the end,
we shall present some dozens of other artifacts, of bone and metal, from the
northeastern area of the province, which had cosmetic use, but could have
been also used as medical instruments, a group of artifacts that has only just
recently been brought to the attention of the academic milieu.
Far from being comprehensive, preoccupations of the Romanian and
Bulgarian historiographies for ancient medicine existed, especially in the
context of the discovery of items pertaining to the instruments of some
practitioners of the healing arts.
In Bulgaria, the excavations of Odessos, Dionysopolis, Marcianopolis,
Nicopolis ad Istrum, and Novae, as well as of other centers418, produced scores
of finds identified as such items. During the last decade, the contributions of N.
Kirova419 have been very useful in their attempt to systematize this category of
materials. In fact, the Bulgarian scholar focused her research on establishing
the categories of these archaeological finds. In her recently published
monograph, she presents a typology of the instruments based on their uses:
1. basic medical instruments (scalpels, forceps, tweezers, hooks, needles,
suction cups, cauteries); 2. specialized medical instruments (ophthalmology –
hooks and needles; gynecology ‐ vaginal speculum, fetal hook; urology – rectal
speculum, lithotomy utensils); 3. auxiliary tools (probes, spoons); 4. storage
containers and vessels for drug preparation (mortars and pestles, glass and
metal bottles and vessels etc.); 5. cosmetic utensils.420

418
For the history of the topic on the territory of Bulgaria, see Kirova 2002, p. 73 and
Kirova 2010, p. 12‐13 and map 1.
419
Kirova 2002, p. 73‐94; Kirova 2006, p. 537‐548.
420
Kirova 2010, p. 168‐170.
This context allows only for mentioning the site‐categorization of the
available finds and completing the array with some new finds, mainly from the
Romanian half of the provincial territory.
The Romanian historiography of the theme regarding the province of
Moesia Inferior is somehow less developed compared to the Bulgarian one.
Still, we have to mention a first contribution to the history of medical and
pharmaceutical practices by G. Brătescu,421 but also the work of N. Bucovală,
who published in the eighth decade of the last century the tomb of a physician
from Tomis.422 More recently, a short paper that approaches the theme from
an interdisciplinary perspective was published.423 The contribution of L. Oța
regarding the physicians’ tombs of Moesia Inferior424 is a most welcome
addition to the historiography. During the last years, our preoccupations
resulted in the production of several works published or in press focusing on
medical instruments.425
Generally, medical or cosmetic instruments are specified together with
other items and are in most cases published without a detailed description in
excavation reports or in papers on related topics.
In Moesia Inferior, as in fact throughout the entire territory of the
Empire, tombs remain the main places where items of medical use were
discovered. At Tomis, in a famous physician’s grave, it was possible to analyze
four items with silver inlays created with high craftsmanship: a scalpel, two
handles, probably from two long needles426 and a gynecological hook427 or a
cauterizing instrument, dated to the first half of the second century – the first
half of the third century AD428.

421
Brătescu 1969, p. 57‐68.
422
Bucovală 1977, p. 91‐96.
423
Cernega, Bucovală 1990, p. 355‐358.
424
Oța 2006, p. 223‐233.
425
Aparaschivei, Matei 2010, p. 1254‐1260 ; Aparaschivei, Vasilache 2012 (in print).
426
They were usually made of iron or steel and attached to bronze handles, as is case of
the items found at Tomis. Jackson 2002, p. 89.
427
Kirova 2006, p. 544, n° 4.
428
Bucovală 1977, p. 91‐96, fig. 1‐6; Künzl 1983, p. 111, fig. 87.

Fig. 27. Medical toolkit from a grave in Tomis :
a‐b. Handles for needles (length 95 and 125 mm),
c. Needle or cautery (length 150 mm), d. Scalpel
(length 120 mm), after Bucovală 1977, fig. 1

Handled needles are specified in the sources of the period in several
passages as being used in ophthalmological operations. Regarding the
attachment of the handle of such an instrument, Celsus specifies: Tum acus
admovenda est, acuta ut foret sed non nimium tenuis.429 Paulus of Aegina
describes in detail the cataract operation in which such instruments were very
useful.430 This seems also to be the utility of the two needle handles of Tomis.431
Undoubtedly the instruments used by the respective physician in the
practice of the time was much more complex, but the funerary deposition had
a symbolic character and only on the basis of these items can we advance the
opinion that the physician of Tomis could provide general consultations, but
also had surgery skills.

429
Cels., VII.7.
430
Paulus of Aegina, VI.21. “We measure off a nucleus’ breadth from the part called the
iris and in the direction of the outer canthus, then mark with the olivary end of the
couching needle the place to be perforated. If it is in the left eye we work with the
right hand, and vice versa. Bringing round the pointed end of the perforator which is
round at the tip, we push it firmly through the empty space. The depth of the perforation
should be as raising the needle to the apex of the cataract (the bronze of cornea) we
depress the cataract to the underlying parts. After the couching of the cataract we
gently extract the needle with a rotatory movement.” Translation apud Milne 1970,
p. 70.
431
See for analogies Jackson 1986, fig.3, no 23 and for details p. 151‐154.
It is also at Tomis that a metal plated case containing a scalpel among
other items, was found.432 Unfortunately, we could not identify these items and
we are not aware whether they were later published.
In the same Greek city a grave was identified and recently included on
the map of the closed complexes in the province which provided items with
medical or cosmetic purposes.433 Its inventory includes a bone spatula, in
fragmentary condition, with a widened end, and the other with a rectangular
profile, together with a bronze probe with an olive shaped end and the other
one spatula‐shaped (FIG. 28, n° 4 and n° 7). These items could have been
equally used for pharmaceutical, cosmetic, and medical purposes. The grave
can be dated to the second – third centuries AD.
A pair of scissors, diagnostic for the first – third centuries AD, comes
from another grave of Tomis. (FIG. 28, n° 13). Used for cutting hair and
bandages, it is mentioned in certain sources as being useful also for cutting
tissues, but it was especially used for other purposes than medical ones.
In the neighboring city, Callatis, the sarcophagus of a wealthy woman of
the second century was found, containing a small spoon ‐ probe, glass vessels
for storing powders and two small bone spoons, items that can be included
rather in a cosmetic kit.434 It is true that women doctors were present in the
period, but mentions of them in the sources are very few. The individual
discussed here had undoubtedly a respectable status in society and the
identified artifacts also confirm a preoccupation, perhaps only a personal one,
for producing and using certain substances made from plants. Unfortunately,
the analyses of these substances were only partially possible at the moment of
their discovery, a fact wich led to loss of certain pieces of information.
At Dionysopolis, in a family grave dated to the second century AD,
several medical and surgical bronze and bone instruments were identified

432
Künzl 1983, p. 114 according to a piece of information provided by Bucovală in 1981
in the press.
433
Aparaschivei, Vasilache 2012 (in print).
434
Rădulescu, Coman, Stavru 1973, p. 263, fig. V/3.
together with a bronze box which contained various medicines.435 Three

scalpels, three tweezers, two hooks, small spoons, spatula probes, small spoon
– probes, remains of boxes with other very corroded iron instruments,
ointment mixing plates, two bone handles, wood with metal remains were
found. Two scalpels with precious metal inlays436 should be pointed out. This
individual as well seems to have been a generalist physician who, most
probably, also undertook various surgical interventions.
In another grave of Dionysopolis a bronze bleeding cup was found, this
instrument being in use from the Graeco‐Roman period.437
The city of Odessos had many of this type of artifact. In a grave a
fragment of a vaginal speculum438 and a probe were discovered, both datable to
the second – third centuries AD.439 Another grave, dated to the same period,
provided in the funerary inventory a bronze bleeding cup, a fragment of a
scalpel and several plates for preparing pharmaceutical powders,440 while a
third grave contained a plate for preparing medicines and a medical probe.441
One can notice that the preoccupations of the physicians of the period included
the preparation of medicines out of plants. Providing medicines was of vital
importance in the physicians’ profession and the proof is provided by the
numerous stone plates on which various plants were crushed and mixed to
obtain the intended result.
The funerary inventory of another possible practitioner of the art of
Hippocrates contained a strigilis, an ear probe, a needle and three glass vessels
for storing medicines.442

435
Škorpil 1912, p. 101‐134, fig. 107‐108, 111, 114‐116, 120; Hassel, Künzl 1980,
p. 419; for details on the inventory cf. Künzl 1983, p. 110‐112.
436
Kirova 2006, p. 538‐539, n° 4‐5.
437
Tončeva 1954, p. 74. (non vidi); Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419; Künzl 1983, p. 110;
generally for this type of instrument cf. Künzl 1982, p. 517, note 15.
438
For the typology see Kirova 2002, p. 82.
439
Tončeva 1961, p. 34‐35, fig. 31, 34 ; Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419; Künzl 1983, p. 112.
440
Tončeva 1961, p. 36, fig. 42, 45‐46; Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419; Künzl 1983, p. 112.
441
Tončeva 1961, p. 39‐40, fig. 58, 60; Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419; Künzl 1983, p. 114.
442
Tončeva 1964, p. 51‐52, fig. 1‐6; Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419; Künzl 1983, p. 112.
In the Greek foundation of Trajan, Marcianopolis, in a grave dated to
the beginning of the third century AD, among other inventory items, a medical
kit or rather a pharmaceutical or cosmetic one, has also been identified. It
contained a small bronze spoon, a spoon‐probe, a rectangular plate made of
green stone for mixing powders or creams, and also a small bronze box.443
A grave dated to the same period, also of Marcianopolis, contained a
bronze ear probe, a stone for mixing powders, a glass balsamarium and a small
bronze vessel.444
A third medical toolkit in a funerary complex of Marcianopolis
contained two dissectors, scalpel handles, forceps for epilation, three probes of
various sizes and purposes. All items are made of bronze, and the dissectors
and a forceps have silver and gold inlays.445 The excavator of the discovery
specifies that this toolkit might have belonged to a surgeon.
The most important observation which can be made regarding these
items is that the specified tombs were found within the Greek cities on the
Pontic littoral or within the Greek cities founded during the Roman period.
Apart the very possible lack of research in the Latin part of the province, the
main argument is that the Greek area benefited from a solid tradition from the
previous centuries regarding medical services and local specialists were trained
or even came from specialized centers in Asia Minor.446
The most spectacular discovery of Moesia Inferior is not, though, one
made in a grave. This is a possible medical practice at Marcianopolis, in fact a
room destroyed in the fifth century AD, where about 32 instruments and
vessels of various and complex medical use were found. It is true that many of
the items were found practically destroyed by fire, some others can be
completed only with difficulty, while others are only fragmentary. In spite of
this situation, it is the most considerable discovery of this type in the Danubian
area and one of the most interesting in the entire Empire.447 The instruments,

443
Minchev 1983, p. 143.
444
Minchev 1983, p. 143.
445
Minchev 1983, p. 143‐144.
446
See additional comments in Aparaschivei 2010a, p. 148‐149.
447
Minchev 1983, p. 144‐148 – without photographs or drawings; Kirova 2002, p. 73‐94.
obviously created several centuries in advance, consist of two scalpels, of which
one has a long handle, with a dissector role, with a missing blade and the other
has a blade with two cutting edges, a pair of iron scissors, an olive probe, used
for the polyp interventions, a curved dissector usable in gynecology
applications, a very sharp hook for removing tissues, two handles of needles
used in ophthalmological interventions,448 of which one has silver inlays, two
preserved forceps and other fragments of destroyed items, a bone tool used to
place fractured bones in the correct position, perhaps a rectal speculum, a
vaginal speculum, together with three utensils for lithotomy operations
(removing of bladder‐stones). An instrument meant to remove the fetus in the
attempt of performing abortions, and save the mother’s life, embryosphacte, is
very rarely encountered throughout the Empire; the example from
Marcianopolis is a veritable work of art.449 Another rare instrument is the
device used for cranial trepanations, trephine.450 It was made of bronze and
used for removing part of the cranium and, as such, it released the pressure
from the skull.
Eight instruments, which cannot be clearly define, possibly probes,
spatulas or hooks should also be specified in this context. The same toolkit also
includes six stone and metal vessels (mortars, pistils etc.). These items were
discovered in a possible medical practice operational until the fifth century,
which we discussed above. In addition, one should also add the variety of the
instruments and their material value. They are items with precious metal inlays,
rarely encountered in antiquity, and in terms of variety it is one of the most
complex cases within the Empire. Surgical interventions which could be done
with scalpels, probes, dissectors, gynecological and urological consultations, the
possibility of undertaking trepanations, to name here only the most complex
medical procedures demonstrate a hyperspecialization of those working as

448
The complexity of operations for removing cataracts is described in the sources of
the period. See details in Kirova 2002, p. 91.
449
For details about this instrument, mentioned also by Tertullian (De Anima, 25.51),
see Kirova 2002, p. 84. Similar items are mentioned in Ephesus.
450
Instruments for this operation can be also found among the discoveries of Bingen:
Künzl 1983, pl. 59, 1‐6 and pl. 60, 1‐3; Kolophon: Caton 1914, p. 116 and pl. XI.23, fig. 2).
physicians in this practice. Consequently, all arguments suggest the idea that
the concern for health was a purpose per se in Roman society, be it even
marginally provincial.
Several types of instruments were discovered during research at
Nicopolis ad Istrum: a scalpel, four spatula probes, spathomela, two small
spoon probes, cyathiscomela, two ear probes, oricularium specillum and other
probe fragments, two tweezers, a curette, a pair of pincers, five small spoons, a
stylus, several mortaria, as well as jars and bottles for processing and storing
medicines.451
The valetudinarium of Novae provided specific items, as would be
expected, although neither their number nor their complexity was as expected.
There were simple items such as spatulas, probes, hooks, needles, and
tweezers,452 but being also a military hospital, a well‐organized institution, we
can assume that, when it was deserted, many more varied instruments were
taken.
At Durostorum we can pick out several items whose utility pertains to
the fields of pharmacy, cosmetics and medicine. Several ear probes, small
spoons and spatulas made of bone have been recently published.453
A kit with several items was discovered in the northeast of the
province, in the Dobruja. It is composed of two ear probes, a small spoon
probe, a fragmentary spatula probe, a small bronze spoon, two possible hooks
and two tweezers.454 These are instruments which could have been used in
cosmetics but it is also very possible that they had medical use.
From the same northeast region of the province, from the Romanian
part of the Dobruja, other items discovered in various contexts, artifacts used

451
Tsarov 1992, p. 147‐152.
452
Dyczek 2002, p. 687.
453
Elefterescu 2008, especially p. 255‐258 for the ear probes made of bone, p. 258‐259
for spatulas of the same material and p. 259‐263 for the small spoons.
454
Aparaschivei, Matei 2010, p. 1254‐1260.
by physicians, pharmacists or simple inhabitants of the region, have also benn
discovered. We shall enumerate them below with very few references.455
A possible knife used in surgical interventions was found at
Noviodunum (FIG. 28, n° 1). Its size is quite small for an item of domestic use,
and it was found together with scoop probe, also of atypical size and shape
(FIG. 28, n° 8). Another knife blade found at Ibida could have had a surgical use
too (FIG. 28, n° 2). A fragmentary spatula, which may result from a scalpel
handle or from a simple probe, was identified on the same archaeological site
(FIG. 28, n° 3).456 An interesting iron spatula, with a palette‐shaped end and the
other one in shape of a two pronged‐fork, was found at Târguşor, Constanța
county (FIG. 28, n° 6). Its dimensions indicate it could have been used for other
purposes than medical ones. A varied usage is also probable for a spatula with a
trapezoid palette and twisted handle found at Ibida (FIG. 28, n° 5). A similar
item, although with a longer handle, was discovered at Tomis.457
Ear probes, made of bronze and of bone, are among the most
frequently encountered items of medical and cosmetic use. As we pointed out
above, apart of their usual utility, of removing foreign bodies from the ear, they
had numerous other uses in much more complex medical interventions. We
point out several interesting items of Ibida (FIG. 28, n° 9 and 11), and Izvoarele‐
Sucidava (Constanța county) (FIG. 28, n° 10 and 12). These artifacts had
dimensions which varied in terms of handle thickness, and also in the diameter
of the small spoon.
Another very widespread category of items is tweezers. The item of
Lumina (Constanța county), shows strong arms, with inner bent ends, in order
to assure a better clipping of threads (FIG. 29, n° 1). Another one, of Sibioara
(Constanța county) is a common item, resulting from the bending a bronze
stripe (FIG. 29, n° 2). The tweezer of Capidava has widening arms, developing
trapezoidally and showing a circular ring (FIG. 29, n° 3). This last item was

455
All these items were included in a material to be soon published which provides all
corresponding details: Aparaschivei, Vasilache 2012 (in print).
456
See also Opaiț 1991, fig. 16, n° 21.
457
Bucovală 1977, p. 94, fig. 7.
chronologically classified by their excavator to the fifth – sixth centuries AD,458
but its shape is already present in the first century AD. Two other pairs of
tweezers, rather common, are those of Tufani (Constanța county) (FIG. 29, n° 4‐
5). Another one, with rhomboid curved ends, was found inside a building from
Ibida (FIG. 29, n° 6).
Small spoons are also well represented in the region, either as parts of
probes, or as simple small spoons, made of bone or bronze. A longer small
spoon, made of bronze, out of which only the useful part was preserved,
broken at the point where the tail would start, was found at Tomis (FIG. 29, n°
7). Probably it was a probe with one end which served as small spoon
(cyathiscomela). Another longer small spoon made of bronze, of which only the
useful part has been preserved, with ovoid shape narrowing towards the tail, was
found at Ester (Constanța county) (FIG. 29, n° 8).
The small spoons made of bone found at Constanța and Traian
(Constanța county) have different shapes of the handle or of the useful part
(FIG. 29, n° 9‐12). Apart of their use in pharmaceutical activities they were
undoubtedly used in domestic activities as well.
Most such items are dated to the second – third centuries, except
perhaps those of Ibida, which are to be places toward the fourth century.
Consequently, one can appreciate the items discovered in various
contexts in the settlements of Moesia Inferior, as relatively being consistent,
but what is really remarkable is the variety and complexity of toolkits for
medical use. Most probably, for the simpler and widely used items, there were
production centers within the province or region.459 On the contrary, in the case
of the very sophisticated items, as is the case of the vaginal specula or trephines,
we tend to believe there were specialized production centers.

458
Covacef 1995‐1996, p.116, pl. IV/9.
459
At Radomir, Thracia, an important number of bronze instruments, especially ear probes
were discovered, a fact that led to the supposition that there may have existed such a
center which could have served also the Danubian provinces: Ljubenova 1985, p. 26‐37.
138

Fig. 28. 1. Surgical knife (?) (fragment) (length 72 mm), Noviodunum; 2. Surgical knife blade (?) (fragment) (length 30 mm), Ibida;
3. Scalpel handle (?) (fragment)(length 52 mm), Ibida; 4. Spatula (length 162 mm), Tomis; 5. Spatula (length 248 mm), Târguşor,
Constanța; 6. Spatula (lengh 87 mm), Ibida; 7. Spatula‐probe (lengh 152 mm), Tomis; 8. Spatula (lengh 65 mm), Noviodunum;
9. Ear‐probe (length 94 mm), Ibida; 10. Ear‐probe (length 67 mm), Sucidava, Constanța; 11. Ear‐probe (length 127 mm), Ibida;
12. Ear‐probe (fragment) (length 38 mm), Sucidava, Constanța; 13. Scissors (length 68 mm), Tomis
Healthcare and Medicine in Moesia Inferior

Medical, Pharmaceutical and/or Cosmetic Instruments

Fig. 29. 1. Tweezer (length 58 mm), Lumina, Constanța; 2. Tweezer (length 72 mm), Sibioara, Constanța;
3. Tweezer (length 50 mm), Capidava; 4. Tweezer (length 55 mm), Tufani, Constanța; 5. Tweezer (length 44 mm), Tufani, Constanța;
6. Tweezer (length 44 mm), Ibida; 7. Spoon (length 45 mm), Tomis; 8. Spoon (length 47 mm), Ester, Constanța; 9. Spoon
139
(length 52 mm), Tomis; 10. Spoon (length 55 mm), Tomis; 11. Spoon (length 72 mm), Tomis; 12. Spoon (length 160 mm), Traian.
The presented items had medical, pharmaceutical, and cosmetic roles,
but many of them were probably used in other daily activities, not necessarily
pertaining to body care. Most of them have been found in the Greek cities or
their territories, but there are also artifacts from the cities along the Danube, of
Oescus, Novae, Durostorum, Noviodunum and Capidava, as well as from the
central part of Dobruja, from the site of Ibida. Discovery without a context in
many cases prevents a precise determination of their use and date.
In this context graves continue to be the surest indicator in determining
the use of such artifacts. Two examples from Moesia Inferior can demonstrate
the difference between medical instruments and those items specific to
personal hygiene found in graves. The physician of Tomis, whose inventory
allowed for the identification of four valuable items – a scalpel, two needle
handles or hooks for surgical purposes and, probably, a hook for gynecological
use – has a toolkit obviously usable in his profession. On the contrary, the
inventory of the woman buried in the sarcophagus of Callatis – a probe, small
spoons, needles, powder containers – indicates a cosmetics kit. The items
which are part of surgeons’ toolkits are generally considered to have been
undoubtedly used in medical activities, such being the case of scalpels, forceps,
needles, hooks and probes, each present in a certain number.460
It is true that in the case of many of the items presented by us,
discovered outside an archaeological context, it is not possible to make a clear
differentiation between instruments which would have been used for medical
purposes and those with a wider application. Medical kits could include toilet
items and vice versa. Thus, certain probes, tweezers, scissors, small spoons, and
even the scalpels could very well have been used in medicine, cosmetic
activities or personal hygiene, in veterinary medicine, and also in other
professions, much further from the one of the physician such as craftsmen or
artists.

460
CHAPTER V
Hygiene and Healthcare of the
Communities of Moesia Inferior
Hippocrates conditioned the foundation of a new city on its location in
a clean and healthy environment. In Airs, Waters and Places he describes in
detail the natural conditions favorable to human settlements. Plato and
Aristotle confirm that salubrity is an essential quality of the area where a city
should be founded.461 Latin writers also stipulate the situations to be avoided in
case there was a danger of contamination of a populated area. Stagnant waters
are mentioned as being damaging by Varro,462 and also by Columella.463
Vitruvius also recommends “avoiding a marshy neighborhood because the
morning breeze of the town, when mixed with the vapors rising from fens,
exposes the bodies of the inhabitants to the poisoned breaths of marsh
animals, making the site pestilential”.464 Therefore, there was a good
understanding of the conditions that should be complied with. Frequently,
however, such ideal locations near clean waters, preferably in a coastal area
and on high land, were hard to find. Moreover, political, military or other
interests required the foundation of civilian or military structures in other, less
adequate locations. Under these circumstances ingenuity was required to
create the living conditions stipulated by the specialists of the time. Drinking
water adduction systems, sewerage pipes, the periodic replacement of water in
the cisternae, and maintaining cleanliness in inhabitable areas were activities
which, if they were undertaken with care, raised the level of the living
conditions and damaging diseases could be avoided.

461
See details in this regard in Borca 2000, p. 75.
462
Varro, De Re Rustica, 1.12.2.
463
Columella, I.5.6.
464
Vit., De Arch., 1.4.1 (translation apud Borca 2000, p. 76). See also Nutton 2000, p. 65‐73.
The Roman city represents for some researchers a model of community
for all historical periods, safe and effective, able to maintain a healthy standard
of living conditions.465 Other opinions state that this standard can be applied
only in comparison to medieval cities and by no means to modern ones.466
The Romans showed special attention for public hygiene. In the
imperial period, for instance, during the time of Trajan, the Urbs was provided
with about one million cubic meters of water daily, through ten aqueducts
whose maintenance was the tasks of a clerk who was present already during
the time of Augustus, appointed curator aquarum. In addition, the construction
of the impressive thermal installations of Rome demonstrate the preoccupations
of the State for assuring the health of its inhabitants.
The image of a city is representative for its inhabitants. Cleanliness, the
preoccupation with hygiene, for a solid organization of the activities meant to
prevent possible critical situations were the tasks of the local authorities, which
were aware of the responsibility assigned to them. In fact, in Roman antiquity
there was a clear legislation which regulated the parameters by which the
health of the community was safeguarded, with restrictive measures regarding
funerals, specifically regarding contact with deceased, drinking water quality,
the necessity of building public baths, street cleanliness, waste storage, etc.467
Even if the whole community had an interest in maintaining cleanliness
and complying with the rules of community hygiene, there were specialized
institutions meant to coordinate specific activities, fight the violation of legal
provisions and punish those who did not comply with them. In the Roman
cities, the aediles were responsible for these activities,468 working under the
careful monitoring of the City Council.
In the province of Moesia Inferior, indeed throughout the entire
Empire, archaeological excavations brought to light the ruins of specific

465
Laurence 1994, p. 12‐16.
466
Morley 2005, p. 192.
467
Robinson 1992, p. 111‐129.
468
Aediles were considered magistri minores and were elected for one year, according to
age, honorability and especially wealth.
Hygiene and Healthcare of the Communities of Moesia Inferior 143
constructions in almost all urban settlements, and also in rural communities.
Their complexity, sometimes remarkable, shows the professionalism of the
engineers of the time and required the identification of technically safe and
hygienically guaranteed solutions.
For any human community, water supply always represented a priority.
Wherever the water quality was not satisfactory authorities would take the
measure of building water adduction systems, sometimes from sources which
were tens of kilometers away. Water was the basic “fuel” in any attempt to
found a human settlement. It was the quality of “the liquid of life” that the
drawing of the limits of the territory of a community depended. While
population and the standard of living increased, water adductions became a
must, as were systems of water collection and storage in hygienic conditions.
People were fully aware that it was on water quality that the health of the
whole city depended and the measures in this regard were consequently as
serious as they could have been. At Oescus, the only colony attested so far in
Moesia Inferior, an aqueduct coming 20 km from the south was built.469 Public
and private edifices in this city were provided with water from a complex water
adduction system, which was discovered under the streets. A similar situation
was found at Tomis, where, due to certain acute problems regarding water
quality, also identified in the writings of Ovid,470 in the second half of the
second century AD a very complex water adduction system was built, with
capture points located as far as 20 km away from the city. Estimated costs were
huge, but the importance of investments required this sacrifice. The financial
effort was undoubtedly sustained, also, by the central administration.471 The
aqueducts of Histria also were examples of engineering mastership, water

469
Ivanov, Ivanov 1998, 201. Another water source used in supplying water to the city
was only 3 km away from the city, at Dobrošina. As for the distances covered by the
water adduction installations, they could vary, reaching several tens of km. The
aqueduct Eifel, which supplied water to the Roman city Colonia Claudia Ara
Agrippinensium (Köln) was more than 75 km long: Trevor Hodge 2003, p. 128.
470
Ov., Ex Ponto, II.7.63‐74.
471
Papuc, Ionescu 1993, p. 209‐221; Papuc 2000‐2001, p. 442.
being brought to the city from as far as 25 km distance.472 At Tropaeum Traiani,
the discovery of important segments in the water adduction system
demonstrates the high living standard of the inhabitants473. Aqueduct systems
of Callatis,474 Odessos475, Nicopolis ad Istrum476, and Novae477 are obvious
testimonies in this regard. And the list of examples from within the entire
province of Moesia Inferior continues, there being identified several types of
source capture and water transportation systems that would bring water to the
urban centers, military fortifications or even rural settlements.478
Water brought through the aqueducts was used for drinking but an
significant quantity was used for baths. For the Romans, the thermae served a
triple purpose: apart from hygiene, and implicitly for health, they also
contributed to body purification and consolidation, and also to the discipline
training for an organized life.479 Specialists’ estimations show that the quantity
of water used by Romans was the double that the inhabitants of the city of
New York in the 1980s consumed.480 Under these circumstances, public baths
were another priority in the Roman urban system or in the military settlements.
It is well known that Roman legionaries were used to a high living standard, and
when building the castra, the thermae supplied with water brought via the
aqueducts were the first edifices built within the complex of fortifications.

472
Canarache 1951, p. 67‐68; Botzan 1980, p. 304‐305; Papuc 1997, p. 238‐239; Papuc
2002‐2003, p.123‐132.
473
Ştefan 1972, p. 43‐53.
474
Papuc 1997, p. 239; Papuc 2007, p. 351‐359.
475
Biernacka Lubańska 1971, p. 16; Biernacka Lubańska 1973, p. 274; Papuc 1997, p. 239.
476
Biernacka Lubańska 1971, p. 15; Tsarov 2002, p. 35‐44.
477
Biernacka Lubańska 1979, p. 57‐68.
478
In general, for water adduction systems on the territory of Bulgaria see Biernacka
Lubańska 1971 and 1973.
479
Penso 1984, p. 531.
480
An interesting calculation shows that the inhabitants of the city of Rome consumed
in the first century AD a water quantity of 1.4 m3, and the citizens of New York in
1986, consumed 0,87 m3 of water per capita: Trevor Hodge 2003, p. 130.
Vegetius confirms the idea that water reserves had to be qualitative, a decisive
aspect for maintaining health.481
In fact, hydrotherapy was acknowledged by the Greeks as being one of
the most useful and simple solutions for treating various diseases, together
with the diets recommended by specialists482 and the sports exercises made
regularly and in a non‐excessive manner.483 Asclepiades, the famous Greek
physician who worked in Rome during the second century BC acquired the
nickname of “cold‐water giver”.484 He would recommend baths both for healthy
people, with a preventive purpose, and for the sick, with a curative effect.485

481
Veg., Mil., 3.2.
482
Hippocrates renders in several treaties food related aspects: Regimen in Good
Health (peri diaites hygieines), Regimen in Acute Diseases, Humours and Nutrition;
Plutarch with Advice on Good Health (Hygieina Praecepta), and also Galenus in On
the Maintenance of Good Health (Hygieina), On the Powers of Foods, On the
Thinning Diet. Details in Wilkins 2005, p. 136
483
Sports, physical education, played an essential role in maintaining health. Plutarch
wrote that: “Medicine gives health and gymnastics give strength”: details in Corvisier
2003, p. 117. Still, there are voices highly specialized in the Roman period who
challenge the idea of professional sports as being damaging to physical health and
also to moral and ethical values. It is this position that Galenus himself adopts, as in
his treaty Thrasybulus sive utrum medicinae sit an gymnasticae hygiene he confirms
that despite a spectacular comeback in the second century AD of sportive practices
specific to the Greeks, there were certain aspects which were rather not accepted
during the period: Ibáñez 2003, p. 147.
484
Plin., N.H., 26.7‐8. Cf. Jackson 1990, p. 3. See also Heinz 1996, p. 2424‐2426.
485
Classic bathing contained several phases and their succession was different between
Greeks and Romans. The Romans would plead for a passing of the body, gradualy,
from the cold environment to the hot one, in a clear sequence of rooms (frigidarium,
tepidarium, caldarium). All the operations had scientific explanations provided by
the physicians of the period. Galenus confirms that hot air causes the opening of the
pores, hot water enters the pores and cold water resuscitates the skin and closes the
pores. In the last phase impurities remaining on the body are definitively removed.
For details see Bourdy 1992, p. 31. For other characteristics of the Roman‐style bath
see Fagan 2001, p. 403‐404.
Hot baths were considered to have miraculous effects in the case of
nutrition problems. Cold baths were also very important in calming pains.
Antyllus classified baths in two main categories, according to the quality
of the water they used. For a bath with therapeutic effects water could be
improved according to recipes or it could be used specifically for its natural
qualities.486 Herbs and various powders made of plants or oils with curative
effects would be added. Thermal baths were recommended by famous
physicians of antiquity for solving breathing problems, for recovering after
accrued fatigue, headaches and even for urological problems.487
Most of the time, places which were known to have waters with
curative properties were associated with a temple of to medical divinity. This is
also the case of the site of Glava Panega, in Moesia Inferior, where there was a
famous Asclepieion, confirmed by archaeological and epigraphical sources.
Also, the supposed Asclepieion of Odessos was situated very close to the thermae.
At Novae, archaeological excavations carried out at the military hospital
in the castrum revealed thermae of the Flavian period on top of which a
valetudinarium was later built.488 The obvious preoccupation with hygiene it
seen from the repeated remaking of the clay floor. The space within the
hospital had to be maintained as clean as possible, and its administrators knew
this very well.
Also within the Moesia area are the Roman baths of Histria,489 and the
imposing thermal installations of Tomis,490 those of Odessus,491 Nicopolis ad
Istrum,492 Oescus,493 Durostorum,494 Noviodunum,495 Aegyssus,496 Halmyris,497

486
Natural mineral waters were also classified in several categories: Bourdy 1992, p. 32
and table 4.
487
For other diseases treatable by means of baths see Jackson 1990, p. 1‐2.
488
On the baths of the Flavian period see the excavation report in Dyczek 1997, p. 43‐
44; Dyczek 2000, p. 89‐103.
489
Suceveanu 1982, passim.
490
Suceveanu, Barnea 1991, p. 119, note 424; dated to the third ‐ fourth centuries AD.
491
Georgiev 1983, p. 155‐164; Vacheva 1986, p. 1‐8.
492
Ivanov 1998, p. 152.
493
Ivanov 1957, p. 127‐129.
494
Donevski 2009, p. 108.
and Ibida498. Their existence was natural in any urban center and also in more
modest communities. The most conclusive example is given by the famous
inscription of Vicus Petra, a village within the territory of the city of Ibida, which
demonstrates the particular care of the village inhabitants for bodily cleanness:
Vicani Petrenses qui contulerunt causa salutis corporis sui balineu faciundu …499
Recently, in a rural settlement in the territorium of Noviodunum a thermal
compound and pipes from a complex water adduction systems has been
identified.500

Fig. 30. a. Aquaeductus, b. Hypocaustum of a Roman thermal bath system,
in a rural settlement of Moesia Inferior (Niculițel, Tulcea county),
second ‐ third c. AD; photo: G. Nuțu

495
Barnea, Mitrea, Anghelescu 1957, p. 162‐166 and Barnea, Mitrea 1959, p. 461‐470.
In the 2010 campaign, in the sector coordinated by the English team a Roman
thermal installation in a rather good condition was discovered.
496
Opaiț 1977, p. 307‐311.
497
Topoleanu 2000, p. 39, fig. 5‐6.
498
Nuțu, Mocanu, Midvichi, Munteanu 2009, p. 198‐199; dated to the sixth century AD.
499
ISM V, 222: “The members of the village community in Vicus Petra contributed to
building a bath for their bodily health…”. Vicus Petra benefitted from a complex
administrative structure, consisting of two magistri and two quaestores, but the
construction of this edifice is due to the community and not to a local magistrate as
is most frequently the case in the cities.
500
Unpublished information from G. Nuțu, PhD for which we would like to thank him.
For details about water adductions from this area see Baumann 1983.
The example given by the inhabitants of Vicus Petra is as obvious as
possible in terms of the care province’s inhabitants, even in the rural
environment, had for their physical health and for raising awareness regarding
the importance of such an building. No matter if they were public or private
baths, for therapeutic purposes, with mineral waters, or simply for hygienic
purposes, these constructions enjoyed a large dissemination across corners of
the Empire.
Some of the important cities also benefited from drainage and
domestic waste collection systems. High sanitary standards of a city also result
from the frequency of the latrinae in public buildings or baths.501
In spite of these archaeologically supported circumstances, we cannot
afford to generalize our understanding of the hygiene conditions adopted by
the inhabitants of the Moesic communities, as it is rather obvious there were
numerous gaps in this regard. The writings of ancient authors, and also the
preoccupations that can be understood from the urban system that characterize
the settlements of the province lead us to the opinion that preoccupations in
this regard existed at least on the level of the community, maybe more than in
a private environment. And the local notables responsible for the maintenance
and building of such facilities are well attested in the Moesic cities too.
In the Roman communities, the tasks assigned to the community
notables were strictly specified in the municipal laws or resulted from Imperial
edicts.502 Even if there are many missing points in the exact specification of
some of them, it is generally known that city cleanliness, the reconstruction or
dismantling of old buildings, the assurance of street pavements, cleaning and
maintenance of the streets, arranging domestic waste pits, and the functioning
of the drainage systems and the water supply were all the tasks of the
aediles.503 These magistrates were also in charge of the maintenance of public

501
Such installations were identified at Oescus and Nicopolis ad Istrum: Ivanov, Ivanov
1998, p. 202.
502
Lebek 1994, p. 266‐267.
503
On the origin of this magistrature see Gizewski 1996‐1999, col. 140‐141. Their
subordinates were praecones (announcers, bellmen), scribae (scribes, secretaries)
and viatores (road officers).
buildings, the import of grain necessary to the city, arrangements for the games
organized on various occasions, assuring protection and good implementation
of the activity in the markets, at the same time with the control of the
correctness and quality of commercial activity. In case of deviation from the
norms established by law, the aediles had the right to use bodily punishments
or to give fines to those proven guilty. Police monitoring included tasks such as
maintaining public order, decency, inspecting baths and entertainment places,
including brothels. These responsibilities are focused on maintaining public
order and especially preventing the start of epidemics by assuring community
hygiene.
For Moesia Inferior such clerks are mentioned for almost all urban
communities, without having direct information about the tasks assigned to
them.504 A useful example comes though from the neighboring province,
Moesia Superior. In the colony Ratiaria, the aediles M. Aurelius Chrestus and M.
Aurelius Iulianus, father and son, had a clearly specified task included in the
inscription to maintain the water supply system.505 The efforts of the two
magistrates were rewarded by the city senate by exemption from taxes, as
recognition of the importance of the service they provided the community.
In Moesia Inferior, such magistrates are found in several cities. In the
Colonia Oescus only one is epigraphically specified (tab. II, n° 1), at Durostorum
there are two (tab. II, n° 2‐3), at Troesmis there are two aediles canabensium
(tab. II, n° 4‐5), obviously from the pre‐municipal period, and also five municipal
aediles (tab. II, n° 6‐10). The largest number of such magistrates, six, is found at
Tropaeum Traiani. (tab. II, n° 11‐16). Two such magistrates were also identified
in the city of Nicopolis ad Istrum (tab. II, n° 17‐18).506
In the rural communities throughout the Empire, aediles are rarely
mentioned in the case of vici.507 We tend to believe that the tasks of the aediles

504
Details in Aparaschivei 2006, p. 27‐40.
505
CIL III, 8088.
506
Details in Aparaschivei 2010, p. 217.
507
See C. Amatius Paterninus, aedil(is) vikan(orum) Agied(icensium): CIL XIII, 2949. It is
not very clear also whether one can speak of authentic magistrates, as in the case of
in the country must have been identical, even if at a smaller scale, with what of
their namesakes in the urban communities. Wherever this position was not
included in the community structure, most probably their tasks were assigned
to the magistri. In Moesia Inferior we do not have evidence of aediles in the
rural administrative hierarchy. Returning to Vicus Petra, where the public bath
was built by community effort, it is interesting to notice that neither the
magistri nor the quaestores of this village were involved in an obvious manner
in this activity.508 On the one hand this proves the participation of the entire
community in an activity aiming at assuring collective health, and on the other
hand it indicates the poor economic power of the leaders of the local community,
which disqualifies them when they are compared to their namesakes in the
cities.
Therefore, archaeology proves to be very helpful in drawing a picture of
the conditions in which the urban and rural communities would concern
themselves with creating and maintaining a hygienic and healthy environment
in which the citizens of the respective settlement lived their lives. We believe
that both the Imperial legislation and the consciousness of the necessity of
strict measures were elements which favored the construction of edifices
meant to prevent the occurrence of epidemics. The recommendations of the
specialists of time regarding the ideal conditions in which the foundations of
cities or the daily life should have taken place were not fully feasible, but it is
sure that there was a wish to identify the best solutions.

cities when we speak of magistri, aediles or quaestores of rural communities. See the
discussion in Tarpin 2003, p. 257‐258 and note 1.
508
We remind the reader that this is a village with a complex administrative structure,
formed of two magistri and two quaestores.
CHAPTER VI
Medicine and the Gods
A. Introduction
Theoretic approaches of the last decades focusing on the relationship
between religion and medicine provided several scientific explanations
regarding the interrelations between the two fields.509 As far as Roman society
is concerned, theological insights about the nature and meaning of individual
and corporate human existence were much more intense.
Romans would associate divineness with any physiological or
psychological deity. Apart from the divinities in the Roman pantheon “dealing”
with a single disease, like Febris,510 Mefitis,511 Dea Angerona,512 Scabies,513

509
Vanderpool 1980, p. 7‐17.
510
For the Romans, fever was not considered a symptom but a disease. Valerius
Maximus (2.5.6) reminds: “Other gods, indeed, they used to adore for their good
deeds; Fever, on the other hand, they worshipped in their temples in order to render
her less harmful. Of these temples one is still extant, on the Palatine, another in the
court of the Marian monuments, and a third at the top of the Vicus Longus. To these
temples they used to bring and deposit the amulets which had formerly been
attached to the bodies of the patients”: translation after Tavenner 1918, p. 100.
Such a practice is also mentioned several centuries later, by Ammianus Marcellinus
(Historiae, XIX.12.14), who says that many persons were persecuted for having worn
amulets as protection against tertian and quartian fevers.
511
Tacitus, Historiae, III.33 reminds of a temple of goddess of malaria Mefitis, who
would have had devastating effects on the valley of the Po. Tavenner 1918, p.102,
starting from the testimony of Servius, commenting on Aeneid 7.84, claims that she
were the goddess of fizzy sulfurous waters.
512
She was the goddess of quinsy. According to Tavenner 1918, p. 102, from an
interpretation of Macrobius (Saturnalia, 3.9.4), Angerona were the goddess who
kept in her possession the secret name of Rome.
Cardea, Carna, Medritina, Pomona, most of the Gods in the Roman pantheon,
including those adopted at a later time, had a more or less direct medical
association.514
Still, in the Roman period, Asclepius and some of the members of his
mythological family, Hygieia and Telesphoros especially, come to the fore due
to the number or sources that mention them. We consider it useful to evoke
the general characteristics of several health protecting gods who impacted the
entire territory of the Empire, and which are present both in the Greek cities,
and in the Roman communities of Moesia Inferior. It is on these healing
divinities, differently represented on the territory of Moesia Inferior, that we
shall focus our attention below.
B. A Few Words about Apollo Iatros in the Greek Cities of Moesia
Inferior
The supreme god for health care in the Greek poleis, both in the
classical period and the Hellenistic, was Apollo. The variant mainly present in
the Ionian cities in the area of the Pontus Euxinus was Apollo Iatros.515 The god
had an essential contribution to the protection of the Milesian colonists on the
Pontic coast, mentioned as present in these regions as early as the mid‐seventh
century BC.
He was the son of Zeus and Leto, and Artemis’ twin brother, his origin
being rather Microasiatic than purely Greek.516 He was among the gods
adopted in the Roman pantheon even if he kept his name in Hellenic form. His

513
This divinity or numen was associated with the skin diseases characterized by itching.
See contra Tavenner 1918, p. 102.
514
See details for the curative or quasimedical tasks of most gods in the Roman
pantheon in Penso 1984, p. 9‐46.
515
On the literary sources which designate Apollo as physician see Ustinova 2009,
p. 256‐260, and for the origin of the cult of Apollo Iatros see p. 261‐266. On other
epicleses of the god, encountered in the Milesian cities and also the Megarian ones,
see also Chiekova 2008, p. 16‐62.
516
Petropoulos 2010, p. 283.
Medicine and the Gods 153
healing capacities were evoked on numerous occasions in the sources of the
period. The Romans adopt him in the context of plague epidemics which had
started in 433 BC. In 431 BC., a first temple was already raised to honor the
god.517 Titus Livius mentions the same god in connection with the intractable
pestilence of 399 BC,518 the plague epidemics of 212 BC519 and the one of 181
BC.520 During the imperial period, Apollo is seen as Salutaris et Medicinalis, as
specified in a dedicatory text.521 He was sometimes associated also with
Asclepius,522 although it was rare that the two of them happened to coexist in
the same city. One of them seems enough to defend the inhabitants,523 and
together with the imposition of the cult of Asclepius, Apollo preserves only a
part of his healing tasks. More frequently, Apollo is accompanied in the
representations and dedicatory texts by his sister, Artemis‐Diana.
Regarding the most disseminated variant of cult of the god Apollo in
the Black Sea region, dominated by the cities founded by the Milesians, it is a
disputed matter. The strongest opinion seems to favor Apollo Iatros (Ietros, in
the Ionian dialect), the Healer, who played an essential role in certain cities in
the region. Olbia,524 Tyras,525 Histria, and Apollonia Pontica526 are the cities
which enjoyed the protection of Apollo Medicus, some of them already since

517
Tit. Liv. IV.25.3; cf. Horstmanshoff 1979, p. 75. It is interesting that almost at the
same time (420 BC), Asclepius was adopted in Athens.
518
Tit. Liv., V.13.
519
Tit. Liv., XXVI.23.
520
Tit. Liv., XL.51. M. Fulvius also dedicates to the god a temple in the hypostasis of
Apollo Medicus. See other examples in Jayne 1925, p. 476‐478.
521
CIL VI, 39.
522
CIL III, 2004; CIL XIII, 6621.
523
There are also exceptions on the territory of the Empire, such as the case of the
African cities Lepcis Magna and Mactar where the two gods are in equilibrium in
terms of representation: Cadotte 2007, p. 172.
524
At Olbia an imposing temple of Apollo Iatros, dated to the end of the sixth century
and the beginning of the fifth century BC was found: Kryzhitsky 1997, p. 15‐34.
525
Only one dedication to Apollo Iatros is known from here: Ustinova 2009, p. 249, note 21.
526
See Gočeva 1998, p. 228‐229 and Ustinova 2009, p. 246‐247 for the testimonies of
the cult of Apollo cult in this Pontic polis.
the foundation, in the seventh century BC.527 Still, there are also Ionian cities
where this cult was not very widespread, such as for instance, Odessos528 and
Tomis.529
Out of the entire Western Pontic area, the dissemination of this cult is
the most significant at Histria, starting from the beginning of the existence of
the city.530 A temple, or maybe two, existed in this city, although archaeological
research have not so far manage to bring them to light.531 A statue base with a
dedication to Apollo Iatros made by the adorers of the god and which is dated
to the fifth century BC is evidence for the existence of a temple where god was
served by his priests.532 A generation later, Xenocles and Theoxenos dedicated
an imposing monument in the honor of Apollo Iatros, most probably a
temple.533 It was here that the religious services were officiated and that the
city documents were preserved. In fact, the priest of Apollo Iatros was the
eponym of the city.534
Other epigraphical documents, chronologically contained between the
fifth and the first centuries BC, demonstrate an active presence of the cult of
the healing and purifying god and of his adorers.535

527
Ustinova 2009, p. 245‐298.
528
The presence of Apollo in the city is attested starting with the Hellenistic period, but
without the attribute Iatros: Gočeva 1996, p. 123‐124; Minchev 2003, p. 254.
529
Buzoianu, Bărbulescu 2007, p. 312‐313. An inscription reminding of priest Apollon, in
fact, the healing god, represents one of the testimonies of his presence in the
Tomitan city: ISM II, 5.
530
One of the first testimonies of the dissemination of this cult at Histria is a theophoric
name, Iatrodoros, which is dated to the first half of the sixth century BC: Avram
2003, p. 300. See also Alexandrescu 2005, p. 83‐85, 89‐93 and Petropoulos 2010, p. 285.
531
For hypotheses in this regard see Alexandrescu 2004‐2005, p. 136.
532
“Theoxenos, son of Hippolochos, dedicated this statue to Apollo the Healer, in the
year of the priesthood of Hippolochos of Theodotos”: ISM I, 169.
533
“The sons of Hippolochos, son of Hegesagoras, Xenocles and Theoxenos, dedicate
this edifice to Apollo the Healer, in the year of the priesthood of Hegesagoras, son of
Theodotos”: ISM I, 144. See also, Ustinova 2009, p. 248.
534
ISM I, 1.
535
ISM I, 34, 54, 101, 314A.
C. Asclepius, Hygieia and Telesphoros. Origin, Power and Attributes
The imposition of Greek culture and medical practices brought by the
successors of Hippocrates to Rome also led to the adoption of the divinities
worshiped in the Greek cities. Asclepius, in his Latin form Aesculapius,
definitively took hold in the Urbs already in the third century BC. His daughters,
Iaso, Akeso, Panakeia, Aigle, Medritina, and especially Hygieia, as well as the
sons Machaon, Aratus, Podaleirios and Telesphoros are also mentioned in
certain circumstances. Hygieia and Telesphoros are the most popular ones,
being associated with Asclepius as helpers. Epione, the god’s wife, appears in
documents and plastic representations of the time.
The origin of the god Asclepius must be searched for in Greek
mythology, where he is presented as the son of Apollo and a mortal, Coronis.536
He appropriated very quickly knowledge on medicinal herbs, methods of
healing diseases and tending wounds, attributes which he inherited on the
paternal line. References to miracles made by Asclepius also exist. He is
considered to have resuscitated some deceased individuals. These actions
undermine the authority of the supreme god, Zeus, who punishes him for such
daring deeds. According to the legend, the worship of Asclepius was indigenous
into Thessaly since the Epic Age, but the oldest archaeological traces that
confirm the adoration of this god were found in the Peloponnesus and are
dated to the sixth century BC.537
Another theory, less inspired by mythology, suggests that he was a
simple physician with surgeon’s skills and knowledge about remedies made of
medicinal herbs. Moreover, his sons, Machaon and Podaleirios, were also
physicians in the Greek army and recorded as participants in the Trojan war.538
Celsus confirms that Asclepius was a very good Greek physician who was
deified after his death.539

536
Details in Edelstein, Edelstein 1945, I, p. 65‐138.
537
Lecos, Pentogalos 1989, p. 14.
538
Iliad, 2.729‐731.
539
Celsus (Proem., 2) states that Asclepius was a great master who was elevated among
the gods.
It is certain that Asclepius was at the forefront of theurgical medicine in
Rome from the beginning of the third century BC, when the god was brought
from Epidaurus, and from the Urbs it was disseminated in the following period
to all territories controlled by the Romans.
The large number of sanctuaries dedicated to Asclepius in the Greek
world, and also the very numerous epigraphic dedications indicate his
popularity, and are a confirmation of the healing powers the believers ascribed
to him. In this context, and also under the influence of the recommendations of
the Sybilline books which the Roman authorities consulted, the cult of Asclepius
was brought to Rome and institutionalized in 293 BC, following a serious plague
epidemic. The description of Titus Livius referring to the conditions and phases
of the introduction within the Roman pantheon of the god brought from
Epidaurus seems relevant: “The city and the region in the countryside were still
devastated by an epidemic against which we have uselessly implored the help
of gods and people for the last three years. Following the answer of the
Sybilline books or of the oracle of Delphi, certain authors claim that it was
decided to send ten representatives of the city with the task of searching for
the god Asclepius at Epidaurus, the place where he was supposedly born, and
bringing him to Rome. The god embarked on the Roman ship in the temple of
his god in Epidaurus in the form of a snake, which, on the way to Rome,
stopped at a temple which was dedicated to him before this moment, at
Antium. After this stop he continued his way to Rome where he was received
with great confidence and where a temple was built to him in the middle of the
river Tiber, on an island named since then the island of Aesculap”.540
Hygieia, the god’s daughter in Greek mythology, was immediately
assigned an honorable place in the Roman pantheon, being associated with the
old Roman divinities with curative tasks, Salus541 and Valetudo.542 In the

540
Tit. Liv., XI.12‐14. See for further information also Valerius Maximus, 1.8.2.
541
Among the first specific divinities in the Roman pantheon there was Salus, the
Roman goddess of health, with roots in the beliefs of the Sabins and Latins. The Latin
literature speaks of several temples in Rome, the most important being the Aedes
Salutis, on the Quirinal, also confirmed archaeologically. For details about this
temple, but also about a Porta Salutaris and Collis Salutaris see Marwood 1988, p. 2‐
inscriptions she appears in several syncretic hypostases, as Dea Salus,543
Valetudo and Bona Valetudo,544 and also as Bona Dea Hygieia.545
From the position of daughter or, more rarely, wife of Asclepius, she
appears in most cases near him, providing him assistance.546 Most frequently
she is represented with a snake that she feeds from a patera, with a vessel of
medicines or surgical kit. She was a divinity worshiped both in sanctuaries and
in the intimacy of people’s houses.
Telesphoros was considered to be one of the sons of Asclepius, and he
was in charge of protecting children from disease, together with the general
tasks pertaining to the maintenance and recovery of physical health.547 The
attributions of the son of the supreme god of medicine are outlined late, since
his cult occurs only in the first century AD together with the other divinities

5, with all the literary evidence. The association of the goddess with Hygieia, and
also the taking over by the latter of the attributes of Goddess of Health are well
documented. The first attestation is to be found in Titus Livius. He tells that in 180
BC decemviri sacris faciundis consulted and the consul offered gifts and statues to
Apollo, Asclepius and Salus (Tit.Liv., XL.37.2‐3). Inscriptions also indicate the
associations between Salus and the other gods with curative attributes: CIL VI, 20;
CIL XIII, 6621; RIB, 1028.
542
Valetudo was the goddess of good health and she represents, together with Salus,
the authentic Roman divinity regarding healthcare, before the gods of Greek origin
were introduced. Starting with the first century AD Hygieia took over the tasks and
the forms of presentation of the goddess Valetudo. The relations with Salus were
preserved, both during the Republic (one silver denarius of the Republican period
displayed Salus on the obverse and Valetudo on the reverse: Beatty 1974, p. 88), and
during the imperial period, as itresults especially from the representations on coins:
Bíróné Sey 1961, p. 76‐77.
543
CIL VII, 164; CIL VIII, 2579a.
544
CIL VIII, 9610.
545
CIL VIII, 20747.
546
For details about the family connections between Asclepius and Hygieia see Kranz
2010.
547
In numerous Asclepieia in the Greek world children figurines of various types are laid
ex vota, which means Asclepius himself was considered a special protector of
children, before Telesphoros took over these attributes: Deonna 1955, p. 54‐55.
with curative tasks. The cult of Telesphoros spreads across Asia Minor and then
in the Danubian area starting from Pergamum. The first testimonies of the
acceptance of this divinity in the pantheon of the famous Micro‐Asian city date
from the beginning of the second century AD. Pausanias tells: "Alexanor, the
son of Machaon, the son of Asclepius, came to Sikyonia and built the sanctuary
of Asclepius at Titane … There are images also of Alexanor of Euamerion; to the
former they give offerings as to a hero after the setting of the sun; to
Euamerion, as being a god, they give burnt sacrifices. If I conjecture aright, the
Pergamenes, in accordance with an oracle, call this Euamerion Telesphoros
(Accomplisher) while the Epidaurians call it Akesis (Cure).548 In fact, it is from
Pergamum that the first dedication made to Telesphoros is known, on an
epigraphic monument, which is dated in 101‐102 AD.549 Aelius Aristides refers
to him as a ὁ Περγαμηνός, by which he means he comes from this city, where
he also had a temple.550 It is only in the second – third centuries AD that both
the monetary representations and the dedicatory texts and reliefs on
epigraphic monuments prove that the cult was firmly imposed.551 Represented
as a boy dressed with a hooded mantle (cucullus), bare feet, standing or seated,
alone or with the other Gods of health, he is mainly encountered in the eastern
part of the Roman world. He appears in several Asclepieia in the Greek world as
part of the triad with Asclepius‐Hygieia, which, according to certain historians
of ancient religion, could be identified to the Egyptian triad Sarapis‐Isis‐
Harpocrates (a Hellenized version of the Osiris‐Isis‐Horus divine triad).552

548
Pausanias, II.11.7.
549
Deonna 1955, p. 44, note 2. Opinions are varied regarding the occurrence and
generalization of the cult of Telesphoros from the first century BC, until even the
third century AD.
550
Guarducci 1972, p. 369. See Aelius Aristides, Orat., 48.10.
551
Aelius Aristides (Orat., 50.16), in 147 AD, when he undertakes the trip to Pergamum
to get healed in the famous Asclepieion of this city, tells that: “We were sitting there
in the temple of Hygieia, near the statue of Telesphoros”.
552
Deonna 1955, p. 42. Telesphoros is also associated with other divinities, such as
Demeter and Aphrodite, which confirms him as a deity of fecundity, of fertility:
details on p. 55.
D. Asclepieia. General Description
The temples of Asclepius represented more than holy places dedicated
to the healing divinity; they were medico‐religious complexes. Starting with the
fifth century BC, when the sanctuary of Epidaurus was associated to Asclepius,
this place became a space of healing miracles. In time, such important and even
grandiose buildings were also erected at Kos and Pergamum.
The Asclepieia, as these holy places full of hope for the sick were
named, would receive all those requesting support, no matter if they were
fervent believers or if they did not believe in the god’s healing powers.553 The
Emperors themselves would appeal to the god’s help.554 As described by Dio
Cassius and Herodian, Caracalla for instance had such a beneficial experience,
in the famous Asclepieion of Pergamum.555 The Emperor’s satisfaction resulted
in the granting of financial support for the restoration of this edifice. It is even
more interesting to point out this relation of the authorities with the divinity
because, as we already indicated, Emperors had in their service, at the same
time, the best personal physicians.
Healing by the gods of medicine took place in these temples, veritable
hospitals for physical and spiritual diseases, in fact the only ones acknowledged
in the Graeco‐Roman period. The divinity would provide solutions to those in
need by the means of dreams. Dreams were admitted as useful in healing if
they originated from the divinities endowed with curative powers, particularly
Asclepius.556 The practice was called incubatio, the action as such incubare and

553
The only reason for which he would refuse to help were the moral ones: Philostratus,
Vita Apollonii, I.11.
554
Several centuries earlier, Alexander the Great was a devotee of Asclepius. Edelstein,
Edelstein 1945, I, n° 547‐548. Pausanias, VIII.28.1.
555
Dio Cassius, Hist., LXXVII.15.6‐7; Herod., 4.8.3.
556
The dream was also a useful, rather complex, instrument for diagnosing and treating
a disease. Here and there, dream interpretation became even a useful annex of
certain physicians in the Graeco‐Roman society. In spite of this, respectable
physicians would not agree to such a mystical therapy and preferred the application
of the knowledge which they had at that moment, as it resulted from empiric
research and observations. Details in Oberhelman 1993, p. 156.
it took place in special spaces in the Asclepieia. The first testimonies on this
practice in antiquity are dated to the fifth century BC.557
The sick were put in the temple rooms or on the esplanades where they
would spend the night in the idea that the god would appear to them in their
dreams with solutions for their healing. The writer Aelius Aristides tells us how
he spent a lot of time in such a room in an Asclepieion where he actually received,
while dreaming, the necessary recommendations for an effective treatment.558
Generally, priests were in charge of all preparatory phases for taking up
contact with the god. Several ritual practices were used to invoke, improve and
prepare the gods. Abstinence from wine and certain types of food, such as goat
meat or cheese and pork meat was recommended. Sex was also forbidden and
the avoidance of birth and/or death inside temples was a must.559
Purifying sacrifices were also compulsory for those who wanted to
consult with or request the gods’ help. Prayers, offerings and libations completed
the ritual. Offerings could consist of various animals sacrificed to the god, and
also cakes which were offered before entering the dormitory only by the
incubants.560
All these conditions being fulfilled, it was necessary to pay a fee before
incubating. Without the payment the consultation of the divinity was impossible.561
Those asking for the gods’ help entered the incubatio spaces dressed in
white clothes and prepared for sleeping on klinai, special beds, without any bed
sheets. Women and men were separately arranged in the dormitory.
Sometimes, it was the priests were those who transmitted to the gods
the wishes they received from the patients and received the healing remedies.
These priests were referred to as conjectores. In fact, many of the dreams

557
Incubation is first met with in Greece according to Herodotus, in direct relation with
the cult of Amphiaraos: Ehrenheim 2011, p. 177.
558
Aelius Aristides, Orat., 48.34‐35. Jones 1998, p. 63‐76.
559
Pausanias, II.27.1. Both in the Greek period and in the Roman one, there were strict laws
against giving birth or dying in healing sanctuaries. See Ehrenheim 2011, p. 22‐25.
560
Details in Ehrenheim 2011, p. 52‐59.
561
It is well known that these fees applied by the temples were one of the main sources
of income for the cult edifices.
containing the remedies for the health problems of the patients‐believers, were
interpreted by such priests.
As a sign of their contentment with the indicated solutions, after the
recommended treatment was successfully applied, the sick person had to pay a
fee (iatra) established for each sanctuary. Animals were also sacrificed as an
expression of their gratitude for recovery, and vota with thanks and cure
tablets were dedicated to the divinity.
As indicated by available evidence, the results which were obtained
following treatments suggested by the divinity in the dream in the hospital‐
temples were never challenged.
Exceptions are the opinions presented by the Christian writers who
ridiculed the effects of the so‐called treatments suggested in Asclepieia on the
patients. At Hieronymus there are several such remarks, reflections of the
acerbic fight of the second ‐ third centuries AD between the cult of Asclepius,
who was considered a savior by his adepts, and Jesus, in whose name there was
advanced the idea that it was not necessarily the bodily healing but healing the
soul which mattered.562 The Christian writer specifies that the practice of
incubation had the role not of healing but of destroying the souls of those to
whom it was applied.563 It is in the same vein that we should mention the work
of Origen, Contra Celsum. What matters is that these challengers would read
the specialized works of the time, even if only for finding arguments meant to
contradict the scientific methods.564 Hieronymus knew the Oath of Hippocrates
left by the great physician of Kos for his students, the healing methods, the
recommended medication and treatments. He also knew a series of diseases
with the afferent symptoms. These are elements which confirm his interest in
medicine.

562
The designations verus medicus, solus medicus, ipse et medicus et medicamentum,
verus archiater, quasi spiritualis Hippocrates assigned to the Supreme Healer, and
also to the apostles in the Christian writings of the period indicate the priorities the
Christian had when it came to healing with the help of the divinity. For details, see
Pease 1914, p. 74‐75 and Edelstein, Edelstein 1945, p. 132‐138.
563
Hieronymus, Vita Hilar., 21.
564
For more details, see Pease 1914, p. 81‐83.
The Asclepieia had numerous facilities, apart from the strictly religious
ones, which consisted of treatment rooms, bookshops, relaxation spaces,
baths, latrinae, water facilities, yards and porticos etc.
If the meaning of the facilities pertaining to hygiene good organization
and the healing process are as normal as possible in such edifices, it is
interesting that many of the Asclepieia also had a theatre, or at least an Odeon,
as part of the complex meant to heal the patients. Since sources are not very
clear describing out the role of such buildings, we can assume they were used
for artistic representations meant to entertain the patients or, for representations
pertaining to their healing. In the contemporary period, considerable research
has been undertaken regarding this aspect, of healing through theatre
representations or through music.565 We do not know to what extent this
therapy was well documented in the period, probably not so much, but it is
very plausible that the beneficial effects of artistic representations on worried,
anguished and at the same time hopeful patients could have been noticed and
made use of by the temple priests. In fact, the suggestion of a wellness state,
which we designate as the “placebo effect”, may be effective if the physician,
respectively the healer, gets actively involved in the relationship with the
patient.566
Throughout the entire duration of the Roman Empire these temples
were prosperous and much frequented. Theodosius I, through the edicts of the
end of the fourth century, decided on the abandonment of all pagan buildings
throughout the Empire, which also included the removal of the Asclepieia.
E. The Health Triad Asclepius‐Hygieia‐Telesphoros in Moesia Inferior
On the territory of the province of Moesia Inferior the cult of Asclepius,
Hygieia and Telesphoros has a disproportionate representation, but consistently
enough for us to be able to launch the opinion that their adulation pertained to

565
The procedure is known as Drama therapy in the American environment or
Dramatherapy in the British one: Hartigan 2005, p. 162‐179.
566
For details on the placebo effect, including in surgery see Hartigan 2005, p. 163. For
psychotherapy in Ancient Greek and Roman time see Gill 1985, p. 307‐325.
the primordial concerns of the region inhabitants of the region for their health,
their families’ health and the health of the communities they were part of.
While in the northeast part of the province, on modern day Dobruja,
the testimonies relating to the worship of these two gods are rare, in the
southern and in the eastern parts of the province, the situation is much better.
Comparative to other provinces in the region, we can appreciate that the
dissemination of these divinities is not equal.567
In the Greek cities of the province, and also in certain Roman
communities, these deities are mentioned especially starting with the Imperial
period, when they get imposed in the regional pantheons. Exceptions are rare.
One results from the city of Histria. An unique epigraphic document,
fragmentarily preserved, is a dedication to the healing god dated to the third
century BC.568 No for the Roman period is the evidence regarding Asclepius in
the Histrian city numerous. An inscription of the second century AD shows that
Sabinianus, a notable of the city, very possibly a Romanized Greek, dedicated
an altar “to Asclepius the most worshiped in Pergamum”.569 The importance of
this remark is obvious because one can follow the itinerary by which the god
reached the city. As specified above, apart the Asclepieia of Epidaurus and Kos,
the one of Pergamum starts acquiring a similar notoriety especially in the
Roman period.
Coins are not very generous either in terms of information on the gods
of health at Histria. We can however mention in this context an item of the
imperial period which shows on the obverse the triad Asclepius, Hygieia and
Telesphoros.570
At Tomis, the representation of the gods of health in epigraphic
documents is not very abundant. Asclepius and Hygieia appear together in one
inscription only.571 It is a dedication meant to thank the gods for having healed
the consecrator. In exchange, Asclepius also appears in another document

567
Kádár 1989, p. 1038‐1061.
568
ISM I, 124.
569
ISM I, 135.
570
Moushmov 1912, n° 179.
571
ISM II, 117(2).
together with the Eleusinic divinities, among which the name of Demeter is
more legible.572
In exchange, several mentions of the gods of health are inscribed on
coins. Asclepius is represented alone, wearing a himation and accompanied by
a snake,573 and also together with Hygieia574 and in the triad which also
included Telesphoros.575 Hygieia is also represented on numerous coins alone,
feeding the snake from the patera.576
As for plastic art, Asclepius is also represented at Tomis, in a few
sculptures of appreciable finesse and artistic mastership. The sculpture treasure
discovered in 1962 should be pointed out, on which the occasion 24 very
valuable sculptural items were brought to light.577 The marble statue of
Asclepius which is almost entire, represents the god standing, bearded, dressed
in a himation, but his left hand is missing.578 According to stylistic criteria it was
dated to the second century AD.
Other sculptures of the medicine god of Tomis represent him either
alone or together with Hygieia and Telesphoros. An item in which the head of
the healing god is missing, but he holds the staff in his right hand and is
accompanied by the snake, is part of the “Giustini” category and has a good

572
ISM II, 118(3). Otherwise, a connection between Asclepius ad Demeter is attested
from the fifth c. BC onwards, on his arriving in Athens, when the goddesses of Eleusis
received Asclepius in their temple. More about this connection in Edelstein,
Edelstein 1945, I, p. 127 and II, n° 720.
573
Pick 1898, n° 2619, 2624, 3117, 3505, 3528, 3530; Vărbanov 2002, n° 4693, 5076,
5183.
574
Moushmov 1912, n° 2104, Pick, Regling 1910, n° 312, 3124.
575
Moushmov 1912, n° 2111, 2214, Pick, Regling 1910, n° 2625‐2626, 2674, 3199 sq,
3364; pl. XXI, 19.
576
Moushmov 1912, n° 1900, 1919, 2028, 2082, 2156, 2189, 2205, 2264, 2288, 2319, 2337.
577
There are eight statues and statuettes, an aedicula, 14 reliefs and an altar
representing the deities: Hecate (6), Asclepius (1), Nemesis (1), Glykon (1), Tyche (1),
Isis (1), Dionysos (1), Cybele (1), Dioscuri (1), Hermes (1), Mithras (1), Thracian
Horseman (1), Selene (1), and the three graces (1).
578
Canarache, Aricescu, Barbu, Rădulescu 1963, n° 6.
analogy in the region at Dionysopolis, Nicopolis ad Istrum and Glava Panega.579
Three other statues of Asclepius, preserved in different states, probably also
come from Tomis, and have represented the same elements suggesting the
attributes of the god.580 A very interesting item is a fragmentary votive stella,
which represents Asclepius, Hygieia and Telesphoros. The center of the scene is
occupied by the god, who holds in his hand the symbolic staff, with Hygieia to
his right, with a snake stretching towards a patera, and with Telesphoros to the
left with the specific hooded mantle.581
Consequently, both the numismatic discoveries and the quite numerous
plastic representations of Asclepius turn Tomis into an important cult center of
the gods of health, at least for the second – third centuries AD.
In the Dorian city of Callatis, an important and unique epigraphic
document mentions forward memorialising of the pair Asclepius and Hygieia in
the second century BC.582
For the Roman period, there are no mentions of artistic creations that
would embody the health protecting divinities. However, on imperial coins there
are few representations, but those of Hygieia with the snake form the majority.583
For Dionysopolis there are few coins with the representation of the
gods of medicine. We have Asclepius,584 but also Hygieia in the company of the
snake.585 In addition, a statue of Asclepius in the “Giustini” category confirms
the omnipresence of the cult of the healing divinities in the region of the
Western Pontic coast.586
The most numerous archaeological evidence for the veneration of
medical divinities on the Western Pontic shore come from Odessos. Through

579
Bordenache 1969, p. 16‐17, n° 6, pl. V.
580
Bordenache 1969, p. 17‐18, n° 7‐9, pl. V‐VI.
581
Bordenache 1969, p. 18‐19, n° 10, pl. VI.
582
ISM III, 48 col. B. The name of Asclepius is missing because the state of preservation
of the inscription is not so good.
583
Moushmov 1912, n° 260, 283, 298, 313, 350; Vărbanov 2002, n° 248.
584
585
Moushmov 1912, n° 116, 133.
586
Tončeva 1960, p. 89, fig. 32.
the prism of such evidence the attestation in this city of a temple is not at all
audacious, especially since archaeological ruins were also discovered here
fulfilling the conditions of a possible such building, which would have been
functional in the Imperial period.587 The role of the thermae attached to the
Asclepieia becomes very important. In all sanctuaries dedicated to Asclepius
water is used for therapy and purification. The installations discovered at
Epidaurus, for instance, were designed so that the patients would benefit from
treatments with the “life liquid”.588
In addition, wherever mineral water sources are mentioned, which
could be transformed into authentic spa centers we can be certain that they
were the ideal locations for the temples dedicated to the gods of medicine.
What we know for sure is that, starting probably from the first century
AD, but especially in the following one, the cult of Asclepius, accompanied by
his relatives, Hygieia and Telesphoros, was widely recognized in the region.
Returning to the monuments of Odessos, there were altars, votive
reliefs, fragments of monumental statues, statuettes and votive tablets that
honor the gods of health.
In 157 AD, the governor of the province of Moesia Inferior, Titus
Vitrasius Pollio, raised a monument with a dedicatory inscription in Latin to
Asclepius and Hygieia. Pollio is known for the habit of making such offerings to
the healing divinities, and also for the euergetic activity in the entire
province.589 Given that the inscription dedicated to the gods of medicine of
Odessos is very similar to the one dedicated to the same divinities in the temple

587
Mirchev 1967, p. 29; Dontcheva 1998, p. 181.
588
The information provided by Aelius Aristides, in Sacred Tales, is interesting because,
after describing the symptoms of the diseases he was suffering from and the list of
physicians he saw, he makes a short reference to the treatments he benefitted from:
bleedings, baths, sacred water absorption, cold wind and snow cures.
589
He is also present in the case of several honorific monuments or which mention the
achievements during his mandate in the cities of Moesia Inferior. At Histria a portico
was built during his government (ISM I, 149‐150). See also mentions in the same city
in ISM I, 174 and 331. At Odessos he built a new aqueduct, IGBulg I2, 59‐60; also in
IGBulg I2, 61. See for Callatis ISM III, 60 and 115 and Dionysopolis IGBulg I2, 15. Add
for more details Thomasson 2009, 20:087.
of the military hospital at Novae, we can assume that this individual offered
such monuments in the important cult edifices within the province whose
governor he was in the mid‐second century AD.
On a second altar, dated to the third century AD, Asclepius is mentioned
as “savior of the universe”, σωτὴρ τῆς οἰκουμένης;590 the monument is
dedicated by three personages, Μᾶρκος Αὐρήλιος, perhaps a Roman citizen,
together with Κιλλιος, probably a Thracian, and his son. It is interesting to
note that this is about requesting healing (ὐπὲρ τῆς ϑεραπίας) and not about
thanking the divinity after a healing process favored by the god. Consequently,
the monument might have been built before or during the healing.
In another inscription, dedicated to Asclepius and Hygieia, the god is
named “savior” (σωτήρ),591 a universal savior from all bad things and not only
from diseases.592 Throughout the territory of Moesia Inferior there appear
several names given to the god, but the most frequent is κυρίος (lord, ruler).593
Another inscription may be connected to the cult of Asclepius, and to
that of Telesphoros. The ethnikon Περγαμηνός is mentioned here referring to
the Pergamenian origin of the gods of medicine.594 This is another important
mention, apart the only inscription of the Roman period which refers to
Άσκληπιὸς Περγαμηνός, of Histria, where the affiliation of the penetration
of the cult of Asclepius is obvious.595
Two impressive statues dedicated to Asclepius and Hygieia also come
from the area of this supposed temple of the health gods. From the statue of

590
IGBulg I2, 86bis.
591
IGBulg I2, 76.
592
Dontcheva 1998, p. 188.
593
See tab. III, n° 6‐16, 20, 27‐29, 31‐34, 36, 42‐45, 49‐50, 59, 61, 70. For the epithets
assigned to the god on the territory of Moesia Inferior see Tankova 1985, p. 183‐188,
and also Kirova 2010, p. 147‐149.
594
IGBulg I2, 76 bis.
595
ISM I, 135. From Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, in the province of Dacia we have the
Latin variant, Aesculapius Pergamenus: CIL III 1417 a = ILS 3854 = IDR III/2 164.
Asclepius the head, a fragment of the staff with the coiled snake and the lower
part of the statue, with the sandaled feet were preserved.596
The head of a monumental statue of Hygieia also deserves a mention
and it adds to the other arguments for sustaining the hypothesis that in this city
the cult of the healing gods had a spectacular evolution.597
To these fragments of sculptural art specific for the end of the second
century and the beginning of the third century AD we should add a small
statuary group made of alabaster representing Asclepius and Hygieia, and an
empty place which could have been taken by Telesphoros, and also the
rectangular marble stand on which the group was positioned.598
A marble plate ornamented with a relief representing a coiled snake
contains an inscription with the epithet “with the golden hair” (χρυσεοχαίτης)
attributed to Asclepius. This is the obvious link to his father, Apollo, the god of
light, by whose good will everybody and everything on Earth can survive. It was
from him that Asclepius inherited his healing capacities. In certain cities Asclepius
fully took over these prerogatives. The association of Asclepius to Apollo seems
to be of Hellenic tradition, but with rare exceptions we cannot speak of a
constant coexistence or a simultaneous manifestation in a community.599
On another votive plate inscribed with the dedication for Asclepius and
Hygieia, the gods are even plastically represented in classical hypostases for the
Graeco‐Roman period.600 A marble statuette of Asclepius, in a very good
technique of execution, proving both the craftsman’s mastership and his
practice, should also be added here.601

596
Mirchev 1967, p. 30‐32, fig. 9‐12; see the detailed description in Dontcheva 1998,
p. 183‐184.
597
Mirchev 1967, p. 33‐34, fig. 13‐15; Dontcheva 1998, p. 185.
598
599
Saprykin 2010, p. 474.
600
IGBulg I2, 86; Dontcheva 1998, p. 189.
601
The coins of Odessos, many of which are from Gordian III, display
representations of Asclepius alone,602 together with Hygieia603 or also with
Telesphoros.604 Hygieia is also represented alone in several cases.605
All this evidence demonstrate the existence in the northwestern corner
of the great Roman thermae of a temple dedicated to Asclepius and Hygieia, in
close connection with the healing character of the thermal waters nearby.606
Even if it is impossible to carry out systematic archaeological excavations to
clarify the situation, all the materials discovered, the architectural aspect and
the location near the thermae indicate the existence of an Asclepieion.
It is hard to tell how long this temple lasted, but we can assume that
the triumph of Christianity led to the abandonment of this cult building or even
to its voluntary destruction, sometime at the end of the fourth century AD.
The presented monuments, inscriptions and coins certify a continuity
regarding the cult of the healing divinities, prior to Antonians and after the
Severans.
Even if they are mostly dated to the second – third centuries AD, the
situation is somehow normal since we can now speak of a second gold period
for the Western Pontic Greek cities, under Roman authority.
Also in Trajan’s Greek foundations, Marcianopolis and Nicopolis ad Istrum,
the gods of the physicians are well represented in the sources of the time. At
Marcianopolis, the coins, together with other monuments of plastic art are able
to show that Asclepius also had a good representation here. Taking into
account the fact that the city was founded at the beginning of the second
century AD, evidence begins to appear at this moment throughout the whole
Moesic area.
A very important coin of 217‐218 AD, representing Asclepius inside a
tetrastyle temple should be pointed out in this context.607 This may be evidence

602
Moushmov 1912, n° 1641, 1682; Vărbanov 2002, n° 4463,
603
Moushmov 1912, n° 1638.
604
Moushmov 1912, n° 1655.
605
Moushmov 1912, n° 1679, 1705.
606
Mirchev 1967, p. 29‐36.
607
of the existence of such an edifice even at Marcianopolis. In fact, the god is also
found in other monetary representations,608 as it happens with Hygieia whom
we encounter on an important number of coins.609 Most of the variants
representing Telesphoros alone come from here too. He is represented
standing, wrapped in a long garment.610
Also at Nicopolis ad Istrum, a monumental statue of Asclepius
demonstrates that this god was revered in this center too. The statue had lost
its head, right hand and lower part of its legs, the preserved height being of
about 1.83 m. The statue is classified into the “Giustini” type, variant III A.611
Apart from this imposing work of art, the coins in the city near the Danube,
founded by Trajan in the first decade of the second century, present both
Asclepius, and Hygieia, according to the models encountered in other corners
of the province. Thus, Asclepius is represented alone,612 and also assisted by
Hygieia613 and in trident with Telesphoros.614 The coins similar to the one of
Marcianopolis, in which Asclepius is represented within a temple symbolized by
four columns need to be pointed out.615 Hygieia is also shown unaccompanied

608
Moushmov 1912, n° 370, 423, 534‐535, 583, 590, 613‐614, 664, 757, 789, 824, 858;
Vărbanov 2002, n° 699, 911, 1096, 1647var., 1940; SNGCop 287cf.
609
Moushmov 1912, n° 457, 498, 528, 586, 607, 659, 693, 724, 734, 821, 821 var.;
Vărbanov 2002, n° 1048, 1197, 1344 corr., 1345, 1497, 1553, 1576, 1791, 1873, 2000.
610
Moushmov 1912, n° 448, 652, 717; Vărbanov 2002, n° 1421,
611
On other items in the variant Giustini see Ivanov 1992, p. 31, note 6; Ivanov 1998,
p. 152, fig. 17.
612
Pick 1898, n° 2061; Moushmov 1912, n° 909, 1072‐1073 (Asclepius’ club with
serpent like is figured in 1278, 1409A, 1448; Vărbanov 2002, n° 3647; Pick 1898, n°
2032, 2032var.2), 1152, 1167, 1223, 1304‐1306, 1379, 1381, 1475; Vărbanov 2002,
n° 2223, 2606, 2927, 2975, 3196, 3199, 3414, 3593, 3671, 3672var., 3878, 3979,
4167var., 4167, 4171.
613
Pick 1898, n° 1234; Moushmov 1912, n° 884, 1222, 1380; Vărbanov 2002, n° 2144, 3006.
614
Moushmov 1912, n° 908, 1071; Vărbanov 2002, n° 2743, 3087, 3819.
615
Moushmov 1912, n° 1021, 1141, 1141a, 1141 b, 1163, 1205; Vărbanov 2002, n° 2801.
in the common hypostasis, in which she feeds the snake.616 Telesphoros is
present on several coins alone.617
Numerous coins with an unequaled variety of representations of the
healing gods, and also other arguments could plead for the identification in this
center as a temple dedicated to Asclepius.618
Apart from the Greek cities or the foundations of Greek appearance on
the Latin side of the province, respectively on the Danubian limes, there is not
much evidence of the practice of this cult, except for those cities in which we
can identify temples of the health divinities.
Near Montana, in the temple of Apollo and Diane, apart from
numerous representations of the two deities, a statue of Asclepius was also
identified, elaborated in keeping with the traditional Greek model.619
In the Roman castrum of Novae the presence of the military hospital in
which one or even two temples or places for praying to the healing divinities
are known favored an optimal representation thereof in the sources.620 Even if
we do not have too many names of practitioner‐physicians from here, we have
in exchange the certitude of a valetudinarium with rooms arranged according
to a strict order, with consultation spaces and other annexes, with medical
instruments and a constant concern for maintaining a climate favorable to
medical practice. Under these conditions, what was the purpose of building
such cult edifices?
Before answering, we shall briefly describe the testimonies of practicing
the cult of the healing divinities in this important military center on the Lower
Danube.

616
Moushmov 1912, n° 1020, 1063, 1140, 1204, 1294, 1368, 1462, 1519; Vărbanov
2002, n° 2387, 3400, 4157, 4207.
617
Moushmov 1912, n° 1126, 1445; Vărbanov 2002, n° 2992.
618
Dontcheva 1999, p. 170‐177.
619
Gočeva 2008, p. 26.
620
Research of the last period, undertaken especially by the Polish team which carries
out excavations at Novae, showed that it is possible to have two temples or altars
dedicated to the main divinities of health, Asclepius and Hygieia: Kolendo 1998, p. 57.
Archaeological research identified altars dedicated to Asclepius, and

also to Hygieia, many of them being found in situ, but also embedded in various
later constructions. Some of these monuments were discovered together,
which can be interpreted as an attempt to avoid profanation after the hospital
was not functional any more.621
Inscriptions, be they official or private, are clear evidence of a
consistent presence of this cult in the fortress of the legion I Italica. Moreover,
on the basis of the epigraphic information, and also according to certain
fragmentary archaeological discoveries, silver statues of the two divinities have
been identified, denoting a considerable financial effort of the deponents, a
reflection of the value assigned to the cult of these gods.
It is sure that the sacellum of Asclepius was located in the middle of the
interior yard of the military hospital. The inscription which appears on an altar
placed right in front of the temple, suggests at least two important elements.
First of all, this is a dedication only to Asclepius, which can be an argument for a
temple dedicated exclusively to the god. On the other hand, it is an official
dedication from the entire legion I Italica, a sign of the decisive role played by
this unit in building the edifice, probably at the same time as the hospital.622
Few inscriptions dedicated to Asclepius by soldiers of the legion are
representative for the role the divinity played in the life of the legionaries. A
certain Q. Apidius Sabinus, hastatus, makes a dedication to the god, even
though he does not explicitly specify Asclepius.623 Lucius Appius, tesserarius,
builds a monument for Asclepius Saorus.624 In the same category are also

621
Kolendo 1998, p. 55. After the military hospital of Novae stopped functioning it
seems that the sacred space within the perimeter of this edifice continued to be
used for a certain period afterwards.
622
Dyczek 1997, p. 47.
623
Dyczek 1997, p. 47; Kolendo 1998, p. 60‐61.
624
Discussions on the topic of the designation Saoro have been rather uncertain so far.
The opinions of Kolendo 1998, p. 61‐62, are interesting, but they do not seem
satisfactory to us. We would rather argue for a similarity of Asclepius to Apollo
Sauroktonos (lizard‐killer). In fact, this variant of Apollo is present on several coins of
the second century AD from Nicopolis ad Istrum (Moushmov 1912, n° 872, 872a,
1165; Vărbanov 2002, n° 3246, 3268). The same inscription shows another
included the two monuments built by physicians who practiced at Novae,
Διόδωρος and Aelius Macedo.625 In terms of the plastic art, we should mention
the head of a marble statue of Asclepius, which was discovered in the same
perimeter of the castrum of the legion I Italica.626 In fact, it is very probable that
the entire interior yard of the valetudinarium might have been filled with
various representations of the god built by officials or by common people.
Regarding the possible temple of Hygieia, it could have been placed in
another part of the valetudinarium, possibly the western.627 An inscription,
initially perceived as being part of a temple dedicated both to Asclepius and to
Hygieia,628 could have been erected in fact in the temple of Hygieia. Its
existence is also indicated by the base with an inscription of a silver statue of
the goddess. The statue was built upon the initiative of the legate M. Clodius
Laetus, sometime in the second century AD, but all the legion’s soldiers
contributed financially.629 It is also to Hygieia that the veteran Flavius
Honoratus makes a dedication in the third century AD.630 A votive plate which
contains the names of several divinities with curative roles, among whom
Asclepius, Hygieia, Hercules, but also Dionysos, also originated, most certainly,
from Novae.631

interesting particularity, meaning that the god appears with the Greek name and the
Latin ending, Asclepius, and not Aesculapius, as he is mentioned in the other Latin
inscriptions of Novae.
625
Kolendo 1998, p. 62‐64.
626
Kolendo 1998, p. 65.
627
Kolendo 1998, p. 57. The invoked argument is the quality of the stone on which this
dedication has been engraved, unlike the one on which the dedication to Asclepius
was made.
628
Kolendo 1982, p. 75 (= IGLNovae, 18). The inscription reads: [Hy]giae leg(io) I
[Ital(ica)_ _ _] / [dedicatum per T(itum) Vitrasium P]ollionem / l[eg(atum) Aug(usti)
p(ro)pra(etore).
629
Kolendo 1998, p. 58 (IGLNovae 16).
630
Kolendo 1982, p. 73 (IGLNovae 17).
631
Kolendo 1982, p. 75.
A small marble statue discovered in the floor level of the chapel in the
interior yard of the military hospital seems to be a representation of the same
divinity.632
All these epigraphic monuments can be considered as evidence of the
intensive practicing of the cult of the health gods in the places which can be
most probably be considered places of prayer which were functional within the
hospital of Novae.
Asclepius and Hygieia were seen as healers of and protectors from
physical illness. One can however speak of an interpenetration by the scientific
medical activity, manifested in the military hospital of the castrum, with the
adoration of the healing divinities which would take place in the special places
dedicated to them. It is most obvious that it did represent an important part of
the official religion of the legion.633 This reality results from the involvement of
the province governor, of the legion commandants and of numerous soldiers.
Still, when can this situation be acknowledged?
Even if we can assume that the cult of Asclepius and Hygieia initially
had a private and individual character, upon the installation of the legion I
Italica in the area, and especially with the building of the medical edifice in the
castrum, the cult of healing divinities became very important. We need to point
out that before the second century AD we do not have other testimonies on
the presence of the cult in the area, so that it must have been connected to the
military presence in the region and, we could say, possibly also to the
specialized medical presence in the castrum.
Thus, it is an interesting situation which was registered in the castrum
of Novae. There is evidence for the functioning of a hospital where scientific
medicine was used for healing soldiers. Inside it there is also evidence of
theurgical aspects involved in medicine.
So we can already answer the question of whether the physician and
the god were competitors or co‐workers for the common good. Obviously, in
the present case, we deal with the second option. We have a hospital with a
chapel where believers could come and pray to the divinity, naturally, for health.

632
Dyczek 1997, p. 47.
633
Alexandrov 2010, p. 253.
Such situations are also encountered in other valetudinaria in the Empire. Along
the Danube, in Pannonia Inferior, at Aquincum, interesting examples have been
identified.634
In the same context, on the involvement of religion in medical practices
in the military environment, a situation worth mentioning is that of Lambaesis,
in Roman Africa. In the legionary castrum in this location an Asclepieion is
archaeologically attested. This is a medico‐cultic complex where the priests of
the god Asclepius had the tasks of the physicians in valetudinaria, but with
obviously different means.635
Still, what can be noticed as a common element regarding the mentality
of soldiers in the castrum on the Danube, and in the African one is the
perception of the necessity of the divine help. They were possibly those
needing divine protection the most in order to maintain or recover their health
because they were permanently exposed to danger, they could be killed at any
moment. Soldiers were willing to make small contributions in money for
building monuments and statues to the healing divinities, especially if there
was any threat of an epidemic. The dedication of two silver statues to Hygieia636
and Asclepius637 at Novae, although at different chronological intervals, is the
best example in this regard. They were made upon the initiative of the legates
of the legion, but with the financial participation of the soldiers. In fact, this
must have been the attitude everywhere throughout the Empire.
If the rational alternative found by the State was the foundation of
military hospitals, the spiritual alternative was their completion with an edifice
dedicated to the god, where soldiers could come, pray and thank the divinity.

634
Three inscriptions of physicians (CIL III, 3413; AE 1937, 180), respectively of an optio
valetudinarius (AE 1937, 181), with dedications to the gods of health were also found
here. See more situations of this kind in Davies 1969a, p. 83‐99.
635
Benseddik 2008, p. 119‐128. The edifice was built with public funds during the
period of the common reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus: Aesculapio et
Saluti Imp. Caes. M. Aurelius Antonius Aug. pont. max. et Imp. Caes. L. Aurelius Verus
Augustus (CIL VIII, 2579a).
636
Kolendo 1982, p. 65‐72.
637
Kolendo 1998, p. 58‐60.
Therefore, at Novae we surely deal with a sacellum or a chapel
dedicated to Asclepius, but inside was a hospital where physicians and their
helpers practiced. There is no evidence from which indicates that healing by
incubatio in this space had taken place. Neither the number nor the content of
the votive inscriptions of Novae indicate the undertaking of such practices.
Regarding the period when this complex of Asclepius started functioning,
it is almost certain it was built together with the military hospital. In fact,
certain epigraphic documents are very helpful. First of all, the legate of the
legion I Italica, C. Mansianus Severus is indicated as the dedicator of the silver
statue of Asclepius. The respective individual places the inscription in 112‐113
AD.638
When this place of worship stopped functioning is hard to tell precisely.
Obvious archaeological evidence of reconstructions undertaken at this edifice,
and also the rather generous numismatic material show that the abandonment
of the hospital did not also cause the automatic desertion of the religious
center. It seems that after Emperor Gallienus the civil population, which
presumably appeared inside the fortress, used the temple.639
What the statute was under which the temple functioned thereafter,
continuing as a simple praying edifice or acquiring a more and more intense
role, is also difficult to answer.
Also on the Danube line, from the territory of the site of Troesmis we
have an inscription which was found in the locality Horia and dated to between
101‐169 AD.640 This is one of the few mentions of Asclepius and Hygieia in the
area and it is done through the prism of a military, Annaeus Pulcher, a centurio
frumentarius of the legio V Macedonica, with the headquarters at Troesmis.641
Most probably, the monument come from the castrum at Troesmis where a
valetudinarium might have operated. We are reminded of the mention of a
possible optio valetudinarius, from a subunit of the legion V Macedonica,
stationed at Tyras.

638
Kolendo 1998, p. 58‐59.
639
Dyczek 2005, p. 235.
640
ISM V, 239.
641
The goddess appears as Ygia.
The evidence for the adulation of healing divinities was not found only
in the cities. There are situations where the natural elements favor the building
of specific edifices in the middle of nature. One of the largest sanctuaries in the
Lower Danube region was the Asclepieion of Glava Panega. It was discovered in
1903 in the Lovech region of Bulgaria.642 The temple of Asclepius in this place,
whose etymology can be found in the Greek term πανάκης, 'all‐healing', had a
special situation due his location. It was an exclusively religious place which did
not have a specific connection to any locality in the province. The natural basic
element, which made possible its foundation here were the thermal waters in
the area. Their capture and use for therapeutic purposes provided a dual
dimension to these temples, meaning they were built in places which benefited
the medical treatment of conditions. Either the God was aided by his believers’
healing attempts, or scientific medicine was helped by gods; the two
components went together. The situation does not seem so different from
what happened, for instance, at Novae.
At Glava Panega there is the most evidence for the cult of the two
deities, Asclepius and Hygieia, in the entire region of the Lower Danube. Dozens
of vota, mentions in various contexts and sculptural representations are
instruments of the gratitude or of request to the divinity for the most valuable
possession: health. Seen through these circumstances, the presence of an
Asclepieion here cannot be doubted.
It is worth noticing the syncretism noted in many situations, especially
with the Thracian Horseman.643 Numerous bas‐reliefs are accompanied by
epithets such as Άσκληπιός Σαλδηνός, Σαλδοϐυσηνός, Σαλδουσηνός,
Σαλδοουυσηνός, Σαλτουυσηνός, Σαλδοϐυοηνός, Σαλδοουσσηνός,
Σαλτοϐυσσηνός, Σαλδοκεληνός, Σαλδοουσσηνός, Σαλδουισηνός,
Σαλδοουσηνός.644 Statues of Asclepius, such as the one of the Amelung type,

642
Dobruski 1907, p. 3‐86.
643
Dontcheva 2002, p. 317‐324.
644
See Reinach 1909, p. 179.
with the variant “Nea Paphos‐Alexandria‐Trier”, with analogies at Tomis,645

complete this varied range of representations.646.
We do not know the precise chronology of this medico‐cultic center,
but the discovered materials show that in the second half of the second century
it was already operational. It could have been built in connection with a critical
moment in the history of the place, such as the epidemics which took place
during the time of Marcus Aurelius.647 Usually forced by not entirely happy
circumstances, the provincial authorities or communities took the measure of
founding such centers.

On the other side, in Asclepieion at Glava Panega the votive plates are
mostly in Greek and only a few in Latin. Soldiers, mostly Thracians, would see in
Asclepius a spiritual patron, more than a protector of physical health. The
syncretism with the Thracian Horseman is also obvious in iconography, so that
the name “Thracian Asclepius” does not seem to be exaggerated.648
In this temple, healing probably took place following the incubatio
practices. Not only prayers were addressed to the divinity in this place, but a
dialogue with the divinity who intervened directly in the patient’s destiny,
healed him or suggested the treatment to be followed, as interpreted by
priests. Here we do not have any more evidence of the practice of medical
science as it happened at Novae. The god becomes the only physician and by
means of the natural elements represented by the healing waters, he can help
the healing and strengthening of the body, together with strengthening of the
soul.

645
Bordenache 1969, 16‐17, n° 6, pl. V; Sirano 1994, p. 209.
646
Gočeva 1984, p. 898, n° 14. For analogies with this type of statue within the Empire
see Sirano 1994, p. 199‐232. Special references to other reliefs of Glava Panega with
similar characteristics to those of the statue see on p. 218.
647
This was one of the most devastating epidemics which took place between 165‐180
AD and which the sources of the time describe as such: SHA, Verus, 8.1‐4; Ammianus
Marcellinus, XXXI, 6.24. For the consequences of the most devastating epidemics
within the Roman Empire, see Horstmanshoff 1979, p. 64‐66; Burke 1996, p. 2252‐
2281; Zinsser 2008, and for pestis Antoniniana in Gilliam 1961, p. 225‐251.
648
Alexandrov 2010, p. 253.
It is interesting that on the numerous plates there is no mention of the
medical practitioners in this Asclepieion, although throughout the Empire there
are plentiful cases of physicians thanking the curative divinities in the temples
dedicated to them.

Fig. 31. Asclepius of Glava Panega, second‐third c. AD,
Archaeological Institute and the Museum in Sofia,
drawing after Reinach 1908, p. 443, fig. 1

Some of the monuments of Glava Panega also contain figurative
representations of the gods of health. Apart from Asclepius, represented with
the snake, we should also point out the representations of the triad Asclepius‐
Hygieia‐Telesphoros with the attributes and vestments specific to each divinity.
Asclepius is represented with the snake coiled at his feet on the staff, Hygieia
feeding the snake from the patera, and Telesphoros with the specific hooded
mantle.649

Fig. 32. The triad Asclepius‐Hygieia‐Telesphoros of
Glava Panega, second ‐ third c. AD, Archaeological
Institute and the Museum in Sofia, drawing after
Reinach 1908, p. 443, fig. 3

649
Dobruski, 1907, p. 15, fig. 13; p. 18, fig. 16.
The short presentation of the representations of the main gods with
curative roles within the province had as its objective the achievement of a
comparative general image of their representation in the Greek and Roman
cities. In the same context, it is also worth mentioning the only piece of
information from literary sources naming a locality in Scythia, Aghion, where
the cult of Asclepios seems to have been especially celebrated. Unfortunately,
Stephan of Byzantium, the author of this testimony, does not also provide the
exact location of this settlement.650
F. Other Divinities with Curative Tasks
Sarapis and Isis
Pausanias records us that at Epidaurus Sarapis and Isis were venerated
as Asclepius and Hygieia.651 Within the Empire, several monuments discovered
show that the association of Sarapis to Asclepius652 and of Isis to Hygieia653 are
obvious. A representation of Sarapis on a monument at the Vatican, dated to
the second – third centuries AD is remarkable. Here, the Egyptian god is shown
as a physician going towards a sick man, just like Asclepius.654 On the other
hand, the poet Tibullus, being sick, implores Isis: ”take care of me now because
you know how to heal”.655 Several inscriptions throughout the Empire show the
gratitude of the healed towards the Egyptian gods.656

650
ISM I, p. 272.
651
Pausanias, II.27.7.
652
A statue of Asclepius‐Sarapis, accompanied by Telesphoros is to be found in the
Museum of Cartagina: Tran Tam Tinh 1983, p. 15, note 13; see also p. 79, fig. 262; for
another apposition of these two divinities see also p. 117‐118, fig. 50.
653
Tran Tam Tinh 1983, p. 53, p. 98, 137‐138, fig.78.
654
Tran Tam Tinh 1983, p. 92, fig. 299a‐b. It is true that it was attempted to identify the
personage with Hades or Hercules, but also with Sarapis. Anyway, the identification
of any divinity with Asclepius, both from the perspective of the representation, and
also based on the description of the context, is obvious.
655
Tibullus, El., II.3 (our translation).
656
Details in Jayne 1925, p. 493.
The associations between Sarapis and Asclepius are obvious especially
in certain regions of the Empire. The representation of the Egyptian god with a
snake coiled around the staff obviously confirms the relationship.
In Moesia Inferior we note a reasonable dissemination of the Egyptian
divinities Sarapis and Isis. There are plenty of inscriptions and also statues,
reliefs, small objects with figurative representations etc.657
An inscription at Byala Slatina in Bulgaria refers to the initiative of the
legate of Moesia Inferior between 163‐164 AD, M. Iallius Bassus Valerianus, to
build a temple dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus Sol Sarapis, pro salute
imperatorum Caesarum Augustorum M. Aureli Antonini et L. Aureli Veri et
Faustinae Augustae.658 The temple must have been situated at Montana or,
rather, at Oescus. In fact, it is in this last city, the only Roman colony known so
far in Moesia Inferior, that a bust of Sarapis was found and the dissemination of
the cult of the Egyptian divinities may have been connected to the presence of
legion V Macedonica. A possible stone statue of Isis, near a sistrum, a
percussion musical instrument representing a common accessory of the cult of
Isis, was identified in the same Roman city.659 Within the territories of cities
Nicopolis ad Istrum and Marcianopolis were found, a bronze statue and a relief
with a possible representation of the river‐god Nil, as part of the decoration for
a temple dedicated to Sarapis.660 At Troesmis a fragmentary monument attests
the dissemination of this cult in the Roman cities along the Danube. It is the
capital of a column, which can be connected to the existence here of a temple
dedicated to the god.661 It is at Durostorum that a sundial was found
representing Isis and Sarapis near Orpheus.662

657
Covacef 2000‐2001, p. 373‐386.
658
Tačeva‐Hitova 1983, p. 3‐4.
659
Tačeva‐Hitova 1983, p. 5.
660
Tačeva‐Hitova 1983, p. 5‐6. It is also in the city of Marcianopolis that a fragment of a
bronze leg was found which may have belonged to Sarapis: see p. 19, n° 32.
661
ISM V, 168.
662
Tačeva‐Hitova 1983, p. 6.
Regarding the Greek cities, the first evidence for the dissemination of
Egyptian cults are dated to the third century BC,663 and were found at Histria664
and Callatis.665 Evidence from a later period were found also at Dionysopolis666
and especially at Tomis, where the existence of a temple dedicated to this
divinity was discovered.667
Unfortunately these representations are not in direct connection to
Asclepius or with the other divinities with exclusively curative roles.668 A stand
for three small statues, discovered at Odessos, in the supposed temple of
Asclepios, caused the Bulgarian researcher M. Mirchev to consider that a
statuette of Sarapis was standing near two others of Asclepius and Hygieia.669 Still,
the most plausible interpretation is that the third statuette was Telesphoros.
Also, in the treasure of sculptures found at Tomis, the statue of Asclepius was
found together with a bust of Isis, and also with other divinities of various
origins. A supposed statue of Sarapis which is part of the collection of the
National History Museum of Romania, represents him with the snake on the

663
Covacef 2005‐2006, p. 166. For the penetration of the Egyptian cults in the region see
Pippidi 1964, p. 103‐118 and Pippidi 1969, p. 60‐82.
664
ISM I, 5.
665
ISM III, 155. Several bronze items which were associated to the goddess Isis were
found in three tombs at Callatis: Tačeva‐Hitova 1983, p. 8.
666
IGB I2, 13.
667
See, especially ISM II, 7, where the celebration of the cult of Isis, and also the existence
of the temple of Sarapis are mentioned. Also ISM II, 37, 154 (39), and Tačeva‐Hitova
1983, p. 9‐18, where several inscriptions, statues of the two divinities, and also
reliefs and items specific to their veneration are presented. For the plastic art of Tomis
and Egyptian deities see Bordenache 1969, p. 85, n° 168, pl. LXXIII; p. 86‐87, n° 170,
pl. LXXIV; on the positioning of the temple see at Covacef 2005‐2006, p. 167, with
details on all the mentions of the Egyptian gods at Tomis. We should point out the
statue of Isis in the sculpture treasure of Tomis: Alexandrescu‐Vianu 2009, p. 30.
668
Tačeva‐Hitova 1983, p. 65‐66, finds syncretic associations between Isis and Aphrodite,
for instance at Tomis, Isis and Demeter, at Oescus, Isis and Selene, in Durostorum,
Sarapis and Helios (Sol), at Oescus and Durostorum, Sarapis and Zeus, of course,
Sarapis and the Great God, at Odessos and Histria.
669
Mirchev 1967, p. 35, n° 8, fig. 17.
staff, thus confirming an obvious similarity to representations of Asclepius.670 In
fact, these would be the only coherent connections between these divinities.
Consequently, it seems that in this region the association of the Egyptian gods to
the divinities of medicine Asclepius and Hygieia was sporadic.
The Snake Glykon
In the mid‐second century AD, Alexander of Abonuteichos,671 a

charlatan according to Lucian of Samosata, introduced the cult of the snake
Glykon, which had attributes related to those of Asclepius. In fact, this snake‐
god was the incarnation of the god of health, according to the legend that tells
of how Asclepius was brought from Epidaurus to Rome. Lucian relates that the
inhabitants of Abonuteichos, a city of Paphlagonia, Asia Minor, decided to build
a temple to honor Apollo and Asclepius.672 This temple was immediately
connected to Glykon, a snake which was already venerated and which,
apparently, had its own oracle.673 His birth is directly connected to the two
divinities, together with whom he was considered the city’s savior from
diseases, epidemics and filth.674
Macrobius issues a theory on the relationship of the snake to the
healing divinities, specifically to Asclepius, claiming that it symbolized rejuvenation
and the shedding of infirmity by analogy to the shedding of its own skin.675
An interesting connection to the healing divinities is that the temple of
Glykon was built on the coast of Paphlagonia due to the prophecy made in the
shrine of Apollo in Calchedon. This may suggest a link between the cult of
Apollo in the Black Sea region and the cult of Apollo Iatros on the Western

670
Tran Tam Tinh 1983, p. 42, fig. 1. In Bordenache 1969, pl. LXX, n° 163, there is the
mention of Hades‐Pluto.
671
He lived in the second century AD, until around 175 and took over the philosophic
concepts of Apollonius of Tyana, a neo‐Pythagorean.
672
Lucian, Alex., 10‐40.
673
On the various variants of the snake Glykon in Asia Minor, see Bordenache 1965, p. 69‐71.
674
675
Macrobius, Saturnalia, I.20.
Pontic coast, the patron of some of the cities on this region.676 In fact, Lucian
specifies that the maximal dissemination of the cult was in the region
Paphlagonia, Bithynia, Galatia, Pontus, Thracia, from where it then extended to
the Danubian region.677 In Dacia Superior two dedicatory texts were identified
demonstrating the consistency and particular impact of the cult to the north of
the Danube.678
Regarding the cult of Glykon in Moesia Inferior, it is attested first of all
by the exceptional marble statue discovered in the famous treasure of statues
from Tomis.679

Fig. 33. Statue of Glykon, Tomis, end of second c.
AD, National History and Archaeology Museum
Constanța.
The snake represented on a pedestal has a dog or sheep’s head and
long ears. The item is unique in the Empire, and by its artistic craftsmanship it
completes the set of evidences of the dissemination of this cult along the Lower
Danube. Most of them refer to numismatic sources, which pertain to a series of

676
677
Details in Alexandrescu‐Vianu 2009, p. 30‐31.
678
Culcer 1967, p. 611‐617. During the epidemics of 166 AD, a devastating period for the
demographic equilibrium of the Empire, the formulas invented by this Alexander were
inscribed on houses as they were considered to provide protection and healing.
679
Bordenache 1964, p. 157. The item, 0.66 m high, is in the patrimony of the National
History and Archaeology Museum of Constanța.
coins from Moesia Inferior, dated to Severus Alexander, and which are connected
to Glykon.680 We cannot ignore the theophoric names which appear in the
region and which may be evidence of the veneration of this snake‐god.681 The
literature also speaks of the existence of a special cult dedicated to Glykon at
Tomis.

Apart from the cults of these divinities other deities with curative
powers occur within the territory of Moesia Inferior. As we pointed out above,
most divinities in the Roman pantheon also had these type of features.
Artemis‐Diana certainly did not have capacities equaling those of her brother,
Apollo, the powerful healing god, but she was mainly in charge of women’s
health. Numerous inscriptions and representations of the goddess Diana have
been identified within the province. The most spectacular temple of Diana, in
close relation to Apollo, is the one at Montana.682 At Novae there are other
testimonies683 and such an edifice also seems to have existed at Sexaginta
Prista in correlation, of course, with that of her brother, Apollo.684 Somewhere
along the road between Troesmis and Noviodunum it seems there was also a
sanctuary dedicated to her, since at Nifon (Tulcea county) three inscriptions
celebrating this divinity were discovered, in some cases she was referred to as
Regina or Aeterna.685
Hercules had healing and health guarding powers for those worshiping
686
him. There is evidence that he was being worshiped at Tomis, as there is a
temple to him from the second century AD.687 Several fragments of statues of

680
These are coins from Callatis (Bordenache 1969, fig. 2) and Tomis (Pick, Regling 1910,
n° 3266‐3271, pl. XX, 12).
681
A Γλύκων son of Γλύκων and another Γλύκων son of Πίστος appear at Histria,
in a second century inscription: ISM I, 196.
682
Alexandrov 2010, n° 72‐79, 81‐91. For Apollo see n° 92‐99.
683
Kolendo 2008, p. 174‐179; Alexandrov 2010, no 102.
684
Alexandrov 2010, no 103‐104. For the dissemination of the cult throughout the
whole territory of the province see p. 250 and map 7.
685
ISM V, 246 (Diana Regina), 247 (Diana Aeterna), 248 (Diana).
686
Details in Moitrieux 1992.
687
Covacef 2005‐2006, p. 167‐168.
Hercules also came from Histria.688 A temple at Callatis, in fact the first one in
this Pontic center, is epigraphically attested from the third century BC.689 Also, a
statue of the Greek hero, of the Severian period, is preserved from the Callatian
city.690 In fact, the inscriptions and coins there show that Demeter and Hercules
had a first rank importance in this Greek polis.691 In general, Demeter and
Hecate are deities adulated by believers also for their curative qualities.692 We
cannot omit the fact that within the same treasure of sculptures buried at
Tomis, the six representations of Hecate were also identified.693 The goddess is
considered a savior and redeemer, as Asclepius himself is called on many
occasions.694
The nymphs directly related to the miraculous effects of thermal waters
and of natural elements are represented in the region by statuary groups and
are also found in epigraphic references.695
G. Theophoric Names
The names of certain physicians find their origin in the names of
divinities. Names can also indicate a family tradition in the medical field.
Consequently, a Hippocrates in the family clearly indicates inclination towards

688
Bordenache 1969, p. 72‐73, n° 136‐138, pl. LIX.
689
ISM III, 3. For other mentions in the Dorian city of Hercules see ISM III, 68, 72, 101(?).
690
Bordenache 1969, p. 70, n° 128, pl. LVII. See for other representations of Hercules in
the Latin area of the province in Covacef 1975, p. 399‐428, but especially Baumann
1991, p. 139‐144.
691
Aricescu 1964, p. 38. ISM III, p. 95 and 121.
692
See about the connections between Asclepius and Demeter in Edelstein, Edelstein
1945, I, p. 127‐129.
693
Canarache, Aricescu, Barbu, Rădulescu 1963, p. 59‐74, n° 28‐39.
694
About this divinity in the Lower Danube region see Stoian, Symonds 2006, p. 244‐
250; Bărbulescu, Câteia 2007, p. 245‐253, but also Oppermann 2011, p. 163‐180.
695
Bordenache 1969, n° 50‐52. From Callatis see a mention in ISM III, 48, from Histria in
ISM I, 107, 333, from Odessos IGB I2 87‐88. See more comments for the territory of
Bulgaria at Kirova 2010, p. 144‐145.
medical activities,696 just like an Asclepiades, Asclepiodorus or Asclepiodotus

may suggest an on‐going or past connection to the medical art for the person of
that name. Such names could also have been given in order to provide an
additional protection by the god during the life of the bearer of the anthroponym
with healing theophoric resonances. Tens of such names have been identified
especially in the Greek cities of Moesia Inferior. In this case it is interesting that
more than 25% of the identified names come from Odessos, a city where the
cult of Asclepius was very well established. There is also evidence from Tomis,
Histria and Callatis (tab. VI).
H. Divinity – Physician Relations
The obvious god ‐ physician collaboration is indicated especially by the
large number of votive inscriptions that doctors set up in order to honor the
divinities protecting them. A dedication from Porta Appia by a certain M. Ulpius
Honoratus, to Asclepius and Hygieia was made pro salute sua et suorumque et
L. Iuli Helicis medici, qui curam mei diligentur egit secundum deos.697 Of course
theoretically some of the writings of the time were meant to be rational,
detached from divine intrusion, but the practice and the practitioners of
medicine had a state of mind which had to be indulged, a hope in obtaining
support, beyond that provided by reading some treaties. It was like this then,
and it is like this today.
These types of dedication is numerous throughout the Empire, both in
the civilian environment and in the army. A certain Sex. Titius Alexander,
medicus cohortis V praetoriae makes a dedication Asclepio et Saluti
commilitonum.698 Another dedication to Asclepius, Salus and Apollo, among
others, is also made by Rubrius Zosimus, medicus cohortis III Aq. eq., domu

696
Samama 2003, p. 17, both for theophoric names, and for anthroponyms inspired by
real personages.
697
CIL VI, 19.
698
ILS 3224.
Ostia pro salute (for the health) of the prefect of his cohort.699 Doctors realize
that Asclepius was the founder of their art and the protector of the guild, so
they initiate games and processions for worshiping the god.700 The famous
Galenus states that Asclepius had healed him when he had an abscess and
declares himself the god’s descendant.701 In fact, the great physician was born,
studied and practiced medicine at Pergamum, one of the most famous
Asclepieia in the Graeco‐Roman world. The idea that he would have had a
certain position within the cult is even circulated.702 Aelius Aristides considered
that medicine could function very well alongside the cult of Asclepius, and also
with other forms of non‐conventional healing.703

Fig. 34. Physician examines the patient, supervised
by Asclepius, seal stone, first‐second c. AD, British
Museum, after Jackson 1993, pl. I, fig. 1b

Physicians could be perceived as an alternative to the healing that
Asclepius provided for believers. Therefore, in the Roman period, physicians
and the cult of Asclepius had amiable contact with mutual advantages.704
A collaboration of scientific medicine and religious healing can also be
noticed in Moesia Inferior. Some of the physicians of Novae, and also of Tyras,
dedicated monuments to the gods of medicine.

699
CIL XIII, 6621. We can also provide the epigraphic mention of another physician,
whose name has not been preserved and who dedicated a monument to Aesculapius
and the goddess Salus pro salute alae Vetonum civium romanorum: RIB 1028. For
other physicians in the same situation see in CIL VI, 19 and CIL XIII, 3413, 11767.
700
Edelstein, Edelstein 1945, I, n° 552, 568, 573 and II, p. 140.
701
Details in Wickkiser 2008, p. 57.
702
Wickkiser 2008, p. 57, note 53.
703
See more in King 1999, p. 276‐294).
704
“Many were of the opinion that Asclepius had really been the first physician, the first
to study medicine”: Edelstein, Edelstein 1945, II, p. 140.
Consequently, in our opinion there is an effective collaboration rather
than a competition between physicians and the healing gods.
I. Several Conclusions
We do not know, nor is it our intention to demonstrate, whether the
influence of religion on medicine is good or bad. We could certainly find
arguments for each of the two situations. On the contrary, we believe it is
obvious, that this relationship existed, varying according to several aspects, and
we dare say it is still very much present. Apart from the studies of history of
religion and history of medicine, recent research in the fields of anthropology
and ancient sociology have consolidated this conviction.
Practitioners of rational medicine, physicians or medical personnel,
accepted the intrusion of the divinity either because they could not face the
occurring diseases and epidemics, thus recognizing their own limits, or because
they needed a point of spiritual support in practicing their profession. Ex‐vota
submitted by the adepts of the art of Hippocrates, the theophoric names
adopted by them and inherited from father to son are able to demonstrate this
dependency. What is most important is the fact that even in the ancient period
it had been noticed, only on the basis of observation, that numerous illnesses,
symptoms and responses are intricately related to religious beliefs and habits
of behavior.705 Religious factors become essential in many cases of physical
healing, through the psychic‐spiritual way.
A question which is frequently asked in historiography is over the
possibilities of identifying special cult edifices, Asclepieia, throughout the
Empire. As we previously noticed, in most local communities there are traces
left by practicing the cult of the healing gods. Still, the identification of a coin or
even of an epigraphic monument with a dedication made to Asclepius or to
Hygieia should not be associated immediately with the existence in that place
of an Asclepieion. They may very well suggest a place for prayer, an altar or
even a chapel, but not necessarily a temple where all phases involving the

705
Vanderpool 1980, p. 9.
active intervention of the god would have taken place, passing through the
incubatio¸ the interpretation of dreams and the application of the remedies
suggested by the god. It is also possible that these materials might have
circulated in time from one cult center towards other regions not necessarily
connected to the practices of the healing cults.

CHAPTER VII
Final Considerations
Despite certain opinions in the literature that are appreciative of the
interest in health of the Greek and Latin civilizations, we cannot overlook the
efforts towards the improvement of the medical system, be it based on the
knowledge accumulated by research by specialists in the field or supported by
alternative medical practices which involved religion and magic. Moments such
as the adoption and promotion of Asclepius’ cult in 293 BC and the
employment of the Greek Archagathus in 219 BC as public physician, are
initiatives which show us the clearly Greek origin of Roman medical science.
Caesar’s legislative initiatives, continued by Augustus and other Roman
Emperors, had the role of encouraging the physician profession and became
decisive in raising awareness of the importance of specialized medical services,
both in the civilian environment, and the military, simultaneous to the
expansion of medical research.
Consequently, as we have pointed out on several occasions, not much
changed in the essence of human society since Roman antiquity to the modern
day. There are only questions of nuance which influenced a superficial
modification of collective and individual mentality. Also in medicine the sources
detailed above show an intensive concern among individuals, local
communities, and urban and rural leaders, from the local level to the central,
for the preservation of conditions favorable for a healthy society. Implicitly
these conditions have been identified in Moesia Inferior, and the studied
sources provide evidence in this regard. Here, the particularity of the existence
of an important Greek area within the province, on the Western Pontic coast
supports the identification of a medical tradition in the region, which can be
considered as a catalyst for this science.
The relationship with Asia Minor and the centers in that region can be
realistically observed both in the Hellenistic period, when the first clear
evidence of physicians and their activity in the region is dated, and later, in the
Roman period.
Beyond the involvement of the Roman authorities, an important role
was that of the local authorities and common people, by the numerous
advantages they granted to the members of this professional caste.
As for physicians and medical structures in Moesia Inferior, we
registered a satisfactory representativeness, both in the civilian and military
environments. Most of them were freed men or foreigners (Greeks), just like in
other parts of the Empire. They were employees of the communities but they
were first of all freelancers, so they had the liberty of choosing the place where
they practiced, of claiming additional advantages from the communities they
served.
The eight possible civilian physicians that we know of from the
inscriptions only three came from typically Roman cities: Aelius Macedo, the
hypothetical Ạὐρ(ήλιος) Διό[δω]ρος from Novae and Rascanius Fortunatus of
Troesmis. The rest came either from the Greek cities on the coast, Dionysopolis
(one), Tomis (two), Odessos (one) or from Pliska (Nicopolis ad Istrum ?) (one).
Three of them were Greeks, Aelius Macedo was a Roman citizen, but with a
Greek history, as was M. Octavius Aper. Only Rascanius Fortunatus had Italian
origins, as revealed by the funerary inscription put in his honor. He came from a
town in Italy, where he probably acquired his knowledge and the practice of
medicine. Otherwise, in the first centuries AD, most doctors who are known in
the Roman Empire, from the epigraphic evidence, at least, are of Eastern origin.
The abundant archaeological evidence from the Greek cities is
consistent with the information from the inscriptions. The tombs of physicians
draw a picture of this profession in an era of glory for the arts of Hippocrates in
the Lower Danube area. They show, to a great extent, the sophistication
achieved in the treatment of certain diseases, which also spread to the
vocational training centers. The instruments identified in these tombs show
evidence that other individuals practiced the medical profession: in Tomis
(maybe three cases), in Dionysopolis (two), in Odessos (five), in Marcianopolis
(at least three).
Final Considerations 193
As for the medical specialists in Moesia Inferior, the inscriptions and the
medical instruments found in graves cannot indicate with certainty a strict
specialization by any medical practitioner. In fact, the vast majority of the sets
of instruments found throughout the Empire suggest that in those times
physicians were, largely, general practitioners.
Medical activity in the province of Moesia Inferior is not only confirmed
by individual names kept in epigraphic documents. Professional associations or
colleges found in Histria, Dionysopolis or Odessos and which certainly also
existed in other cities, draw an image of the magnitude and complexity of the
medical phenomena in the region.
An analysis of the affiliation of the six army medics or members of the
medical staff documented in Moesia Inferior show that one belonged to the
legio XI Claudia, one to the Classis Flavia Moesica, another two to auxiliary
units, alae and cohortes, while the last two served with the legio I Italica. This
unit stayed a long time in the Danubian region with the headquarters located at
Novae, where the only valetudinarium of the province is also archaeologically
attested. A body of medical specialists worked within this military hospital,
practicing the medical arts at the highest level available in the period.
A frontier province such as Moesia Inferior, with a large army, required
the presence of a complex medical system. This is demonstrated by the
identification of an interesting range of physicians serving with the units
garrisoned here: a medicus, a medicus alae, a medicus cohortis, a medicus
legionis, a medicus vexillationis and a medicus duplicarius. The last two are the
most interesting people due to the new information they bring. The official title
of the medic serving with a vexillatio of legion I Italica is the only such example
known from the territory of the Empire, while the medic of the Classis Flavia
Moesica is the only example from a provincial naval unit. The activities of
military medical personnel in the borderlands of the Empire were the same as
in other areas of the Empire and even in Rome itself.
Epigraphic sources mentioning physicians of Moesia Inferior record the
presence of civilian physicians in the Greek colonies of the western shore of the
Pontus Euxinus and in the cities founded under Roman rule, particularly
Marcianopolis and Nicopolis ad Istrum. In contrast, military physicians were
concentrated on the Danubian limes, and were integrated with the units
garrisoned there. If, in the case of the civilian physician and doctors’
associations, there are only three Latin and seven Greek inscriptions, in the
case of the military physicians all the inscriptions are in Latin. In the same
context, only L. Papirius Olymphicus and Aurelius Artemo, military physicians,
seem to be of Greek origin, while five civilian physicians are Greek or of Greek
origin.706
No ancient source mentions a clear separation between the medicine
practiced in the civilian environment and that practiced by army physicians. On
the contrary, civilian physicians working for the army and military physicians
retiring as civilian practitioners working for the urban communities
demonstrate the mutually beneficial cooperation. They mingled together. In
these conditions, we do not believe that we are wrong to assert that there was
medical activity specific to the military field, even if only by means of the
existence of a medical corps consisting of specialists remunerated by the state.
Even though army physicians, first of all, obeyed military discipline, we tend to
believe that the hierarchies established in this domain were based not only on
soldierly experience but on the medical one as well. As the hypothesis of the
purely rank‐and‐file origin of the physicians is unconvincing, we believe that
there was a definite connection with the civilian practitioners. The closeness to
civilian settlements, the achievement of qualifications required for practice,
which, according to Galenus, consisted of many stages and required conditions
that could only be provided in the civilian environment, as well as the need for
the physicians to practice after their discharge, are only some of the arguments
in favor of our opinion.
For instance, Valerius Longinus, a medic who served with the legion VII
Claudia, headquartered in Viminacium, in Moesia Superior, received ornamenta
decurionalia from the city of Drobeta, in Dacia,707 probably for services

706
Aparaschivei 2010a, p. 148.
707
For honorifics and ornamenta in the Roman world see Kolb 1977, p. 239‐259;
Serrano‐Delgado 1996, p. 259‐271.
rendered to the city.708 The fame and the importance of such benefactors,
servants of the Hippocratic arts, made their inclusion among the city's notables
possible. The benefits were mutual, obviously. On one hand, the medic used his
abilities in the service of the community, for which he was rewarded with
honors; on the other hand he acquired experience practicing on patients who
were unavailable in the military units.
Although we do not currently know the precise recruitment conditions
nor the previous training of the army physicians709 (i.e. after some years of
practice as a civilian physician or after some time served in the ranks), we can,
however, assume with a certain degree of certainty that establishing a medical
practice within a community at the end of military service was an option
chosen by many army physicians.
In the same respect, the temporary commissioning of civilian physicians
as army physicians is quite probable. The two physicians of Moesia Inferior,
identified by the inscriptions found in the valetudinarium of Novae, Aelius
Macedo and Διόδωρος, may have been civilian physicians of this kind who
were employed in the military hospital at the castrum of the legion I Italica. The
valetudinaria are the only hospitals in the Roman Empire with management
staff, a complex organization, and adequate work conditions that civilian
physicians might wish to work in.
In this context, the funerary stele of Odessos that records
Ἀσκληπιάδης, ἀρχιατρός, the public physician, is more interesting. The
military equipment represented on the monument suggests that the individual
practiced, at least temporarily, in the army, despite the fact that he then
became one of the most important physicians of the city.
If battles occured on or near the territory of the city, or even in an allied
city, it is probable that physicians working in the community were

708
CIL III, 14216, 9; AE 1897, 84; IDR II, 42; Benea 1974‐1975, p. 303‐306; Wilmanns
1995, p. 222‐224, n° 70.
709
For some plausible hypotheses regarding the recruitment of physicians, see
Plioreschi 1998, p. 551‐552.
commandeered by the military units. There are several cases during Greek
antiquity where situations of this kind are recorded.710
One medicus clinicus with a Praetorian cohort in Rome was considered
to be a civilian physician also working for the army.711
Thus, for the physicians of Moesia Inferior, this intersection between
civilian practice and military medicine might have occured, especially on the
Danubian limes, where the sources mention units garrisoned near civilian
settlements.
In Tyras was found the only mention of two military doctors that built a
monument dedicated to Asclepius and Hygieia, a sign of a special link between
military physicians and healing divinities. In Moesia Inferior there are a few
centers where soldiers offered such vota to the gods of healing.712
The intensity and complexity of the physicians’ activities are best
represented by the medical instruments they used. On the territory of the
province of Moesia Inferior we can see a rather good representation of these
items, both in the civilian communities, especially in necropoleis, and in castra,
or from random discoveries.
Multi‐functionality is observable as the same object could be used in
medical, cosmetic, pharmaceutical or even domestic activities. Since
sterilization was not a process attested during this period, their utility in various
fields, some of which were not connected with the human body, is very
possible. The purpose was on the one hand to raise the efficiency of the usage

710
In one Cypriot inscription of 478‐470 BC, the representatives of the city of Idalion are
grateful to Onasilos and his brothers, a family of physicians, for services rendered
and having treated the wounded of a battle, without asking for payment: Samama
2003, n° 367. Then, there is the medic Hermias of Kos, who is evoked in a decree of
the city of Gortyna, in Crete, for five years of work treating both soldiers and
civilians: Samama 2003, n° 106. For more details, see Salazar 2000, p. 69.
711
Baker 2004, p. 45.
712
At Novae there are six epigrafic testimonies (IGLNovae, 16‐18; Kolendo 1998, n° 1, 4,
6), one at Montana (Velkov, Alexandrov 1994, n° 71), ten at Glava Panega (Bulgaria)
(ILBulg 200, 203, IGBulg II, 513‐515, 518, 520‐521, 529, 541) and one at Horia (Tulcea
county, Romania) (ISM V, 239). For details on the soldiers’ religion in Moesia Inferior
see Alexandrov 2010 and for Asclepius and Hygieia, especially p. 111‐120.
of the items which were not, for the most, easy to procure, nor cheap, but also
the need to maintain somehow compact the physician’s toolkit or the
cosmetics box.713
Recent literature has shown a tendency to separate instruments used
in the medical field from those pertaining to hygiene or to cosmetics. The
specialized literature has already proposed several criteria for differentiating
these items, without being fully convincing. Regarding the tweezers, for
instance, their dimensions could be an indicator of their utility. Tweezers under
60 mm could have had a purely cosmetic role, while longer ones allowed for
their manipulation by specialists in medicine as well.714 Also, the existence of a
hanging ring at one hand of the instrument would imply that artifact as being
used in cosmetic activities rather than medical.715
In our opinion it is necessary differentiate, as much as possible,
between items which are strictly medical (for instance surgical instruments),
from those instruments with a wide use spectrum (in pharmacy, personal
hygiene‐cosmetics or in other occupations related or not to medicine). Still, it is
possible this separation was invented during the modern period. We do not
know to what extent instruments used by physicians, traveling healers, vets or
those using them for hygienic or cosmetic purposes could be distinguished,
especially by the wide population. Most probably the limits were very narrow.
For instance, a banal spatula probe could be used as probe, for cauterizing,
dissecting or pharmaceutical purposes, but also in non‐medical activities. Even
if it was initially procured with a precise purpose, for example a medical one,
later on it could be used wherever it was necessary. The purpose itself of the
production of such instruments, with these shapes, was multi‐functional,
usable for different branches of medicine and more.
The most representative example is the one from Bingen in Germany
where, in an cremation tomb of the second century AD, about 40 instruments
were discovered, some of which were used in surgery, while others, made of

713
Jackson 1997, p. 227.
714
Bliquez 1988, p. 50.
715
Jackson 2002, p. 87, fig. 1.
iron, were identified as carpenter’s tools.716 Questions which have not received
either an immediate or a sure answer resulted from this situation: were those
instruments adapted to the medical process or was their medical use
abandoned? Was the buried person a physician, a carpenter or a practitioner of
both occupations?717

During all this time, however, medical science continued in parallel to
the religious beliefs in the divinities with healing power, as well as in magical
and traditional medicine.
As there are numerous examples in which a patient, when he had no
more healing chances left using the physician’s methods, would leave himself
to the gods. Nowadays still, it is very well known, there is this tendency in the
individual’s mentality: when the physician has nothing else to do, the divinity’s
powers are invoked. Priests, monks and other clerical characters are reckoned
as healers applying other methods and replacing the specialists. Miracles have
existed forever and will continue to do so in people’s consciousnesses.
The cult of Asclepius, alone or together with the members of his family
is found, in almost all important communities in the region of the Black Sea and
the Lower Danube. For the region which interests us, with a pronounced Greek
tradition, the dissemination of this cult is in direct relation to the intensity of
the generalization of the cult of Apollo, his father, in the respective cities.718
It is interesting that where the cult of Apollo Iatros is well documented,
Asclepius occupied a rather modest position. We refer here to Histria, for
instance, where Asclepius is poorly represented. In exchange, at Odessos and
Tomis we have clear evidence that Asclepius had a primary role regarding the
curative tasks.
The perception of the influence of the divinity is clearly demonstrated
in various epithets. In Moesia Inferior, apart from the simple mentions, the
most numerous designations are κύριος Άσκληπιὸς and Άσκληπιὸς
Σαλδοβυσηνος, with various forms, and also σωτήρ, which place him in the

716
Como 1925, p. 152‐162; Künzl 1983, p. 80‐85.
717
718
category of gods with the same characteristics as Zeus, Apollo, Hercules, Theos
Hypsistos.719
The cult of Asclepius penetrated into this region from the Greek area.
Very few forms of Asclepius in the Roman variant, Aesculapius or Esculap, are
found in the zone of the Danubian limes. Pergamum was the dissemination
channel for the god of health, as indicated by the designation Άσκληπιὸς
Περγαμηνός identified in inscriptions. The celebration of the cult in the
Asclepieion of Glava Panega is also Greek. Here we find him in a perfect
communion with the Thracian Horseman, a fact that provides specific
characteristics for this region of the Empire.
In painting this image, with Asclepius and his family worshipped
starting from the last part of the first century AD in the province of Moesia
Inferior and in Thracia coming from the Greek part of the Empire, respectively
from Asia Minor, the centrum of Novae provides a discordant picture.
The situation in this case is exceptional from the point of view of the
Latin nature of the god, adored, in most cases, by the soldiers of the legion I
Italica, and also by the officials of the province, taking into account the solid
presence of the cult inside a military hospital.720 The most adequate
comparison in the case of the Danubian center can be made to the province
Dacia, where the god, in his Latin variant, is very well presented. Consequently,
it is possible that cults spread in two ways: on the traditional Micro‐Asian way
and by means of the army. If one should weigh the intensity of the impact of
the two routes of penetration, the first one seems much more consistent and
sustainable to us, if we take into consideration the anthroponyms encountered
in the relevant regions, many of them in direct connection to the god of health.
In the representation on coins of temples where Asclepius is shown, as
in the case of Marcianopolis and Nicopolis ad Istrum, but also in the case of the
religious center of Glava Panega, in the Greek poleis Odessos and Tomis we
might be in front of Asclepieia in the purest meaning of the word.

719
720
In the Asclepieion of Pergamum there is also an inscription erected by a soldier of
the legion I Italica: Kolendo 1998, note 53.
The situation of Novae is special as those cult edifices dedicated to
Asclepius, respectively to Hygieia could be considered, instead as prayer
chapels and for bringing offerings to gods, than as spaces dedicated to the
effective healing of patients. We think of their situation in the middle of a
hospital with medical personnel. It is true that in the case of the other cities we
also have evidence to sustain a fairly well structured medical system for the
first – third centuries AD. We also showed that we cannot speak of competition
between the physician with scientifically acquired knowledge and the god who,
on many occasions through priests, suggest the healing of the patients using
alternative means.
Regarding the frequenting of Asclepieia, where the cult practices were
combined with specific medical remedies we see a combination of the religious
and the rational. The disappearance of these medico‐cultic complexes, in mid‐
fourth century at the earliest, gave way to specialized institutions which
preceded civilian hospitals, which continued to benefit from a religious
protectorate respectively with protection provided by the Christian church.

For the late Roman period, apart from the medical instruments which
continued to have, generally, the same forms and utilities, we do not have
much evidence. The fifth century medical practice of Marcianopolis, and also
the sixth century Ευγένιος, physician of Odessos, are elements which indicate
continuity and a normal evolution of the activity of medical services in the
region, probably backed both by the civilian authorities and especially by the
religious ones within communities. This translation of responsibilities towards
the church had a positive dimension, through the foundation and development
of charitable establishments for civilians, but it was also destructive because it
prevented the evolution of medical research.
The topic itself must be considered as a phase in a perpetual evolution
of the field, in my opinion, the most important of human existence. It is not
without reason that the basic wish, in almost all contexts, and which we also
transmit to all our readers, is Good Health.

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Tables

Table I – Instruments Used in Medicine, Pharmacy and/or Cosmetics in the Tombs
Discovered in Moesia Inferior
Table II – Aediles of Moesia Inferior
Table III – Asclepius in Epigraphic Documents of Moesia Inferior
Table IV – Hygieia in Epigraphic Documents of Moesia Inferior
Table V – Telesphoros in Epigraphic Documents of Moesia Inferior
Table VI – Theophoric Names Atested in the Inscriptions of the Area of Moesia Inferior

Table I
Instruments Used in Medicine, Pharmacy and/or Cosmetics in the Tombs Discovered in Moesia Inferior

Place of
Crt.
archaeological References Inventory Chronology
no.
discoveries
four very elaborate items inlaid with silver: a
Tomis (Constanța, Bucovală 1977, p. 91‐96; Künzl 1983, scalpel, two handles, probably from two long late second ‐
1.
Romania) p. 110, pl. 87 needles and a needle or an instrument for early third c. AD
cauterizing
Tomis (Constanța, a metal plated cassette which may have second ‐ third c.
2. Künzl 1983, p. 112‐114.
Romania) contained a scalpel together with other items AD.
Tomis (Constanța, Aparaschivei, Vasilache 2012, fig. second ‐ third c.
225
3. a spatula, a spatula probe
Romania) V.4, 7 (in print). AD.
Callatis (Mangalia, Rădulescu, Coman, Stavru 1973, p. a spoon probe, a glass vase for storing
4. second c. AD
Romania) 263, fig. V.3. powders, two bone spoons (cosmetic kit?)
Škorpil 1912, p. 101‐134, fig. 107= tweezers, spoons, two probes with handles,
Dionysopolis
5. 108, 111, 114‐116, 120; Künzl 1983, three surgical instruments with bone handles, third c. AD.
(Balchik, Bulgaria)
p. 110‐112. bronze scalpels, a bronze box with drugs
Dionysopolis Tončeva 1954, p. 74; Hassel, Künzl second ‐ third c.
6. cupping vessel
(Balchik, Bulgaria) 1980, p. 419; Künzl 1983, p. 110 AD.
Tončeva 1961, p. 34‐35, grave 4; pl.
Odessos (Varna, second ‐ third c.
7. V, fig. 31, pl. VI, fig. 34; Hassel, Künzl a fragment of a speculum , a probe
Bulgaria) AD.
1980, p. 419; Künzl 1983, p. 112.
8. Odessos (Varna, Tončeva 1961, p. 36, pl. VII, fig. 42, a cupping vessel, a fragmentary scalpel and second‐ third c.

Place of
Crt.
archaeological References Inventory Chronology
no.
discoveries
Bulgaria) 45 and pl. VIII, fig. 46; Hassel, Künzl some stone slabs for ointments AD.
1980, p. 419; Künzl 1983, p. 112.
Odessos (Varna, Tončeva 1961, p. 39‐40; pl. X, fig. 58, second ‐ third c.
9. a stone slab for ointments and a probe
Bulgaria) 60; Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419. AD.
Tončeva 1964, p. 51‐52, fig. 1‐6;
Odessos (Varna, a strigilis, a stylus, an ear probe, a needle and second‐ third c.
10. Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419; Künzl
Bulgaria) three glass vases for drugs AD.
1983, p. 112, pl. 88. 1‐7.
Tončeva 1961, p. 35; pl. VI, fig. 38;
Odessos (Varna, second‐ third c.
11. Hassel, Künzl 1980, p. 419; Künzl a spatula probe
Bulgaria AD.
1983, p. 114.
226
a bronze ligula, a spoon‐probe, a rectangular
Marcianopolis (Reka first part of
12. Minchev 1983, p. 143 slab made of green stone for the preparation
Devnja, Bulgaria) third c. AD
of oinments, a small collyrium bronze box
Marcianopolis (Reka a spoon probe, a green stone slab, a glass first part of
13. Minchev 1983, p. 143
Devnja, Bulgaria) bottle, balsamarium, a little bronze pail, situla. third c. AD
two blunt dissectors, handles of surgical
Marcianopolis (Reka
14. Minchev 1983, p. 143‐144 knives, two forceps, a spoon probe, a flat third c. AD
Devnja, Bulgaria)
probe, a regular probe and an eye probe.

Table II
Aediles of Moesia Inferior

Crt.
Name City Magistracies References Cronology
no.
[de]c(urio)
1. N Oescus ILBulg 71 second‐third c. AD
aedil(icius)
2. Cl(audius) Saturnin[us] Durostorum aed(ilis)] AE 1925, 110 first part of third c. AD
3. T. Fl(avius) Papirian[us] Durostorum aed(ilis)] AE 1925, 110 first part of third c. AD
4. Tuc(cius) Ael(ianus) Troesmis (canabae) aedilis ISM V, 154 117‐139 AD
5. L. Val(erius) Crispus Troesmis (canabae) aedilis ISM V, 156 139‐161 AD
IIvir
227
Municipium aed(ilis) [q(uaestor)]
6. Ael(ius) Aelianus ISM V, 164 third c. AD
Troesmis [m]uni(cipii)
Tro(e)s(mensium)
Municipium
7. M. Antistius Domitius (a)ed(ilis) q(uaestor) ISM V, 148 second‐third c. AD
Troesmis
Municipium
8. Iul(ius) Herculanus aed(ilis) ISM V, 163 second‐third c. AD
Troesmis
IIvir, flamen aed(ilis)
Municipium
9. C. Valerius Longinianus qu(aestor) mu(nicipii) ISM V, 166 first part of third c. AD
Troesmis
Tr(oesmensium)
Municipium d(u)umver
10. C. Iul(ius) Saturninus ISM V, 187 third c. AD
Troesmis qu(aestor) aedil(is)

Crt.
Name City Magistracies References Cronology
no.
11. Iul(ius) Quirillus Tropaeum Traiani a(e)dili[s] AE 1964, 253 third c. AD
12. C. Iul(ius) Tropaeum Traiani aedilis CIL III, 14214. 2 238 AD
13. M. Ulp(ius) Ant(istianus) Tropaeum Traiani aedilis CIL III, 14214. 2 238 AD
14. Val(erius) Valerianus Tropaeum Traiani a(e)dili[s] AE 1964, 253 third c. AD
15. Cresce(n)s Tropaeum Traiani aed(ilis) AE 1964, 251 181 AD
16. Sabinus Tropaeum Traiani aed(ilis) AE 1964, 251 181 AD
aedilicius,
magistratus
17. L. Porcius Ambibius Nicopolis ad Istrum Ivanov 1991, p. 39 first part of third c. AD
bis,
sacerdos
228
C. Val(erius) C. lib(ertus)
18. Nicopolis ad Istrum aedilis Nicop(olis) ILBulg, 391 first part of third c. AD
Epagathus

Table III
Asclepius in Epigraphic Documents of Moesia Inferior
Crt.
The name of god and epithets References Place Cronology Obs.
No.
1. Άσκληπιός IGB II, 545 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD





6. κύριος Άσκληπιός IGB II, 533 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD


229







15. κυρίος Άσκληπιός IGB II, 550 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD


17. Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδηνος IGB II, 510 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

Crt.
No.



20. κύριος Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδηνος IGB II, 523 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

21. Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδοϐυσηνος IGB II, 551 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

22. Σαλδοϐυσηνος IGB II, 573 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

23. Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδουσηνος IGB II, 512 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

24. Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδουσηνος IGB II, 536 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

25. Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδοουυσηνος IGB II, 537 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD
230

26. Άσκληπιὸς Σαλτουυσηνος IGB II, 516 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

27. κύριος Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδοϐυοηνος IGB II, 532 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

28. κύριος Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδοϐυοηνος IGB II, 552 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

29. κύριος Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδοουσσηνος IGB II, 514 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

30. θεό Άσκληπιὸς Σαλτοϐυσσηνος IGB II, 526 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

31. κύριος Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδοκεληνος IGB II, 531 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

32. κύριος Άσκληπιὸς Σαλδοκεληνος IGB II, 543 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

33. Σαλδοκεληνος κύριος Άσκληπιός IGB II, 540 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD
κύριος ἐπήκοος Σαλδοουσσηνος
34. IGB II, 517 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD
Άσκληπιός

Crt.
No.

35. Σαλδουισηνος IGB II, 525 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

36. κύριος Σαλδοουσηνος IGB II, 521 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD

37. Άσκληπιός IGB II, 515 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD With Ύγεία





42. κύριος Άσκληπιός IGB II, 519 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD With Ύγεία
231
κύριος Άσκληπιὸς
43. IGB II, 529 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD With Ύγεία
Σαλδοουισσηνος
44. κύριος Άσκληπιός IGB II, 544 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD With Ύγεία
κύριοις Σολδηνοι Άσκληπιός (and
45. IGB II, 566 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD With Ἄρτεμις
Ἄρτεμις)
With
Άφροδείτη
47. Asclepius ILBulg 201 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD
48. Aesculapius AE 1987, 888 Montana second c. AD With Hygeia
Liljače (territorium of end of second‐first
49. κύριος Άσκληπιός IGB II, 485
Oescus) part of third c. AD

Crt.
No.
Lipnica
end of second‐first
50. κύριος Άσκληπιός IGB II, 500 (territorium of
part of third c. AD
Oescus)
Vicus Trullesnsium With Ύγεία
51. Άσκληπιὸς Παιᾶν IGB II, 504 (territorium of second‐third c. AD and
Oescus) Τελεσφόρος
52. Aesc(u)lap(i)us AE 1998, 1134 Novae half of second c. AD With Hygeia

second c. – before 230
53. Asclepius Saorus AE 1998, 1133 Novae
AD
54. [A]esculapius AE 1998, 1131 Novae 112‐113 AD
232

first part of second c.
55. Aesculapius AE 1998, 1130 Novae
AD
IGLNovae¸ 18 =
56. [Aesculapius] Novae 156‐158 AD With Hygeia
ILBulg, 288
57. Άσκληπιός IGLNovae, 176 Novae 212‐230
Horia (territorium of
58. Asclepius ISM V, 239 239 AD With Ygia
Troesmis)
Medovina (between
59. κύριος Άσκληπιός IGB II, 763 Marcianopolis and second‐third c. AD
Nicopolis ad Istrum)
60. Άσκληπιός IGB II, 779 second‐third c. AD

Crt.
No.
Lipnica (territorium
61. κύριος Άσκληπ[ιός] IGB II, 500 of Nicopolis ad second‐third c. AD
Istrum)
Kâlnovo (between
62. Άσκληπιός IGB II, 774 Marcianopolis and
63. [A]sclepius AE 1995, 1350 Tyras With Hygi(a)
part of third c. AD
64. Άσκληπιός ISM I, 124 Histria third c. BC

65. Άσκληπιὸς Περγαμηνός ISM I, 135 Histria second c. AD
233

66. Άσκληπιός ISM II, 117 (2) Tomis second c. AD With Ύγεία
With
67. Άσκληπιός ISM II, 118 (3) Tomis second c. AD
Δήμητρα
68. Άσκληπιός ISM III, 48 Callatis second c. BC With Υγιεία
2
69. Άσκληπιός IGB I , 76 Odessos second‐third c. AD With Ύγεία
2
70. [κύριος Άσκλη]πιός IGB I , 86 Odessos second‐third c. AD With Ύγεία
2
71. Άσκληπιός, σωτῆρ τῆς οἰκυμένης IGB I , 86 bis Odessos second c. AD (157?)
2
72. Άσκληπιός IGB I , 266 bis Kicevo, near Odessos second c. AD

Table IV
Hygieia in Epigraphic Documents of Moesia Inferior

Crt. The name of god
References Place Cronology Obs.
No. and epithets
1. Hygia AE 1987, 888 Montana second c. AD With Aesculapius
2. Hygia AE 1987, 891 Montana second c. AD
3. Hygi(a) AE 1995, 1350 Tyras With Asclepius
part of third c. AD
4. Hygia AE 1998, 1134 Novae half of second c. AD With Aesc(u)lap(i)us
5. Hygia IGLNovae 16 Novae second c. AD
234
first part of third c.
6. Hygiae sacrum IGLNovae 17 Novae
AD
IGLNovae 18 = ILBulg
7. [Hy]gia Novae 156‐158 AD With Aesculapius
288
Horia (territorium of
8. Ygia(e) ISM V, 239 239 AD With Asclepius
Troesmis)
Vicus Trullensium With Άσκληπιός and
9. Ύγεία IGB II, 504 second‐third c. AD
(territorium of Oescus) Τελεσφόρος
10. Ύγεία ISM II, 117 (2) Tomis second c. AD With Άσκληπιός
11. Ύγεία IGB I, 76 Odessos second‐third c. AD With Άσκληπιός
12. Ύγεία IGB I, 86 Odessos second‐third c. AD With Άσκληπιός

Crt. The name of god
No. and epithets
13. Υγιεία ISM III, 48 Callatis second c. BC With Άσκληπιός

14. Ύγεία IGB II, 515 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD With Άσκληπιός





19. Ύγεία IGB II, 519 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD With κύριος Άσκληπιός
With κύριος Άσκληπιὸς
20. Ύγεία IGB II, 529 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD
Σαλδοουισσηνος
235
21. Ύγεία IGB II, 544 Glava Panega second‐third c. AD With κύριος Άσκληπιός

Table V
Telesphoros in Epigraphic Documents of Moesia Inferior

Crt. The name of god and
No. epithets
Vicus Trullensium
With Άσκληπιός
1. Τελεσφόρος IGB II, 504 (territorium of second‐third c. AD
and Ύγεία
Oescus)
Probably Telesphoros of
2. Περγαμίδης IGB I2, 76 bis Odessos second‐third c. AD
Pergamum

Table VI
Theophoric Names Atested in the Inscriptions of the Area of Moesia Inferior

Crt.
Name References Place Cronology Obs.
No.
Avram 2003, p. An epigram with the name
1. Ἰατρόδορος Histria sixth c. BC
300 resulting from Apollo Iatros
2. Άσκλαπιόδωρος ISM III, 35 Callatis third c. BC Son of Άπολλόδοτος
2
3. Άσκληπιόδωρος IGB I , 41 Odessos third‐second c. BC Father of Έρμεῖος Αντιοχεύς
4. [Άσ]κλαπι‐‐‐ ISM III, 134 Callatis second c. BC
5. Άσκληπιάδης ISM II, 392 (1) Tomis first c. BC Son of Νικηράτος
6. Άσκληπιάδης ISM III, 173 Callatis first c. BC Son of Ίερονύμος
236
Άσκληπιάδης
7. ISM III, 173 Callatis first c. BC
Ίούλιος
8. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I2, 46 Odessos 44/43 BC‐2/3 AD Son of Άρτεμίδωρος
9. Άσκληπιάδης ISM II, 173 (9) Tomis first c. AD
10. Άσκληπιάδης ISM I, 212 Histria second c. AD Son of Κληινίος
Φούλβιος Winners in a possibly music
11. ISM I, 196 Histria second c. AD
Τελέσφορος competition
Son of Γλύκων, competition
12. Γλύκων ISM I, 196 Histria second c. AD
winners
Son of Πίστος, also competition
13. Γλύκων ISM I, 196 Histria second c. AD
winners

Crt.
No.
14. Άσκληπιάδης ISM II, 245 (81) Tomis second c. AD
2
15. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I , 150 Odessos second c. AD Physician
2
16. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I , 150 Odessos second c. AD
17. Άσκ(λήπιως) ISM V, 320 Barboşi second‐third c‐ AD Stamp on an amphora neck
Son of Μηνόφιλος, brother of
18. Άσκληπιάδης ISM I, 356 Histria second‐third c. AD Μηνόφιλος Βάσσος of
Nicomedia
19. Άσκληπιάδης ISM I, 356 Histria second‐third c. AD Son of Μηνοφίλος Βάσσος
20. Άσκληπιάδης ISM II, 339(175) Tomis second‐third c. AD
21. Άσκληπιάδης ISM II, 125 (10) Tomis second‐third c. AD Father of Άρτεμίδωρος
237
22. Άσκληπιάδης ISM II, 125 (10) Tomis second‐third c. AD
23. Άσκληπιάδης ISM II, 13 Tomis
part of third c. AD
first part of third c. Father of Όλύμπιος; members of
24. Άσκληπιάδης ISM I, 218 Histria
AD an association in Histria
first part of third c.
25. Άσκληπιάδης ISM II, 269(105) Tomis
AD
26. Ascl[epiade]s AE 1974, 570 Durostorum 209 AD
27. [Ά]σκ(ληπιάδης) ISM I, 230 Histria third c. AD
2
28. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I , 47 Odessos 215 AD Father of Διονύσιος
2
29. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I , 47 Odessos 215 AD Father of Μητρόδωρος

Crt.
No.
30. Άσκληπιόδωρος ISM II, 27 Tomis third c. AD From a professional association
Άσκληπιάδης
31. IGB I2, 47 bis Odessos 221 AD
Μηνίος
32. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I2, 47 bis Odessos 221 AD Father of Παρμένων
2
33. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I , 47 bis Odessos 221 AD
Γάιος Φλάβιος
34. IGB I2, 48 Odessos 238 AD
Άσκληπιόδοτος
35. Άσκληπιάδης ISM III, 74 Callatis 238‐244 AD Son of Ίερώνυμος
36. Άσκληπιάδης ISM III, 74 Callatis 238‐244 AD Son of Θεόδωρος
238
37. Άσκληπιάδης ISM III, 74 Callatis 238‐244 AD Son of Υγιαίνοντος
38. Άσκληπιάδης ISM III, 74 Callatis 238‐244 AD Father of Θεόδωρος
Father of Άντίοχος, probably
second part of
39. Άσκληπιόδωρος ISM I, 197 Histria leader of a professional association
third c. AD
(maybe musicians)
40. Άσκληπιάδης IGB II, 645 Nicopolis ad Istrum late third c. AD In relation with Άσκληπιόδωρος
41. Άσκληπιόδωρος IGB II, 645 Nicopolis ad Istrum late third c. AD In relation with Άσκληπιάδης
42. Iulius Asclepiodotus ILBulg 8 Oescus 285 AD
2
43. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I , 178 Odessos Father of Αμας
2
44. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I , 269 Odessos Father of Ζηνιος
2
45. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I , 174 Odessos Father of Θηθεις

Crt.
No.
46. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I2, 43 Odessos Father of Μενογένης Ήραιέτης
2
47. Άσκληπιάδης IGB I , 169 Odessos Father of Τομιον
Târnovo (territorium of
48. Άσκληπιάδης IGB II, 718 Son of Άσσκληπιόδοτος
Târnovo (territorium of
49. Άσσκληπιόδοτος IGB II, 718 Father of Άσκληπιάδης
50. Άσκληπιάδης IGB II, 689 Nicopolis ad Istrum

239

APPENDICES

Appendix I
Epigraphic Sources Concerning the Physicians of Histria of Hellenistic Period
1. Διοκλῆς, ἰατρός
[ἐπ’ ἱ]έρεω Ἑστιαίου τοῦ Μικκαλίω‐
νος, μηνὸς Ταυρεῶνος, ἔδοξε
τῆι βουλῆι καὶ τῶι δήμωι· ἐπιμηνι‐
εύοντος Εὐπολέμου τοῦ Κλεο‐
μέδοντος οἱ ἄρχοντες εἶπαν· ἐπε‐
[ι]δὴ Διοκλῆς Ἀρτεμιδώρου Κυζικη‐
νὸς ἰατρός μεταπεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ
[δή]μου καὶ ποιησάμενος ἀκροάσεις
[καὶ συνκρί]σεις πλείονας ἐμ πάσαις
[εὐδοκίμησεν, ἀ]ξιωθείς τε διὰ ταῦτ‐
[α ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντ]ων ἐδημοσίευσε
[— — — — — — — — — — — — —]προ
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
(Histria (Constanța county, Romania);
second c. BC; ISM I, 26)
2. N, ἰατρός (?)
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
[— — — — —]Α[— — τὴν] ἐμπει[ρίαν ἐν τῆι ἐπι]‐
[στή]μηι, ἐποιήσατο δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐ[πιδημίαν]
[κα]ὶ τὴν κατὰ τὸν βίον ἀναστρο[φὴν καλὴν καὶ]
[εὔ]τακτον καὶ εὐσχήμονα καὶ ἀ[ξίαν] τοῦ ἐπ[ι]‐
[τ]ηδεύματος καὶ τῶμ πόλ[ε]ω[ν ἀμφοτέρων, ἐ]‐
[π]αγγέλλεται δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸ[ν ἀεί] τινο[ς ἀγ]‐
[αθο]ῦ παραίτιος ἔσεσθαι τῶι δήμωι κα[τὰ] τὴν ἑ[αυ]‐
[το]ῦ δύναμιν· ὅπως οὖν καὶ ὁ δῆμο[ς εὐ]χαρι[στῶν]
[φαί]νηται καὶ τοῖς εὐνοοῦσιν αὐτῷ καὶ εὐγνω[μονοῦ]‐
[σ]ι τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ οὕτως προσφερομένοις [καὶ ἐν]
[χά]ριτος ἀποδόσει μὴ λείπηται, δ[εδ]όχθαι τ[ῆι]
[βουλῆι] καὶ τῶι δήμωι ἐπαινέσαι [․․․9‐10․․․]
[— — —] δεδόσθαι αὐτῶι καὶ ἐκ[γόνοις προξενίαν],
[πολιτείαν, ἰ]σοτέλ[ειαν] καὶ εἴ[σπλουν καὶ ἔκπλουν]...
second c. BC; ISM I, 32)
3. N, ἰατρός (?)
A.
ἔδοξε τῆι βου[λῆι· ἐπιμηνιεύοντος Ἀ]‐
γαθοκλέους [τοῦ δεῖνος, ὁ δεῖνα (e.g.) Θεο]‐
γνήτου εἶπε[ν· ἐπειδὴ πρότερόν τε Σώπα]‐
τρος ἀνὴρ ἀγ[αθὸς γενόμενος περὶ τὸν]
δῆμον ἡμῶ[ν διατετέλεκεν ἑαυτὸν]
εὔχρηστο[ν παρεχόμενος, ἀπόδειξιν τὴν ἀ]‐
ρίστην ποιο[ύμενος ἐμ παντὶ καιρῶι τῆς]
εἰς τὴν π[όλιν εὐνοίας, περὶ ὧν καὶ]
πλείους [αὐτῶι ἀπομεμαρτυρήκασιν]
ἐπὶ τὸ δη[μόσιον, καὶ νῦν δὲ προαιρού]‐
μενος τ[ῆι πόλει χρείας παρέχεσθαι]
πολλοῖς [τῶν πολιτῶν αἴτιος ἐγένετο]
τῆς σω[τηρίας ἀνασώσας αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς]
αἰχμαλ[ωσίας, αἱρεθεὶς δὲ πρεσβευτὴς]
Τωμέα [— — — — — — — — — — ἐκ τῶν ἰ]‐
δίων α[— — — — — — — — — — — — —]
ενε[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
third‐second c. BC; ISM I, 4,
Avram 2000‐20001, p. 339‐344)
B.
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — ἀ]‐
[ναλώματα ἐποίη]σεν κατασταθ[εὶς]
[— — — — καὶ] πλείονα καὶ παρασ̣χό‐
[μενος ἑαυτὸν] ἐκτενῆ καὶ φιλότιμον
[ἀεί τινος ἐγ]ένετο παραίτιος [ἀγα]‐
[θοῦ· σωμάτων] τέ τινων πολιτικῶν
[ἁρπαχθέντω]ν̣ καὶ ἀπαχθέντων ε̣ἰς̣
[— — — — — ἀποδ]ημήσας ἀπὸ τῶν ἰ‐
[δίων τό τε λύτρ]ον αὐτοῖς προέθη‐
[κεν καὶ αἴτιος ἐγέ]νετο τοῦ ἀνακο‐
[μισθῆναι σύμπαντα]ς καὶ τὴν παρε‐
[πιδημίαν ἐποιήσατο ἀξί]αν τοῦ τε
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
third‐second c. BC; ISM I, 16,
Avram 2000‐20001, p. 339‐344)
Appendices 245
Appendix II
Epigraphic Sources Concerning the Civilian Physicians and
the Associations of Doctors of Moesia Inferior
1. Aelius Macedo, med(icus)

Aesclapo et Hy-
giae Ae<l>(ius) Macedo
med(icus).......
(Novae (Svištov, Bulgaria);
late second c. AD; AE 1998, 1134)
2. Διό[δω]ρος, ἰατρός (?)
Ἀσκλε[πι] ‐
ῷ θεῷ σω[τῆ]‐
ρη +++ Διό[δω]‐
ρος
(Novae (Svištov, Bulgaria);
after 212 AD; IGLNovae, 176)
3. T(itus) Ras]canius [For]tunatus, [medic]us
[Dis M]anibus [T(itus) Ras]canius [For]tunatus [Poll]ia Faventia
[medic]us an(norum) L h(ic) s(itus) e(st)
[cui mo]n(u)mentum
[Rasca]nia Phoebe et
[T(itus) Rascan]ius Euthychu(s)
[hered]es f(aciendum) c(uraverunt) h(oc)
m(onumentum) h(eredem) n(on) s(equetur)
(Troesmis (Iglița, Tulcea county, Romania);
second c. AD; ISM V, 193)
4. ἰατροί
Ἀγαθῆι τύχηι.
Ἔδοξε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ· Οὔλπιος Δημή‐
τριος εἶπεν, ἐπιψηφιζομένου Διογένους Θεο‐
δώρου· ἐπειδὴ Ἄβα Ἑκαταίου τοῦ Εὐξενίδου
θυγάτηρ γυνὴ δὲ Ἡράκοντος Ἀριστομάχου, γο‐
νέων τε ἐπισήμων καὶ προγόνων ἐπιφανεστάτων
οὖσα καὶ οὐδεμίαν φιλοτιμίαν ἢ λειτουργίαν
εὐσχήμονα παρῃτημένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ στεφανη‐
φορίας καὶ ἱερωσύνας καὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ ἐπιμελεί‐
ας καὶ πάσας δημοτελεῖς χορηγίας ἢ καὶ ἐνδό‐
ξους ὑπηρεσίας ἀνυπερβλήτως ἐκτετελεκό‐
[τω]ν καὶ πάσης ἐξαιρέτου τειμῆς τετυχηκό‐
[των, μ]ικρὸν ἡγησαμένη τὴν ἀπὸ μόνου τοῦ
[γένους με]γαλαυχίαν εἰ μὴ καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἰδίας
[πρὸς τὸ]ν δ[ῆμον] εὐποιΐας προσκτήσαιτο δόξαν,
[καὶ δ]ιὰ τοῦτο ἱερ[ωσύ]νην Μητρὸς Θεῶν αὐτεπάγγελ‐
[τος ἀν]αλαβοῦσα, οὐ μό[ν]ον ὅσα σεμνῶν γυναικῶν καὶ
[ἱερειῶ]ν καὶ τοῦ παλαιο[ῦ αἰῶν]ος ἦν ἴδια {ν} μεγαλο‐
φρόνως καὶ εὐγενῶς καὶ ε[ὐ]σ[εβῶ]ς ἐτέλεσεν,
ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσαι μεγάλαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν φιλοτ[είμων ἀρ]‐
χιερωσύναι ἢ καί τινες ἄλλαι χορηγίαι καὶ τα[ύ]τας [μι]‐
μήσασθαι σπουδάσασα· πρῶτον μὲν εὐθὺς τὰς πρώτας
προσόδους καὶ θυσίας καὶ εὐχὰς τοῖς θεοῖς ποιου‐
μένη τὴν τοῦ ἔτους ἀρχὴν μετ’ εὐφροσύνης καὶ εὐ‐
ωχίας μεγαλοπρεποῦς ἐποιήσατο τοῖ[ς μὲ]ν γὰρ
βουλευταῖς πᾶσιν καὶ γερουσιασταῖς καὶ Ταυ‐
ριασταῖς καὶ ἰατροῖς καὶ παιδευταῖς καὶ τοῖς ἰδίᾳ
καὶ ἐξ ὀνόματος καλουμένοις ἐκ δύο κατ’ ἄνδρα
δηναρ[ί]ων διανο[μ]ήν, ἣν οὔπω τις ἄλλη πρότερον,
ἔδωκεν τοῖς δὲ ἐ[ν] ταῖς φυλαῖς κατὰ πεντηκονταρ‐
χίαν διανενεμημ[έ]νοις, ἔτι μὴν καὶ ὑμνῳδοῖς καὶ τέ‐
κτωσιν καὶ ἱεροπ[λα]τείταις καὶ Ἡρακλειασταῖς οἰ‐
νοπό[σ]ιον, ὅσον οἱ ἐ[πὶ τ]οῖς μεγάλοις ὀνόμασιν φιλοτει‐
μούμ[εν]οι, μετὰ [δὲ τοῦ]το πάσῃ νεομηνίᾳ καὶ πά‐
σαις τα[ῖς ἐ]ν ἑκάσ[τῳ μην]ὶ θυσίαις καὶ ἑορταῖς καὶ πα‐
τρίοις εὐ[χαῖς] δ[αψιλέστ]ατα καὶ ἱεροπρεπέστατα
ἐξυπηρέ[τησεν· ὅσα] γὰρ τῆς ἐθίμου ἱεροποιίας ἀνα‐
λώματα α[ὐτίκα ἐδέ]ξατο, καὶ ὅσα ὑπὲρ εὐσεβείας ἐ‐
πενόει πάν[τα φιλ]οτείμως ἐποίησεν, τῶν μὲν ἀ‐
ναλωμάτω[ν κατ]αφρονήσασα, τῆς δὲ εὐδοξίας οὐ‐
κ ὀλιγωρήσα[σα τ]έλει· καὶ παρεπιδημούντων τι‐
νῶν τῶν τε π[ερὶ τὸν] δῆμον δυναμένων καὶ τοῦ
πλήθους ὡς ε․․․․ειν․․․․εαν αὐτῶν αἰτουμένων
καὶ τῶν μᾶλλ[ον ․․․․․․․․․․․․․․․]ων ἀναδυομένων οὐ‐
δὲν τούτων ․․․․․․․․․․․․․ ἡμέραν ἣν ἠθέλησεν
ἡ πόλις τῶ[ν ․․․․․․․․] πᾶσιν ἔδωκεν καὶ κα‐
Appendices 247
θόλου δι᾽ ὅλ[ου ․․․․․․․․․․]ν καὶ γυναιξὶν φιλο‐
τειμοτάτη κ[αὶ ἀξιωτάτη γέ]γονεν· δεδόχθαι ἐπῃ‐
νῆσθαι μὲ[ν ἐπὶ τούτοις· ἀναγ]ορεύ[εσ]θαι δὲ καὶ
στεφανοῦ[σθαι Ἄβαν Ἑκαταίου ἐν πᾶσιν ἑ]ορταῖς, με[τέ]‐
χειν δὲ αὐ[τὴν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων] τειμῶν ΕΥ[․․․․․ καὶ]
εἰκόνων γ[ραπτῶν — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
[— —]εισγ[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
[— — —λλ— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — ]
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
150‐200 AD; ISM I, 57)
5. Κλαδαϊος, τέχναν δ ᾽ἐδάημ [εν] ἄνακτ [ο]ς Ἰπποκράτους
[Α]ϊ τις ἐμὰν μετὰ μοϊραν ἐμὸν βίον| ἐξερεείνη,
[χ]ὤττις ἔην τί τ ἔρεξα καὶ οὔνομα πατρίδο [ς]
ἁμῆς| [μ]ανύσει λίθος ἄδε καὶ ἐσσομένοισιν
ἀκουήν˙| πάτρα μοι πέλεται ματρόπολις
Εὐξείνοιο
ἄστυ περικλήιστον ἐυμμελίαο Τομή[του]
οὔνομα δ ᾽ἤς Κλαδαϊος, τέχναν δ ᾽ἐδάημ [εν]
ἄνακτ [ο]ς
Ἰπποκράτους θείοιο καὶ ἐσσομένοισιν
ἀκυήν.
(Enisala (Tulcea county, Romania);
second c. AD; SEG XXX, 844)
6. N, ἰατρείνη (?)
[— — — — — — — — — — — — —]
[— — — —] Μαρκ[— — — — — —]
[— — — —]ΞΙΑΤΡΕΙΝΗ[— — — —]
[— — — ἀ]λλήλους [— — — — —]
[— — — σ]υνγηράσαν[τες — — —]
[— — — —] ἑ̣α̣υτο̣[ῖς — — — — —]
[— — — — — — — — — — — — —]
(Tomis (Constanța, Romania);
second‐third c. AD; ISM II, 333)
7. ἰατροί
Αγαθῆι τύχηι.
[Τ]ὸν ἐκ προγόνων φιλότειμον
καὶ ἱερέα τοῦ κτί<σ>το<υ τῆς πόλ>ε[ως]
θεοῦ Διονύ<σ>ο<υ> καὶ ΠΗΦΘ[— — —]
Ω γυμνα(σ)ιάρχην, δόντα καὶ δ[ιανο]‐
μὰ<ς> τῇ τε κρατί<σ>τῃ βουλ<ῇ> [καὶ]
[τ]οῖ<ς> παρε<π>ιδημ<ήσ>α<σ>ιν τῆ[ς Πεν]‐
τ<α>[πόλ]εω<ς> βουλε<υ>ταῖ<ς>, ἀ<γ>[οραίοις, ἰα]‐
τρ[οῖ]<ς>, παι<δε>υταῖς Μ(ᾶρκον) Αὐ[ρ(ήλιον) — —]‐
κωρο<ν Ἀ>ντιόχ<ου> ἡ πατρὶ[ς]
τειμῆ<ς> ἕν<ε>κεν.
(Dionysopolis (Balčik, Bulgaria);
early third c. AD (after 212); IGB I2, 15 bis)
8. ἰατροί
[— — — — — — — — — — — — — — —]
[— — —δόντα καὶ διανομ]ὰς τῇ τε κρα‐
[τί]στῃ βουλῇ καὶ ἀγορανόμοις καὶ
[ταῖ]ς ἑπτὰ φυλαῖς καὶ τοῖς ὑμνοῦσι
τοὺς Σεβαστοὺς καὶ ἀγοραίοις, ἰ‐
ατροῖς, παιδευταῖς καὶ τοῖς παρε‐
{[πα]ρε}πιδημήσασιν τῆς Πεντ[α]‐
[πόλεως βουλευταῖς — — — — —]
(Dionysopolis (Balčik, Bulgaria);
late second‐early third c. AD; IGB I2, 15 ter)
9. Διονύσιος, ἰατρός
Ωκύμορον ξεΐνον|Διονύσιον, ἐσθλόν, | ἰητρόν,
ἀντὶ πάτης Κρουῶν γῆ κατέχει|Ο[ὐ]ασάδων.
(Vasada (Asia Minor);
second‐third c. AD; SEG XIX, 866)
10. Ἀσκληπιάδης, ἀρχιατρὸς
Ἀσκληπιάδης Ἀπελλᾶ τοῦ Δημητρίου ἀρχιατρὸς
καὶ δημοφίλητος καὶ ἱερεὺς Θεοῦ Μεγάλου καὶ
γυμνασίαρχος καὶ ἀριστεὺς καὶ ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ Αννι
Νεικομήδους χαίρετε.
(Odessos (Varna, Bulgaria);
second c. AD; IGB I2, 150)

Appendices 249
11. M(arcus) Octavius Firmi f(ilius) Pal(atina) Aper, medicus
D(is) M(anibus) [s(acrum)] M(arcus) Octavius
Firmi f(ilius) Pal(atina) Aper Nicom(edia) medicus vixit
annis p(lus) m(inu)s XLIX
et Lisame Polla
vixit [a]nn(is) p(lus) m(inus) LXV
quae O[ctav]io [v]i[vo] natis viv[is] le[gem] natura[e] absolvit.
Marcus Octavius [Pal(atina)] D[o]‐
mitius Nicom(edia) vet(eranus) [l]eg(ionis) V Mac(edonicae) matri suae et
[f]ratri pientis(simo) posuit
(Pliska (Šumen county, Bulgaria);
second‐third c. AD; AE 1935, 70)

Appendix III
Epigraphic Sources Concerning the Military Physicians of Moesia Inferior
1. Aurelius Artemo – medicus (legionis) (vexillationis?)
T(iti) Flavi] / Longini leg(ati) Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore) / vexillat(io) leg(ionis) XI
Cl(audiae) / sub cura Fl(avi) Maximi / (centurionis) leg(ionis) / eiusdem Severo et
Sabiniano / b(ene)f(icarius) co(n)s(ularis) Ulpius co(n)s(ulibus) Alexander / principales
tes(serarius) Iul(ius) Aeternalis / tub(icen) Aurelius Postumus cornice<n> / Valerius Rufus
med(icus) Aurel(ius) Artemo / im(m)unes ven(atores) Iulius Longinus et Fl(avius) /
Valerius c(o)hor(tis) I Calpurn(ius) Tertianus / Val(erius) Felix Fla(vius) Valens Aurel(ius)
Pedo Fla(vius) (H)ercl(a) / Aurel(ius) Tiberinus / Iul(ius) Marcus Aurelius / Cerfonius
c(o)hor(tis) II Aurelius Appianus Fla(vius) / Reginus Aurel(ius) C(h)aireas/Val(erius)
Fronto Iulius / Claudianus c(o)hor(tis) III Iuliu(s) Horte(n)sis Aelius / Martial<i>s
Val(erius) Valens Anton(iu)s Valens / Ponti(us) Pontianus Val(erius) Antonius Val(erius)
Rufus / Clau(dius) Ianuarius c(o)hor(tis) IIII Ael(ius) Paulus Aur(elius) / Germanus
Aurel(ius) Sanc(tus) Val(erius) Maximus / Anto(nius) Valens Iul(ius) Valens Val(erius)
Longus Ulp(ius) / Bassus Fl(avius) Primus c(o)hor(tis) V Ael(ius) Apollodoru(s) / Aeli(us)
Sabinus Iul(ius) Flaccus Aur(elius) Helenus / Aur(elius) Artemo Cocceius Long(us?)
Atil(ius) Crispus / Aur(elius) Quadratus Ael(ius) Apelles Fl(avius) Alexander Iul(ius) /
Nigrinus Ael(ius) Antullinus Ael(ius) Victorinus Cervius / Maximus Val(erius) Firmus
Ael(ius) Flavinus Petro(nius) Valens/[Au]r(elius) Longinus Val(erius) Valens Iul(ius)
Alexander Aur(elius) Agatho / [c]les Iul(ius) C[a]pito Umi(dius) Quadratus Mum(mius)
Celer Tri[‐‐‐] Valen(s) / [F]l(avius) Tertius Aur(elius) [Te]rtullinus Fl(avius) Po[n]tianus
Mu[m(mius)] Niger / Val(erius) Valens Fl(avius) Lon[g]inus Iul(ius) V[‐‐‐]/Aur(elius)
Vindex Aur(elius) Decimus [‐‐‐ Q]uintus Val(erius) [‐‐‐]E[‐‐‐] / decurio Pompon[ius
H]erculanus ex / eq(uite) leg(ionis) XI Cl(audiae)
(Montana (Mihailovgrad, Bulgaria);
155 AD; CIL III, 7449)
2. Quintus Erucius Victor, medicus coh(ortis)
D(is) M(anibus)
Q(uinto) Erucio Victori medico coh(ortis)
(Carsium (Hîrșova, Constanța county, Romania);
second c. AD; ISM V, 103)

Appendices 251
3. Aelius Aurelianus, medicus alae
D(is) [M(anibus)]
Ael(ius) [‐‐‐]
Aur[elia]‐
nus [‐‐‐]
med[icu]=
s al[ae ‐‐‐]
N[‐‐‐]
Ael(i‐) M[‐‐‐]
lib(ert‐) I(?)[‐‐‐]
(Troesmis (Iglița‐Turcoaia, Tulcea county);
late second c. AD; ISM V, 170)
4. Veturius, medicus legionis
[V]etu=
[ri]us m‐
[ed]icu=
[s le]g(ionis) I It(alicae)
[l(ibente)] a(nimo) v(otum) s(olvit)
(Barboşi (Galați county, Romania);
late second‐early third c. AD; ISM V, 299)
5. Lucius Papirius Olymphicus, medicus vexillationis; Numerius Seius Ga(rgil?)ius,
medicus duplicarius
[A]sclepio et Hygi(ae)
[pro] successu M(arci) Ata‐
[li Pl]acid‐
[i |(centurionis) le]g(ionis) I Ital(icae) L(ucius) Pa‐
[piri]us Olymphicus me‐
[dic]us vexil(lationis) et N(umerius) Seius Ga‐
[‐‐‐]ius medicus duplicar(ius)
[clas]sis Fl(aviae) Moes(iacae) v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito)
(Tyras (Bilhorod‐Dnistrovskyy, Ukraine);
late second‐early third c. AD; AE 1995, 1350)
6. Marcus Valerius, valetudinarius(?)
M(arco) Ennio
Illadiano
(centurioni)
leg(ionis) V Mac(edonicae)
Cornelius Vita‐
lis actuar(ius) Iul(ius)
Iamblic(hus) eq(ues) M(arcus)
Valer(ius) val(etudinarius) [‐‐‐]
(Tyras (Bilhorod‐Dnistrovskyy, Ukraine);
115‐116 AD; AE 1990, 869)
7. Αὐρ(ήλιος) Σεβαστιανός, ἱπποιατρός (veterinary physician)
Θεοῖς Καταχθονείοις
Αὐρ(ηλίῳ) Σαβαστιανῷ {Σεβαστιανῷ?} ἱππο‐
ιατρῷ καὶ Αὐρηλ(ίᾳ) Σαβίνᾳ ἡ
καὶ Νηνης Αὐλ̣(ία) Σαβῖνα
μήτηρ ζῶσα τοῖς τέκν‐
οις μνήμης χάριν ἔθη‐
κεν. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ταφὴν
τούτων εἴ τις εἰς τὸν
τόπον ἴδιν νεκρὸν θή‐
σι, δώσι ἰς τὸ ταμῖον ...
καὶ ἄλλα τῇ πόλι ....
‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
χαίροις, παρο‐
δῖτα.
(Nicopolis ad Istrum (Nikiup, Bulgaria);
third c. AD; IGB II, 687)

Index*

A

Apollon, 154
Aba, 72
Apollonia Pontica, 153
Adamantius, 24
Apollonius Glaucus, 23
Adamclisi, 26
Apollonius Herophileius, 22
Aedilis, 27, 142, 148, 149, 150
Apollonius, of Tyana, 183
Aegyssus, 146
Apollonios, of Kition, 44
Aelius Aristides, 158, 160, 166, 188
Apronius Eutropus, M., 45
Aelius Aurelianus, 93
Aquincum, 175
Aelius Lapridius, 42
Arabia, Arabs, 24, 33, 61
Aelius Macedo, 68, 105, 173, 192, 195
Aratus, 155
Aelius Martialis, T., 89
Archagathus, of Sparta, 39, 191
Aeneas, 36
Aretaeus, of Cappadocia, 112
Aetius, of Amida, 24
Ariminium, 78
Africa, 60, 88, 153, 175
Aristotle, 97, 141
Agathinus, of Sparta, 46
Artemis, 152 and see Diana
Aigle, 155
Asclepiades, 187, (of Bithynia) 41, 42, 45,
Akeso, 155
145, (son of Appelas) 75, 76, 77, 79
Alexander, of Abonuteichos, 183, 184
Asclepieion, 28, 67, 146, 157, 158, 159, 160,
Alexander the Great, 159
161, 162, 163, 166, 169, 175, 177, 178,
Alexandria, 22, 23, 24, 33, 36, 37, 43, 44, 45,
179, 188, 189, 199, 200
56, 89, 111, 178
Asclepius, 18, 25, 27, 29, 30, 39, 48, 52, 54,
Allius Quartio, 90
69, 77, 93, 105, 106, 152, 153, 155,
Ammianus Marcellinus, 151, 178
156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 62, 163, 164,
Anastasius, Emperor, 96
165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172,
Andromachus, of Crete, 23, 42, 63
173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180,
Angerona, Dea, 151
181, 182, 183, 186, 187, 188, 189, 191,
Annaeus Pulcher, 176
196, 198, 199, 200, (Aesculapius) 18,
Antoninus Pius, Emperor, 41, 72, 76, 80
155, 167, 173, 175, 188, 199,
Antyllus, 146
(Aesculap) 18, 156, (Esculap) 199
Aphrodite, 158, 182
Asia Minor, 15, 25, 70, 75, 77, 78, 79, 133,
Apidius Sabinus, Q., 172
158, 183, 191, 199
Apius, L., 172
Athenais, of Cilicia, 23
Apollo, 39, 48, 54, 73, 152, 153, 154, 155,
Athenaeus, of Attalia, 45
157, 168, 171, 172, 183, 185, 187, 198,
Athens, 25, 63, 64, 87, 153, 164
199 (Iatros), 27, 152, 153, 154, 198

*
The terms are from the text, without tables, appendices, and bibliography.
Attalus Placidus, M., 94 Castrum, 16, 82, 83, 89, 93, 96, 97, 100, 101,
Augustin, St., 56, 112 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 144, 146, 171,
Augustus, Octavianus, Emperor, 29, 40, 72, 173, 174, 175, 176, 195, 196
82, 100, 142 Cato, the Elder, 39, 40, 51, 98
Aurelius Artemo, 90, 91, 194 Chersonesus, 87, 88
Aurelius Chrestus, M., 149 Chrysippus, of Knidos, 37
Aurelius Iulianus, M., 149 Celsus, Aulus Cornelius, 13, 16, 22, 33, 37,
Aurelius Septimius Marinus, M., 67 38, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 55, 61, 111, 116,
Aurelius Telesphorus, T., 63 117, 118, 120, 122, 123, 124, 130, 155
Axius, 95 Cicero, 41, 51
B Cilicia, 22, 23
Baetica, 60 Classis Flavia Moesica, 93, 94, 95, 193
Barboşi, 93 Claudius, Emperor, 42, 43
Basil, of Caesarea, 99 Claudius II, Emperor, 106
Bingen, 113, 134, 197 Claudius Agathamerus, 60
Bithynia, 41, 45, 78, 184 Claudius Apollinaris, Tib., 52
Britannia, 88, 91, 98, 101 Clodius Laetus, M., 173
Bulgaria, Bulgarian, 14, 15, 17, 68, 77, 102, Columella, 40, 98, 100, 141
128, 129, 144, 152, 177, 181, 182, 186, Commodus, Emperor, 30, 42, 67
196 Constantine, Emperor, 29
Byzantium, 65, 72, 80, 180 Constantine Porphirogenitus, Emperor, 97
C Corinth, 89
Caelius Aurelianus, 24 Cornelius Vitalis, 96
Caesar, (Gaius Iulius Caesar), 37, 40, 81, 85, Crateros, of Antiochia, 63
100, 191 Crateuas, 22
Caesarea, 61, 99 Crito, 23, 42
Calchedon, 183 Cybele, 164
Callatis, 72, 74, 131, 140, 144, 165, 182, 185, Cyprian, of Chartage, 24
186, 187 Cyzicus, 70, 72
Calventius Germanus, P., 90 D
Capidava, 136, 139, 140 Dacia, 88, 167, 194, (Superior) 184
Capsarius, 85, 86, 105 Dalmatia, 89
Caracalla, 30, 105, 159 Damiadas of Lacedemonia, 53
Decimus Eros Merula, of Assisi, 60
Cardea, 152
Defixiones, 54
Caricles, 42 Delphi, 156
Carna, 152 Demeter, 158, 164, 182, 186
Carnifex, 39 Dialus, 43
Carnuntum, 69, 100, 101, 103 Diana, 27, 153, 185
Dio Cassius, 26, 41, 159
Carsium, 91, 92
Diomedes of Tarsus, 24
Cassius Felix, 24 Dionysopolis, 74, 75, 128, 131, 132, 165, 166,
182, 192, 193
Index 255
Dionysios, 75 Gortyna, 196
Dionysos, 164, 173 H
Dionysos, of Halicarnassus, 48, 81, 86
Hades, 180, 183
Dioscorides, Pedanius, 22, 25
Hagnodice, of Athens, 63
Dioscuri, 164
Hadrianus, Emperor, 41
Dobruja, 14, 135, 140, 163
Dogmatists, 44, 46 Halmyris, 146
Drobeta, 194 Haltern, 100, 101
Durostorum, 90, 106, 135, 140, 146, 149, Harpocrates, 158
181, 182 Hecate, 27, 164, 186
E Hegesagoras, 154
Eclectics, 44, 46 Heleis of Thyateira, 62
Empiricists, 44, 46
Helios (Sol), 182
Egypt, Egyptian, 13, 22, 31, 35, 83, 89, 158,
180, 181, 182, 183 Heraclides, of Tarentum, 44
Elagabalus, Emperor, 106 Herculaneum, 33, 34, 107, 114
Ephesus, 23, 45, 78, 111, 134 Hercules, 27, 173, 180, 185, 186, 199
Epidaurus, 54, 156, 163, 166, 180, 183 Hermes, 164
Epione, 30, 155 Herophilos, of Chalcedon, 37, 42
Erasistratus, 37,
Herodian, 159
Erucius Victor, Q., 91, 92
Ester, 137, 139 Herodotus, 160
Etruscan, 13, 38 Hieronymus, 112, 161
Euamerion, 158 Hippocrates, 13, 16, 21, 33, 36, 37, 43, 46,
F 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, 59, 60, 63, 69, 73,
Febris, 151 77, 81, 87, 95, 97, 107, 110, 115, 125,
Flavius Honoratus, 173 132, 141, 145, 155, 161, 186, 189, 192,
Flavius Maximinus, 27
195
Frontinius Sciscola, P., 62
Hippolochos, 154
G
Hispania, 62
Galatia, 25, 184
Histria, 70, 71, 72, 143, 146, 153, 154, 163,
Galenus, Claudius, 22, 23, 33, 41, 42, 45, 46,
166, 167, 182, 185, 186, 187, 193, 198
51, 52, 57, 62, 89, 90, 95, 111, 115,
Horia, 176
118, 123, 125, 145, 188, 194
Horus, 158
Gallia, 38, 89 (Narbonnensis) 45, (Belgica)
Hygieia, 18, 27, 30, 54, 69, 93, 105, 152, 155,
85,
156, 157, 158, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166,
Gallienus, emperor, 106, 176
167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174,
Germania, 107, 197, (Inferior) 85, 89, 91,
175, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182, 183, 187,
101, (Superior) 85, 88, 89, 92, 101, 113
189, 196, 200, (Hygeia) 18, (Hygiea)
Germans, 13, 38, 52
18, (Ygia) 176
Glava Panega, 28, 146, 165, 177, 178, 179,
Hyginus, 55, 100, 106
196, 199
I
Glykon, 164, 183, 184, 185
Iallius Bassus Valerianus, M., 181
Gordian III, Emperor, 106, 169
Iapyx, 36
Iaso, 155 Marsus, 85
Iatrodoros, 154 Martial, 43, 60
Ibida, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 147
Medica, 65, 66
Ioannes Lydus, 42
Medicus, 43, 47, 52, 63, 65, 70, 77, 82, 85,
Isis, 27, 158, 164, 180, 181, 182
87, 88, 91, 105, 161, 187, 193, (alae)
Italia, 60, 61, 69, 78, 88, 89, 91, 94, 95, 98,
88, 93, 193, (ambulator) 63,
107, 192
(asclepiadius) 45, (auricularius) 61,
Iulius Euthemus, L., 69
(castrensis‐castrorum) 89, (chirurgus)
Iulius Iamblichus, 96
60, 61, 88, 89, (clinicus) 60, 88, 196,
Iulius Optatus, L., 69
(cohortis) 89, 90, 91, 92, 98, 187, 193,
J
(colonorum coloniae) 62, (decurio
John Chrysostom, 99
medicorum) 63, (duplicarius) 88, 94,
Julian, Emperor, 100
95, 193, (familiares et domestici) 52,
Jupiter (Optimus Maximus Sol Sarapis), 181
62, (legionis) 88, 89, 90, 93, 95, 98,
K
193, (ludus) 62, (miles) 89, 95,
Knidos, 36, 37, 78
Kolophon, 113, 134 (mulomedicus) 97, (ocularius) 60, 62,
Kos, 36, 37, 42, 44, 54, 62, 77, 159, 161, 163, 95, (ordinarius) 88, 89, 90, (ossa) 62,
196 (publicus) 53, 62, (stipendiis) 88,
L (supra medicos) 63, (scriba
Legion, (I Italica) 69, 87, 91, 93, 94, 102, 172, medicorum) 63, (veterinarius) 85, 88,
173, 174, 176, 193, 195, 199, (V 90, 97, 98, (vexillationis) 94, 95, 193,
Macedonica) 71, 93, 96, 106, 176, 181, (vulnerarius) 39, 61, (vulnerum) 61
(XI Claudia) 90, 93, 193 Medritina, 152
Leontios, of Antiochia, 99 Mefitis, 151
Lepcis Magna, 153 Menodotus, of Nicomedia, 78
Leto, 152
Menophantes, of Hyrcanis, 53
Libertus, 67, 87
Livius Orestes, M., 63 Methodists, 44, 45, 90
Lucian, of Samosata, 25, 183, 184 Middle Ages, 13, 22, 23, 33, 45
Lucius Verus, Emperor, 175 Mithras, 164
Lumina, 136, 139 Mithridates, of Pontus, 22, 44
Lycania, 66, 75 Moesia Inferior, 14, 15, 16, 21, 25, 26, 28, 30,
M 31, 59, 68, 76, 77, 79, 80, 90, 93, 95,
Machaon, 155, 158 96, 98, 102, 106, 116, 127, 129, 133,
Macrobius, 151, 183 137, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147,
Magister, 27, 142, 147, 150 149, 150, 152, 162, 166, 167, 181, 184,
Mansianus Severus, C., 176 185, 187, 188, 191, 192, 193, 195, 196,
Marcellus, of Side, 24 198, 199
Marcellus Empiricus, 24, 112 Moesia Superior, 88, 149, 194
Marcianopolis, 15, 30, 77, 78, 79, 128, 133, Montana, 90, 91, 171, 181, 185, 196
Myrtale, 60
134, 169, 170, 181, 192, 193, 199, 200
N
Marcus Aurelius, Emperor, 30, 42, 52, 67,
Nemesis, 164
175, 178
Nero, 42, 63, 90
Index 257
Nicaeea, 78 Pergamum, 22, 23, 30, 36, 78, 89, 158, 159,
Nicander, of Colophon, 22 163, 167, 188, 199
Nicomedia, 27, 77, 78 Phanostrate, of Athens, 64
Nicopolis ad Istrum, 15, 28, 77, 78, 98, 128, Philinos, of Kos, 44
135, 144, 146, 148, 149, 165, 169, 170, Phoenicia, Phoenicians, 35, 38
Pisidia, 75
172, 181, 192, 193, 199
Plato, 21, 47, 141
Niculițel, 147
Pliny, the Elder, 22, 24, 39, 41, 43, 51, 84
Nifon, 185
Pliny, theYounger, 51, 66
Niger of Galatia, 25
Pliska, 77, 192
Novae, 28, 68, 69, 71, 91, 93, 101, 102, 103,
Plutarch, 25, 37, 48, 81, 145
104, 105, 106, 128, 135, 140, 144, 146,
Pneumatists, 44, 45
167, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178,
Podaleirios, 155
185, 188, 192, 193, 195, 196, 199, 200
Pomona, 152
Noviodunum, 95, 136, 138, 140, 146, 147,
Pompeii, 33, 34, 36, 107, 114
185
Pontus, 22, 99, 184
Numidia, 85, 88, 89, 91
Pontus Euxinus, 71, 152, 193
O
Praxagoras, of Kos, 37
Obstetrix, 64, 65, 66
Octavius Aper, M., 77, 192 Pseudo Apuleius, 25
Octimus, 27 R
Odessos, 28, 75, 76, 77, 79, 128, 132, 144, Radomir, 137
146, 154, 165, 166, 169, 182, 186, 187, Raetia, 89, 113
192, 193, 195, 198, 199, 200 Rascanius Fortunatus, T., 69, 70, 71, 192
Oescus, 106, 140, 143, 146, 148, 149, 181,
Ratiaria, 149
182
Olbia, 153 Romania, Romanian, 14, 15, 17, 19, 73, 128,
Optio valetudinarii, 85, 96, 105, 175, 176 129, 182, 196
Oribasius, of Pergamum, 23, 100, 112 Rufus, of Ephesus, 45, 112
Origen, 161 S
Orpheus, 181
Salus, 27, 30, 156, 157, 187, 188
Osiris, 158
Ostia, 55, 65, 188 Sarapis, 27, 158, 180, 181, 182
Ovidius, 25, 73, 143 Scabies, 151
P Scribonius Largus, 23, 42, 62, 112
Panakeia, 155 Scythia, 25, 38, 180
Pannonia, (Inferior) 85, 88, 89, 91, 175, Seius Gargilius, N., 94, 95
(Superior) 85, 88, 89, 98, 101 Selene, 164, 182
Panteleimon, St., 78 Seneca, 24, 25, 42, 51
Paphlagonia, 183, 184 Serapion, of Alexandria, 44
Papirius Aelianus, G., 90 Servilius Damocrates, 23
Papirius Olymphicus, L., 94, 194 Severus Alexander, Emperor, 42, 185
Paulus, of Aegina, 24, 112, 121, 123, 124, Sextius Niger, 24
130 Sibioara, 136, 139
Pausanias, 54, 158, 159, 160, 180 Sikyonia, 158
Skeptics, 44
Smyrna, 36, 78, 89
Soranus, of Ephesus, 23, 24, 38, 45, 66, 111, Tropaeum Traiani, 144, 149
119 Trophimos, 62
Sparta, Spartans, 39, 46, 48
Tufani, 137, 139
Stephan, of Byzantium, 180
Strabo, 54 Tyche, 164
Sucidava, 136, 138 Tyras, 93, 94, 96, 97, 106, 153, 176, 188, 196
Suetonius, 24, 40 U
T Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, 167
Taberna medicinae, 34, 39, 67, 98 Ulpian, 47, 62, 65
Tacitus, 42, 43, 86, 98, 151 Ulpius Honoratus, M., 187
Târguşor, 136, 138 V
Telesphoros, 18, 27, 30, 54, 152, 155, 157, Valerius, M., val(etudinarius), 95
158, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, Valerius Longinus, M., 89, 194
Valerius Maximus, 151, 156
169, 170, 171, 179, 180, 182
Valetudinarium, 28, 55, 69, 85, 96, 98, 100,
Tertullian, 112, 134 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 135, 146, 171,
Themison, of Laodicea, 45 173, 176, 193, 195
Theophrastus, of Eresus, 22 Valetudo, 30, 156, 157
Theos Hypsistos, 199 Varro, 40, 97, 141
Theoxenos, 154 Vedius P. f. Quirina Antoninus, P., 87
Thessalus, of Tralles, 24, 90 Vedius Threptus, P., 87
Vegetius, 83, 145
Thracia, 14, 77, 115, 137, 184, 199
Vespasianus, Emperor, 41, 67, 72, 93
Thracian Horseman, 164, 177, 178, 199 Veturius, 93
Tiber, 48, 156 Vicus Petra, 147, 148, 150
Tiberius, Emperor, 42 Vienne, 45
Tibullus, 180 Vindolanda, 84
Vindonissa, 101, 109
Titus Livius, 153, 156, 157
Vitrasius Pollio, T., 166, 173
Tomis, 25, 28, 30, 72, 73, 74, 129, 130, 131, Vitruvius, 40, 141
136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 143, 146, 154, X
163, 164, 165, 178, 182, 184, 185, 186, Xenocles, 154
187, 192, 198, 199 Xenophon, 97, (Xenophon of Kos) 37, (Q.
Toxaris, 25 Stertius Xenophon) 42, (G. Stertius
Traian, 137, 139 Xenophon) 42, 43
Trajan, Emperor, 15, 23, 26, 42, 77, 78, 84, Z
85, 86, 93, 102, 104, 133, 142, 169, 170 Zeus, 48, 152, 155, 182, 199
Trikka, 54 Zopyrus, 44
Troesmis, 69, 70, 71, 93, 106, 149, 176, 181,
185, 192
Index 259
Α Θ
ἀγονοθέτες, 80 Θεὸς Μέγας, 75
ἀγορανόμος, 74, 80 Ι
ἀλεῖπται, 66 ἰατραλείπτης, 66, 67
ἄναξ, 73 ίατρεῖον, 67, 79
ἀριστεὺς, 75 ἰατρός, 64, (ὀφθαλμικός) 60,
ἄρχοντες, 80 (χειρουργός) 60, (ἀρχιατρός) 66,
Ἀσκληπιάδης, 195 75, 76, 195, (ἱπποιατρός) 97, 98
Ἀσκληπιός, 18, (χρυσεοχαίτης) 168, ἰατρίνη, 64, 65, (ἰατρείνη) 64, 65, 73,
(Περγαμηνός) 167, 199, (ἀρχιειατρήνα) 66
(Σαλδηνός) 177, (κύριος) 198, Κ
(Σαλδοβυσηνος) 198 Κιλλιος, 167
Αὐρήλιος Σεβαστιανός, 98 Κλαδαῖος, 73
Β κυρίος, 167, 198
Βουλευτής, 80 Μ
Γ μαῖα, 64, (ἰατρομαῖα) 64,
Γλύκων, 185 Μᾶρκος Αὐρήλιος, 167
γυμνασίαρχος, 75 Σ
γυμνάσιον, 70 σωτήρ, 167, 198
Δ Τ
Διόδωρος, 69, 105, 173, 192, 195 Τελεσφόρος, 18, (Περγαμηνός) 158, 167
Διοκλῆς, 70 Υ
Ε Ὑγιεία, 18
ἐμπόριον, 72
Ευγένιος, 200

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MAP: PHYSICIANS AND MEDICAL STRUCTURES OF MOESIA INFERIOR .................... 261

The Hellenistic tradition, well‐documented in Moesia, was another additional

Literary sources have a special potential in showing the development

Archaeological discoveries constitute a category of sources of the

Cleanliness, concern with hygiene, and a thorough organization of

During the imperial Roman period among the healing divinities

Papyri are documents pertaining to medical activity, particularly of

Anthropology is a very important source for the knowledge of

remained in people’s consciousness. Verbal transmission of these non‐

than the physicians’ unsafe and dangerous operations. Traditional medicine

of the previously obtained advantages.69 Vespasianus and Hadrianus

Genetic inheritance, economic and social conditions, the numerous

The professional training, the accumulated experience, the environment

The medical profession is mentioned together with other professional

From their diversity, complexity, technical and artistic craftsmanship,

from considerable distances.227 Moreover, wells (fontes), cisterns (cisternae),

Epigraphic sources provide the most accurate evidence for the

Lucius Papirius Olymphicus278, medicus vexillationis, appears together

beyond the commanding officer’s house (praetorium).305 Such buildings were

Its dimensions were 80×73 m, with an interior yard of 42.40×32.60 m.324 The

together with a bronze box which contained various medicines.435 Three

Archaeological research identified altars dedicated to Asclepius, and

with the variant “Nea Paphos‐Alexandria‐Trier”, with analogies at Tomis,645

In the mid‐second century AD, Alexander of Abonuteichos,671 a

medical activities,696 just like an Asclepiades, Asclepiodorus or Asclepiodotus

1. Aelius Macedo, med(icus)

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