THE ORTHODOX

CHRISTIAN WORLD
-···-

Edited by

Augustine Casiday

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LONDON AND NEW YORK
 CONTENTS
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Notes on contributors XI

Editor's introduction xv

Augustine Casiday

Divisions of Middle Eastern Christianity XXl

Alexander Treiger

PART I: ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY AROUND

TH E WORLD I

1 The Greek tradition 3

Andrew Louth

2 The Russian tradition

Vera Shevzov

3 The Armenian tradition

Vrej Nersessian

4 The Georgian tradition 58

Tamara Grdzelidze

5 The Syriac tradition 66

Robert A. Kitchen

6 The Assyrian Church of the East

Robert A. Kitchen

7 The Arabic tradition

Alexander Treiger

8 The Coptic tradition

Maged S. A. Mikhail

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9 The Ethiopian tradition II6

Osvaldo Raineri

1o The Serbian tradition 130

Vladimir Cvetkovic

11 The Romanian tradition 141

Dan loan Mure�an

12 Orthodoxy in Paris: the reception of Russian Orthodox thinkers (192 5-40) 154
Antoine Arjakovsky

13 Orthodoxy in North America 164

Dellas Oliver Herbel

14 Orthodoxy in Australia: current and future perspectives r79

Trevor Batrouney

PART II: IMPORTANT FIGURES IN ORTHODOX

CHRISTIANITY 187

r5 Mary the Theotokos ("Birth-giver of God") r89

Mary B. Cunningham

r6 Ephrem the Syrian 20I

Robert A. Kitchen

r7 Macari us (Macari us-Simeon, Pseudo-Macari us) 208

Marcus Plested

r8 John Chrysostom 2r 3
Wendy Mayer

r9 Cyril of Alexandria 2r8

Norman Russell

20 Dionysius the Areopagite 226

Alan Brown

2I Babai the Great 237

Robert A. Kitchen

22 St Maximus the Confessor 244

Melchisedec Toronen

23 Sinai and John Climacus 25r

]onathan L. Zecher

24 Cyril and Methodius 262

T. Allan Smith

25 Photius of Constantinople 269

Adrian Agachi

Vlll
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26 Barhebraeus 279
Hidemi Takahashi

27 Tiiklii Haymanot
Getatchew Haile

28 The Hesychasts: "political Photianism" and the public sphere in the

fourteenth century 294
Dan Ioan Mure§an

29 Nil Sorskii
T. Allan Smith

30 Neagoe Basarab 310

Augustine Casiday

31 Nikodemos the Haghiorite

Norman Russell

32 Contemporary Athonite fathers

Graham Speake

33 Elders of Optina Pustyn' 332

T. Allan Smith

34 Saint Raphael Hawaweeny, bishop of Brooklyn: "The Good Shepherd

of the Lost Sheep in America"
The Right Reverend Basil Essey

35 Sergii Bulgakov 345

Paul Gavrilyuk

36 Dumitru Staniloae 3 52
Stefan Stroia

37 Matta al-Miskin 359

Maged S. A. Mikhail

PART III: MAJOR THEMES IN ORTHODOX

CHRISTIANITY

38 Ecclesiology and ecumenism

Peter C. Bouteneff

39 Orthodox canon law: the Byzantine experience

David Wagschal

40 The doctrine of the Trinity: its history and meaning

Aristotle Papanikolaou

41 Orthodoxy and culture

John A. McGuckin

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42 Ethics 419
P erry T. Hamalis

43 Women in Orthodoxy 432

Vassa Kontouma

44 Hagiography and devotion to the saints 442

James Skedros

45 The Philokalia 4 53
Vassa Kontouma

46 From Jewish apocalypticism to Orthodox mysticism 466

Bogdan G. Bucur

47 Philosophy and Orthodoxy in Byzantium 481

Torstein Theodor Tollefsen

48 Russian philosophy and Orthodoxy 4 92

C hristian Gottlieb

49 Modern Greek literature and Orthodoxy 504

David Ricks

50 Russian literature and Orthodoxy: outline of main trends to 1917 517

Alexis Klimo((

5I Music in the Orthodox Church 531

Ivan Moody

52 Orthodox Christianity and mental health 547

John T. Chirban

53 Orthodox Christianity and world religions 568

Gavin Flood

Index 582

x
 CHAPTER ELEVEN

THE ROMANIAN TRADITION

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Dan Ioan Mure§an

T
he Romanian Orthodox Church is a discrete p resence on the map of the
Orthodoxy (see Georgescu 1991; lorga 1928; Pacurariu 2004). Even if today it
ranks numerically - thanks to its some 18 million faithful - the second among the
Eastern Orthodox churches (after the R us sian and, perhaps, before the Ukrainian
Church divided under several jurisdictions), its place in ecclesiastical history is
second to none (but see Pacurariu 2007). It is easily o bserva ble that the Romanian
Church represents the link b e twee n the Greek- and the Southern-Slavic-speaking
churches and the Eastern Slavic ones. Due to this position, it is scarcely possible even
to speak of an Orthodox Commonwealth with o ut the Romanians being an integral
part of it. The lack of the specialized literature on this point may be due to the para­
doxical history of the Romanian O rth odox Church, which cannot but puzzle
observers. Just how did a people of Dacian-Roman origin with a Neo-Latin langu age
evolve under the jurisdiction of th e patriarchate of Constantinople? And also how
did it acquire and, for a millennium or so, live with an Old Ch urch Slavonic liturgy?
To uncover the real place of the Romanian s in the Orthodox Commonwealth is as
yet a desideratum of ecclesiastical history.
Romanians pride themselves on being " c h ri stene d " by Saint Andrew - along with
the patriarchate of Constantinople, the Greeks, the Russians a nd the Scots - and
thus having a church of apostolic origin. Controversy still rages on the question
whether the brother of Saint Peter actually preached in Scythia Minor (Dobrogea)
(Zahariade et al. 2006: 196, with bibliography). What is beyond dispute is that,
between the R oman conquest of Dacia by Emperor Tra j a n in ror-6 and the retreat
of the imperial authorities and army in 2 7 5, Christianity spread within the urban
elements following the rapid R omani za ti on of the province (Oltean 2007: 119-227).
This was less true of the r ura l population, so that the Romanian pagan - from the
Latin paganus (inhabitant of a pagus, village) - has the same signification as the
English term pagan. In antiquity, the Geto- Dacians had a reputation for profound
religiosity and strong belief in the immortality of the soul (cf. Culianu and Poghirc
2005a and 2005b); nevertheless, the real content of t heir faith is so little known that
it is more or less ar bi trary to assert continuities between their religion and the
popular forms of Ch ri sti anity shared by the Romanians.
 - Dan loan Mure§an -

Archaeologists may debate if a certain object has or has not a Christian function;
but the long series of martyrs at the end of the third century in the towns of the
Lower Danube is indisputable proof that the new re ligion a lre ady had a solid foot­
hold in the region ( Po pe s cu 1994: 92-1 lo; Z a hariad e et al. 2006: 20I-3 ). The list
begins with Epictet and Astion, martyred in 290 at Halmyris; the same s o urce also
provides the name of the fi rs t bishop of the reg ion , Evangelicus of Tomis ( Constanra).
The historicity of th is source was co n fi rm ed when the martyria of Niculitel and of
Axiopolis (Cernavoda) were unearthed: all of the martyrs found there were also
recorded in the written te st imonie s . As the C hr i s ti a n faith became r apid ly the favored
religion in the empire between 3 l 2 an d 3 8 l, its propagation was thereafter the
concern of the organized hierarchy b a cke d by politic a l authorities. It was the fruit of
missions of the Western episcopate, such Nicetas of Remesiana (Burn 1905), or the
Eastern one, such the Ar ian Ulfila (Heather and Matthews 2004: r 24-8 5 ). The litur­
gical language was Latin, as il lu str a te d by the basic Christian vocabulary of
Romanian: Dumnezeu (Lat. Dominus Deus), Cristos, Fecioara, cre§tin, cruce, inger,
s(f}ant, sarbiitoare, duminicii, rugaciune, a cumineca, etc . But the most suggestive
may be the term designating the church in Romani a n : biserica (ancient form:
beseareca), derived from the Latin basilica and not - as usual in other Eu r opean
languages - from the Greek ekklesia (cf. chiesa, eglise, eglwys, etc.). It was o nly
during the Constantinian era that the basilica, an i m p os ing public monument built
exclusively by the emperors, entered the ecclesiastical vocabulary. After the sixth
century the basilica as a construction type disappeared and in Byzantine Greek the
term refers only to profane b u i ld i ng s (Krautheimer 1967; Kazhdan et al. 1991: vol.
I, pp. 264-65). So it was only du ri ng the fourth to sixth centuries that Eastern
Romans would have used the term basilica to d esignate both the Church and the
church. This is not a coincidence. Constantine the Great camp a igned successfully in
336 no rth of the Danube, partially restoring the Roman sovereignty. This protec­
torate permitted the free propagation of Christianity in the r eg i o n both in Latin and
in Gothic, and soon the Church of Gothia also produced its martyrs, the most
eminent being Sabas, martyred in Buzau region, in whose relic s St B as il the Great
showed a great i ntere st (Heather and Matthews 2004: 96-123).
The organization of the Christian church in late antiquity had little to do with the
lin gu istic map of south east Europe. From the fourth century on, the Church of
Rome extended its jurisdiction over the civil dioceses of Illyricum, Dacia and
Macedonia, by means of the pontifical vicariates of Thessalonica and later of
Justiniana Prima (Pietri 1976: vol. 2, pp. 1070-1147, 1278-1409). Meanwhile, the
patriarchate of Const;intinople exercised its a uthor i ty on the Anatolian dioceses of
Pontus and Asia as well as in Thr a ce (Dagron 1984: 454-87). The boundary between
Latinopho ne and Hellenophone Eastern Romans in the Balkans ran from Diirres
(Albania) to Varna (Bulgaria) (Mihaescu 1993). The Roman and Constantinopolitan
jurisdictions therefore cut vertic ally across the horizontally stratified l ingui stic distri­
bution of the peninsula, pu ttin g Macedonia, Greece and Crete under Roman
authority whereas the Romanic northern Thrace and Scythia Minor (Dobrogea)
went und er Constantinopolitan jurisdiction. B e fore its schism, the universal c h u r ch
did not regard liturgical language s as identifying loyalty to some specific church.
In the beginning of the s ixth century, Tomis evol v ed as a metropolitanate with
fourte en bishoprics, having an imp or tant role in the mission "in the barbaric lands."
 - CHAPTER I r: The Romanian tradition -

The prelates of Tomis took part in the ecumenical councils, corresponded with
Eastern as well as Western fathers of the church, and were held in high esteem by the
barbarians for whom they exercised special care (Popescu 1994: 74-91, 111-216,
264-84; Zahariade et al. 2006: 203-18). The "Scythians" were al so active in the
bosom of the Church of Rome, such as John C as s ian (d.435), the founder of
monasticism in the West, and D ionysi us Exiguus (d.525), the author of a new
chronology based upon the supp osed date of the birth of Chr ist and the father of
Latin cano n law. Both worked to restore the first rifts between Constantinople and
Rome occasioned by the Christological controversies.
The s it u at ion changed after the crushing of the eastern Roman frontier on the
Danube. If the empire managed to resist the mass ive installation of the Slavs after
602 by integrating them into its structures, th e Bulgarian invasion of 679-8 r marked
the end of Byzantine authority in the region. The an ci en t Roman- and Hell e ni c ­
speaking populations were pushed to the coasts or into the mountains of the penin­
sula and were disintegrated in separated ethni c islands or else assimilated ( Curta
2001). While during the B yzantine revival of the ninth century the emperors devel­
oped a systematic strategy of re-Hellenization in the southern parts of the pe n i ns ula ,
the northern Roman-speaking pop ulation remained scattered among the masses of
Slavs and Bulgarians. For this r e ason the problem of the origi n of the Romanians
north or south of the Danube is as conceptually flawed as the questi on of the
Germans or the Hungarians inhabiting the right or the left bank of the same river.
The Danube never was frontier, and in fact it eased in a remarkable wa y the
a

contact between the two sides . As established by Hungarian, Russian, Byzantine,

Scandinavian and Armenian contemporaneous records, around the year rooo the
V(a)lachs (as Romanians were usually named by their neighbors) peopled a vast
region, cohabitating with the Slavs from the Carpathian Basin to Macedonia
(Madgearu 200 5) .1 Their appearance in historical sources in Thessaly, in the Balkan
Mountains, and finally in Walachia and Moldavia reflects, not a process of migra­
tion (of which the same sources are totally silent), but rather the progressive transla­
tion of their political centers from so uth to north. The strong presence of the Balkan
Vlachs in Ottoman archives attests that a strong process of Slavization of the
Romanic peoples took place south of the Danube, a long with th e Romanization of
the Slavs in the n orther n regions, only late in the Middle Ages.
As a measure of retaliation aga in s t the iconodule papacy, the emperor Leo III
placed Illyricum under the jurisdiction of the patriarchate of Constantinople in 73 3;
but this decision would have little imme d iate impact, as the empire at the time only
retai ned the control of some coastal z ones of the diocese (Anastos 19 57). It was after
the baptism of the Bulgarians in 86 5 that the conflict b etween Rome and
Constantinople, now restored to Orthodoxy, ignited. The khan Boris - wise eno ugh
to take advice both from Patriarch Photius and Pope Nicholas I-managed to ach iev e
the re l ativ e independence of the Bulgarian patriarchate that endured through the
tenth century (Dujcev I971). The disciples of Sts Cyril and Methodius were invited
to i ntrod u c e in B ulga ria the Old Church Slavonic as the cultural and liturgical
language of the new empire. As the R o m an i a ns fell to some extent at the time under
the political influence of the Bulgarian sta te , their ruling elite (partly of Slavic origin)
also adopted Old Church Slavon i c . This was meant to be one of the most enduring
legacies for the Romanians (Panaitescu 1977). However, this p rocess was not linear.

143
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With the returning of the Byzantine a uthority to the Lower Danube in 971, the
eastern part of Romania enter e d the jurisdiction of the metropolitanate of
Durostorum (Silistra) and the bishopric of Axiopolis (modern Cernavoda) where the
liturgy remained Greek (Popescu 1994: 421-38; Nas rurel 1984).
When the Hungarians arrived in Pannonia (895) and later in Transylvania, they
encountered in these regions a p e ace ful cohabitation of Rom a n ians and Slavs, organ­
ized in a series of duchies that acknowledged, at least theoretically, the supremacy
of the emperor of Constantinople. The Byzantine patriarchate founded in 9 50 a
bishopric for the new Hungarian duchy of Transylvania r uled by Gyula I, where the
new ruling elite integrated the religion of their subjects. King Stephen I initiated the

Christianization of the Hungarians in 1000 by attaching them to the Church of

Rome. He began also the conquest of Transylvania proper, reducing to his authority
the duchy of Gyula II (1003). But the existence of Eastern-orientated Christians was
not affected, as Stephen I, who lived before the Great Schism, insisted on the equality
of the rites of his kingdom. In the eleventh to twelfth centuries, this bishopric became
the metropolitanate of Tourkia (since Byzantines called the Hungarians Tourkoi; see
Stephenson 2000: 38-45). At the same time, after defeating and annexing B ulg aria ,
Basil II transformed the Bulgarian patriarchate into the new archbishopric of Ohrid,
which was considered the successor of Justiniana Prima, with a bishopric "of the
Vlac h s " scattered all over Bulgaria (Stephenson 2000: 64-65, 75).2 After 1166, the
basileus Manuel I reduced Hungary to vassalage and took the Orthodox Church of
this kingdom under his protection (Stephenson 2000: 247-74).
What degraded the confessional equilibrium in H ungary was the Fourth Crusade.
With the foundation of the Latin patriarchate of Constantinople, the jurisdictional
ties loosened with the Chur c h of Hungary and consequently the Orthodox
metropolitanate and its bishopric were gradually absorbed in the second Latin arch­
bishopric of the kingdom, established in Kalocsa (Baan 1999: 45-53; Papacostea
1998). The mission toward the "schismatics" and the pagans continued with the
foundation in r 22 7 of a missionary b i shopric for the C um ans tribes who then domi­
nated the region between the Carpathians and the Don River. One of its responsibili­
ties, as related in a pontifical letter of 1234, was to reduce the "pseudo-bishops of
Greek rite" active among the Romanians dominated by the C um ans (Spinei 2008:
432-35). Things worsened under the Angevin Dynasty, driven by the Avignon papa­
cy's policy for active proselytizing. King Louis of Anjou unleashed a politics of forced
conversion of the Orthodox inhabitants of the kingdom and the newly conquered
territories in the Balkans. In 13 66, he imposed the Catholic faith as a condition to
access the nobility status in Transylvania. This stipulation remained a factor that
prevented the formation of a Romanian nobility, thus arresting in the long term the
formation of a distinct Romanian estate in Transylvania. This policy precipitated the
partial transfer of the Orthodox upper classes unwilling to obey the new regime to
the south and the east of Carpathians. They were the founders of Wallachia (c.1290)
and of Moldavia (1359).
After the creation of the imperium P,achorum et Bulgarorum in r r 8 5, the
Romanians in the Balkans came und er the influence of the ecclesia Blachorum et
Bulgarorum established under its first primate Basil of Tarnovo (Wolff 1949).
Drawing upon its ancient Old Church Slavonic tradition, this church reconciled -
after a brief al legia nce to the Holy See - with the ecumenical patriarchate in exile in

144
 - CHAPTER I l: The Romanian tradition -

1235 (Tarnanidis 1975: 28-52). The Romanians between the Carpathians and the
Balkans also entered under the influence of the Old Church Slavonic p atriarch ate of
Tarnovo. Even later the metropolitans of Walachia, after swi tc hin g to Con stanti nople ,
maintained their cultural connections with the Church of Bulgaria. As a re sul t the
cultural refo rmation initiated by the patriarch E u thymius of Tarnovo p enetrate d
permanently in n orthern Danubian space (Turdeanu 1947). It seems that Slavonic
was defin itively established as a cultic and cultural l anguage for Romanians only
after the constituti on of the politica l and ecclesiastical apparatus of Wallachia and
M oldavia (Constantinescu 1971-72).
It was with the rising of Wallachia and Moldavia that the patriarchate of
Constantinople established di rect connections when it became clear that the Balkan
States were about to fall definitively under the O ttoman regime. At the request of the
Romanian pri nc es , the patriarchs Kallistos I and Philotheos Ko kkinos decided to
found the two metropolitanates of Walachia in l 3 5 9 and l 3 70, removing this region
from the influence of rarnovo. More obsc ure are the conditions of the foundation of
the metropolitanate of Moldavia under the Greek metropolitan Theodosios (some­
time in 1387-90). The claims of the prince Stephen I, who supported the candidacy
of the Moldavian bishop Joseph against his Greek metropolitan Jerem y produced a ,

severe conflict with the patriarchate between 1395 and 1402, obliging the patriarch
to impose a gen era l excommunication on the country. But in fact, the real ta r get of
this condemnation was the prince himself, who a lli ed with the Ottomans when
Sultan Bayezid I put Con s tan tinople under siege (1394-1402). Once the Mold avi an
throne turned to Alexander I, who favored the Crusader camp, the conflict was
relieved and the patri arc h recogn iz ed Joseph as the third m e tropo lita n of Moldavia
without a second thought.
The importan c e of the Byzantine pe riod for the Romanian principalities is usually
underplayed in historiography. The Great Church let the Slavonic tradition live in
the Romanian lands ( D ele tant 1980; Turdeanu 198 5: l-242), as indeed in Russia,
and took ca re to send bilingual prelates to both principalities. During the diarchy of
the two sons of the late Ale xa n der I, the patriarchate even pe r m itted the foundation
of a seco nd metropolitanate for Moldavia in 14 3 6. Due to this solicitude, the
Romanian pri nces followed Byzantine ecclesiastical poli cy, taking part in the
Orthodox delegacies sent to the c o unci l s of Constance (1416, 1418), Basel (1434)
and Ferrara-Florence (1438-39).
The fall of Byzantium in 14 5 3 bro ught an impo rtant transformation in, though
not a ru p ture to, the relations of the Roman ian metropolitanates with the patriar­
chate. As the Ottoman Empire managed to subordinate Wallachia and Moldavia
only after fierce c om b at s from l 3 9 5 to 1 53 8, it was also obliged la rgely to ac know l ­
edge their autonomy, preserving the Christian ruling class and the Orthodox
Christian organ i zat ion of the society. The most ancient patriarchal berats of the
Ottoman period, issued by the sultans Bayezid II in 1483 and S ul eima n the Legislator
in l 5 2 5, inform us that these metropolitanates remained under the spiritual depend­
ence of the Great Church (Zachariadou 1996: 157-62, 174-79). These sources indi­

cate that a measure of ecc le siastical autonomy was also granted: from now on the
metropolitans were to be elected by the local synod with the agreement of the local
prince, sometimes with the participation of a pa tri a rchal legate, in which case a
patriarchal be nedicti on was solicited and sent. The princes of Moldavia, beginning

145
 - Dan I oan Mure§an -

with Stephen III the Great, and of Wallachia, starting with Radu the Great and
Neagoe Basarab, became the new patrons of the Great Church, supporting it when
needed, interfering in the elections of the patriarchs when possible, and sometimes
hailed for their efforts with fine Byzantine-style i mp e rial title s (Nastas e 1988). Their
patronage on Mount Athos (Nasturel 1986) is nothing but the reflection of the
patronage of the Rom anian princes on the Great Church itself. This patronage, exer­

cised in cooperation with the Greek archon s of Constantinople whose families soon

intermarried with the Romanian dynasts, constituted an essential component of the

survival of Orthodox Christi an society under Ottoman domination (Iorga 2000;
Runciman 1968).
From the end of the sixteenth century, the coronation of the Roman ian princes took
place in Constantinople, imme d iately after being n amed in their function by the
Ottoman sultan. Michael the Brave of Wallachia and Jeremy Movila of Moldavia -
despite their constant ri val ry - together helped the Orthodox Church of Poland­
Lithuani a to resist the Union of Brest ( l 59 5 ) . After the confiscation of the patriarchal
see by Murad III, the patriarchs resided in the palace of the pr inces of Walachia ( l 5 86--
1600) and the same Jeremy Movila helped the building of the new residence of the
Church of Saint George, the see of the patriarchate to the pres e nt . The princes of the
seventeenth century made the Romanian churches even more dependent on the patri­
archate. The re verse was also true. Basile Lupu of Moldavia hel ped to "recapitalize"
a broken Great Church, but manifested his authority in deposing and then naming
co mpliant patriarchs. The metropolitan Varlaam of M ol davia even was a candidate
for the ecumeni cal throne in 1639. This prince collaborated with a Moldavian scion,
P ete r Mohyla the Orthodox metropolitan of Kiev (Cazacu 1984). In 1642, theol<r
gians of the Kievan Academy and of the Patriarchal Church reunited in synod injassy�
where they ameliorated the Confession that Peter Mohyla published in l 640 in order
to resolve the crisis of the crypto-Calvinism of Cyril Lukaris' own Confession. After
its ratification by the patriarchate in the next year, this document, the fruit of pan­
Orthodox collaboration on Moldavian soil, became the most authoritative declara­
tion of the Orthodox faith during this period of intense confessionalization.
During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Transylvania, tra ns forme d into an
autonomous principality after the Ottoman conquest of Hungary ( l 5 26-41 ) , became
a welcoming homeland for all the branches of Protestantism: the S a x ons adhered to

Lutheranism, the Hungarians to Calvinism; even Unitarianism was an acknowl­

edged confession; while the Szeklers remained faith ful to Catholicism. This mutual
forbearance between the confessions of the three constitutional nations nevertheless
excl uded Orthodoxy, mistreated as the relig i o n of the peasantry - mostly Romanian,
who had been reduced to complete servitude after l 514. As victims of this regime of
apartheid avant la lettre institutionalized in the principality of Transylvania, the
Romanians were subjected to various Reformation regimes, eith er the Lutheran
Saxons in the sixteenth, or the Calvinist Hungarian princes in the seventeenth centu­
ries (Alzati 1981; Murdock 2000: 134-40). However, due to the Catholic prince
Stephan Bathory and to the Orthodox p rinc e Michael the Brave of Wallachia (who
was also briefly rul er of Transylvania and Moldavia around 1600), the Orthodox
metropolitanate of Transylvania was established in 1577-99. This institution helped
to conserve the identity of its faithful. Having the metropolitan as a fixed point for
resistance, the Ro man ians o ppo se d all the attempts to reform their "ancient law."
 - CHAPTER 1 r : Th e R o m a n i a n t r a d i t i o n -

Some Romanian s c h o l a r s , however, e n terta i ned the suggestion that the gos p el had
greater value for propagation in the v e r na c ul a r. The introduction o f Romanian as a
liturgical language be g a n with the translation of the Psalms at the e n d of the fifteenth
century, somewhere in Transylvania . The s i xtee n t h century witnessed the printing of
collections of Ro ma n i an homilies . In r 64 8 , Metropolitan Stefan of Tr a n s yl v a ni a
published the first complete Romanian version of the New Testament. The Mo l d a v ian
Nicolae M i l e s c u translated the Old Tes ta m e n t at the same time . Fi na lly, the
Wallachian brothers Greceanu united both texts and in 1 6 8 8 p u b l ishe d the first
complete translation of the Bible in R o ma n i a n at th e p ri nce l y press in Bucharest,
under the p a tr on a ge of �erban Cantacuzino . It is worth noting t he pan-Romanian
character of this wide-ranging cultural enterprise . In 1 6 8 2, Patriarch Dositheos of
Jerusalem founded the first Greek printing p r es s on Orthodox land, publishing at
Jassy his historical , l iturgic a l and polemical books (Turdeanu 1 9 8 5 : 2 1 6-7 5 ) . At the
same time , Greek princely academies were founded by the Romanian p ri n c e s : one in
Bucharest b y Serban Cantacuzino (c. 1 690), the o th e r in Jassy by Antioch Cantemir
( 1 707 ) . These institutions, later reformed and encouraged by the Phanariote p r i n c e s ,
were organized on the standards of the Great School of the Patriarchate and gave

first-hand access to Hellenic ( specifically, Aristotelian ) and patristic culture

(Camariano-Cioran 1 974) . Patriarch Denys IV, who cr o wn e d Constantine
Brancoveanu in 1 6 8 8 , is mere ly the most prominent a m o n g the Greek prelates who
arri ved at the court of the Hellenophile prince. This progressive acquaintance with
Greek Orthodoxy and Hellenic culture helped to loosen definitively the bonds of the
Slavonic language.
Indeed, at the end of the seventeenth century, M e trop o li ta n D o s o ftei , master of
Greek and a great poet himself, tr a n s l a t ed into R om a n i a n most of the holy offices of
the Eastern Church. Drawing upon it, his disciple Mitrofan, bi s h op of Buzau,
finished the translation of the liturgy, as well a s a complete Romanian collection of
the Lives of the Saints . Living Romanian entered into the current practice of the
church, thus distinguishing the Romanians from the Greeks and the Slavs, who were
still using the highly prestigious, but als o artificial, languages of the medieval times
in their d a ily cult.
After their v i c to ry at Vi enna in 1 6 8 3 , the Ha bsburgs o c c up i ed Hungary and
Transylvania and the Ottoman E m p i re officially ren o u nc e d them in 1 69 9 . In order
to curb the Protestant influence in Transylvania , Emperor Leopold issued a series of
privileges in 1 69 7 inviting the Romanians to union with the C hu rc h of Rome . The
social and political emancipation implied by th i s document was too attractive for an
ca:lesiastical elite long constrained to a low-grade status . In 1 69 8 the metropolitan
of Transylvania, Athanasie Anghel , was consecrated in Wa lac h i a by the m etr o po l ­
itan, assisted by Dositheos o f Jerusalem, and in his signed Pro fe s s i o n of Ortho d oxy
disapproved of both the liturgical interference of Ca l v in i sm and Roman Ca th o l i c
'A>gmas. But s ca rc ely had he retu rned to Transylvania, when the metropolitan organ­
ized two successive local s yn o d s ( 1 69 8 , 1 700 ) that re c o g n i z ed the pope's p rim a c y, on
die basis of the scrupulous retention of the Byzantine rite and the concessions of the
mperial pri vil e ge of 1 69 7 . In April 1 70 1 in Vienna in the presence of the e mpe r or,
Athanasie acce p t e d becoming a simple b i sh o p under the j urisdiction of the archbishop
of Esztergom and to h a v e the pope as his patriarch, seve r i ng all the a nci e n t relations
with the "schismatic " Eastern Church. This surprising decision prompted his

14 7
 - D a n l o a n M u r e§a n -

excommunication by the Orthodox p a tr i ar c h s and s tr o ng opposition in s o uthern

Transylvania around the mona steries protected by the pr inc e Bd.ncoveanu; mean­
while, the bishop of Maramure§ did the s ame with the help of the Church of
M o l d avia . The successive Orthodox revolts of Visarion Sarai in I 744 and of Sofronie
in r 7 6 r obliged the Austrian authorities to accept the religious division of the
Transylvanian church - roughly, Greek C a th ol i c to the north of th e river Mures, and
Greek Orthodox to the south. In 1 7 8 4 , Emperor J os e ph II promulgated the Edict of
Tolerance and appointed a Serb i a n bi s ho p of Transylvania , subject to the Serbian
metropolitan of Karlowitz. Nevertheless, the national and r e ligi o u s e m a nc ip ation of
the Romanians promoted by the Greek Catholic b i shop Inochentie Micu - inspired
by the historical researches of the prince Demetrius C a n te mir into the Roman origins
of the nation a n d other members of the " Transylvanian school " who further
devel o p e d his i de as - also had a strong impact on the Orthodox Romanians on both
sides of the Carpathians (Hitchins 1 9 9 6 : 1 9 8-2 1 4 ) .
Meanwhile, important evolutions also took place i n the region. Demetrius
C ante mir, while prince of Moldavia, had imprudently supported the Orthodox
crusade of Peter the Great in 1 7 1 l , but the Russian emp e ro r fa il e d agai n st the
Ottoman army and the scholar-prince took flight into exile. Constantin Bd.ncoveanu
of Wal l ac h i a remained in waiting, only to be executed in Constantinople as a martyr
for the Christian faith in 1 7 1 4 . For this re a so n doubting the fidelity of Romanian
princes, the Ottoman suzerain repl a ce d them with Christian high officials from the
Phanar, the Christian quarter of Constantinople wh ere the pa tria rc h a t e is based ( see
Philliou 2009 ) . Nicholas Mavrocordato wa s the first to initiate the Phanariote
regime successively in Mo I d a via ( l 7 l l ) and in Walachia ( l 7 l 4 ) . Due to their conniv­
ance with the patriarchate, they initiated restored relations between the Great
Church and its Ro ma ni a n metropolitanates. Enlightened princes , they took meas­
ures to improve the situation of the church and decided to put an end to the servi­
tude of the peasantry in both Mo l d a vi a and Walachia . It was under th e Phanariote
regime th a t Damashin of Ramnic accomplished the introduction of Romanian as a
liturgical language, diffusing far and wide all the n ece ssa ry liturgical books by means
of the press. Metropolitan G e o rge IV introduced Romanian liturgical books in the
Church of Moldavia and this movement was accelerated by even th e Greek
metropolitan Nikephoros after 1 74 3 · Ro m a n ia n and Greek c u l t u r e s were in this
manner colla borating to re p l ac e the old Sl a vo nic tradition. These books were a l so
largely used in the Greek Catholic Church in Transylvania, unifying the Romanian
language.
In 1 7 5 2, M o l d a vi a n metropolitan Iacov of Putna convened a synod that formally
i nte r di cte d Greeks from b e coming prelates in Moldavia . This reaction paved the
way to new Russian i nfluence . The Russian-Austrian-Ottoman wars occasioned the
continual presence of the Russian armies in the principalities thr ough ou t the eight­
eenth century. When Empress Catherine II took drastic measures against monasti­
cism in R uss ia ( 1 764), it was in Romanian monasteries, organized on traditional
Athonite rules, tha t highly spiritual Russian figures found a hav e n . The first was
Basil who settled in the mo na s te ry of Poiana Mirului (Wallachia ) . Soon he was
followed by his d i s c ipl e Paisii Velichkovsii ( 1 7 2 2-94 ) who, after a long discipleship
on Athas, governed as a starets the communitie s of Dragomirna and Neamt
(Moldavia ) (Tachiaos 1 9 8 6; Fe a th e r s to ne 1 9 9 0; Hitchins 199 6: l l 5 -2 1 ) . Paisii left
 - CHAPTER l l : Th e R o m a n ia n t r a d i t i o n -

a la sti n g heritage not only in R u s sia , but also in Romanian principalities. There were
his direct d isciples who soon had to face the modernization wave of the nineteenth
century, as p r el a t es of the c hu rc he s of M ol d a via and Wallachia .
During the last Russian occupation, the Holy Synod of the R u s si an Church named
Gavril Banulescu Bodoni as ex arc h ( 1 78 7-9 2, 1 806-1 2 ) , i n terfe ring directly in the
jurisdiction of the ecumenical patriarchate. Thi s prelate of Romanian origin encour­
aged a m o ve m ent of o p p o s i t io n against Greek in fl uen c e that led directly to the auto­
cephaly of the reunited Romanian Church (Batalden l 9 8 3 ) . In l 8 l 2, after the
annexation of the eastern half of Moldavia ( Bessara bia ) by the Russian Empire,
Bodoni became the new metropolitan of Chi�inau, developing here a Romanian
cultural p o li tics . But all his Russian successors strove for the integration of the
diocese in the bosom of the R uss i a n Church. One of them even confiscated all the
Romanian books in the monasteries and burnt them in an unmatched Orthodox
auto-da-fe (Hitchins 1 99 4 : 24 3-49 ) .
The Regulamentul Organic ( " Organic Rules " ) i s s u ed by the Russian ge n e r al ,
Count Pavel Dmitrievich Kiseleff, for the two principalities in 1 8 2 8 reduced the civil
importance of the prelates and confined the church to spiritual matters. This n ew
trend of secularization was pursued by the prince who unified Mo l d av i a and
Walachia in 1 8 5 9 , Alexandru loan Cuza ( 1 8 5 9-6 6 ) . In a strong-handed manner, he
proceeded to seize the monastic properties dedicated to the eastern holy p l a ce s in
l 864, assured state control of the c h urch through prolonging the vac a n c y of epis ­

copal sees , and finalJy proclaimed the a utocephaly of the Romanian Church in l 8 6 5
under the presidency of . a new primate, the m etr op o li t a n of Walachia (H i tc h i n s
1 9 9 6: 3 1 2- 1 4 ) . The r a ti o n a l e of this pri nce 's conduct has se l d o m been understood.
It has recently been proven that in 1 8 64 Alexandru loan Cuza became the last
Romanian prince to accept pr i ncel y unction in the ancient Byzantine rite by the
ec um e n i c a l patriarch. The prince seems then to have arrogated a series of preroga­

tives derived from this ceremony, acting in some crucial instances with an a u t h o r ity
imitating that of a B yz a n ti ne emperor: like Nicephoros Phokas, he tried to delimit
the abuses of mona stic property; like Justinian and Basil II, he created an autocepha­
lous church in opposition to the patriarchate; but at the same time he s ho w e d the
greatest respect for the sanctity of a Hesychast p re l a te like Calinic of Cernica, bish op
of Ramnic .
Charles I of Hohenzollern ( 1 8 6 6-1 9 1 4 ) , the first Roman Catho lic and constitu­
tional monarch - never to be anointed - replaced that r a s hn es s with a so fter
diplomacy. The autocephaly of the church was inscribed in the Constitution of 1 8 6 6
and finally in the church law of 1 8 7 2 . After the proclamation of t h e kingdom
in 1 8 8 1 , the Romanian Synod itself consecrated the holy chrism in 1 8 8 2 . This
aroused the stern opposition of P atriarch Joachim III, but his successor Joachim
IV bowed to the rea lity: the Synod in Constantinople officially recognized the
a ut oc e ph a ly by the Tomas of 2 5 April 1 8 8 5 ( Hitchins 1 99 4 : 9 1-9 2 ; Kitromilides

200 6 : 2 3 8-4 0 ) .
I n Transylvania, Bishop Andrei S a g una ( 1 8 4 8-73 ) achieved the restoration o f the
metropolitanate in l 8 6 5 , emancipating it from S e r b i a n j urisdiction, and established
cordial re l a tio ns with the Romanian Uniate Church which in 1 8 52 had herself been
released from Hungarian j urisdiction and reorganized a s a metropolitanate. A
specialist of canon law and excellent manager, Saguna issued the new Organic R u l e s

149
 - D a n loan Mu re§an -

of his metropolitanate, founded on the a u t ono my of th e church in respect to the

state and the large participation of the Christian laity in the affairs of the church
(Hitchins 1 9 7 7 and 1 9 9 6 : 2 5 4-70) . At the same time, the Orthodox Church of
Bukovina also acceded to the metropolitan rank ( 1 8 7 3 ) , almost a century after the
annexation of this ancient Moldavian province by the Habsburg Empire ( 1 77 5 ) .
After the Fi r st World War, when all the provinces inhabited by the R o m a nia ns
were unit e d into a n a ti o na l state, the metro p olitanates of Transylvania, of Bukovina
and of Bessarabia na tura l l y approached the autocephalous Romanian Church with
the p r o p o s a l of evolving together into a distinct Romanian patriarchate. One
Transylvanian bishop, Miron Cristea , became the metropolitan primate o f the all
Romanian Church in l 9 I 9. By the solemn decision of the synod, the R om a n i an
Church was proclaimed patriarchate in 1 9 2 5 , and this ti m e the ecumenical patriar­
chate immediately recognized the proclamation . Thus, for the first time in their
h i story, the Romanians achieved a unified and self-conscious ecclesiastical identity.
Five patriarchs governed the Ro m an i a n Church in the patriarchal times of its
history: Mir o n Cristea ( 1 9 2 5-3 9 ), Nicodim ( 1 9 3 9-4 8 ) , Justinian ( 1 94 8-7 7), Justin
( 1 9 77-8 6 ) , Teoctist ( 1 9 8 6-2007) and, from 2007 to the present, D an ie l . During this
period, the church endured the o pp r e s s i on of two totalitarian regimes and the
p r o fo u n d regime change after 1 989 . It was not without compromises that it resisted
un d e r the Communist re g im e . But where the hierarchy fa il e d , a new s er i e s of martyrs
redressed the verticality of the church ( Bourdeaux and Popescu 2qo 6: 5 6 2-67 ) . After
the Revolution of 1 9 8 9 , the church returned to the public s phe re as an authoritative
voice in society, even if it had a lot of challenges to face from its recent past or from
its immediate p re s e nt (Stan and Turcescu 2007).
This surv e y o f the history of the Romanian Church perhaps suggests that living
" for the other " is a particular Christian vocation. Romanians easily a d opt e d the
Slavonic, then Greek habits of Orthodoxy, before finding their own mode of
e xp re s si ng the faith. By doing so, they preserved d u ri n g the Ottoman period the

Euthymian tradition of the so u t hern Slavs, and contributed greatly at the same time
to the su pp o rt of Hellenism. To this end, they d ep rive d themselves of i m p orta n t
material goods for centuries, generously putting them at the disposal of the surviving
Christians of the Balkans . R om ania ns also welcomed the initiators of the s p i r i tu a l
renaissance of the m od e r n Russian Church. T hei r humble presence at the cros sroa d s
of the O rtho d ox world therefore a cco u nt s for some important currents that animated
a civilization wh i c h could be reasonably depicted as " Byzantino-slavo-romanian, "

at least fr o m l I 8 5 o n . At the same time, their Romanic origins did not let them
forget that the universal church was at once Eastern as well a s Western, encoura ging
them to be a bridge between both si des , never falling into de s p a ir when confronted
with t h e i r brutal separation.

NOTES
r Modern historiography spilled too much ink on the theory of the discontinuity of the Romanic popu­
lation after the Roman retreat from Dacia and its migration right back home in the Middle Ages, a
theory refashioned in r 8 7 r by the dilettante historian Robert Roesler in order to back s ome political
agenda which today has lost any relevance. This opinion seemed to the greatest modern historian of
Rome literally " foolish " (Mommsen 199 6: 2 8 5 ) .
2 Theophylact of Ohrid respected the Bulgarian tradition of his church ( Stephenson 2000: 1 50-54).
 - C H A PT E R r r : Th e R o m a n i a n t r a d i t i o n -

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