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Family and Consumer Sciences

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Body Dissatisfaction and Patterns of Media Use Among Preadolescent Children


Jaehee Jung and Michael Peterson
Family and Consumer Sciences Research Journal 2007; 36; 40
DOI: 10.1177/1077727X07303486

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© 2007 American Association of Family and Consumer Sciences. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution.
Body Dissatisfaction and Patterns of
Media Use Among Preadolescent Children

Jaehee Jung
Michael Peterson
University of Delaware

This study examined school-age children’s satisfaction/dissatisfaction with their body sizes and their media
consumption and image perception patterns. A sample of preadolescent children at the ages between 8 and 11 (N =
50) was recruited for in-depth individual interviews from a university-sponsored child care facility in a mid-
Atlantic state. Results suggested that boys and girls were significantly different in their ideal body preferences.
Similar to the results from previous studies on young adults and older teens, preadolescent boys desired to have
a heavier body size, whereas girls desired to be thinner than their perceived actual body size. For the pattern of
media use, boys showed a greater attraction toward and recall of muscular appearances and athletic ability in all
media venues, whereas girls’ responses indicated a greater proclivity toward beauty and looks. Results suggest a
need to address the development and maintenance of healthy body images among children.

Keywords: preadolescent children; body image; body dissatisfaction; media use

Body image, a multidimensional concept that includes the thoughts, feelings, and
attitudes related to one’s own body (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-
Dunn, 1999), is an important social and medical issue because of its well-docu-
mented association with an impaired self-image, reduced social effectiveness, and
potentially life-threatening eating disorders. Growing concerns with eating disor-
ders and body dissatisfaction are not isolated issues for grown-ups and young
adults as body dissatisfaction has origins early in life. Current empirical studies
report that body dissatisfaction and concern with weight develop before the age
of 7 in Western societies (e.g., Dohnt & Tiggemann, 2005), and yet little is known
about the level of body dissatisfaction among preadolescent children and their
patterns of media use.
Many American children and adolescents today face the pressures of obtain-
ing an ideal body due to influences from family, peers, the cultural ideal of
beauty, and the media, otherwise known as sociocultural factors. Among the
sociocultural factors, the media plays a critical role in promoting Western
ideals. Children are exposed to messages about physical appearance from a
young age, partly as a consequence of marketing efforts for products such as
clothes, music, and toys as they are considered an important consumer group
(Schor, 2004). American youth are increasing in body size while simultaneously
being heavily exposed to media-generated body shape and image ideals that

Authors’ Note: The authors thank Tracy Evian for her assistance with this project. This project is
funded by College of Human Services, Education, and Public Policy Grants of the University of
Delaware. Jaehee Jung is an assistant professor at the University of Delaware. Michael Peterson is a
professor at the University of Delaware.
Family and Consumer Sciences Research Journal, Vol. 36, No. 1, September 2007 40-54
DOI: 10.1177/1077727X07303486
© 2007 American Association of Family and Consumer Sciences
40

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Jung, Peterson / BODY DISSATISFACTION AND MEDIA 41

are contrary to their reality (Brownell, 1991). Given the fact that preadolescent
children are more divergent in body size compared to the body types idealized
in the media, it is important to understand the extent to which preadolescents
are satisfied with their body sizes and the influence media has on their percep-
tions of ideal body type. Understanding these factors among preteens would
provide crucial information about how best to ameliorate body image dissatis-
faction and associated maladies among a progressively less “ideal” body type
emerging in society. Thus, the purpose of this study was to study preadolescent
school-age children’s satisfaction/dissatisfaction with their body sizes and the
media influence on their perceptions of ideal body type.

Definition of Terms

For the purpose of this article body mass index (BMI) is an estimation of a child’s
body fat based on his or her height and weight; body image dissatisfaction is the sub-
jective feelings of dissatisfaction with one’s appearance and is defined by the dif-
ference between how they think their body currently looks and how they ideally
would like their body to look; body image distortion is defined as the inaccurate sub-
jective perception of one’s body or body part.

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Body Image Dissatisfaction Among Children

The ideal body image held by children and adolescents is not a creative image
that they have generated on their own but rather an image constructed from
familial, social, and cultural factors. Thinness is considered as one of the most
important criteria for female attractiveness in Western and Westernized countries
(Nasser, 1997; Phares, Steinberg, & Thompson, 2004; Sands & Wardle, 2003),
whereas a muscle-built physique, characterized by well-developed chest and arm
muscles, is significantly important for male attractiveness (Heywood & McCabe,
2006; Pope, Phillips, & Olivardia, 2000). Collins (1991) found that 42% of the girls
as early as 6 to 7 years of age preferred thinner figures than their own body sizes,
and Clark and Tiggemann (2006) found that about half of girls 12 years of age dis-
played a desire to be thinner.
Although there are many other social and environmental factors that can
influence one’s body size (e.g., availability and cost of food, opportunity to
engage in physical activity), a large disparity between the culturally desired
body type and the actual body size is likely to occur if individuals are not
granted the ideal body size and shape based on genetics. In a study of 8- to 10-
year-olds, 55% of the girls and 35% of the boys were dissatisfied with their size
(Wood, Becker, & Thompson, 1996). Approximating the cultural ideal is very
difficult, and only a few people can actually look like those seen in the media.
If men and women consider appearance highly important in the evaluation of
self and others, then their body image may be affected by failure to measure up
to the cultural ideal (Jung & Lennon, 2003).

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42 FAMILY AND CONSUMER SCIENCES RESEARCH JOURNAL

Recent empirical studies show increased body image dissatisfaction and body
image distortion among nearly all ages in American society (see Tiggemann, 2004,
for a review of body dissatisfaction across the life span). Internalization of cultur-
ally sanctioned body ideals may foster greater body dissatisfaction for most boys
and girls based on discontentment with their own shape and size. Body image dis-
satisfaction, subjective feelings of dissatisfaction with one’s physical appearance,
can play a key role in unhealthy weight control behaviors such as skipping meals,
fasting, smoking cigarettes, vomiting, and taking laxatives among teenage girls
and boys (Neumark-Sztainer, 2005). Also, children who are dissatisfied with their
body weight are at high risk for the development of serious clinical eating disor-
ders such as anorexia nervosa or bulimia, greater depression, and lower self-
esteem (Dohnt & Tiggemann, 2006; Neumark-Sztainer, Paxton, Hannan, Haines,
& Story, 2006). Body image distortion, which occurs when an individual perceives
his or her body shape and size in an inaccurate fashion, was also found in several
studies (Gardner, Friedman, Jackson, & Stark, 1999; Gustavson et al., 1990).
According to Greenfield, Quinlan, Harding, Glass, and Bliss (1987), only 1 out of
4 girls in their study who described themselves as overweight were objectively
overweight. This type of body image distortion may reinforce negative feelings
toward one’s body (i.e., body image dissatisfaction) and may lead to other severe
body image problems.

Media Influences on Body Image

The media creates ideals and social norms that are acceptable and preferable in
American society. These media-based ideals and norms can be a standard by
which individuals measure their worth and value, especially for preadolescent
and adolescent girls who are known to be most vulnerable to these images.
Magazines for example are used as important sources of information on beauty
and fitness for girls (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2004; Levine, Smolak, & Hayden,
1994), and reading teen magazines has been related to body image (Field et al.,
1999) and concepts of femininity (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2004) in late elemen-
tary and early adolescent girls. Images in the media perpetuate stereotypic fea-
tures constructed as cultural ideals (e.g., thin and having attractive physical
characteristics for the female ideal), and findings are consistent that the content of
media does little to promote health and much to undermine healthy behavior
among young people.
Among the media, television is significantly important for adolescents and
children who spend considerable amounts of time watching advertising and televi-
sion programs. A study found that adolescent females who viewed more television
were more dissatisfied with their bodies than were females who viewed less televi-
sion (Harrison & Cantor, 1997). In a sample of grade school children, television view-
ing predicted increased eating disorder symptoms among both genders and
reinforced fat stereotyping among boys (Harrison, 2000). According to the content
analysis of television situation comedies that are popular among young female view-
ers (Fouts & Burggraf, 1999), below average weight female characters received sig-
nificantly more positive verbal comments from male characters with regards to body
weight and shape than their heavier counterparts. Fouts and Burggraf (1999) sug-
gested that the combination of modeling the thin ideal and the verbal reinforcement

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Jung, Peterson / BODY DISSATISFACTION AND MEDIA 43

associated with this modeling can contribute to the internalization of the thin ideal
and potential development of eating disorders for young female viewers. Thus, tele-
vision has the potential to reinforce social stereotypes and behaviors as well as alter
young viewers’ perceptions of reality and preferred normalcy.
According to social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954), people evaluate them-
selves through comparisons with others. Upward comparisons with others who
are superior to oneself on a dimension of interest are often associated with
increases in depression and anger and decreases in appearance satisfaction
(Heinberg & Thompson, 1995), whereas downward comparisons with others who
are inferior to oneself may show increases in self-esteem and positive affect (Major,
Testa, & Bylsma, 1991). A comparison with highly attractive images in the media
would mean an upward comparison for the average individual and the outcome
of the comparison would be negative. Indeed, women with high scores on a mea-
sure of internalization of the thin ideal who viewed women that were considered
highly representative of the thin, attractive ideal in a series of television commer-
cials expressed a significant increase in body dissatisfaction (Cattarin, Williams,
Thomas, & Thompson, 2000).
Similar to behaviors of adults, children often make comparisons of themselves
with same-sex peers and models/celebrities in the media for physical attributes
(Jones, 2001), and the outcome of these comparisons is more likely to be negative
(e.g., reduced body satisfaction). The “epidemic” of obesity in the United States is
well known, and recent studies (e.g., Peterson, Ellenberg, & Crossan, 2003) reveal
that our children are increasing in body size while simultaneously being heavily
exposed to media-generated body ideals that are thinner or more sexually
endowed. It is very likely that the growing discrepancy between their actual body
sizes and the ideal bodies portrayed in the media place children at increasing risk
for the development of unhealthy body images and disordered eating habits in an
effort to control their weight. On the other hand, the more time children spend
watching television, the more likely they are to be obese because they are more
likely to consume snack food high in fat, sugar, and calories that are commonly
advertised on television (Wiecha et al., 2006). Furthermore, children who watched
more hours per day of TV and those who watched TV for longer periods of time
were less likely to engage in physical activity (DuRant, Baranowski, Johnson, &
Thompson, 1994). In fact, reducing TV/video viewing hours and decreasing the
number of meals eaten in front of TV yielded significant reductions in BMI among
teenage boys and girls (Robinson, 1999).

Gender Differences in Body Image

Gender differences documented through body image studies are consistent


with findings that females are more dissatisfied with their bodies and less happy
with their physical characteristics than are males. This is partly due to the greater
cultural value for female physical attractiveness rather than their abilities or
achievements (Drogosz & Levy, 1996), which may create greater pressure among
females to approximate the cultural ideal than among men. However, emerging
literature suggests that men are not immune from suffering body image distur-
bances such as body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. Some argue that many
men are just as unhappy with their appearance as women (Pope et al., 2000). In
fact, adolescent males who scored high on drive for muscularity were more likely

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44 FAMILY AND CONSUMER SCIENCES RESEARCH JOURNAL

to have low self-esteem and to engage in strategies to increase body mass (McCreary
& Sasse, 2000).
Gender differences found in body image studies with middle-aged and young
adults have also been found in studies with adolescents and children. For example,
girls, but not boys, who viewed beauty- and appearance-oriented commercials
reported significantly higher body dissatisfaction than those who viewed beauty-
neutral commercials (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2003). Body mass, both perceived
and actual, seems to play a key role in the development of body dissatisfaction
among boys and girls. The more girls deviate from the ultraslender body ideal, the
greater is their body dissatisfaction. Body dissatisfaction has shown a positive asso-
ciation with age and body mass index in girls, indicating that as girls begin to gain
weight and greater adipose tissue, namely, body fat during puberty, they are
increasingly dissatisfied with their bodies (Blowers, Loxton, Grady-Flesser,
Occhipinti, & Dawe, 2003; Gardner, Sorter, & Friedman, 1997). Body dissatisfaction
among 12-year-old girls was greater than among 9-year-old girls, whose dissatis-
faction was greater than that of 6-year-old girls (Gardner et al., 1997). Similarly, ele-
vations in body mass has been found to predict body dissatisfaction in girls
(Presnell, Bearman, & Stice, 2004; Stice & Whitenton, 2002). However, when boys
are not satisfied with their bodies, more often than not, they wish to be larger and
more muscular than their current figure (Pope et al., 2000). Although they wish to
be larger, there may be an optimal range of body mass because boys (aged 8 to 10
years) with a high BMI were more likely to experience body dissatisfaction (Holt &
Ricciardelli, 2002). Similarly, in a study of children (aged 8 to 12 years) more than
half of the overweight boys wanted to be thinner (Rolland, Farnill, & Griffiths,
1996). Boys were most satisfied with their bodies when they were average weight
rather than when they were either underweight or overweight (Richards, Boxer,
Petersen, & Albrecht, 1990). Although adiposity is generally believed to predict
body dissatisfaction, there are other studies that failed to predict associations (e.g.,
Schreiber et al., 1996). Given this discrepancy in the literature, this study will exam-
ine the relationship between body mass and body dissatisfaction in preadolescent
boys and girls.
Body image concerns and other related psychological functioning have been
well established in samples of older adolescents and young women. Little is
known however about body image dissatisfaction in younger, preadolescent
children. Because there is greater social pressure and media exposure for children
in America to obtain culturally sanctioned ideals, it is important to understand the
degree that preadolescent boys and girls are concerned about body image, the
extent of their body dissatisfaction, and the influence the media has on their per-
ceptions of both current and ideal body type. With a lack of studies on preadoles-
cent children’s body image, an examination of gender differences in this age
group could improve our knowledge about children’s values and social expecta-
tions in relation to physical appearance. Few studies have used both quantitative
and qualitative methods to study children’s perceptions of body image, and thus
this study employed both scale-based questions for quantitative responses and
open-ended questions to probe into children’s thoughts and opinions related to
this issue. Based on the review of previous research, it was expected that (a) pat-
terns of gender differences among boys and girls would resemble those of adults
and (b) patterns of media use among boys and girls would be related to gender
differences in body image.

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Jung, Peterson / BODY DISSATISFACTION AND MEDIA 45

METHOD

Participants
A sample of preadolescent children between the ages 8 and 11 (N = 50) were
recruited for individual interviews from a university-sponsored child care facility in
a mid-Atlantic state. All participant children were required to return an informed
consent form signed by either a parent or guardian. In all, 29 boys (age M = 10.00)
and 21 girls (age M = 9.92) participated in the current study, and participants were
from a predominantly White ethnic group (White = 81.3%, African American =
12.5%, Hispanic = 2.1%, other = 4.2%). Study methodology was approved by the
institutional review board.

Procedure and Instrument

A trained doctoral research assistant conducted interviews with each participant


child in a meeting room provided by his or her teacher and recorded his or her
responses and/or comments in the presence of the teacher. Each child was assessed
on media consumption behaviors (frequency, content, and preferences for TV,
magazines, etc.). Questions included “How many days per week do you watch
TV?” “Who first comes to mind when you think of famous people on TV?” and
“What do people in the magazine look like?” Follow-up questions were asked to
clarify their initial responses. Each child was also given two types of
silhouette/picture-based instruments to assess body image dissonance. Upon com-
pletion, the research assistant measured each child’s height and weight with shoes
and clothes on using a portable digital scale and tape measure to determine actual
BMI. Interviews took approximately 45 minutes per child.

Body mass index (Garrow & Webster, 1985). Each participant’s BMI was calculated
as weight in kilograms divided by the squared height in meters based on the
objective measures of weight and height taken by the research assistant. Because
body fatness changes over the years in children, the age- and gender-specific BMI
cutoff points (BMI for age) recommended by the Department of Health and
Human Services and the Center for Disease Control and Prevention for classify-
ing American children were used for weight classification (Department of Health
and Human Services, n.d.). Weight classification for children includes under-
weight, normal, at risk of overweight, and overweight.

Body dissatisfaction. Two pictorial instruments were administered to children to


ask perceptions and preferences of body size for their own sex and the opposite
sex. The Figure Rating Scale for Child (FRSC; Collins, 1991) is a pictorial instru-
ment including male and female child figures that range from very thin to obese.
Each participant child was asked to make three figure selections:
1. Self: Which picture looks the most like you look? (same-sex child figure);
2. Ideal self: Which picture shows the way you want to look? (same-sex child figure);
3. Ideal opposite child: Which picture shows the way you think is best for girls/boys
to look? (opposite-sex child figure).

The BMI-based-Silhouette Matching Test (BMI-SMT; Peterson et al., 2003) uses sil-
houette figures as reference points within a scale of 27 discrete choices, each choice

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46 FAMILY AND CONSUMER SCIENCES RESEARCH JOURNAL

representing an increase (or decrease) of one BMI unit (a BMI score ranging from
14 to 40). Each participant child was asked to select the figure that represents his
or her current appearance (current figure) and the figure that reflects the appear-
ance he or she would most like to look like (ideal figure). Differences between self
and ideal self for the FRSC and between current and ideal appearance for the BMI-
SMT determined the degree of body image dissatisfaction.

DATA ANALYSES

Data were reported as the M + SD and as proportions. Test statistics included


multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA), analysis of variance (ANOVA),
independent samples t test, and chi-square analyses. Also included were descrip-
tive statistics. Statistical significance was considered as p < .05. Data analyses were
performed using SPSS for Windows (Version 14.0). Thematic cluster analysis was
used to assess qualitative responses to interview questions.

RESULTS

Independent samples t test revealed that boys and girls were not different with
respect to age, weight, height, or BMI. The average weight of boys was 88.9
pounds and the average height was 56.9 inches (4 feet, 7 inches). The average
weight of girls was 95.3 pounds and the average height was 57.1 inches (4 feet, 8
inches). The average BMI of boys was 18.9, which is in the normal range, whereas
that of girls was 20.3, which is in the overweight range. Of the 50 children who
were measured, 75.9% boys and 52.6% girls were classified as normal weight,
6.9% boys and 26.3% girls were at risk of overweight, and 17.2% boys and 21.1%
girls were overweight.

Body Image Dissatisfaction Based on Pictorial Instruments

Multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) was used to investigate


whether there were significant differences in FRSC and BMI-SMT measurements
across two gender samples. Because body dissatisfaction can vary according to
one’s actual body size, BMI was used as covariate. MANCOVA revealed signifi-
cant effects for gender on measures of the FRSC and BMI-SMT, F(5, 44) = 4.44,
p < .01. Further univariate analyses found significant differences between boys
and girls in BMI-SMT ideal figure, BMI-SMT discrepancy between current and
ideal figure, FRS ideal self, discrepancy between self and ideal self, and discrep-
ancy between ideal self and ideal opposite child (all p < .05) (see Table 1 for means
and standard deviations). To examine relationships between BMI and BMI-SMT
ratings, multivariate analysis of covariance was conducted with gender as an
independent variable and participants’ actual BMI and discrepancies between
BMI and BMI-SMT ratings of current and ideal figures as dependent measures,
F(3, 46) = 4.92, p < .01. Significant gender difference was found for discrepancy
between BMI and BMI-SMT ideal figure, F(1, 48) = 9.33, p < .01. Ideal figure for
boys was heavier than the actual BMI, whereas the ideal figure for girls was thin-
ner than the actual BMI (see Table 1 for means of discrepancies).

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Jung, Peterson / BODY DISSATISFACTION AND MEDIA 47

TABLE 1: Means and Standard Deviations for Measures of the FRSC and BMI-SMT Between
Boys and Girls

Boys Girls

M SD M SD F(1, 48)

FRSC
Self 3.47 1.18 3.55 1.26 0.18
Ideal self 3.52 1.04 2.92 1.16 4.53*
Ideal opposite child 2.79 1.23 3.26 1.25 1.48
Self–Ideal selfa –0.05 0.78 0.63 1.16 4.92*
Ideal self–Ideal opposite child 0.72 1.29 –0.34 1.08 9.79**
BMI-SMT
Current figure 23.12 5.24 23.13 4.45 0.89
Ideal figure 23.29 3.71 20.03 3.07 13.13**
Current–Ideal figurea –0.17 4.40 3.11 3.83 6.38*
Discrepancy between BMI and
BMI-SMT
Actual BMI 18.92 5.68 20.37 4.36 0.88
BMI–Current figure (BMI-SMT) –4.20 3.79 –2.76 3.84 1.63
BMI–Ideal figure (BMI-SMT) –4.37 5.35 0.35 5.04 9.33**

NOTE: FRSC = Figure Rating Scale for Child; BMI = body mass index; BMI-SMT = BMI-based-Silhouette
Matching Test.
a. A Positive number means a larger current figure, and a negative number means a larger ideal figure.
*p < .05. **p < .01.

Frequency and Content of Media Use

The interview questionnaire included a series of questions about television,


magazines, video games, and so on to see patterns of media use in terms of fre-
quency and content. As expected, the children were involved with a variety of
media on a daily basis. Independent samples t test was used to examine gender
differences in children’s responses with occasional employment of chi-square test
to examine categorical differences in responses.

Frequency and Content of Television

Responses from questions about television indicated that more than half of the
boys (65.5%) and girls (63.2%) watch television every day with significant differ-
ences between yes and no responses (χ 2 = 4.08, p < .05). No significant gender dif-
ference was found in the pattern of responses. For the question how many days
per week they watch television, the majority of the children responded 6.1 to 7
days (47.4% by girls, 58.6% by boys), followed by 2.1 to 4 days (31.6% of girls,
20.7% of boys). The mean for the number of days of watching television was 3.05
days for the girls and 3.17 days for the boys. Among the children who watch tele-
vision every day, the majority of them responded that they spend 1.5 to 2.5 hours
watching television per day (31.6% by girls, 24.2% by boys), followed by 3.0 to 5.0
hours (21.0% by girls, 17.2% by boys). Most children mentioned having a favorite
show or shows (94.7% of girls, 82.2% of boys). When children were asked what
day(s) of the week they watch their favorite television show (shows), more than
two thirds of the girls (76.9%) and slightly less than half (44.4%) of the boys watch
their show(s) every day, followed by weekdays only (23.1% by girls, 35.3% by
boys). In addition, regardless of gender, more children responded yes than no

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48 FAMILY AND CONSUMER SCIENCES RESEARCH JOURNAL

when asked whether they watch television after school (78.9% by girls, 75.9% by
boys). When children were asked whether they remember any commercials, about
half said yes, with no significant gender difference. However, when asked
whether their parents say not to watch television too much, more girls responded
yes (68.4%) than no (31.6%), whereas more boys responded to no (58.6%) than yes
(41.4%) although there was no significant gender difference.
When asked how often their parents say not to watch television, data indicated
greater parental concern for female than male viewing habits. The majority of girls
responded that their parents say not to watch television sometimes (42.1%), fol-
lowed by never (31.6%) and rarely (15.8%). In comparison, boys’ responses were
never (62.1%), followed by sometimes (17.2%) and rarely (13.8%).
Overall, no significant gender differences were found in the frequency pattern
of television viewing. A summary of responses to questions related to the fre-
quency of television watching is shown in Table 2.
When boys were asked to name a famous person on television, they had a
greater proclivity to mention comedians (e.g., Adam Sandler) and athletes (e.g.,
Tony Hawk), all of which were male. In contrast girls were more inclined to men-
tion a teen actor/character with no preference for gender (e.g., Hillary Duff,
Ashton Kutcher). When asked why they thought the person was famous, thematic
cluster analysis revealed five major categories:

1. The person is funny.


2. The person has beautiful looks.
3. The person has superpowers or is a superhero.
4. The person is good at what he or she does.
5. The person has other personality-related aspects (e.g., smart, interesting, weird).

Response analysis by gender indicated that boys mentioned Categories 1 (funny)


and 4 (ability) most, whereas girls mentioned Category 2 (appearance) the most,
followed by 1 (funny). Only girls mentioned the looks/appearance category. In
response to the question, “Who do you want to be like?,” boys focused more on
athletes such as Donovan McNabb, Peter Forsberg, and Derek Jeter, whereas girls
mentioned a teenage, lead-role female such as Hillary Duff, Ashley Tisdale, or
Anna Van der Pol (plays Chelsea on That’s so Raven).

Frequency and Content of Magazines

When children were asked how often they read magazines, there were signifi-
cant gender differences in the frequency categories of response (i.e., never, rarely,
sometimes, often, all the time), t(1, 48) = –2.00, p < .05. The girls responded never the
most (36.8%), followed by sometimes (26.3%) and often (26.3%) with the same
response rate. On the other hand, responses by the boys were (in descending
order) never (44.8%), rarely (27.6%), sometimes (20.7%), and often (6.9%). The
majority of the girls responded that they read magazines 4 to 7 days per week
(26.3%), whereas the most frequent response by the boys was about once a month
(20.7%). Table 2 shows the response rate for questions regarding the frequency of
magazine reading.
The types of magazine most often read by boys related to hobbies/games (e.g.,
paintball magazine, video game magazines, and car magazines). The types of
magazine most often mentioned by girls was first fashion and/or famous teen star

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Jung, Peterson / BODY DISSATISFACTION AND MEDIA 49

TABLE 2: Frequency of Television Viewing and Other Media Use

Response Rate (%) Gender Difference

Item Categories Girls Boys t(1, 48)

Watch television every day Yes 63.2 65.5 –0.16


No 36.8 34.5
How many days per week 0 to 2 5.3 10.3 0.38
2.1 to 4 31.6 20.7
4.1 to 6 15.8 10.4
6.1 to 7 47.4 58.6
How many hours per day 0 or N/A 36.8 37.9 0.22
0.5 to 1.0 5.3 6.9
1.5 to 2.5 31.6 24.2
3.0 to 5.0 21.0 17.2
6.0 5.3 13.8
Have favorite show or shows Yes 94.7 82.2 1.22
No 5.3 17.2
What day(s) of the week Every day 76.9 44.4 1.19
(favorite show) Weekdays only 23.1 35.3
Weekends 0 20.3
Watch television after school Yes 78.9 75.9 –0.24
No 21.1 24.1
Remember any commercials Yes 44.8 57.9 0.87
No 55.2 42.1
Parents say not to watch Yes 68.4 41.4 1.86
television too much No 31.6 58.6
How often parents say not Never 31.6 62.1 –1.85
to watch television Rarely 15.8 13.8
Sometimes 42.1 17.2
Often 10.5 3.5
All the time 0 3.4
Magazine reading Never 36.8 44.8 –2.00*
Rarely 5.3 27.6
Sometimes 26.3 20.7
Often 26.3 6.9
All the time 5.3 0
How many days per week About once 10.5 20.7 0.38
(magazine reading) a month
0 to 1 15.8 3.4
2 to 3 5.3 13.8
4 to 7 26.3 6.9
Watching music videos Yes 78.9 48.3 2.19*
No 21.1 51.7
Playing video games Yes 89.5 93.1 –0.44
No 10.5 6.9
Reading comic books Yes 15.8 44.8 –2.14*
No 84.2 55.2

*p < .05.

magazines (e.g., Seventeen, Cosmo Girl, and TeenBop) and second American Girl—a
preteen topic and activity-oriented magazine. In response to the follow-up ques-
tion, “What do you remember the most” about the magazine, thematic cluster
analysis identified four categories:

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50 FAMILY AND CONSUMER SCIENCES RESEARCH JOURNAL

1. products or advertisements,
2. crafts or activities,
3. famous person or character,
4. other (advice, a certain article, or facts).

Girls mentioned Category 1 (products/advertisements) most often, whereas the


boys mentioned Category 2 (crafts/activities). When asked what they liked seeing
in the magazine, the following five categories emerged:

1. famous actors/actresses,
2. athletes,
3. children/kids (i.e., “people who look like me”),
4. cartoon characters,
5. products.

Boys most often mentioned Category 2 (athletes)—and only boys—whereas girls


most often mentioned Category 1 (famous actors/actresses). When asked what
people in magazines look like, the responses covered a wide range. However, the
most mentioned response by girls was “good looks” (e.g., pretty, beautiful, cute),
whereas for boys responses related most often to a muscular body (e.g., “bigger
than me,” “ready to play football”).

Other Media Use

Children were also asked questions about other media use such as watching
music videos, playing video games, and reading comic books. Responses revealed
that almost 4 out of every 5 girls (78.9%) watch music videos compared to about
1 of every 2 boys (48.3%)—a significant gender difference, t(1, 48) = 2.19, p < .01.
Follow-up questions related to what they remember most about the music video
revealed three categories:

1. actions,
2. the music or words,
3. a specific person.

Boys mentioned Category 1 (actions) most often, stating things such as “dancing”
and “girls dancing.” In contrast, girls mentioned Category 2 (music and words)
most often (e.g., “the singing” or “the words”).
Responses to questions pertaining to video games use indicated that both boys
(93%) and girls (89.5%) overwhelmingly said yes (χ2 = 33.33, p < .001), with no sig-
nificant gender differences. Finally, responses to the question about comic book
consumption revealed that significantly more boys (44.8%) than girls (15.8%) read
comic books, t(1, 48) = –2.14, p < .05 (see Table 2 for response rates of other media
use). Content recall questions for video games and comic books were too diverse
to produce meaningful cluster themes.

DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS

Results suggest that boys and girls were significantly different in their ideal body
image preferences measured by both body image scales (i.e., FRSC, BMI-SMT). On

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Jung, Peterson / BODY DISSATISFACTION AND MEDIA 51

both instruments, preadolescent boys desired to have a heavier body size,


whereas girls desired to be thinner than their perceived actual body size—a
result that is similar to that of older teens (Peterson et al., 2003). BMI-SMT
results also indicated that boys see themselves significantly larger than they
actually are and tend to see their perceived selves as their ideal—almost a
delusional belief that they currently are ideal even though their actual BMI
would suggest otherwise. In contrast, girls desired to be 3 BMI units less than
how they see themselves currently, which was almost exactly their actual BMI.
That is, even though their actual BMI was almost identical to their ideal, the
difference between their current body image perception and ideal would sug-
gest that they misperceive their current body image and in actuality desire an
ideal BMI of 17—an unhealthy and thin body type. Girls’ perceptions were
simply distorted to a point where they did not recognize that their actual BMI-
SMT is currently at their ideal. They exemplified a deluded perception skewed
toward being thinner even though they were at their ideal.
Given that the age of the respondents was between 8 and 11 years old, results
suggest that these are examples of unhealthy body image dissonance or dissatis-
faction that seem to begin prior to puberty. In addition, this sample also reflected
a preference for opposite gender body image ideals that were culturally prefer-
able. Specifically, boys chose a much thinner body size for the ideal figure for
girls and girls chose much heavier body size for the ideal figure for boys than
what either genders’ body image was currently. The ideal body image for any
gender appears to be reinforced by the opposite genders’ ideal body image
preferences. The definition of beauty and attractiveness may be both intrinsi-
cally and extrinsically defined and reinforced by both genders for both gen-
ders as early as 10 years of age. This finding supports Sands and Wardle
(2003), who found an internalized ideal body shape (thin) among girls as
young as 9 to 12 years of age, and the Clark and Tiggemann (2006) study,
which identified an “appearance culture” among this age group propagated
by both media and peer influences.
In this sample of boys and girls, media preferences were not entirely surprising.
Boys showed a greater attraction toward and recall of muscular appearances and
athletic ability in all media venues, whereas girls’ responses indicated a greater
proclivity toward beauty, looks, and relationships. Some may argue that this is just
a reflection of normal biological and social gender-based differences and prefer-
ences, and they may be right. However, a problem arises when the media displays
images, characters, and actions that make these natural gender differences unreal-
istic and unattainable, resulting in heightened body image dissatisfaction that pro-
duces negative health outcomes. Given that an unhealthy body image dissonance
was common in this media-saturated preadolescent sample, it is important that
health professionals such as nutritionists and health educators provide them with
the tools and abilities to be more media literate and critical. This point was echoed
by Watson and Vaughn (2006), who advocated for long-term media literacy inter-
ventions to reduce the internalization of sociocultural ideals.
The results of this study also suggest a need to address the development and
maintenance of healthy body images among children. Specifically, this could
include a greater effort to promote and improve media literacy and critical think-
ing skills as early as elementary school and broader definitions and focus on what
is “healthy” versus what is culturally “ideal.” For example, parents and teachers

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52 FAMILY AND CONSUMER SCIENCES RESEARCH JOURNAL

could be provided with activities and methods of educating and assisting their
children about the negative impact of media images, the fantasy of image creation,
ways to develop positive body image, and examples of healthy body types
(plural) to counteract the media ideal body type (singular).
As with any study there are limitations that suggest the results be interpreted
accordingly. Specifically, study participants might have been in different stages of
puberty and development that could impact perceptual preferences and
responses. In addition, the study sample was small, somewhat homogeneous, and
recruited from one location, and therefore results may not be applicable to other
ethnic groups. The presence of the teacher during the interview may also have
moderated child responses. That said, this sample did provide valid statistical
findings of body image dissonance at the preadolescent age. In addition, body
image preferences were similar to those of older teens and adults and indicated a
cross-gender reinforcement of those preferences. Media consumption recall and
preferences also suggested a further social reinforcement of cultural body image
ideals that may lay the foundation for unhealthy behavioral and cognitive out-
comes in later life. Finally, study findings suggest that waiting to deal with body
image dissonance until puberty may be too late and that a failure to develop
media literacy skills at an early age may make children more vulnerable to unre-
alistic and unattainable media images driven by social norms and expectations.
Future studies may want to address the issue of health versus appearance when
it comes to body image perceptions. Given the increasing level of obesity along
with the increasing media consumption among children, research into perceptions
and value of health and what body types are perceived as healthy is warranted.

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