Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

The Serpent Symbolism in the Yezidi

Religious Tradition and the Snake in Yerevan

Peter Nicolaus
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Kabul

Abstract

The serpent, its veneration and related symbolism, constitute one of the enigmas
and mysteries of Yezidism. Many present-day Yezidi myths concerning the serpent
are most probably of a secondary nature, which when attempting to explain this
ancient symbol, actually place it in a much more recent mythological setting. The
first part of this paper tries to reconstruct the myth and the symbolism of the
(black) snake in light of its ancient cultural heritage and Gnostic doctrine. However,
since this approach would entail far more in-depth and substantial research, the
author has, within the context of the present paper, only pinpointed a few ele-
ments, which could be of Gnostic, or even older, origin.
The second part of the article focuses on the brass image of a serpent and a
branch of a wish-tree, which were discovered in Yerevan by the author. It describes
theses artefacts (a sacred serpent, which resembles a dragon more than a snake, and
a bamboo stick), as well as the cult, which has formed around these objects. Despite
several interviews with the owner of the relics and other Yezidi dignitaries, the ori-
gin of the objects could not be fully ascertained.

Keywords

Armenian Yezidis, Yezidism, Serpent, Christianity, Gnosticism, Malak Tawus, Sheikh

Mend, Sheikh 'Adi, Wish-Tree

At the time of writing this article the author, Dr. Peter Nicolaus, served as the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Representative in Tbilisi
(Georgia). He previously served inter alia in Erbil (Northern Iraq) and Yerevan (Ar-
menia). As of 2011 he is UNHCR's Representative in Afghanistan. Although the
author was in contact with the Yezidi communities also in his professional capacity,
the opinions expressed in this article are not necessarily those of the United Nations
or UNHCR. The author is obliged for invaluable advice to Dr. Victoria Arakelova (As-
sociate Professor, Department of Iranian Studies, Yerevan State University), as well
to his colleagues, Ms. Rosa Minasyan (for interpreting) and Ms. Suzanne Murray-
Jones (for critically commenting on the text).
© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2011 DOI: 10.1163/157338411X12870596615359

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50 P- Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

Any visitor to Lalish in Northern Iraq will be stunned and fascinated by

the image of a huge black snake that greets them on entry into the
courtyard of the Yezidi main sanctuary. The image of a snake is, how-
ever, not only carved into the wall of the Sheikh 'Adi sanctuary, but also
appears on many other shrines. These images always depict the serpent
as elongated, and are invariably placed next to the entrance of the re-
spective sanctuary. The only exception seems to be the shrine of Sheikh
Nasir el-Din, where the doorway is guarded by a coiled snake to the
right of the entrance.1 The images are usually shiny black,2 as it is
specifically the black snake, which is at the centre of the Yezidis' vener-
ation of snakes. This adoration is displayed by kissing the serpent's
image on entry into a shrine. In addition to these snake images carved
into the walls next to main entrance of many sanctuaries, the Yezidis
also possess at least one statue of a snake cast in bronze. In autumn
1892, when Lieutenant-General Omar Wehbi Pasha looted Lalish, this
bronze statue fell prey to Ottoman troops. It was returned, together
with other looted sacred objects, to the Yezidis by Suleiman Nazif Pasha
only in 1914;3 and no non-believer has ever seen it since.
There is no indication as to whether the bronze-cast serpent is still
at Sheikh 'Adi or what role it plays in the cult and ritual of the Yezidis.
This latter question also applies to the snake images on the walls of
other Yezidi sanctuaries. This is not surprising, as Yezidism is known to
be a secretive religion; outsiders are usually only provided with very
superficial information on Yezidi theology or mythology, and allowed to
catch mere glimpses of its teaching and the cult artefacts related to it.
The senjaqs, images of a peacock symbolising Malak Tawus, are a per-
fect example of this,4 as very few non-Yezidis have ever seen one, least
of all the one kept secretly in Armenia.5

1 For more details concerning this shrine and the snake image at its doorway,
see Drower 1941: 165.

2 "... in the old days the serpent [on the wall of the Sheikh 'Adi temple] had been
kept polished with black lead, but that now they did it with harness-blacking ..."
(Seabrook 1927: 318).
3 For the entire episode of the ransacking of Sheikh 'Adi and the return of the
booty, see Guest 1987: 131, 166, 169.
"The truth is that on this subject [senjaqs], as on others, the Yazidis are beauti-
fully vague" (Drower 1941: 24).
5 Nicolaus 2008 provides and account of the discovery of a senjaq in Armenia
and the secrecy surrounding this sacred object (see in particular 221).

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 P. Nicolaus/ Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 51

While the existence of these senjaqs as symbols of the supreme di-

vine being6 is, at least, acknowledged by the Yezidi community, the
image and the symbolism of the snake remain mysterious and inacces-
sible for non-Yezidis. This was already evident at one of the first en-
counters of European explorers with the Yezidi community in Iraq. At
the end of September 1846, when the British traveller and archaeologist
Austen Layard7 visited Lalish, the religious centre of the Yezidis near
Mosul, he was welcomed by Sheikh Nasr and Hussain Bey, at that time
the religious and political heads of the entire Yezidi community.8 The
Yezidis were grateful and obviously felt that they owed something to
the British for the protection the latter had rendered to the Yezidi
community in the recent past.9 Hence, Layard was invited to participate
in almost all events connected with the celebration of the principal
feast of the Yezidi religious year.10 He had unhindered access to all lay-
ers of the society, and developed personal friendships with Sheikh Nasr
and Hussain Bey. The religious leadership of the Yezidis, and in par-
ticular Sheikh Nasr,11 appeared to reply openly to all his questions in
the friendliest and frankest manner. Nevertheless, they did not tell him
the full truth. For instance, when he saw a black snake carved into the
wall near the doorway of the main temple at Lalish, or rather the tomb
of Sheikh 'Adi, Layard considered it "particularly conspicuous" (Layard
1882: 184) and suspected that the snake and the other figures12 on the

6 Although the Yezidis agree that there is a creator-god, simply called God (Xwa-
dê, Xudãwand, Allãh, Ezdãn, or P'adsä), he is seen as transcendent and not really in-
volved with this world. All power and attributes of power are held by the supreme
archangel, Malak Tawus, or by a triad of supreme beings; i.e. Malak Tawus and his
reincarnations, namely Sheikh 'Adi and Sultan Yezid (for more details, see Asatrian/
Arakelova 2003).
7 Sir Austen Henry Layard (1817-1894), English archaeologist whose excavations
greatly increased the knowledge of the ancient civilisations of Mesopotamia.
8 Sheikh Nasr, the Baba Sheikh and Hussain Bey, the Mir. "The Mir (Prince) is the
highest secular and religious authority of all Yezidis. The Baba Sheikh, sometimes
(inaccurately) referred to as the 'Yezidi Pope' is the spiritual leader of the faith,
though nominally he is a subordinate of the Prince even in this matter" (Spät 2005:
59).
9 The British Vice-consul in Mosul had - some years before Layard's visit - ren-
dered protection to the Yezidis, when they were persecuted by the Ottoman authori-
ties (see Layard 1882: 176-177).
10 Called "Feast of the Assembly" (jainã jamãylyya, or jama Šex 'Adi), where the
whole Yezidi community is supposed to meet yearly).
11 "Indeed, I found him frank and communicative on all subjects" (Layard 1882:
193).
12 Lion, hatchet, man, and comb.

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52 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

same wall were emblematical. However, he "could obtain no other ex-

planation from Sheikh Nasr, than that they had been cut by the Chris-
tian mason who repaired the tomb some years ago, as ornaments sug-
gested by his mere fancy" (Layard 1882: 184).
A few years later the Yezidis revised their explanation and men-
tioned to travellers visiting Lalish13 that the snake on the wall of Sheikh
'Adi had a certain meaning in their religious symbolism and that it
played a role in their flood myth, as recited in the Mash'afä-fas ("Black
Book", or more correctly "Black Writing").14 Furthermore, in recent pub-
lications by Yezidi religious leaders the importance of the snake is em-
phasised. According to Pir15 Mamou Othman, a contemporary religious
leader, the snake is considered a holy creature, in particular the black
snake, and represents a Yezidi saint.16
The only plausible explanation as to why Layard, and many others,
were not told the full truth,17 seems to be that the Yezidis "are exclusive
and do not reveal most of their secrets to the uninitiated" (Encyclopae-
dia). This principle, known among Shi'a Muslims as Taqiyya, is also re-
flected in the Kitâb al-Jilwah ("Book of Revelation").18 The reasons for
such an attitude must be seen in the light of centuries of persecution to
which the Yezidis and their faith were subjected. In that context, the
Yezidis seem to have not only developed the practice of hiding certain
theological and mythological concepts from non- Yezidis, as well as pro-
tecting particular aspects of their religious life and their most vener-
ated sites and idols, but also to concealing them in a manner, which ac-
commodates the feelings and sensitivities of neighbours with different

13 For instance, to Evliya Çebebi (see Menzel 1941: 808a).

14 With regard to this article the translation of the Mash'afä-fas and Kitâb al-Jil-
wah provided by Joseph 1919 is used. For the flood myth, see Joseph 1919: 42 and for
the authenticity of the Sacred Books of the Yezidis and their value, see Kreyenbroek
1995: 10-16.

15 Sheikhs and Pirs constitute the religious elite and the two higher castes within
the Yezidi congregation (see further Kreyenbroek 1995: 129-132).
16 "Bei den Yeziden ist die Schlange ein heiliges Tier (besonders die schwarze
Schlange) und repräsentiert auch einen Heiligen." (Othman, Die Yeziden vor Sheihk-
Adi). Unfortunately, the author failed to reveal the name of the saint himself.
17 This was clearly seen by Ainsworth when he emphasised that "it is not likely
that the Izedis would have permitted the carvings in question without a reason or
without a sanction" (Ainsworth 1861: 33).
18 Chapter IV: "Do not mention my name nor my attributes, lest ye regret it; for
ye do not know what those who are without may do". And Chapter V: "Receive that
that is dictated, and do not carry it before those who are without, Jews, Christians,
Muslim, and others; for they know not the nature of my teaching. Do not give them
your books, lest they alter them without your knowledge" (apud Joseph 1919).

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 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 53

religious convictions. Such an "accommodative approach" can be con-

sidered psychologically much easier than mere denial or hiding of be-
liefs, and is, in addition, a much better survival strategy. It focuses on
finding a common language with (sometimes) hostile neighbouring re-
ligions, rather than on stubbornly emphasising strange dogmas and
stressing the absoluteness of one's own belief. The Yezidis seem to pre-
fer this approach: already in a climate of modest tolerance, where com-
plete concealment of religious idiosyncrasies is no longer required, the
Yezidis point out patterns in their mythology, theological structure and
religious life, which they have in common with their neighbours.19
Thereby they overemphasise similarities, not shying away from dis-
torting or even inventing them, and hide other particularities of their
belief, which they presume would alienate or repulse followers of other
religions.20
The serpent is seen as the foremost symbol of evil in Christianity.
Hence, Sheikh Nasr spared himself an explanation, which - as he most
probably believed - would have shocked and disgusted Layard. Instead
of telling him that the Yezidis considered the snake a holy symbol and
paid homage to it by kissing the image21 carved into the wall of the
Sheikh 'Adi sanctuary, he stressed that the snake had no meaning, and
the Yezidis had nothing to do with it (Layard 1882: 179). He even fore-
stalled what would have logically been the next question (i.e. why
would the Yezidis have an image of a snake on the wall of their main
sanctuary, if it meant nothing to them?) by passing on the responsibil-
ity for and the origin of the image to local Christians.22 In other words,
the Yezidis not only hid their adoration for the black snake on the tem-
ple walls, they also tried to ease and accommodate the feelings of their
Christian visitor by linking the image to people of his own religion.
Aside from this secretiveness, it seems that the Yezidis themselves
are not very certain why it is they revere the serpent and what divine

19 See the examples and references provided by Klippel 1942: 172, Menzel 1925:
96; and Müller 1967: 134, 204.
20 See in this context Ainsworth 1861: 39: "The fact is that their Christianity and
Muhammedanism are alike doubtful: and whatever exists of either, is probably
merely superimposed upon their fire and devil worship, by imitative habit, and for
purposes of conciliation. For example, they exclude Muhammedans from all future
life, but not Christians. But the latter reserve, Layard himself acknowledges, may
have been said merely to avoid offence".
21 Klippel reports that the Yezidi, who guarded the sanctuary in Lalish, kissed
the image intensely with devotion (Klippel 1942: 198; see also Müller 1967: 162).
22 See above and also Allison 2001: 42: "sometimes [the Yezidis are] telling out-
raging lies to gullible foreigners".

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54 P> Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

being they associate with and adore through it by kissing the image of a
snake. Informants in Northern Iraq, Armenia, and Georgia usually re-
count three main stories by way of explanation:
First, and without any further clarification, the black serpent is
stated to be sacred and that it would be considered a sin to kill one.
Differently coloured snakes, however, do not receive special reverence
and may even be killed.23
Second, the snake is justified as an object of adoration for having
saved the Yezidi-Noah and his ark. "As the water rose and the ship
floated, it came above Mount Sinjar, where it ran aground and was
pierced by a rock. The serpent twisted itself like a cake and stopped the
hole. Then the ship moved on and rested on Mount Judie." This narra-
tive, found in the "Black Book" (apud Joseph 1919: 42), is supported by a
reference to the same event in the Qewlê Afirîna Dinyanyê (The Hymn
of the Creation of the World), when it says: The ship sprang a leak , water
came in. The snake coiled itself over it (apud Kreyenbroek/Rashow 2005:
67). However, according to Yezidi lore and the "Black Book", the ser-
pent, or at least its offspring, caused harm to man and was finally
caught and burned. According to one account even the intentions of the
serpent that rescued the ark were from the outset sinister and evil.24
Third, informants relate that Sheikh Mend had a special relationship
with snakes and could change himself, at will, into a black serpent.
Using this magic power, he "turned himself into a black snake and
drove back home the tribe of Haweris on their way to become Muslim"
(Spät 2005: 54). Furthermore, the descendants of Sheikh Mend25 are
snake charmers, and it is reputed that either snakes spare their lives26

23 On several occasions, the author witnessed Yezidis in Iraq and Armenia killing
(non-black) snakes.
24 According to this story, a big black serpent promised Noah to rescue the ark
provided he would feed it with human flesh. "In his anguish, Noah consented to the
serpent's proposal. So the serpent stopped up the hole with its tail. After forty days
the Flood stopped, and the serpent came to Noah and reminded him of his promise.
Noah, being a Prophet, knew that he could not deny his word. During the forty-day
Flood, the black serpents reproduced so many times that in order to feed all of them
on human flesh it would mean the lives of all living humans. But the Angel Gabriel
appeared to Noah saying, 'Noah [...] do not worry. Seize one of the serpents by the
tail and throw it into the fire and scatter his ashes. Your honour will be saved".
Noah followed the advice, and the ashes turned into fleas, which fed on human flesh
(Ahmed 1975:210-1).
25 The Sheikh Mend clan or family constitutes one of the subdivisions of the
Shemsani Sheikhs.
26 "Not only do snakes not bite them, but they can cure the snakebites of others"
(Spät, Images and Symbols).

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 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 55

or, at least, they are immune27 to snake venom. It is also said that they
would have the power to cure others from snakebites.28
The sacred poems and religious narratives of the Yezidis do not shed
much light either on the symbolism and the role of the snake in Yezidi
tradition.
The Third and Fourth Qasida of Sheikh 'Adi31 refer to the saint as a
snake-slayer who, on being challenged by rivals, killed with his spear a
snake sent against him.

Qasida III Qasida IV

I invited, them into my house that I People wanted to try me with a
might be their companion , colossal snake that already came
In a lonely cell where I had been alone towards me.
for ten years. But in my hand I held my spear ,
Then they brought out a snake in which I threw into it.
order to frighten me. Water came out of its mouth and gushed
But I hit it with my spear , down.30
I tore it to ribbons.
Water streamed out from
its mouth which, oh mira-
cle ,

Was like a clear spring refreshing the

heart...29

The famous Hymn of Sheikh 'Adi - most probably written somewhat

later than the two Qasidas (Kreyenbroek 1995: 48) - confirms the killing
of the serpent.
And I am he to whom the serpent came ,
And by my will I made it to dust.32

"Field attests to the contrary and narrates an adventure where a snake

charmer of that family was bitten by his own snake and almost died from it (Field
1953: 265-271).
28 See the more detailed accounts provided by Drower 1941: 27, Spät 2005: 34,
and Kreyenbroek 1995: 105.
29Apud Kreyenbroek 1995: 48 (only the last two words are taken from Frank
1911: 127).
30 Translated from Frank's German text (Frank 1911: 127) into English by the
author.
31 The Arab original and a German translation can be found in Frank 1911: 118-
123 and 124-127. With regard to the authenticity of these Quasidas, see ibid.: 35-43,
and Kreyenbroek 1995: 47, fn. 18.
32 Apud Kreyenbroek 1995: 49.

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56 P- Nicolaus/ Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

Another, quite similar, piece of Yezidi lore refers to two Christian

monks, Henna and Mar Henna, who turn into snakes in order to kill
Sheikh 'Adi. The saint, however, assumed "one of his earlier forms, that
of the monks' former master. The two recognised him and worshipped
him on the spot" (Kreyenbroek 1995: 38).
A mishabet33 called Sermon and Exhortation ( Mishabet и Siret ) associ-
ates snakes with something about which one should be afraid.
I'll tell you how it is
Anyone whose heart is full of wrath and anger
In the Hereafter they'll build him a house from
scorpions and snakes. 34
Yet another reference to the serpent, the Hymn of the Laughter of
Snakes (Qewlê Keniya Mara), has a somewhat misleading title, as it only
briefly refers to snakes: Sheikh 'Adi revealed the Qewls five hundred years
agOj before the laughter of snakes (apud Kreyenbroek/Rashow 2005: 392).
Rashow explains the title of the Qewlê as follows: "One day, Sheikh 'Adi,
Melik Sheikh Sin and Sheikh Shems were on the road together when
they suddenly saw a snake in front of them. First it came close to Sheikh
'Adi, but Sheikh 'Adi recoiled and moved away. Then the snake came
close to Melik Sheikh Sin, and he too recoiled from the snake and did
not confront it. Then the third time the snake came to Sheikh Shems,
and he too recoiled. They say that the snake then laughed and said: I
wanted to come and kiss the hand of Sheikh 'Adi, because he is the King
of the Religion and of the Hereafter, and from his light came the four di-
rections of the Earth, the bottom of the Sea, and all wise ones all around
prostrate themselves before him, but even he recoiled from me and did
not allow me to kiss his hand. Then I wanted to come and kiss the hand
of Melikh Sheikh Sin (Hesen), the Lord of the Traditions, the Lord of the
Tables and the World, but he also moved away from me. Then I wanted
to come and kiss the hand of Sheikh Shems, whose brilliance created
the Earth and the Sky, but he too turned away. All three refused to let
me kiss their hands. Sheikh 'Adi, Sheikh Sin and Sheikh Shems then said
to the snake: We acted in this way, not allowing you to come and kiss

33 An occasion where a sermon consisting of moral exhortations is preached by a

religious leader (Qewwal) or a learned man and where the audience is supposed to
listen quietly and attentively without asking questions or holding discussions.
34 The mishabet continues: "That means, a Yezidi must cultivate benevolence and
goodness in his heart. Whenever he is directed towards goodness he is directed to-
wards the way of God, he is directed towards the Hereafter; it is not as if in the
Hereafter he will fall among snakes and scorpions" (apud Kreyenbroek/Rashow
2005: 290).

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 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 57

our hand, so that respect and awe for you would remain among humans
forever, and they would fear you. From that time onwards, according to
Yezidi mythology, the snake is left alone and people fear it and recoil
from it. When a man sees a snake, even when he know it is not poison-
ous and cannot harm him, still he will recoil and be afraid" (Kreyen-
broek/Rashow 2005: 391-392).
The Beyt of the Nightingales ( Beyta Bilbila ) refers to a mythical sacred
Book of Snakes, which apparently indicates that the serpent is believed to
possess truth and wisdom:
Let us welcome the spring ,
Nightingales sing by the thousands ,
At night they open the Book of Snakes.35
In view of the above quotes from the Yezidi religious oral tradition
and from ad hoc statements of Yezidis concerning snakes, it becomes
evident that the serpent represents opposing principles.
On the one hand, the serpent is seen as frightening and dangerous
(they'll build him a house from scorpions and snakes). Even Sheikh 'Adi
seemed to be afraid of it, as he recoiled and moved away when the snake
came close to him; or, at least, by not allowing the snake to kiss his
hand, he wanted to ensure that respect and awe for the snake would
remain among humans forever. Furthermore, Sheikh 'Adi slew a snake
sent against him. Without any doubt, this snake was a monster and the
personification of the evil intent of Sheikh 'Adi's rivals. Hence, killing
the monster is pictured as a heroic act and a confirmation of Sheikh
'Adi's superiority and divinity - in a dualistic sense, the fight between
good and evil. Finally, some Yezidis interviewed in Armenia and Georgia
stressed that nothing good would ever come out of a snake.36 In this
context by quoting from the "Black Book", they reaffirmed the serpent
had rescued the ark but emphasised that when "the species of the ser-
pent increased, and began to bite man and animal, it was finally caught
and burned, and from the ashes fleas were created" (apud Joseph 1919:
42).
On the other hand, the image of the black serpent is present in many
Yezidi sanctuaries where it flanks the doorways and is reverentially
kissed by believers as they enter. It is highly regarded in Yezidi lore as
the one that rescued the ark and thereby ensured the survival of man-
kind, or rather the Yezidi nation. Furthermore, there is a taboo with re-

35 Apud Kreyenbroek/Rashow 2005: 257.

36 For instance, interviews with Suren Tayaryan (30 May 2007) and Uzo Farisyan
(26 April 2008).

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58 P- Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

gard to the killing of black snakes and the serpent is seen as symbolising
a Yezidi saint.37 It is also associated with Sheikh Mend, the son of Fekhr
el-Din, one of the seven archangels that form the Yezidi heptad.38 It is
strange, however, to note that no snake image guards the entrance to
his shrine in Lalish39 and that the rumours concerning "a cave full of
snakes" (Kreyenbroek 1995: 104) within or adjacent to the sanctuary
cannot be confirmed.40 Finally, the serpent seems to be treasured as a
symbol of wisdom, reflected in the reference to the mythical Book of
Snakes .

Recalling the above briefly outlined dichotomy, as well as Yezidi sec-

retiveness, it will be very difficult, if not impossible, to decipher the ex-
act symbolism of the serpent in Yezidi mythology.41 The serpent is a
very ancient and universal symbol built upon the chthonic nature of the
snake.42
In the Levant and Mesopotamia it represented a deity that had been
revered "at least seven thousand years before the composition of the
Book of Genesis" (Campbell 1991 (Vol. Ill): 9). The Lord of the Tree of
Truth, as the serpent was referred to in Sumer (Lagash), was the master
of the mystery of rebirth, the ruler of fire and water, and represented
also the male and female organs. In other words, the serpent sloughing
its skin was seen as symbolising birth and death; its strike and poison
were associated with lightning and fire, while its preference for wet
habitats (marshes, wetlands and springs), as well as its wavelike gliding
made it a symbol of water and fertility; and by its phallic appearance
and its ability to swallow whole animals without biting off pieces it was
considered symbolic of both reproductive organs.43
The benevolent nature of the serpent was always well recognised in
the Yezidi heartland, as in Mithraism the horizontally elongated snake

37 See above, and also Othman, Die Yeziden vor Sheihk-Adi.

38 With regard to the Yezidi heptad, see Kreyenbroek 1995: 103.
39 For more details, see Drower 1941: 183. However, Açikyildiz 2010 confirms that
Sheik Mand's other shrines (in Behzane, Bozan, Habartu, Sinjar, and Beban) are de-
corated with a black snake (159, as well as pictures 55, 62).
40 The author unsuccessfully spent hours locating that cave in June 2003.
41 This is the shared view of many authors; see in particular Spät 2005: 54.
42 The universal characteristics for all chthonic creatures are that they are both,
good and benevolent and simultaneously destructive and evil. Irrespective of other
roots of the snake symbolism in Yezidism, this universal element may also exist
here.
43 See for this and more details the chapter "The Serpent's Bride" in Campbell
1991 (Vol. Ill): 9-41, as well as SERPENT in Chevalier/Gheerbran 1996.

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 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 59

symbolised the fertile earth and the entwining snake eternity.44 Further-
more, the serpent was, and still is, considered as a symbol of good for-
tune and power among Kurdish people and the "image of Shahmaran
(the queen of the serpents) is depicted on glass or metal work, seen
hung on walls even today".45 Furthermore, "the snake is still much used
as a decoration (e.g. on wooden spoons) in Northern Iraq, particularly in
Erbil, also the dove, which was associated with the serpent in the wor-
ship of Ishtar. Both these themes may have been in continues use since
the days when Ishtar of Arbela's shrine was a place of pilgrimage" (Dro-
wer 1937: 40).46
It is not surprising that Gnostic sects drew from this ancient dualism
inherent in the symbol of the snake, as well as from its reputation for
truth and wisdom.47 Generally, Gnosticism perceived the snake as an Ar-
chon, i.e. a servant of the Demiurge, or as Yaltabaoth, i.e. the Demiurge
himself;48 but it also held that (another) serpent supported Adam and
Eve against the Demiurge by encouraging them to eat the fruit of the
Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil.49 Similarly widespread was the
equation between Moses' snake and Christ. The Testimony of Truth
confirms that Moses "made a serpent of bronze (and) hung it upon a

44 Drower (1937: 37) remarks with regard to the Skandola, the talismanic seal-
ring of the Mandaeans in Southern Iraq and Iran, that it "bears incised representa-
tion of the lion, scorpion, bee (or wasp), and serpent. [...] The scorpion, snake, and
lion are found almost invariably in Mithraic bas-reliefs [...]. The serpent's attitude
and position varies. Sometimes it is shown drinking the blood of the victim. [...]
Taking into account these Mithraic parallels, it may be safe to assume that the Man-
daean snake, lion, and scorpion are also Zodiacal, and of Iranian origin". In the same
vein Othman ( Die Yeziden vor Sheikh-Adi ) states that "the snake for the Mithras was
symbolical for the cosmos and the zodiac. The snake is a path, over which the sun
and the moon move. The sun and the moon follow a goal in their orbits. Hence the
zodiac is a symbol of time. Many scientists describe the snake as a symbol of move-
ment and of development. The snake in Mithraism, in connection with the zodiac,
symbolises the year and annual seasons".
45 Açikyildiz 2010: 160. According to her, "Shahmaran has a woman's head and a
serpent's body with six legs in the shape of serpent".
46 The author can confirm this statement from his own observations in Erbil,
where he bought such a spoon decorated with a snake.
47 Arakelova (2004: 26) rightly points out the "pneumatic contradiction" in the
Gnostic approach towards the serpent.
48 For instance, The Apocryphon of John - Long and short Version (see http://www.
gnosis.org/naghamm/apocjn-short.html and http://www.gnosis.org/naghamm/apocjn-dav
ies.html ).
49 For instance, The Testimony of Truth (see http://www.gnosis.org/naghamm/test
ruth.html ); and The Tripartite Tractate (see http://www.gnosis.org/naghamm/tripart.
html).

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60 P- Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

pole [...] for the one who will gaze upon this bronze serpent, none will
destroy him, and the one who will believe in this bronze serpent will be
saved. For this is Christ; those who believed in him have received life.
Those who did not believe will die".50
This is not too far away from mainstream Christian doctrine, which
stipulates that Moses' serpent prefigured Christ ("And the Son of Man
must be lifted up, just as that metal snake was lifted up by Moses in the
desert".51). However, other Gnostic sects went one step further and
either venerated the snake more than Christ himself, or actually recog-
nized Christ as an incarnation of the serpent.52 Epiphanius reported that
the Ophites or Serpentinians in Syria and Egypt worshiped and kissed a
snake during their Eucharist, because their honour of the serpent out-
weighed their devotion to Christ.53 According to Hippolytus, the cosmos
in which the Perates54 believed consisted of Father, Son and Matter; and
"midway between the Father and Matter, the Son, the Logos, has his
place, the Serpent that moves eternally toward the unmoved Father and
moved Matter; now it turns to the Father and gathers up forces in its
countenance; and now, after receiving the forces, it turns toward Mat-
ter, and upon Matter, which is without attribute and form, the Son im-
prints the ideas that had previously been imprinted upon the Son by the
Father. Moreover, no one can be saved and rise up again without the
Son, who is the serpent".55
As Arakelova and Spät have impressively demonstrated, one of the
many roots of Yezidism reaches deep into early Christianity, and central
elements of Yezidi mythology are borrowed from Gnosticism.56 One
could try to reconstruct the myth and the symbolic of the (black) snake
in the light of this ancient heritage and Gnostic doctrine. However, "we
deal here with a striking instance of the so-called symbol degenera-
tion"57 as many of "the existing Yezidi myths on the role of the black

50 h ttp://www.gnosis.org/ naghamm/ tripart.htm I.

51 John 3.14.
52 Arakelova (2004: 26) emphasises that "Jesus could be regarded by the Gnostic
as an embodiment of the supreme serpent".
53 Campbell 1991 (IV): 151; and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ophites.
54 The name of one of their founders, Euphrates, points towards Mesepotamia
(see in this context http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Perates).
55 Hippolytus, Elenchos V. 17. 1-2 and 8, as cited by Campbell 1991 (Vol. IV): 155.
56 See for more details and examples Arakelova 2004: 19-28, Spät 2002: 27-56, and
Spät 2008: 663-680.
57 Arakelova 2004: 26 with further explanation concerning Mandaean snake im-
ages and amulets: "Before becoming an element of decoration, the serpent is com-
ing forward at least as a patron, protector, and amulet. It would be quite reasonable,

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 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 61

snake are probably 'secondary', trying to explain an old symbol in a

more recent mythological setting";58 and would require much more re-
search. Hence, in the present context it is only possible to pinpoint a
few elements, which could be of Gnostic, or even older, origin.
The Yezidi Genesis neither refers to the Tree of the Knowledge of
Good and Evil, nor to the serpent tempting Adam and Eve to eat the for-
bidden fruit. The Tree of Knowledge is replaced by wheat, the consump-
tion of which God simply interdicts without providing Adam with any
further reasons; and Malak Tawus assumes the role of the serpent. This
seems - albeit in a shortened and amended version - to follow a Muslim
tradition where the principle of evil speaks, with the assistance of the
peacock, through the serpent to Adam and Eve.59 However, in the Yezidi
version, when Malak Tawus lures Adam (Eve is not yet created) into
breaking the law, it happens with God's consent: "Melek Ta'us asked
God how Adam could multiply and have descendants if he were forbid-
den to eat of the grain. God answered, 'I have put the whole matter into
thy hands'".60 Subsequently Malak Tawus persuades, or rather orders,
Adam to eat the wheat. When Adam follows the advice, his stomach be-
comes bloated, and he has to leave the paradise before he can relieve
himself.61 Apparently, the coitus is seen as an act as impure as defeca-
tion and correctly reflects the odium of many Gnostic sects towards the
procreation of new bodies of bondage (pneuma kept imprisoned in mat-
ter); and hence, Adam has to leave the purity of the paradise for the im-
purity of the world. Furthermore, this - quite popular - narrative evens
out the Christian (Snake equals Evil and God equals Good) and Gnostic

considering the important function of the serpent in Gnostic knowledge, to suggest

that the serpent-amulet is a secondary interpretation of the image. In effect, the
serpent is the main symbol of Gnosis and, quite naturally, in most traditions af-
fected by Gnosticism this symbol had to have been preserved, either in a degraded
form (as with the Mandaeans), or in formal representation with no dogmatic con-
text (as among Yezidis)".
58 Spät, Images and Symbols.
59 "Iblis tries to enter Paradise to seduce Adam into eating the forbidden fruit,
but God prevents him. Then Iblis meets the peacock, the chief of the animals in the
garden, and demands that it tell him where the tree of eternity is, lest all creatures
shall die. The peacock goes and narrates to the serpent what Iblis said who then ap-
proaches Iblis and lets him into its mouth, so that Iblis enters the garden where he
speaks through the serpent to Adam and Eve, and Eve eats the fruit of the forbidden
tree" (Açikyildiz 2010: 161). See also Ahmed (1975: 249) with further references.
60 Mash'afa-ras, apud Joseph 1919: 38.
61 "Adam was troubled because his belly was inflated, for he had no outlet. God
therefore sent a bird to him, which pecked at hus anus and made an outlet, and
Adam was relieved" (Mash'afa-ras, apud Joseph 1919: 39).

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62 P - Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

(Snake equals Good and God/Demiurge equals Evil) dualism by letting

God consent to the deeds of Malak Tawus, the Yezidi substitute of the
Christian serpent. This approach, to do away with the principle of evil
(Christian) and the Demiurge (Gnostic), seems quite logical considering
the generally monistic character of Yezidism, as well as the all-encom-
passing personality of Malak Tawus.62 He is seen as instrumental in his
involvement with the creation of the world (some even see in him, or
his incarnations, the Creator), but he is also the fallen angel, Satan. In
other words, if Malak Tawus combines both aspects there is no need for
a Christian or Gnostic conflict between God and the Serpent; and the
latter does even not need to appear on the scene.
While in the Yezidi account of the fall of man (not perceived by the
Yezidi community as even a minor sin) the role of the snake is per-
formed by Malak Tawus, the Hymn of the Laughter of Snakes and the
Beyt of the Nightingales point in the direction of the Gnostic Christ. Most
Gnostic scriptures providing an account of the crucifixion follow a Do-
cetist doctrine, namely that Christ only seemed to have a human body
and to suffer and die on the cross. The basic approach is the belief that
Christ either departed from his human body before it was hung on the
cross, or that a human substitute, like Simon of Cyrene, suffered in his
stead.63 The Yezidis subscribe to this Gnostic-Docetist approach and ac-
cept, by and large, Christ's incarnation and passion as narrated by the
Christian scriptures. However, they emphasise that "he did not [...] die
upon the Cross, Melek Taüs snatched Him away, leaving only a phantom
in His room" (Wigram/Wigram 1914: 104). The same story is confirmed
by the old generation of Yezidis in Armenia, while the younger - appar-
ently in an effort to please their Christian neighbours - play this key
Gnostic myth down to an unsuccessful attempt by Malak Tawus to res-
cue Christ.64 It remains unclear whether this Docetist approach reflects

62 With regard to the monistic character of the Yezidi religion, where the deity is
all-encompassing and enshrines both, the principle of Good and the principle of
Evil, see Othman, op. cit. ("The Yezidis hold that Ta'usi Melek is as fire with two
dualistic elementary abilities: Fire as light, but also fire to burn. The good and the
evil are one and the same Person"), as well as Kreyenbroek, Das Wesen von Tausi-
Melek und sein theologischer Ursprung.
63 See in this context Perkins 1993: 235, as well as The Second Treatise of the Great
Seth ( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Treatise_of_the_Great_Seth ).
64 "When Christ was crucified, Malak Tawus or Sheikh 'Adi wanted to safe him.
He took out one of the nails holding Christ to the cross and hid it in his moustache.
When he wanted to take away the next nail, the pig squealed and he could not res-
cue Christ. This is the reason why we don't eat pork" (Sheikhe Gulperi, Interview, 21
February 2007). With this version the Yezidis neither deny the central role of

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 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 63

a direct Gnostic influence on Yezidism, or whether it entered Yezidi

teachings indirectly through the Islamic doctrine on Christ, which is
doubtlessly a Gnostic one too.65
Quite a few Gnostic scriptures have their Docetism accentuated by
the figure of the "Laughing Christ". For instance, the author of the
Apocalypse of Peter writes that Christ was above the cross laughing
while the substitute fleshly part was crucified.66 Christ thought it was
hilarious that the people who were crucifying a man did not realise that
it was not him.67 He rejoiced at his deception to the people, and he
laughed at their ignorance.68 In the Gnostic perception the Laughing
Christ became the metaphor for the vain attempt of man (inspired by
the Demiurge) to crucify the Son. Supposing that the Gnostic link of the
early Yezidis was similar to the doctrine of the Serpentinians and Per-
ates, then Christ would have been seen as the incarnation of the Ser-
pent, the Son of the Father. In the same vein the Book of Snakes, referred
to in the afore-mentioned Beyt of the Nightingales , could be interpreted as
a Gnostic gospel portraying Christ as the serpent.
The Hymn of the Laughter of Snakes "mainly consists of eulogies of
Sheikh 'Adi, who is depicted as the revealer of all Qewls, and of other di-
vine and holy beings" (Kreyenbroek/Rashow 2005: 392). Thereby Sheikh
'Adi is confirmed as being one with Malak Tawus and Sultan Yezid, and
portrayed as the Sheikh of Truth and the Lord of Knowledge, traits usu-
ally attributed to the serpent. However, the actual reference to the ser-

Chrisťs death in Christianity, nor do they need to explain their pork-taboo with any
reference to Islam.
65 "And for claiming that they killed the Messiah, Jesus, son of Mary, the messen-
ger of God. In fact, they never killed him, they never crucified him- they were made
to think that they did. All factions who are disputing in this matter are full of doubt
concerning this issue. They possess no knowledge; they only conjecture. For certain,
they never killed him" (Qur'an 4: 157).
66 For more details and the doctrinal background, see Pagels 1979: 87.
67 For more details wirh regard to the Docetism-doctrine, see Dart 1988: 93.
68 Gnostic Apocalypse of Peter; "He whom you saw on the tree, glad and laughing,
this is the living Jesus. But this one into whose hands and feet they drive the nails is
his fleshly part, which is the substitute being put to shame, the one who came into
being in his likeness. But look at him and me" ( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gnostic_
Apocalypse_of_Peter); and the Second Treatise of the Great Seth: "For my death, which
they think happened, [happened] to them in their error and blindness, since they
nailed their man unto their death... It was another, their father, who drank the gall
and the vinegar; it was not I. They struck me with the reed; it was another, Simon,
who bore the cross on his shoulder. l[t] was another upon whom they placed the
crown of thorns... And I was laughing at their ignorance" ( http://en.wikipedia.org /
wiki/ Second_ T reatise_ of_ the_ Great_ Seth).

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64 P . Nicolaus/ Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

pent is short and somewhat inexpressive ("He revealed the Qewls five
hundred years ago, before the laughter of snakes"). On the other hand,
the mere fact that the whole hymn is named after the laughter of the
serpent indicates that this "laughter" must have been quite a significant
event in the religious system and mythical history of the Yezidi com-
munity. By making the revealing of the Qewls by Sheikh 'Adi older than
this key event, the Hymn increases their value, as well as the standing
of Sheikh 'Adi, Malak Tawus and Sultan Yezid in the Yezidi theological
and mythical hierarchy. In other words, if the "laughter of snakes" is
the same as the Gnostic "Laughing Christ", and if, indeed, the old de-
ities, like Malak Tawus (and his incarnations) had, at a certain point, to
fend off Gnostic undercurrents and to compete with a Gnostic Christ,
then the reference to the laughter of snakes and the name of the hymn
would make absolute sense. Such a move to minimise and downplay the
Gnostic influence, rather than to try to eradicate it, seems quite logical,
considering the aforementioned old and longstanding positive image of
the serpent in the region, as well as the heavy impact Gnostic sects, like
Ophites (Serpentinians) and Perates, had on the evolving Yezidi reli-
gion.
A brief glance at other Yezidi accounts confirms the ambivalent role
Christ plays in the Yezidi religious tradition. On the one hand, a number
of murids or laymen in Northern Iraq, Armenia and Georgia equate
Christ with Sheikh 'Adi and Sultan Yezid; and a few consider him the
Son of God.69 Although this is considered absurd by representatives of
the religious castes (Sheikhs and Pirs), they nevertheless concede that
Christ will rule the world for 10,000 years, after the era of Malak Tawus
has come to an end. On the other hand, there is a tendency to minimise
the importance of Christ and to make him subordinate to Malak Tawus.
Hence, according to Yezidi lore, it was Malak Tawus, who released
Christ from the cave in which God had locked him as a punishment;70 it

69 For the equation between Christ and Sheikh 'Adi, see Ahmed 1975: 238, 261; as
well as his quote with regard to the divine nature of Christ: "[...] the son will appear
and then the Holy Spirit [...]. Jesus the Son will appear from Mari" (Ahmed 1975:
240).
70 "Once the Great God [...] was angry at Jesus because of a dispute with him. He
therefore caught him and imprisoned him in a den [...]. Jesus remained in the den
for a long time, calling upon the Prophets and Saints for help and asking their aid.
Everyone whose succour Jesus asked went to beg the Great God to release him. But
God did not grant their request. Then Christ turned to Malak Tawus, who immedi-
ately released him and took him to heaven. When the Great God saw Jesus he said to
him, '0 Jesus, who brought you out of the den? Who brought you here without my
Permission?' Jesus answered and said Taus Melek. Then God said, Had it been an-

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 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 65

was Malak Tawus, who rescued Christ from being crucified; and it was
Malak Tawus, who said: "I drew him near to me in holiness".71
In conclusion, one could assume that the veneration of the serpent
as an ancient deity was quite familiar to the ancestors of the present
Yezidis and that the sacred image of the serpent, indeed, symbolised the
Gnostic Christ during the formative period of Yezidism. At a later stage,
however, this association became forgotten and most aspects of the
worship of Christ were channeled towards Malak Tawus. In the course
of this evolution the original symbolism of the serpent dwindled away
and only the adoration of the sacred image remained - either without
any associated symbolism, or as a secret symbol of Malak Tawus. In this
context it is interesting to note that a female member of the Mir's
family (a princess) reportedly attributed the symbol of the serpent to
Malak Tawus when she stated: "[We] represent him by both the peacock
and the snake. [...] The peacock represents the beauty of the worshiped
(god) and the snake (represents) his wisdom because he is (both) beau-
tiful and wise".72
Against that background it was quite intriguing to find out that
there was an image of a serpent in Yerevan around which a sort of cult
had formed. For years it has been rumoured that Sheikh Hasan Ta-
moyan in Yerevan possessed the image of a sacred serpent, which re-
sembled a dragon more than a snake. Arakelova mentioned in this con-
text: "Sheikhi clan Dãrã Mirãzã (in Armenia) has preserved a figure of a
dragon serpent made of brass as an important relic (no detailed expla-
nations are provided by the relic holders)" (Arakelova 2004: 25). It took
the author more than five years of building trust and persuasion before
he finally revealed his secret treasure to a non-Yezidi on 24 September
2010. He stated during the interview:
"I belong to the Sheikhly family of the Tree of the Wishes (Sëxë Dãrã
Mirãzã).73 My wife and I possess a branch of that tree with which we
touch people to heal them or to make their wishes come true. But, as

other, I would have punished him, but Taus Melek is much beloved by me; remain
here for the sake of my honor. So Jesus remained in heaven" (Joseph 1908-1909:
234). This account is still widely recounted by Yezidis in Armenia and Georgia.
71 Excerpt from a Hymn on Christ (apud Ahmed 1975: 411).
72 Shaikh Iskandar Yusuf al-Hayik, Rihla ila al-Badia , Beirut 1936, 148-9 (quoted by
Ahmed 1975: 222).
73 Sheikh Hasan belongs to the Shemsani Sheikhs and explained in a telephone
interview on 23 November 2010: "I belong to Mir Sheikh Sham's branch. He is a de-
scendant of Sheikh Khdri Shamsa, who was the elder son of Sheikh Shams. Sheikhi
Dãrã Mirãzã is the saint of our family; he is the servant of Dãrã Mirãzã, a female an-
gel".

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66 P- Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

you know, we also possess another more sacred and far more secret ob-
ject. I don't know how these holy things, or artefacts, as you would call
them, ended up with my family, but they have been within my family
for a very long time, handed down from generation to generation. My
ancestors brought the branch and the snake with them from Lalish to
Ayntap (Gaziantep) in Turkey near the Syrian border and from there to
Igdir74 in Western Armenia.After World War I, my grandparents brought
them to Armenia, where my father was born in a place called Talin.75 In
the generation before me, my father held them and then they were
passed on to me. I don't know why they were passed on to me after my
father's death - we were five brothers and seven sisters and I'm not the
oldest one.
The holy image of the serpent I possess looks very different from the
snake that guards the sacred shrine of Sheikh 'Adi in Lalish, but it is the
same snake. The snake that rescued our, the Yezidis, ark76 and thereby
the world; the snake that is holy to Sheikh Mend and his descendants;
the snake that should not be killed because it symbolises safety and se-
curity - it's the same! Because it provides safety from diseases, it also
heals. Many Yezidis come to us to be cured by myself or my wife - she
is, like my mother, a true healer. We put the image of the snake into

74 Province in eastern Turkey, located along the border with Armenia, Azerbaijan
(Nakhchivan), and Iran.
75 Town in the Aragatsotn province of Armenia
76 One of the versions told in Armenia runs as follows: In the beginning the world
was an ocean, and God created seven angels from the light. These angels were sit-
ting in a boat together with many animals and some Yezidis. All of a sudden the boat
hit a mountain in Sinjar and started leaking. The snake rescued the boat by coiling
and blocking the water from coming in.

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 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 67

water and then allow the sick person, who asked for help, to drink that
water. If the person believes in the powers of the snake, he will re-
cover .The image of the snake has also other powers. My mother could
use it to make rain and she even could channel curses through it. One
day a non-Yezidi hit a Yezidi boy. The boy was crying, and the people
were furious. My mother said: 'I do not want to curse him, but we will
make sure that he is punished'. A few days later the man broke his arm.
Many stories were told about her and the snake".
Both sacred artefacts, the branch of the wish-tree and the image of
the serpent are kept wrapped in fine fabrics at the stëf7 of Sheikh
Hasan's house. The branch of the wish-tree appears to be a simple bam-
boo stick polished by frequent usage. It is about 40 to 45 cm long and
has a diameter of about 1 to 1,5 cm. The image of the serpent is appar-
ently made from brass and depicts, indeed, a dragon rather than a
snake. It measures 17 cm from head to tail and 16 cm from the tip of the
wing to the foot.78 The image consists of three parts, i.e. the body
including the head and a foot-like tail, as well as two wing-leg pieces;
the latter are fixed with two rivets to the body. At the right (starboard)
side of the image the upper third of the wing is broken off and so is part
of the right leg - the broken parts are kept together with the image. The
snake, or rather dragon, holds a round, globe like object in its mouth,
which depicts a pearl. According to Sheikh Hasan, "it is an ordinary
pearl - not the pearl from which everything was created".79

At a first glance, both artefacts point towards East Asia and the
Indian subcontinent, rather then to Mesopotamia. Bamboo is neither
endemic to Asia Minor nor to Mesopotamia; and the dragon, in particu-
lar in conjunction with a pearl, plays a major role in Chinese and Indian

77 Asatrian 1999-2000: fn. 10: "An open wardrobe of bedclothes in the Yezidi
house. It is considered to be a holy place. The Yezidis believe that there lives a di-
vine being - pira stëf. The word derives from the Old Iranian root *star- , which
means "to spread" or "to unfold".
78 The measurement is not necessarily accurate as it was calculated according to
the pictures taken by the author.
79 With regard to the pearl's metaphysical significance and cosmological symbol-
ism, see, for instance, Arakelova 2004: 27-28, and Kreyenbroek 1995: 45-69.

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68 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

mythology and folklore.80 This origin seems supported by the statement

of some Yezidis in Georgia who reported that the stick and the dragon
image were brought to Armenia by Yezidis when they returned from
their Stalin imposed exile in Siberia.81 However, in some cultures in Iraq
the serpent and the dragon seem interchangeable, and the Mandaeans
hold that the serpent represents "Ur, the great earth dragon" (Drower
1937: 37).82 Hence, a Mesopotamian origin cannot be ruled out and the
aforementioned statement of Sheikh Hasan underlines this.83 The snake-
dragon image could also be of Persian origin depicting Aži Dahãka, the
evil dragon in Iranian mythology. An intriguing possibility, considering
the role the Persian dragon, in the personification of the evil Emperor
Zahhãk with two snake heads, played in emergence of the Kurdish
people.84 However, the question of the origin of the sacred image of the
serpent in Yerevan is certainly for the experts and adepts of Eastasian
and Iranian art to answer.
When taken out of the stěř, the wish-tree branch and the image of
the serpent are unwrapped and displayed in a special religious cere-
mony, during which Sheikh Hasan repeatedly bows and kisses these
objects while he recites the Qawlë Ëzdïdï Čuk , the Small Prayer to Ezdid.
"This qawl is always recited by a sheikh while taking out a sacred object

80 Nine Baguazhang Dragons ( http://www.ninedragonbaguazhang.com/dragons.htm );

Rens van der Sluijs, The Dragon and the Pearl ( http://www.thunderbolts.info/tpod/2007 /
arch07/070628dr agonpearl.htm).
81 Interview with three Sheikhs in Tbilisi, who prefer to remain unnamed, on 14
May 2008 (see in this context also an example of such a deportation provided by Ni-
colaus 2008: 240).
82 See also her list of "Some Central Asian Dragons" (ibid.: 256) where again the
snake substitutes the dragon and vice versa.
83 "The holy image of the serpent I possess looks very different from the snake
that guards the sacred shrine of Sheikh 'Adi in Lalish, but it is the same snake. The
snake that rescued our, the Yezidis, ark and thereby the world; the snake that is
holy to Sheikh Mend and his descendants; the snake that should not be killed be-
cause it symbolises safety and security - it's the same!"
84 Zahhäk's two snake heads craved human brains for food, so every day Zah-
häk's men would seize two young people, and execute them so their brains could
feed the snakes. Two men found a way to rescue people from being killed for the
snakes by putting the brain of a sheep instead of a human one into the meal they
prepared for Zahhãk (saving the live of one person). Those who were saved fled to
the mountains and became the ancestors of the Kurds (see for a more detailed
account Açikyildiz 2010: 160-1). Yezidis in Germany have a similar tale in which the
rescued children become the forefathers of the Yezidi nation (see Hesse 2008), who
apparently based this reference in his novel on accounts of Yezidi migrants and
refugees.

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 P. Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72 69

from somewhere. Indeed, the essence of this qawl is an appeal to the

saints or holy men to take out the chained hula85 from the treasury of
strength. It is also sung by a sheikh while a dead body is taken out from
a house".86
Sheik Hasan takes the wish-tree branch with his right hand and
starts gently beating the aching body parts of his patient, whilst he
mumbles incantations. These charms are a kind of individual prayer
concerning the specific disease of a particular person. He continues for
a few minutes and then releases his patient. If the pain does not go away
within a day or two, he or his wife will repeat the treatment, if neces-
sary, several times. According to Sheikh Hasan, he and his wife have a
very high success rate and can, indeed, cure most people seeking their
help - Yezidis and Armenians alike. For persons without a disease they
apply a similar treatment - gentle beating with the stick - all over the
body from head to toes and back. This is a preventive charm applied to
keep their client healthy and in good physical shape. The branch of the
wish-tree is also used in the same way for people who have particular
wishes. While receiving the beating the client has to concentrate on his
or her desire and wish as hard as possible that it will become reality.
However, Sheikh Hasan agrees that the success rate in these cases is
much lower.
The snake or dragon image is, like the wish-tree branch, used to cure
diseases. However, it is not shown to non-Yezidis. The image and the
broken parts are put into a large glass of water and left for a few min-
utes. Then the artifact is removed and the patient has to drink the water
made sacred by the image, whilst Sheikh Hasan susurrâtes incantations.
According to him, the healing rate is even higher than the treatment
with the wish-tree branch. The holy water can also be used to make
wishes, but also curses, to become true - again with a much higher suc-
cess rate than the wish-tree treatment.
It goes without saying that the clients pay considerable sums of
money for these treatments, be it with the wish-tree branch or the
snake. The fees range from 5 to 300 US Dollars, according to the social
status and the means available to the client. Hence, the image and the
branch have not only increased the social status of Sheikh Hasan and
his wife, but serve also as a major source of income for this family. One
could consider these artifacts as nishans , which are objects of great sanc-
tity, passed down through the generations from an ancestral holy being

85 A kind of robe worn by holy men (see Nicolaus 2008: 249).

86 Victoria Arakelova, e-mail to the author, 18 July 2007. The author is also
obliged to her for translating and interpreting the qawl.

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70 P • Nicolaus / Iran and the Caucasus 15 (2011) 49-72

(; xãss ) possessing the divine essence, as they are also used to by their
owners to collect alms.87 However, as Sheikh Hasan emphasised, "they
are more than nishans ", since they are not merely used for display and
veneration, but play an active role in a healing ritual. Furthermore,
their origin is unclear and they are not clearly attributed to the mythi-
cal ancestor of Sheikh Hasan's family.
The wish-tree branch and the serpent-dragon play an important role
in the religious life of the Yezidi community in Armenia, and many tales
of wishes, but also curses, which became true are circulated, and the
healing power of these objects are praised by a large number of believ-
ers. Hence, it seems quite certain that the cult around these objects will
continue to flourish in Yerevan.

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