Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Barbara D. DeBaryshe
University of Hawaii
Janeen C. Binder
University of Delaware
Author Note
Martha Jane Buell, Department of Individual and Family Studies, University of Delaware.
We would like to thank Deborah Cassidy, Vivian Halverson and Lois Yamauchi for
Abstract
Subjects in this exploratory study were 19 five- to six-year-old children and their mothers.
Mothers completed surveys of family literacy practices and beliefs about early reading instruction
and children’s emergent literacy skills were assessed. Results showed that one group of mothers
held implicit theories that resembled whole language models of literacy instruction. A second
group of mothers held views that resembled a phonics orientation, while a smaller group of
mothers had more varied and idiosyncratic beliefs. Mothers’ implicit theories were associated
with their modeling of literacy behaviors, helping their children write, and with their children’s
independent exploration of writing and current levels of literacy skill. Results point to the
importance of parents’ implicit developmental theories and the need to understand how parental
belief systems affect the roles that families play in literacy acquisition.
Key words: Emergent literacy, writing, reading, parental beliefs, parent-child interaction,
A central tenet of the emergent literacy perspective is that children acquire crucial
foundation skills and an understanding of literacy well before the onset of formal instruction
(NAEYC, 1998; Teale & Sulzby, 1986). The home environment is a particularly important setting
for the acquisition of such knowledge because children may have opportunities at home to (a)
become familiar with literacy artifacts, (b) observe the literacy activities of others, (c)
independently explore literate behaviors, (d) engage in joint reading and writing activities with
other people and (e) benefit from the teaching strategies that family members use when engaging
in joint literacy tasks. Considerable variation in both the quantity and quality of these home
literacy practices has been documented (Anderson & Stokes, 1984; DeBaryshe, 1995; Heath,
1983; Payne, Whitehurst, & Angell, 1994; Phillips & McNaughton, 1990; Teale & Sulzby, 1986)
and there is ample evidence that this variation is associated with individual differences in children’s
language and reading outcomes (DeBaryshe, 1993; Scarborough & Dobrich, 1994; Payne,
Since home literacy practices have a substantial impact on children’s literacy development, it
is important to understand the origins of family differences in these practices. In the past decade,
increased attention has been given to the general topic of parental belief systems (Goodnow &
Collins, 1990; Holden & Edwards, 1989; Sigel, 1985). Overall, this literature shows a moderate
association between parental beliefs and the use of child-rearing practices that affect cognitive and
emotional development. Although the literature on parents’ beliefs about language and literacy
development is small, it does suggest that these beliefs influence the kinds of home experiences
that parents provide. For example, parents with lower literacy levels tend to believe that basic
reading and math skills should be mastered before school entry. These parents feel that academic
materials such as flashcards and workbooks are important toys for children to own and prefer
preschool and kindergarten programs with an academic focus. As parental literacy skills rise,
parents are more likely to feel their children should develop basic skills on their own initiative,
without pressure to use conventional forms (Fitzgerald, Spiegel, & Cunningham, 1991; Stipek,
Milburn, Clements & Daniels, 1992). On the average, parents of two- to five-year-olds believe
Implicit Theories 4
that the goals of reading aloud are to establish a love of literature, that children should be active
participants in read-aloud sessions, and that instruction in code skills is not yet appropriate
(DeBaryshe, 1995; DeBaryshe & Binder, 1994). However, variation in beliefs about the goals
and outcomes of reading aloud are associated with the frequency of home book-reading, the
number of books available at home, the age at which the parents began to read aloud to the child,
and the linguistic and cognitive richness of parent-child interaction during book-reading sessions
(DeBaryshe, 1995). These associations hold even when parental education and income are
A limitation of the existing research is that it does not address parents' beliefs about how
children acquire literacy skills. We know something about what parents want their children to be
able to do, but very little about how parents believe these goals are attained (Stipek at al., 1992).
Even within professional circles there is considerable controversy concerning “best practices” in
literacy instruction. The professional debate between proponents of phonics vs. whole language
instructional techniques has been heated and highly visible (Adams, 1990; Goodman, 1992;
Greenberg, 1998a; Stahl, McKenna, & Pagnucco, 1994; Stahl & Miller, 1989). Briefly put,
proponents of the phonics orientation considers reading to be largely a bottom-up process. In this
process, children must master prerequisite skills of phonemic awareness, letter recognition and
until sufficient mastery and automaticity is obtained before children attempt to derive meaning
from reading written texts. In contrast, proponents of the whole language orientation consider
reading to be a holistic, top-down process. Listening, speaking, reading and writing are seen as
inter-related aspects of the same underlying linguistic competence. The goal of instruction is to
“bring children into literacy in a ‘natural’ way by bridging the gap between children’s own
language competencies and written language” (Stahl & Miller, 1989, p. 88). Children are thought
to acquire literacy skills by immersion in a functional literate environment, just as they acquire
instruction uses children’s literature in lieu of basal readers. Children’s nonconventional reading
Implicit Theories 5
and writing attempts are encouraged and treated as meaningful and functional. Code skills are
addressed as the need arises in the context of “authentic” literacy activities, but are not included
as isolated targets of instruction (Adams, 1990; Goodman, 1992; Stahl, et al., 1994; Stahl &
Miller, 1989).
The purpose of this small-scale exploratory study was to test a methodology for examining
parents’ implicit theories of early literacy instruction. Information on these theories was elicited
by open-ended questioning and structured survey items about informal instructional techniques
that parents might use at home. Specifically, we wished to determine whether parents’ ideas were
consistent with whole language approaches, phonics approaches, or provided a blend of the two.
We also explored whether parents’ instructional views are related to the kinds of literacy
experiences they provide for their children and the level of skill that their children display.
We expected that parents with more holistic views would engage in behaviors that mimic
whole-language instructional techniques while parents with componential views would use more
traditional instructional strategies. Specifically, whole language-oriented parents would (a) show
greater concern with their children’s motivation and enjoyment of reading and writing, (b) be
more likely to model literacy behaviors as a way of ensuring their children would see the
functional role these activities play, (c) engage in more frequent mediated reading and writing
activities, and (d) focus on meaning rather than code in teaching interactions. Parents whose
belief systems were more similar to the phonics orientation would engage in fewer holistic
activities such as writing letters together or reading aloud, and include more frequent informal
instruction in phonic skills. It was also expected that parents’ beliefs would be associated with
expected to show more conventional reading and writing skills (Adams, 1990; Evans & Carr,
1985). Children of whole language-oriented parents were predicted to show stronger vocabulary
and story grammar skills, and greater interest and confidence in experimenting with print activities
Methods
Subjects
Subjects were 19 children between the ages of 64 and 77 months (M = 69.9 months, SD =
3.67) and their mothers1. The present study was a follow-up to a study of parent-child reading
interaction at age two (DeBaryshe, Caulfield, Witty, Sidden, Holt, & Reich, 1991). Families were
originally recruited via newspaper announcements that advertised the opportunity to participate in
research on the effects of reading aloud. Subjects were from a medium-sized southeastern U.S.
city and the surrounding county area. Ten children were boys and nine were girls. Eighty-five
percent were European-American and 15% were African-American. Maternal education ranged
from a high school diploma (21%) to a college (32%) or graduate degree (47%). Most of the
families were middle to upper-middle class. Seventeen children attended kindergarten (none were
in the same classroom or school), two were still in preschool (one due to a late birth date, the
Procedures
Each child was visited twice at his or her home, with visits spaced approximately two
weeks apart. On the first visit, mothers completed three questionnaires and a short open-ended
interview while their children participated in a literacy skill assessment battery. A tape recorder
and the book Rotten Ralph's Show and Tell (Gantos, 1989) were left with the family. Mothers
were asked to read the book with their child four times in order to familiarize the child with the
story. On the second home visit, children were asked to read or pretend to read Rotten Ralph's
Show and Tell to the experimenter. Children also wrote a letter with their mothers to a person of
their own choice. The writing and reading tasks were recorded on videotape.
Measures
Family Survey (FS). The FS was designed to obtain information on family characteristics
such as income, maternal education, ethnicity and child's school placement. The FS is based on a
version used with preschool populations that showed acceptable item test-retest reliability (r's = .
Home Activities Survey (HAS). Parents' and children's literacy interest and engagement
were assessed with the HAS, a questionnaire designed for this study that was based upon a
successful survey used with preschool children (DeBaryshe, 1992). The HAS contains 68 items
that are answered on a seven-point scale. Examples of items include: “How often does an adult
in your family use a typewriter, word processor or computer?", “How much does your child enjoy
reading with you?", and “How often does your child ask what a letter is called or how it sounds?"
Ten composite variables were derived from the HAS by summing conceptually related
items. These variables represented parents' and children's enjoyment of reading and writing, the
frequency of parent-child joint reading and writing, and the frequency of parents' and children's
solo engagement in reading and writing. The number of items contributing to each composite
Reading Instruction Belief Questionnaire (RIBQ). The RIBQ was adapted from a
questionnaire used by Evans and Baraball (1991). Questions address goals and methods for
helping children learn about reading. Fourteen items are written to reflect either whole language-
or phonics-oriented views about literacy instruction (see Table 1). Parents rate the degree to
which they endorse each item on a 7-point scale with high scores indicating strong endorsement.
Internal consistency for the RIBQ is high; coefficients alpha for phonics and whole language items
Open-ended belief questions. Parents were asked two open-ended questions about
reading: “How do you think children learn to read?” and “Are there things you do, or did, to help
your child learn about reading?”. They were asked the same two questions in regards to writing.
Parents’ answers were recorded in written form. Answers were later transcribed, separated into
unique comments, and sorted by content to yield dominant themes. Inter-rater agreement for
these sorts was .86 (computed as # agreements divided by total agreements plus disagreements).
Implicit Theories 8
were coded using time-sampling procedures. The presence or absence of two categories of
behavior was recorded in 15-second intervals; each video session lasted for a total of ten minutes
duration. Conventional talk involved any discussion of letter formation, phonics, spelling or
mechanical conventions such as writing from left to right or including a salutation or closing to
the letter. Meaning talk included any conversation about the semantic content of the intended
written message or the effect the message would have on the reader. Inter-rater agreement
(computed as # agreements divided by total agreements plus disagreements) was .96 for
PPVT served as our measure of receptive vocabulary. Reported split-half reliabilities range from .
(Dunn & Dunn, 1981). PPVT scores from the age two assessment were used as a covariate in
some analyses. Different forms of the PPVT (L vs. M) were used at ages two and six.
Test of Early Reading Ability-2 (TERA). Reading quotients on the TERA served as our
norm-referenced measure of reading. The TERA is based on emergent literacy models, and covers
both preconventional and conventional skills. Coefficients alpha for five- and six-year olds range
from .89 to .93, and the alternate forms reliability is .79 (Reid, Hresko, & Hammill, 1989).
Story grammar. The story-telling task was based upon story-grammar research conducted
by Morrison, Frazier, McMahon, Fornwald, and Trabasso (1992). Children were shown five
laminated pictures portraying a coherent story. Children were asked to tell a story using the
pictures. The oral stories were audiotaped, and later transcribed and scored for the use of nine
aspects of story structure: (1) introduction, (2) setting, (3) characters mentioned, (4) problem
identified, (5) goal, (6) plan of action, (7) understanding of accidental occurrences, (8) action, and
(9) results/conclusion. The highest possible score on this task was 26. Because of the small
sample size, this task (as well as the print task and emergent reading level described below) were
Implicit Theories 9
independently scored by two trained coders. Disagreements (which were infrequent, occurring in
less than 5 percent of the samples) were resolved by discussion and consensus.
Clay Print Task. The print task was modified from Clay (1979), and consisted of the
following four sub-tasks: (a) letter identification, (b) copying a printed sentence, (c) sentence
dictation, and (d) asking the child to write all the words he or she knew within a five-minute
period. A total writing score was computed by summing the z-scores for each of the sub-tasks.
Emergent reading level. The videotapes of the children reading Rotten Ralph's Show and
Tell (Gantos, 1989) were analyzed using Sulzby's (1985) classification scheme for emergent
reading. Children are rated on a seven-level ordinal scale that orders the conventionality of
picture- versus print-governed reading attempts. Barnhart (1991) reports good criterion-related
Results
The RIBQ items were subjected to a cluster analysis. This procedure sorts parents into
groups based upon similar patterns of responses across questionnaire items. A three cluster
solution provided the most readily interpreted results. Clusters 1, 2, and 3 were labeled Code
(n=6), Meaning (n=8) and Unique (n=5), respectively. On the average, Code group parents gave
4.10, SD = .65). Meaning group parents gave the highest endorsement of whole language
= .59). Parents in the Unique group gave low endorsement to both sets of items (M = 3.37 and
2.43, SD = .54 and .69 for whole language and phonics, respectively).
The groups were not significantly different in terms of income, ethnicity, child age or
school placement. The groups did differ on child sex, 2 (2, n = 19) = 5.81, p = .05, and maternal
education, 2 (6, n = 19) = 5.92, p = .05. All parents in the Unique group were parents of boys.
Implicit Theories 10
Meaning group parents were more highly educated than Unique group parents.
To test hypotheses concerning implicit theories and home literacy practices, a series of
one-way MANOVAs were conducted with belief group as the between-subjects factor. Tests of
univariate effects were conducted if a significant mutivariate effect was found; this procedure
Enjoyment. The four dependent measures were: parents’ interest in reading, parents’
interest in writing, children’s interest in reading, and children’s interest in writing. The
multivariate test was nonsignificant, indicating that maternal belief grouping had no association
Frequency of literacy activities. The MANOVA on frequency measures had six DV's
representing the frequency of parent, child, and joint reading and writing, respectively. A
significant multivariate affect was found, F(12, 24) = 2.28, p = .04, effect size = .53. Univariate F
tests and Newman-Keuls post-hoc comparisons indicated that Meaning group mothers read for
work or pleasure more often than Code mothers. Meaning group mothers helped their children
write more often, and had children who did more independent writing than Unique group mothers
Mother-child Interaction
Because the two measures of observed interactive behavior were not significantly
correlated, univariate rather than multivariate tests were conducted. The ANOVA for
conventional talk during the letter writing tasks was nonsignificant. The ANOVA for meaning talk
only showed a marginal trend toward significance, F(2, 15) = 2.85, p = .09. Means were in the
A MANCOVA on belief grouping was conducted using PPVT, TERA, Clay, emergent
reading level and story grammar scores as the five dependent measures of child literacy skill. To
control for the expected strong association between current literacy skills and prior oral language,
age two PPVT score was used as a covariate. Groups did not differ on the covariate.
A significant multivariate effect for belief grouping was found, F(10,20) = 4.90, p =.001,
effect size = .71. Univariate effects were found for TERA, story grammar and Clay scores and a
marginal univariate effect was found for the PPVT. Post hoc tests revealed that children in the
Code group had higher story grammar scores than children in the meaning group and higher Clay
scores than children in the Unique group. Unique group children had the lowest TERA reading
Open-ended Themes
Each unique comment made in response to the open-ended questions was transcribed and
sorted by semantic content. Results of the content analysis are shown in Table 3. Themes that
were mentioned by at least three mothers are displayed. There were also 8 rare themes, i.e., those
When talking about children learning to read, all mothers discussed the importance of
reading aloud and the need to develop an understanding of code functions. Ways to instill code
knowledge included drill on letter identification, use of environmental print, and telling the child
what a printed word says. Modeling and motivation were also mentioned by a sizable minority.
Meaning group mothers were the most likely to mention environmental print and nonbook media
such as computer games. Only Code group mothers talked about the need for children to read
independently; this group was also the most likely to talk about going to the library and the least
likely to mention modeling. No mothers in the Unique group mentioned use of the library or
Responses about learning to write predominantly were about fine motor control and
mastering the mechanics of letter formation via repeated practice; this emphasis was shared by all
three belief groups. As with reading, modeling and motivation were also mentioned. Meaning
Implicit Theories 12
group mothers stood out in the extent to which they discussed intrinsic motivation, emergent
developmental sequences, and positive carry-over from reading aloud. Code group mothers were
Seventy-one percent of the rare themes were provided by mothers in the Unique group.
Examples of rare themes included telling oral stories, tracing the outlines of letters on the child’s
back, and not knowing how children learn literacy skills. These open-ended responses
corroborate the results of the RIBQ, suggesting that the Unique group mothers are less likely to
make use of core whole language or phonics instructional techniques and that they tend to employ
Discussion
The overall goal of this study was to pilot the feasibility of a method for examining the
content and correlates of parents’ implicit theories of early literacy instruction. Despite the small
sample size, the large number of statistically significant findings suggests that these methods could
The first major finding was that most parents in this sample held eclectic views on early
literacy instruction. Parents valued both code knowledge and the derivation of meaning and
reported using strategies to promote both sets of skills. Thus, parents endorse what many reading
educators see as optimal practice--the simultaneous focus on top-down and bottom-up strategies
(Adams, 1990; Feng, 1992; Greenberg, 1998a, 1998b; NAEYC, 1998; Stahl et. al., 1994; Stahl &
Miller, 1989).
Parents’ implicit theories are of pragmatic importance if they have consequences for
children’s development. For example, if children’s learning is enhanced when both the home and
school settings support similar goals, then the above-mentioned finding that parents, like teachers,
hold eclectic views is good news. Early childhood educators stress the value of informal literacy
Implicit Theories 13
experiences provided by both teachers and parents (NAEYC, 1998). Presumably, parents are
more effective partners in their children’s education and are more likely to provide frequent,
enriching home literacy experiences when their views on literacy acquisition correspond with
Our data also suggest that individual differences in parental literacy beliefs have
consequences for what children do and what children learn. Although most parents in our sample
could be described as eclectic, we found different patterns, or degrees of emphasis within this
overall eclecticism. Children of more meaning-oriented mothers in our sample experienced more
frequent maternal modeling of reading and more frequent mother-child writing episodes; these
children were also the most likely to write on their own. Perhaps because these mothers were
least concerned with conventional correctness, they were more encouraging of their children's
emergent attempts which, in turn, motivated their children to experiment with writing on their
own. Beliefs were also associated with child literacy skills. Children of more code-oriented
mothers had the highest tested performance in the areas of vocabulary, story grammar, and
conventionalized reading and writing skills. The overall disadvantage fell on children of mothers
who endorsed neither code- nor meaning-based strategies; their children showed the least
developed literacy skills. Parents who have difficulty articulating how a skill is acquired may be
less optimal tutors than parents who follow a clear conceptual model.
While it is premature to make causal statements, our results justify further study of causal
mechanisms. A large literature on parent-child verbal interaction has demonstrated how parental
input can affect oral language competence. A similar initiative is needed to study how the social
environment affects competence in written language. For example, do parental beliefs contribute
to children’s literacy outcomes via their impact on parents’ practices, or do parents’ ideas more
simply reflect their children’s developmental history and progress that was itself caused by other
influences?
The limitations of this study must be acknowledged. First, the sample size was small and
were limited to one 10-minute sample. Third, replication will be needed to determine whether the
three belief patterns identified in our cluster analysis would indeed generalize across samples and
whether these belief patterns are consistently associated with individual differences in home
practices and child outcomes. However, our results suggest that this general topic of study, as
Footnotes
1
20 mothers were interviewed, but one interview contained so much missing data as to be
unusable. Mothers were the target of this study because our experience with similar studies in this
community yielded extremely low participation rates for fathers. Only one father in this sample
wished to participate in the interview. Data from his interview are not included in the current
report.
Implicit Theories 16
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Implicit Theories 17
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Implicit Theories 19
Table 1
RIBQ items
Understanding that reading and writing are much like talking, the purpose is communicating
meaning.
Knowing that reading and writing can be useful for many activities besides reading books.
Accepting attempts at writing as meaningful, even if they are incorrect (“reading” scribbles
Recognizing unknown words by “what makes sense” from the other words and pictures on
the page.
Using background knowledge that the child already has, rather than information from
Phonics Items
Being able to match the sounds in spoken words with the letter combinations used to
represent them.
Rules about how letter combinations sound (“e” at the end of the word makes the
Table 2
_______________________________________________________________________________
Group
Variable M M M p Contrast
_______________________________________________________________________________
Literacy Enjoymenta
_______________________________________________________________________________
(continued)
Implicit Theories 21
Table 2 continued
Mother-Child Interaction
Table 3
Themes emerging from content analysis of open-ended questions about reading and writing
Themes about modeling and motivation Themes about modeling and motivation
Modeling (n = 7) Imitation (n = 5)
Adults set an example by reading She just picked up a pencil, imitating me.
Motivation (n = 7) Encouragement (n = 4)
Make reading fun. We encouraged her
Inner motivation (n = 5)
. Children will have a desire (to write).
(continued)
Implicit Theories 23
Table 3 cont’d.
School work (n = 3)
She’s learning at school.
Other themes
Media (n = 4)
Tapes of books, computer games.
Developmental sequence (n = 4)
There’s a progression: sight, sounds,
put sounds together into words.
Picture focus (n = 4)
Point to pictures in books.