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Journal of Strategic Affairs

wp/2015/11/23/how-the-united-states-helped-create-the-
islamic-state/?utm_term=.f4b67677901f.
15.
World Report 2017 on Syria, Human Rights Watch,
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2017/country-
chapters/syria.
16.
Ibid.
17.
Eyal Zisser, “Syria – From the Six-day War to the Syrian
Civil War,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 44,
no. 4 (2017), https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2017.
1360011.
18.
Ralph Peters, “Blood Borders: How a Better Middle East
Would Look,” Armed Forces Journal (June 1, 2006),
http://armedforcesjournal.com/blood-borders/.
19.
Jeffery Mankoff, “Eastern Mediterranean Energy,” Centre
for Strategic and International Studies CSIS,
Washington, DC, July 25, 2013,
http://csis.org/files/attachments/130726_medenergy_
mankoff.pdf.
20.
Vincent Ibonye, “Strategic Wisdom in the New Greater
Middle Eastern Game? A De-escalatory Rethinking of the
Syrian Conflict,” Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern
Studies (2017), http://10.1080/19448953.2018.1385268.
21.
Robin Mills, “Risky Routes: Energy Transits in the
Middle East,” Analysis Paper, no.17, Brookings Doha
Center (April 2016), https://www.brookings.edu/research/
risky-routes-energy-transit-in-the-middle-east/.
22.
Barry Buzan, People, States and Fear: The National
Security Problem in International Relations (London:
Wheatsheaf Books, 1983), 106, http://press.ecprnet.eu/
documents/content/9780955248818.pdf.
23.
Ibonye, “Strategic Wisdom.”
24.
Mills, “Risky Routes.”
25.
Ibonye, “Strategic Wisdom.”
26.
Roxane Farmanfarmaian, “Redrawing the Middle East
map: Iran, Syria and the New Cold War,” Al Jazeera,
November 2012, https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/
opinion/2012/11/2012111311424048459.html.
27.
Jubin M. Goodarzi, Syria and Iran: Diplomatic and
Power Politics in the Middle East (New York: I. B.
Taurus, 2009), https://archive.org/stream/

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Syrian Crisis: A Proxy between Great Powers

JubinGoodarziSyriaAndIranDiplomaticAllianceAndPowe
rPoliticsInTheMiddleEastLibrar/Jubin+Goodarzi+Syria+a
nd+Iran+Diplomatic+Alliance+and+Power+Politics+in+t
he+Middle+East+Library+of+Modern+Middle+East+Stu
dies_djvu.txt.
28.
BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2013, British
Petroleum, June 2013, http://www.bp.com/content/dam/
bp/pdf/statistical-review/statistical_review_of_world_
energy_2013.
29.
Syria, U.S. Energy Information Administration, February
18, 2014, http://www.eia.gov/countries/
analysisbriefs/Syria/syria.pdf.
30.
Mikael Eriksson and Francesco Giumelli, “Why the EU’s
Sanctions Against Assad’s Syria Will Backfire,” Foreign
Affairs, December 1, 2011, www.foreignaffairs.com/
articles/136705/mikaeleriksson-and-francesco-
giumelli/why-the-eus-sanctions-against-assads-syria-will-
backfire.
31.
Syria Sanctions: EU Follows US Ban on Oil Imports, and
Expands List of Designated Persons, HFW, September
2011, http://www.hfw.com/Syria-Sanctions-EU-Follows-
US-Ban
32.
Simon Mee, Giulia Segreti, and Anna Fifield, “Italy seeks
to Delay EU Oil Embargo on Syria,” Financial Times,
August 30, 2011,
http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/4248317c-d326-11e0-
9ba8-00144feab49a.html.
33.
Mankoff, Eastern Mediterranean Energy.
34.
According to Islamic principles, there is no distinction
between religion and politics. In theological terms, Islam
does not draw a line between worldly power and divine
authority, representing itself as a faith system as well as
the moral guidelines of which apply to all aspects.
However, certain Islamic conservatives argue that
sovereignty belongs to the God only, so the sovereign
claims of governments are illegitimate. According to the
Islamic view, the world is separated into two domains:
The domain of Islam (dar al-Islam) which implies those
lands under Muslim rulers’ control; the domain of war
(dar al-harb) includes territories without Muslim rule and

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Journal of Strategic Affairs

with which they are potentially in conflict. See Louise


Fawcett, Islam and International Relations in the Middle
East in International Relations of the Middle East 3rd ed.
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 168-171.
35.
Ibid.
36.
“Turkey’s Downing of Russian Warplane - What We
Know,” BBC, December1, 2015,
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-34912581.
37.
Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya, “The US‒NATO March to
War and The 21st Century Great Game,” Global
Research (December 5, 2010),
http://www.globalresearch.ca/
index.php?context=va&aid=22170.
38.
Elaine Pasquini, “Activists Call for No Intervention in
Syria By U.S., NATO Or Israel,” Washington Report on
Middle East Affairs 32(7) (2013), 42,
https://www.wrmea.org/013-september/northern-
california-chronicle-activists-call-for-no-intervention-in-
syria-by-u.s.-nato-or-israel.html.
39.
“Syria Veto: No Heroes, No Villains,” The Straits Times,
February 8, 2012, http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/
newspapers/digitised/issue/straitstimes20120208-1#.
40.
Fawcett, Islam and International Relations.
41.
Ibonye, “Strategic Wisdom.”
42.
Cited in “Syria Becoming Wider Global, Regional Proxy
War,” Reuters, June 13, 2012, http://www.reuters.com/
article/2012/06/13/us-syria-global-proxy-
idUSBRE85C13720120613.
43.
Regional Situation Report For Syria Crisis, UNFPA, 45,
May 2016.
44.
Bruce Crumley, “On Tracking Syria’s Western Jihadis,”
News Deeply Syria Deeply, April 17, 2014,
http://www.syriadeeply.org/articles/2014/04/5168/trackin
g-syrias-western-jihadis.
45.
Ismael, 1974.
46.
Bruce Riedel, Muhammad bin Salman’s U.S. Visit Marks
75 years of U.S.-Saudi Ties, Brookings,
https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2018/
03/12/muhammed-bin-salmans-u-s-visit-marks-75-years-
of-u-s-saudi-ties/

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