JASREP-00466; No of Pages 9

Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx

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Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports

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A bioarchaeological and forensic re-assessment of vulture defleshing and mortuary

practices at Neolithic Çatalhöyük
Marin A. Pilloud a,⁎, Scott D. Haddow b, Christopher J. Knüsel c, Clark Spencer Larsen d
a
Department of Anthropology, University of Nevada, Reno, United States
b
Stanford Archaeology Center, Stanford University, United States
c
UMR 5199, De la Préhistoire à l'Actuel: Culture, Environnement, et Anthropologie (PACEA), Université de Bordeaux, France
d
Department of Anthropology, The Ohio State University, United States

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: During the Neolithic, mortuary practices in the Near East sometimes involved intramural burial and often some
Received 2 September 2015 type of removal or caching of the bony elements of the head. Reports of defleshing are described in the literature,
Received in revised form 2 May 2016 but there is little published evidence for other surface modifications of human remains. In his 1960s publications
Accepted 13 May 2016
on the Neolithic site of Çatalhöyük, James Mellaart proposed that individuals were defleshed by vultures prior to
Available online xxxx
intramural interment. This hypothesis was predominantly based on the discovery of wall paintings of large rap-
Keywords:
torial birds hovering over headless bodies, coupled with the various states of disarticulation of many of the
Cephalic extremity human remains excavated on site, including ‘headless’ bodies (those missing the cranium and mandible), as
Taphonomy well as isolated crania and other skeletal elements. Despite these observations, subsequent osteological analysis
Excarnation has failed to show definitive taphonomic evidence of such practices.
Intramural burial However, current forensic work on human decomposition has shed new light on the effects of vulture defleshing
Çatalhöyük (Turkey) on human remains. Initial results indicate that vultures are adept at soft tissue removal, defleshing a body in a
Neolithic matter of hours over the course of several visits. Moreover, the skeleton can be left largely articulated (at least
initially) and display limited skeletal marks from the defleshing process. In light of these recent taphonomic stud-
ies, the possibility of vulture defleshing at Çatalhöyük is re-visited here. In many subfloor burials, body position,
skeletal articulation, and skeletal completeness are consistent with a taphonomic signature of defleshing prior to
interment. Furthermore, defleshing would have facilitated body part removal and may have been necessary for
intramural interments. This re-assessment of mortuary treatments at Çatalhöyük may provide a new way of eval-
uating the skeletal assemblage at the site and can serve as a model for the interpretation of vulture iconography in
the ancient Near East.
© 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

Neolithic mortuary practices in the Near East demonstrate an inti-
mate association between the dead and the living. These practices typ-
ically involved intramural interment and sometimes included removal
and re-deposition of skeletal elements, especially of the cephalic ex-
tremity (i.e., cranium, mandible, cervical vertebrae).1 In the Levant,
these practices may have originated in the Natufian period
(Belfer-Cohen, 1988; Boyd, 1995), but they are seen to intensify during
the Neolithic. For example, in the Neolithic levels at Jericho (Palestine) a
⁎ Corresponding author at: Department of Anthropology, University of Nevada, 1664 No
Virginia, Reno, NV 89557/0096, United States.
E-mail address: mpilloud@unr.edu (M.A. Pilloud).
1
Throughout the literature on Neolithic burial practices the terms ‘skull,’ ‘head,’ and
‘cranium’ are used interchangeably and not according to anatomical definitions (i.e. where
the skull indicates the cranium and the mandible and the cranium refers only to the bony
framework of the head without the mandible). Within this paper we use the term ‘cephalic
extremity’ to describe the skeletal elements of the ‘head,’ which can include the cranium,
mandible, and cervical vertebrae. Moreover, when associations are clear, we explicitly in-
dicate which portions of the cephalic extremity were manipulated or removed.
building containing a cache of approximately 52 ‘skulls’ (likely only
crania) was unearthed (Kurth and Rohrer-Ertl, 1982), and researchers
at ‘Ain Ghazal (Jordan) recovered several plaster casts that are similar
to those that adorn’ plastered skulls' (Butler, 1989). Similar burial prac-
tices have been observed in Anatolia during this period. The site of
Çayönü in eastern Turkey contains both intramural and extramural
burials in the early occupation phases (Özdoğan, 1999), as well as a
building containing roughly 70 human skulls (or perhaps crania) in
the later phase of occupation (Beyer-Honca, 1995; Özbek, 1988). The
Neolithic site of Nevalı Çori in southeastern Turkey also has intramural
burials (Hauptmann, 1999); and, the nearby site of Cafer Höyük con-
tains two burials, each found extramurally and without crania and man-
dibles, which researchers believe is evidence of a ‘skull cult’ (Cauvin et
al., 1999). At Neolithic Köşk Höyük in central Anatolia, 13 plastered
skulls (crania and mandibles) were recovered (Özbek, 2009).
The removal, curation, and re-deposition of elements of the cephalic
extremity and other infra-cranial skeletal elements are common

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.05.029
2352-409X/© 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

Please cite this article as: Pilloud, M.A., et al., A bioarchaeological and forensic re-assessment of vulture defleshing and mortuary practices at
Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.05.029
2 M.A. Pilloud et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx
features of Near Eastern Neolithic mortuary practices; however, it is not
always clear how these elements were removed. Elements could have
been removed manually from a fleshed body with cutting implements
prior to interment, or removed at some point after burial, via either
targeted re-opening of the grave with the express purpose of retrieving
skeletal elements, or opportunistically during subsequent interments in
the same locations. There are reports of defleshing in Europe during the
Neolithic (Beckett and Robb, 2006; Fowler, 2010; Robb et al., 2015;
Smith, 2006), and into the Mesolithic (Schulting, 2013, Toussaint,
2011), as well as for secondary burial (Valentin and Le Goff, 1998).
However, in the Near East, there are limited reports of such practices.
At Abu Hureyra, on the south side of the Euphrates valley, a mid-shaft
fragment of a humerus was found with extensive cutmarks on it that
appear to have been made with a flint tool suggestive of a systematic
program of defleshing (Moore and Molleson, 2000). Additionally,
Erdal (2014) describes cutmarks on human remains at Körtik Tepe, a
Neolithic site in southeast Turkey, which he interpreted as defleshing
as a means of purifying the corpse.
This paper uses the Neolithic site of Çatalhöyük to explore one aspect
of mortuary practice that may have contributed to the patterning of
human remains in Neolithic burials: vulture excarnation. Such a practice
could have served as a means of facilitating the preparation of corpses
for burial as well as the removal of skeletal elements. Initial reports on
Çatalhöyük suggest the practice of vulture defleshing (Mellaart, 1967).
Yet, this suggestion has largely been dismissed in current osteological
analyses based on the lack of evidence for surface modification of the
skeletal remains (e.g., Boz and Hager, 2013). However, recent forensic
experimental research on human decomposition and taphonomy has
focused on the postmortem effects of vultures on human remains. This
work has provided new insight into taphonomic agents with implica-
tions for bioarchaeological interpretations. In light of this research, we
re-visit the possibility of vulture excarnation at Çatalhöyük.
1. Çatalhöyük: biocultural context and mortuary practices
The site of Çatalhöyük is located on the Anatolian plateau of the
Konya plain in south central Turkey (Fig. 1). The Neolithic component
Fig. 1. Location of Çatalhöyük.
Please cite this article as: Pilloud, M.A., et al., A bioarchaeological and forensic re-assessment of vulture defleshing and mortuary practices at
Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.05.029
of the site occupies some 13 ha reaching a height of nearly 21 m
(Hodder, 2002), with radiocarbon dates between 7100 and 5950 cal
BCE (Bayliss et al., 2015, Marciniak et al., 2015). The site was first discov-
ered in 1958 by James Mellaart, Alan Hall, and David French (Mellaart,
1967). After Mellaart's initial work at the site spanning from 1961 to
1965, excavations were halted for several decades. In 1993, Ian Hodder
took over direction and large-scale archaeological excavations conduct-
ed by an international team of specialists began. Much of this work is
described in recent edited volumes (e.g., Hodder, 2013a, b, 2014a, b).
The site of Çatalhöyük was arranged as a conglomeration of densely
packed buildings and is estimated to have been occupied by between
3500 and 8000 people (Cessford, 2005). Adjacent structures shared
walls, and there were no windows or doors for entrance; instead, the
buildings were entered through ladders via holes in the roof. The pre-
dominant building material at Çatalhöyük is mudbrick covered in a
white plaster on the internal walls and floors. Houses typically consisted
of a single central room with an oven, above which was the ladder to
enter the structure. This central room was further arranged through a
series of raised platforms and would be surrounded by smaller storage
rooms (Hodder, 2006). Mellaart (1964b) originally characterized build-
ings as houses or shrines based on size and internal elaboration. Howev-
er, recent research has found that all structures, even the most
elaborate, show evidence of domestic occupation and likely all func-
tioned as residential structures, or houses.
Throughout the Neolithic occupation of Çatalhöyük, the most com-
mon burial location was beneath the plastered platforms of the central
room of houses, with a preference for interment under the northern
or eastern platforms with the head oriented towards the center of the
room (Boz and Hager, 2013, Mellaart, 1962, 1967). The body was placed
on its side in a flexed position; and, in many cases, the flexion is ex-
treme. Boz and Hager (2013) suggest there may have been some sort
of binding or wrapping of the body, and there are phytolith traces of
cords or other bindings. There seems to be no distinctive age or sex pat-
terning with regard to burial location, orientation (Hamilton, 2005), or
in the number and type of grave goods (Nakamura and Meskell,
2013). In many instances, the same burial location was re-visited
throughout the lifespan of a building to inter additional individuals. In
 M.A. Pilloud et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx 3

such cases, previously interred remains were disturbed in order to make
room for subsequent burials. In most instances, the displaced skeletal el-
ements of the previous interment appear to have been re-deposited
haphazardly in the grave fill of the new interment. However, skeletal el-
ements were occasionally removed or re-arranged when a later individ-
ual was interred. Once the new body was in place, the grave pit was
filled-in and the floor was re-plastered.
The removal of elements of the cephalic extremity, while relatively
rare, has been observed in several cases (Fig. 2). Boz and Hager (2013)
identified 18 skeletons as ‘headless bodies’. However, as excavations
and analysis have continued, we have re-visited this topic, and with a
more conservative approach have identified 14 skeletons with removal
of elements of the cephalic extremity (Table 1). It is generally believed
that these skeletal elements were removed after burial (Andrews et
al., 2005; Boz and Hager, 2013). However, the timing of this removal
can be very difficult to discern. In some cases, it is clear that a burial lo-
cation was re-visited to inter additional individuals, providing opportu-
nity for removal of the cephalic extremity. Yet, in a few contexts, the
infra-cranial skeletons appear undisturbed and well-articulated. Addi-
tionally, in at least two cases, the superior part of the vertebral column
(i.e., the cervical vertebrae present) was found against the edge of the
grave cut, suggesting the skull may not have been included in the initial
interment; or, alternatively, that the body was placed in such a way that
elements of the cephalic extremity were easily accessible (Andrews and
Bello, 2006). Furthermore, some individuals have displaced cervical ver-
tebrae along the side of their bodies, suggesting the vertebrae fell to
such a location at the time of interment. To achieve this particular place-
ment of these vertebrae at a later date (post-interment) would require
extensive re-excavation of the skeleton to the same level (i.e., the burial
pit floor) as was initially achieved at the time of interment. If removal of
the head were the sole purpose of opening the grave, it does not follow
that a large portion of the grave would be re-excavated and with ex-
treme care so as not to disturb any other articulating elements. It there-
fore seems parsimonious to accept that the cephalic extremity was
removed prior to interment. Thus far, only one individual missing the
bony elements of the head shows evidence of cutmarks on the cervical
vertebrae (Skeleton 4593). This issue is being re-visited and a more
thorough systematic study of cutmarks is underway.
Isolated crania have also been found in burial contexts. Boz and
Hager (2013) identified 29 such cases excavated prior to 2009, as well
as one plastered human skull (Hodder, 2006). The skeleton of a mature
older female was found with removal of the upper and lower limbs as
well as the scapulae and clavicles with no apparent cutmarks (Fig. 3).
It is difficult to definitively say if the limbs were removed prior to or
after interment. However, based on the size and shape of the grave
pit, position of the remains, and the articulation of the skeleton, it ap-
pears that the limbs were removed prior to interment and that the
grave was not disturbed after initial burial.
The mortuary record at Çatalhöyük makes standard categorization
into primary or secondary burials difficult. Within this study, a primary
burial is defined as the burial of one or more decedents shortly after
death and left undisturbed. Primary burials can be identified by a high
level of skeletal articulation (Sprague, 1968). Knüsel (2014), following
Duday et al. (1990), defines secondary burials as those that undergo
manipulation after primary interment that involves movement of at
least some remains from one location to another. Evidence for a second-
ary burial can include cutmarks (Andrews et al., 2005); patterned loss of
skeletal elements, typically smaller hand and foot bones (Martin et al.,
2013); extensive disarticulation; and breakage (Andrews and Bello,
2006). However, as Duday (2006) argues, definitive evidence of a sec-
ondary burial is rare and is often based on negative evidence (i.e. miss-
ing skeletal elements). In addition to primary and secondary burials, Boz
and Hager (2013) define additional depositional contexts for human re-
mains at Çatalhöyük. These include categories for contexts they define
as tertiary (loose human remains found in non-burial contexts); prima-
ry disturbed (largely articulated skeletons or partial articulated skele-
tons disturbed by subsequent human activity, such as the digging of
grave cuts for later interments or for the targeted removal of skeletal el-
ements); and primary disturbed, loose (disarticulated remains found in
burial features).
At Çatalhöyük, skeletons are generally found in complete articula-
tion and smaller skeletal elements that may be lost as a result of

Fig. 2. Examples of skeletons without skulls (cranium and mandible). On the left is Skeleton 13162 (female with a neonate in the abdominal region) note the displaced cervical vertebrae,
particularly the atlas on the right side of the skeleton. The skeleton to the right is Skeleton 16302, note the complete articulation of the cervical vertebrae to include the atlas and axis.

Please cite this article as: Pilloud, M.A., et al., A bioarchaeological and forensic re-assessment of vulture defleshing and mortuary practices at
Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.05.029
4 M.A. Pilloud et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx

Table 1
Summary of human remains found with intentional removal of parts of the cephalic extremity.

Skeleton number Agea Sexb Elements removed Additional observations

1466 Mature adult Male Cranium, mandible, and first cervical vertebra • Hyoid is present.
4593 Young adult Male Cranium and mandible • Cutmarks on atlas
• Wooden plank placed on body
11659 (possible) Mature adult Female Cranium and mandible • There is some post-depositional disturbance to this skeleton, which is why this
designation is possible; however, the first, second, and third cervical vertebrae
are present
14108 Adolescent Indt Cranium and mandible • Cervical vertebrae displaced to side of individual
• Found next to Sk 14139
14139 Mature adult Male Cranium and mandible • Found next to Sk 14108
13162 Young adult Female Cranium and mandible • First cervical vertebra and a lower cervical vertebra found displaced in grave fill
• Neonate in abdominal region
16302 Young adult Male Cranium and mandible • All cervical vertebrae are articulated.
17536 Mature adult Male Cranium, mandible, and first cervical vertebra
16697 Old adult Female Cranium • Cervical vertebrae and mandible are present in the grave
• Multiple burials in the same area
16698 Child Indt Cranium and mandible • First and second cervical vertebrae, and hyoid are present
17698 Mature adult Female Cranium and mandible • Cervical vertebrae displaced in grave fill
• Multiple burials in the pit, this individual was interred last.
• Presence of phytoliths on extremities suggests individual was bound.
20430 Mature adult Male Cranium and mandible • Hyoid and thyroid (ossified) were recovered
21526 Young adult Male Cranium and mandible
19593 Adolescent Indt Cranium • Hyoid and mandible present
• Individual recovered in room infill, not in the subfloor
a
Age: infant (2 months–3 years), child (3–12 years), adolescent (12–20 years), young adult (20–35 years), mature adult (35–50 years), old adult (50+ years), and adult (20+ years).
b
Indt indicates sex is indeterminate.

secondary burial practices are preserved, thus indicating primary inter-
ment (Andrews et al., 2005). Boz and Hager (2013) found that in all de-
positions of human remains, 80% were in a primary context (including
loose and disturbed), 18% were tertiary, 1% was secondary, and 1%
was unknown.
These findings of burial type within Çatalhöyük are in contrast to
Mellaart's (1964b) original description of mortuary practices at
Çatalhöyük, which characterized the vast majority of interments as sec-
ondary burials. However, this discrepancy is likely related to variable
use of terms. Mellaart's definition of secondary burial seems to highlight
a delay between death and interment (what would be called ‘delayed
burial’ today), and not necessarily movement from one interment loca-
tion to another (as we have defined secondary burial here).
Mellaart (1967) thought that upon death the body was exposed to
allow vultures to clean the corpse of its flesh. He speculated that bodies
would have been placed on platforms so that terrestrial animals would
not carry them away. He thought the removal of flesh could also be tied
to the annual re-decoration and re-plastering of buildings, since they
would have had to have been interred in pits dug into house floors
Fig. 3. Inhumation of an adult female over the age of 50 years with removal of upper and
lower limbs (Sk 13609).
and platforms - an act that would entail major disruption to household
activities. He further argued that this could be why some individuals ap-
peared to have had more soft tissue than others at the time of interment
– as they would have been in different states of decomposition and
excarnation at the time of reburial.
Andrews et al. (2005) discuss the possibility of vulture excarnation,
and claim that it would be difficult to ascertain whether such a practice
had occurred since it would be unlikely to leave any marks on the re-
mains. However, they do identify one case of a shallow grave where
defleshing may have been necessary so as to avoid the smell of a
decaying body in a small building. They do not discuss how they
thought defleshing may have occurred, however.
2. The taphonomic signature of vulture activity
There is a growing body of experimental research and descriptive
work on animals and humans and the taphonomic signatures of avian
carrion feeders in the archaeological (e.g., Marín-Arroyo and
Margalida, 2012; Robert and Vigne, 2002) and forensic literature (e.g.,
Cantu, 2014; Demo et al., 2013; Klein, 2013). Much of this work is lim-
ited to descriptions of taphonomic changes to faunal remains and is
briefly summarized here.
Domínguez-Solera and Domínguez-Rodrigo (2011) conducted an
experiment to document taphonomic changes and feeding behavior of
the griffon vulture (Gyps fulvus), a species which inhabits Turkey
today. This research involved leaving an intact adult female deer carcass
exposed in a reserve in Spain in a known feeding area of the birds. The
study found that vultures removed flesh and left tendons and ligaments
untouched. Of the 110 skeletal elements recovered, only 22% showed
some type of mark relating to vulture scavenging. Low numbers of
puncture marks were found on the bones of the cranium and scapula.
Shallow scores and striae were noted on the diaphyses of long bones.
The use of magnification was necessary to properly identify these
marks. The study concluded by identifying a characteristic “v” shaped
mark on the periosteal surface of the bone. A similar mark was also
identified as being made by a griffon vulture on a bovine skull in Poland,
as well as other characteristic L-shaped marks and marks with a tapered
cross-section (Fetner and Sołltysiak, 2013).
A study in Texas used one goat and four pig carcasses to study scav-
enging by the American black vulture (Coragyps atratus) and the turkey

Please cite this article as: Pilloud, M.A., et al., A bioarchaeological and forensic re-assessment of vulture defleshing and mortuary practices at
Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.05.029
 M.A. Pilloud et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx 5

vulture (Cathartes aura) (Reeves, 2009). Taphonomic effects were doc-
umented with cameras and visual observation. Vultures typically ar-
rived within one to two days after deposition, total feeding times
ranged from approximately 2.5 h to 26.75 h, and skeletonization of
the carcasses was observed within one to three days after arrival of
the vultures. Shallow surface scratches were observed on the skeletal
material as a result of the vulture scavenging. These scratches were de-
scribed as being similar to root-etching, and that weathering of the bone
could alter or eliminate their presence. The author also described micro-
scopic surface scratches that again have the potential to disappear over
time, but might remain as stains on the cortical surface (Reeves, 2009).
Dabbs and Martin (2013) conducted a similar study on six domestic pig
carcasses in Southern Illinois. Black vultures arrived within one to two
days after deposition, except in one case where the carcass was depos-
ited in the autumn, and vultures took up to 28 days to arrive. In this
study, skeletonization took a bit longer, between six and 24 days after
the arrival of the vultures. Their study did not find any evidence of
scratches on the bone as a result of this scavenging activity.
Initial findings in a two-year study of pig remains in Texas has iden-
tified various signs of vulture activity (Pharr, 2014). This research found
that vultures tend to pull tissues away from the ribs and vertebrae, leav-
ing the vertebral column in articulation through associated ligaments.
“Marks” from vulture activity were also discussed in this preliminary
work, but were not fully described. Evidence in a forensic context in-
cluded an intact vertebral column and the presence of down feathers.
More relevant research to this study involves the experimental work
using human donor bodies at the Forensic Anthropology Center at Texas
State University, San Marcos (or FACTS). In an initial pilot study, Spradley
et al. (2012) found that vultures can deflesh a human body very quickly,
in only 5 h of feeding over a 24-h period. The images provided in this
publication show the remains after initial skeletonization; at this point,
they are largely articulated and appear to be held together by ligaments.
The study found that after the majority of defleshing, vultures may re-
turn to disarticulate and scatter remains (Spradley et al., 2012).
Marks on human skeletal remains (e.g. scratches or scoring) were
not reported in the above study (Spradley et al., 2012). However, the au-
thors do discuss black vultures damaging the soft tissue of the eyes early
on in the scavenging process. Puncture holes in the orbital cavity are
also reported among cercopithecid remains in Africa as the result of
crowned eagle damage (Mcgraw and Berger, 2013). The research at
FACTS is ongoing, and a more detailed taphonomic signature of vulture
scavenging is developing from this work (pers. comm. M. Kate
Spradley).
3. The evidence from Çatalhöyük
The taphonomic signature of vulture scavenging seems to vary geo-
graphically and according to vulture species (see Table 2 for summary of
findings). However, some consistent patterns emerge from these stud-
ies, such as the presence of shallow surface marks (some V-shaped),
puncture marks around the orbit and long bones, presence of vulture
feathers, and remains that are largely articulated through the persis-
tence of ligament attachment (at least early on). If vulture excarnation
had been practiced at Çatalhöyük, we could expect evidence of general-
ly articulated skeletons, particularly those joints with strong connective
tissues, such as the pubic symphysis, vertebral column, hip, knee, and
upper and lower extremities (Micozzi, 1991).
However, in a site of this antiquity with extensive bioturbation and
historic disturbance, it is extremely difficult to accurately identify
post-depositional processes. Therefore, the range of disarticulation ob-
served on site may be a result of multiple factors, and the level of artic-
ulation cannot serve as a means of direct evidence of vulture
excarnation. Puncture marks on the long bones and the orbits are also
not easily identifiable, as the age and fragmentary nature of the remains
obscures such marks and, where observable, precludes definite charac-
terization of them as the result of vulture scavenging. Evidence of scor-
ing could potentially be observed on the cortical bone; although, as
Reeves (2009) points out, after prolonged exposure, and in the case of
Çatalhöyük, the passage of several thousand years, it is unlikely that
such marks would remain or be easily viewed at the gross level. Howev-
er, future work hopes to identify such marks microscopically, or through
the use of casting material to aid in visualization of vulture score marks.
While direct evidence of vulture scavenging may be difficult to de-
finitively identify, we argue that the burial practices at Çatalhöyük
along with other archaeological findings provide indirect evidence of
some type of soft tissue removal prior to interment, which may be con-
sistent with vulture excarnation, although not to the complete exclusion
of other methods of defleshing.
Supporting evidence of defleshing comes in the form of the removal
of body parts (crania, mandibles, cervical vertebrae, and limbs), which
in some cases appear to have been removed prior to interment and in
other cases could have been removed at some point after interment.
The human remains show no signs of cutmarks (with the exception of
one) on articulating elements. Such marks would be expected if cutting
implements were employed to facilitate removal; the absence of these
marks suggests these body parts could be easily removed, without the
aid of cutting implements, or at least a very targeted use of cutting im-
plements that did not affect the cortical bone. Furthermore, the infra-
cranial remains of individuals lacking the cephalic extremity are largely
articulated, suggesting that at the time of removal the skeletal remains
were still held together either by soft tissue (presumably ligaments
and tendons) or grave fill (in the case of remains disturbed after inter-
ment). Allowing decomposition, or some type of defleshing, to occur
prior to interment would greatly facilitate this body part removal.
Many buried individuals at Çatalhöyük are in extremely tight flexion
within the grave cut (Fig. 4). These individuals are flexed to such a de-
gree that it seems difficult for a fully fleshed body to have achieved
such a position. Additionally, the effects of rigor mortis would have
had to have ceased in order for the body to be placed in these positions.
Rigor mortis is the stiffening of muscles that begins two to 6 h

Table 2
Summary of taphonomic evidence for vulture defleshing.

Indicator Taphonomic observations on animal remains Taphonomic observations on human Taphonomic evidence at Çatalhöyük
remains

Skeletal • Microsopic striae and scratches (Domínguez-Solera and • Puncture marks (orbits) (Spradley • Lack of surface modification
marks Domínguez-Rodrigo, 2011; Reeves, 2009) et al., 2012)
• “V” shaped marks (Domínguez-Solera and
Domínguez-Rodrigo, 2011; Fetner and Sołltysiak, 2013)
• Puncture holes (Domínguez-Solera and
Domínguez-Rodrigo, 2011)
• No evidence of scratches (Dabbs and Martin, 2013)
Articulation • Spine articulated (Pharr, 2014) • Largely articulated after initial scav- • Small
enging (Spradley et al., 2012) • Bones show articulation (hands and feet).
• Spine articulated, even in cases of skull removal
Additional • Feathers (Pharr, 2014; Cantu, 2014) • Tight flex, removal of body parts without tools (lack of
evidence cutmarks), vulture remains, vulture iconography

Please cite this article as: Pilloud, M.A., et al., A bioarchaeological and forensic re-assessment of vulture defleshing and mortuary practices at
Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.05.029
6 M.A. Pilloud et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx
Fig. 4. Examples of tight flexion. Skeleton 18667 is on the left and Skeleton 16638 is on the right. Photo credit Jason Quinlan.
postmortem and persists for 24 to 84 h until muscles eventually begin to
relax (Gill-King, 1997). It seems unlikely that individuals could have
been interred beneath house floors within 2 h of their deaths, which
may mean there was at least a period of 24 h postmortem prior to inter-
ment. This delay in interment could have provided the opportunity to
allow remains to be exposed to vulture excarnation. As the experimen-
tal record documents, not much time is required for vultures to deflesh
a human body. After defleshing, remains that are skeletonized and held
together by ligaments and tendons can generally be handled and ma-
nipulated into a flexed position. While not abundantly clear in the fo-
rensic anthropological literature, the experience of the authors with
heavily decomposed and skeletonized remains has been that it is easy
to manipulate these bodies and maintain articulation through the liga-
ments with little to no loss of skeletal elements. Additionally, the use
of cordage and other binding methods, as is described by Boz and
Hager (2013), could have greatly facilitated the manipulation of the re-
mains into the tight flexion observed by archaeologists today, and in fact
may have been necessary for handling a defleshed body.
Defleshing of the body may also have helped reduce the odor of
decay, particularly with shallow burials in an enclosed space (see
Andrews et al., 2005). Tissue decomposition by-products produce vola-
tile organic compounds that are largely responsible for the smell associ-
ated with decomposition (Vass et al., 2008). The removal of soft tissue
would eliminate much of this by-product, and, therefore, associated
noxious smell. Additionally, a fully fleshed and decomposing body that
is buried underground will bloat and later deflate (Micozzi, 1991).
There is the potential that in a shallow grave with sediment that is
freshly disturbed, this bloating could have disturbed the plastered
floor surface. Finally, experimental studies of human shallow graves
have found that they can attract carrion insects and other mammalian
carnivores (Rodriguez and Bass, 1985), which could have been prob-
lematic in an enclosed living space.
While we argue that defleshing occurred, we acknowledge that this
may have occurred in a number of different ways, such as manual
defleshing, natural decomposition, or the use of another type of carrion
feeder. However, there is no strong evidence to support any of these al-
ternative defleshing methods. Defleshing, unlike a targeted removal of
body parts, requires soft tissue removal throughout the entirety of the
Please cite this article as: Pilloud, M.A., et al., A bioarchaeological and forensic re-assessment of vulture defleshing and mortuary practices at
Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.05.029
body. If tools were used as part of this process, it is highly likely that
there would be evidence of this recorded in the skeleton. The lack of
cutmarks or other tool marks at tendon and ligament attachments on
Çatalhöyük remains suggests that if flesh removal occurred, it was un-
likely to have been carried out with tools. Alternatively, it is possible
that the Çatalhöyük remains were subjected to natural decay processes
through prolonged exposure. While dependent on unique environmen-
tal conditions, many experimental studies have found that human re-
mains exposed on the surface may take several months to a year to
become skeletonized (Bass, 1997; Clark et al., 2006; Galloway, 1997;
Prieto et al., 2004). During this extended exposure, remains could expe-
rience sun bleaching, extreme weathering (such as cortical exfoliation),
or carnivore damage if not carefully monitored, and there is no evidence
for this type of taphonomic modification on intramural burials.
The use of other types of animals is possible; however, many other
scavengers may leave marks on the skeletal remains. There are many
carrion insects that may aid the process of decomposition; however,
many of these are accounted for in the estimates of skeletonization,
and their involvement would still be part of a longer process of decom-
position. Finally, other large mammals are also known to scavenge on
occasion, but the scavenging of these animals is known to be much
more destructive to human remains (Haglund, 1997; Lotan, 2000;
Smith, 2006). This evidence (or lack thereof) suggests that if bodies
were defleshed, they would have been placed in a protective environ-
ment where they could be monitored, and they were not left out for ex-
tended periods of time, which is consistent with the timing of vulture
excarnation.
Further indirect evidence comes in the form of the presence of vul-
ture remains and iconography at the site. Mellaart (1967) identified
the skulls of griffon vultures embedded in the plastered walls of struc-
tures. He also described representations of vultures throughout the
site (Mellaart, 1964a). There are vultures, identified by their curved
beaks (Russell and Meece, 2005), attacking headless bodies (Fig. 5), as
well as vultures with seemingly human lower limbs attacking a head-
less body. Mellaart (1964a) described isolated human skulls being re-
covered in the same building in which these depictions were found.
There is also a painting of a vulture above a human figure with some
manner of looped object (Fig. 6), which Mellaart interpreted as an
 M.A. Pilloud et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx 7

Fig. 5. Vulture iconography on site; wall painting (left) and reconstruction (right). Both images originally from Mellaart (1967), photograph by Mrs. M.A. Mellaart and reconstruction by
Grace Huxtable. Reprinted with permission from Thames and Hudson Ltd.

individual warding off the vulture, but others have interpreted as a
means to call vultures towards a body for defleshing (Schüz and
König, 1983). Mellaart (1967) also describes a stone figurine that may
have been a vulture or other bird of prey.
While there is a strong symbolic presence of the vulture at
Çatalhöyük, there is scant osteological evidence. In addition to the skulls
reported by Mellaart, only one griffon vulture scapula has been recov-
ered from a midden deposit on site (Russell and McGowan, 2005).
While the bones of vultures are rare on site, the griffon vulture was pres-
ent in the area during the Neolithic. Old World vultures are first seen in
the fossil record during the Miocene and are still present in Anatolia
today (Houston, 1983). Furthermore, the griffon vulture in this part of
the world is mostly resident, with little seasonal migration (Porter and
Beaman, 1985) and could have been present in the region year-round.
The vulture iconography at the site suggests some type of symbolic
relationship with this carrion feeder. In fact, the lack of vulture remains
on site is consistent with it being a symbolic/totemic symbol, similar to
the lack of other wild animal remains found on site, despite their fre-
quent depiction in the art at Çatalhöyük (e.g. bear and leopard). Some
argue that vultures or other birds of prey may have been associated
with death, and this is seen throughout the Neolithic in Turkey
(Hodder and Meskell, 2010, 2011). In Göbekli Tepe (Turkey), a site
that could predate Çatalhöyük by as much as 1000 years, the same type
of iconography has been recovered. Stone reliefs have been recovered
depicting bird figures with curved beaks (Schmidt, 2010), as well as a
stone figurine of a vulture head (Peters and Schmidt, 2004). There have
also been a few griffon vulture bones recovered on site. Nevalı Çori
(Turkey) also has limestone sculptures of vultures (Peters and Schmidt,
2004). Jerf el Ahmar (Syria) has figurines and pictographs of vultures
(Stordeur, 2000). Moreover, at Jerf el Ahmar there is a greater presence
of griffon vulture remains, to include an overabundance of the distal seg-
ments of the upper and lower limbs. Such an assemblage suggests the
bird was exploited for its feet and feathers (Gourichon, 2002).
4. Conclusions
The burial practices at Çatalhöyük (i.e., removal of cephalic extrem-
ity, limb removal, tight flexion) as observed in the archaeological record
are often consistent with some manner of flesh removal prior to inter-
ment. It seems possible based on current forensic experimental work
that the people of Çatalhöyük may have employed vulture excarnation
prior to interment. Based on human studies, vultures are unlikely to
leave marks on the bone that would be visible 9000 years later. Howev-
er, some studies on vulture taphonomy of faunal remains have found
more characteristic markings on the bone that were indicative of vul-
ture activity. Additionally, it has been found that vultures are very effi-
cient at removing carrion and can leave tendons and ligaments intact,
which could lead to the articulation that is visible at Çatalhöyük, espe-
cially of smaller elements of the hands and the feet. Flesh removal and
only a few days of decomposition would have greatly facilitated the re-
moval of body parts prior to interment and would have allowed the
tight flexion seen in the burial positions. There may also have been a
practical need to remove soft tissue from a body before interment be-
neath house floors. Finally, the extensive iconography of vultures during
the Neolithic throughout Anatolia suggests a relationship with these
birds.
At this time, it is difficult to apply the taphonomic signature that has
been described in the literature to the human remains at Çatalhöyük
due to preservation and post-depositional processes (bioturbation,
trampling, historic and prehistoric disturbances). However, as more
work is published on the skeletal damage to human remains by vul-
tures, a well-defined taphonomic signature of vulture defleshing may
be outlined. Once this work is achieved, a more systematic data-driven
review of the skeletal assemblage at Çatalhöyük can be attempted (e.g.,
microscopic analyses). Until such work is completed, our conclusions
are speculative; however, we wish to re-open the discussion of vulture
excarnation at Çatalhöyük as one area of future study. Ultimately, our

Fig. 6. Reconstruction of wall painting of human figure with looped object among vultures. Originally from Mellaart (1967) by Anne-Louise Stockdale, reprinted with permission from
Thames and Hudson Ltd.

Please cite this article as: Pilloud, M.A., et al., A bioarchaeological and forensic re-assessment of vulture defleshing and mortuary practices at
Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.05.029
8 M.A. Pilloud et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx
expectation is that through further research and exploration of the mor-
tuary practices at Çatalhöyük, a more refined view of social structure,
ideology, and symbolism in this early farming village can be achieved.
Acknowledgments
This work was partially funded by the National Geographic Society,
the American Association of Physical Anthropologists, the Çatalhöyük
Research Project, the American Research Institute in Turkey, the Initia-
tive d'Excellence (IdEx) of the University of Bordeaux, and the Universi-
ty of Nevada, Reno. We thank the guest editor and anonymous
reviewers for their comments leading to the improvement of this paper.
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Please cite this article as: Pilloud, M.A., et al., A bioarchaeological and forensic re-assessment of vulture defleshing and mortuary practices at
Neolithic Çatalhöyük, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.05.029