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This study examined the relations between child rearing, prosocial moral
reasoning, and prosocial behaviour. The sample consisted of 125 children
(6–11 years of age) and both their parents. Child-rearing behaviour was
assessed by both observations at home and interviews with the parents;
prosocial moral reasoning by interviews with the children, and prosocial
behaviour by questionnaires élled in by their teachers and classmates. Positive
relations were found between prosocial moral reasoning and prosocial
behaviour, but only for the youngest children. Children growing up in a
supportive, authoritative, and less restrictive environment behaved more
prosocially and reasoned at a higher level about prosocial moral issues.
During the last decades many studies have examined the inèuences of child
rearing on child development . In this study, we focus on a child’s prosocial
development. Two aspects of prosocial development were examined:
prosocial behaviour and prosocial moral reasoning.
Prosocial behaviour refers to action on behalf of someone else that
involves a net cost to the actor. Such actions include sharing, comforting or
helping another in distress, and making a donation to someone in need.
Prosocial moral reasoning concerns reasoning about conèicts in which the
individual must choose between satisfying his or her wants and needs and
those of others in a context in which laws, punishments, authorities, formal
obligations, and other external criteria are irrelevant or de-emphasised
(Eisenberg-Berg & Hand, 1979). According to Eisenberg’s theory about
prosocial development (Eisenberg 1982b; Eisenberg & Miller, 1992),
children’s reasoning about prosocial moral conèicts is ordered into éve
developmental stages or orientations, with each stage involving a more
advanced cognitive structure of social concepts than the prior stages. At a
lower level, a child is concerned with self-oriented consequences of
Requests for reprints should be sent to Jan Janssens, Institute of Family Studies, University of
Nijmegen, Postbox 9104, 6500 HE Nijmegen, The Netherlands.
This research was supported by a grant of the Dutch Organization for Scientiéc Research.
Because we selected children from the érst, third, and éfth grade, we were
able to analyse further age-dependen t relations between child rearing and
prosocial moral reasoning.
Most of the studies examining relationships between child rearing and
prosocial development have relied on parental self-reports as a major source
of data about parental behaviour. In order to obtain also more objective
estimates of child rearing in this study, we used two types of measures:
self-reports obtained through interviews; and observations of parental
behaviour.
Finally, another purpose of the present study was to examine the
behaviour of both parents in a family. Previous research has focused mainly
on the mother’s role in children’s prosocial development. A study by
Deković and Janssens (1992) yielded evidence indicating that fathers play an
important role in the child’s development of social competence. Other
studies that involved fathers yielded similar éndings (MacDonald, 1987;
MacDonald & Parke, 1984; Parke et al., 1989; Roopnarine, 1987). On the
other hand, Hart, Wolf, Wozniak, and Burts (1992) found that maternal, but
not paternal, discipline style was related to a child’s prosocial behaviour .
Since there have been few studies to date, it remains unclear how strong the
father’s role is in relation to that of the mother. To address this issue, we
assessed the relations between child rearing and prosocial development for
fathers and mothers separately.
METHOD
Subjects
The sample consisted of 125 families, each with a child attending either the
érst (20 boys and 20 girls), the third (19 boys and 19 girls), or the éfth grade
(24 boys and 23 girls) of an elementary school in the Netherlands. Families
were recruited from 22 elementary schools. In a letter, parents were asked
whether they, and their children, were willing to participate in the study; 125
families answered this letter aférmatively. From these families data were
obtained from all 125 children, 124 mothers, and 113 fathers. The
participating parents were predominantly highly educated; 43% of the
fathers and 30% of the mothers énished vocational college or university,
whereas 33% of the fathers and 42% of the mothers had a degree in
secondary general education or senior vocational training.
Measures
Prosocial Behaviour. We used two measures to assess prosocial
behaviour. The child’s prosocial behaviour was assessed by teachers and by
peers. Teachers may be more likely than peers to report on speciéc aspects
of prosocial behaviour, but they may put more emphasis on a child’s
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514 JANSSENS AND DEKOVIĆ
interactions with adults than with peers. Peers, on the other hand, have
better access to relevant peer situations but they are, especially in the case of
younger children, only capable of describing the general nature of their
relationship in more global, relational terms, such as “being helpful” (Ladd
& Oden, 1979). As teacher ratings and peer-nominations tend to assess
different aspects of a child’s prosocial behaviour, we included both measures
in this study, so that we were able to examine relations between child rearing
and both types of prosocial behaviour .
First, we asked the teachers of the children to éll in Weir and Duveen’s
Prosocial Behaviour Questionnaire (PBQ) (Weir & Duveen, 1981). This
questionnaire consists of 20 items to be rated on a 6-point scale, according to
how descriptive each item is of a given child. The items included several
examples of interpersonal behaviours (helping, sharing, giving, co-
operating, responding to distress), whose common theme is a concern for
others (e.g. “Will try to help someone who has been hurt”, “Shows sympathy
to someone who has made a mistake”, “Offers to help other children who
are having diféculty with a task in the classroom”). Weir and Duveen
reported several éndings that support the concurrent validity of the PBQ.
The internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) of the PBQ was 0.94. For each
child a mean score was computed. The higher the score, the more prosocial
the child was in the classroom, according to the teacher.
Secondly, we asked all classmates (25–30 children in each classroom) the
following question: “Name three children in your class who helped the most
other children.” For each child, the number of nominations received by
classmates was computed, and then divided by the total number of children
in the class to adjust for variation in the number of classmates. The higher
the score, the more the child was seen as helpful by classmates.
Because the correlation between the two indices of prosocial behaviou r
was modest ( r = .29; P , .05), we did not combine the two measures in a
composite score, thus enabling us to analyse differential effects of child-
rearing patterns on each prosocial behaviour measure.
First, each child was scored for the number of stories in which he or she
decided to help. Secondly, the level of prosocial moral reasoning was
assessed for each reason given by a subject to help or not to help. Following
Eisenberg’s (1982b) coding scheme, we distinguished between éve levels of
reasoning: the least development ally mature level (level I) is a hedonistic
orientation. At that level, the child is concerned with self-oriented
consequences of behaviour. A higher level (level II) is a “need of others”
orientation, characterised by concern for the physical, material, and
psychological needs of others. At level III (approval and stereotyped
orientation), stereotyped reasons to help or not to help are given, or helping
is governed by considerations of others’ approval. At level IV (empathic
orientation), the child takes the other’s perspective and sympathises with the
other in need. At level V (internalised orientation), reasoning is based on
internalised values. Children’s responses were coded by two independen t
coders. The inter-rater agreement (Cohen’s kappa) was 0.80. For each level,
the frequencies were computed (number of times the child used the type of
reasoning belonging to a particular level across stories). Next, a composite
measure representing the overall level of prosocial moral reasoning was
computed (Eisenberg, 1987; Eisenberg et al., 1983), by multiplying the
number of times the child reasoned at level I by 1 and by multiplying the
number of times a child referred to level II, III, IV, and V by 2, 3, 4, or 5,
respectively. These scores were then summed and divided by the total
number of reasons given by the subject. Thus, for each child a score was
computed representing his/her mean level of prosocial moral reasoning.
Eisenberg (1987) suggested that stronger and more consistent relations
between prosocial behaviour and prosocial moral reasoning may be
obtained by computing correlations between particular behaviours and
speciéc modes (e.g. hedonistic or empathic), rather than a summary index of
reasoning. However, because there were no instances of high-leve l
reasoning in children in the érst grade, and few instances of low-level
reasoning in children in the third and éfth grade, a summary index was used
to assess prosocial moral reasoning in this study. Higher scores on this index
reèected higher levels of reasoning.
quite difécult for the child to complete alone. Parents were instructed to
provide whatever help they felt their child needed, but they were asked not
to touch the pieces of the puzzle, because the child should do this by himself
or herself. Each of these two tasks lasted until the child completed the
puzzle, or 10 minutes had elapsed. If the child completed both puzzles in less
than 20 minutes, another Tangram-puzzle was presented to ensure that the
observation time for each family was at least 20 minutes.
A tape-recording was made of verbal interaction and later transcribed and
coded. The unit of analysis for coding was a parental utterance directed at
the child. Parental verbal behaviour was coded using the following three
categories (Cohen’s kappa for each category is in parentheses): (1) support
(0.91): offering help, active concern, sympathy, affection, and
encouragement (e.g. “It is good” or “It is difécult, isn’t it?”); (2) authoritative
control (0.88): giving explanations or suggestions, asking questions
stimulating the child about a solution (e.g. “Maybe you should try to énd
corners érst” or “How should the block at the corner look like?”; (3)
restrictive control (0.81): negative commands, restrictions, explicit or implicit
commands, or orders (e.g. “Don’t do that” or “Put it down”).
The frequency of each of these categories of behaviour was computed.
Because parents differed in their total amount of verbalisation during
interaction, the frequencies were then transformed into proportions by
dividing them by the number of utterances. Analysis of the parents’ verbal
behaviour indicated no signiécant differences in the frequencies of the three
categories of behaviour between the two puzzles. Thus, the data from both
tasks were combined in subsequent analyses.
As hypothesised , the three types of child-rearing behaviour were not
independent of each other. We conducted two factor analyses; one on the
three observation measures (support, authoritative control, and restrictive
control) used by mothers, and one on the three observation measures used
by fathers. It was clear from these two factor analyses that in all analyses only
one factor was sufécient to explain the variance of each of the three
measures included in each analysis (57% for the mother measures and 67%
of the father measures). The loadings of support, authoritative control, and
restrictive control were, respectively, 0.65, 0.57, and ≠0.98 for mothers; and
0.69, 0.71, and ≠0.97 for fathers. Based on these results we decided to
compute two factor scores using the regression method (SPSS Reference
Guide, 1990): one for the three observation measures (support,
authoritative control, and restrictive control) of mothers, and one for the
three observation measures of fathers. Factor scores computed with the
regression method have a mean of zero and a standard deviation of 1.
The higher a parental score on a factor, the more the parental child-rearing
pattern was characterised by parental support, use of authoritative control,
and a low level of restrictive control.
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PROSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 517
Because the correlations between the observation factor scores and the
interview factor scores were moderately strong (r = .48, P , .01 for mothers
and r = .51, P , .01 for fathers), we decided not to aggregate scores across
these two methods. Moreover, we wanted to analyse whether relations
between child rearing and prosocial development were of the same
magnitude, regardless of the method of data gathering. Another reason not
to aggregate scores was that fathers’ and mothers’ observation data may be
dependent on each other. Father and mother were observed while working
together with the child; therefore one parent may have inèuenced the other
parent’s behaviour during the tasks. It is impossible to say how many and
what kind of actual utterances might have been obtained while a parent was
observed working with the child alone. Interview measures were obtained
for each parent separately. Not aggregating the scores made it possible to
analyse whether the relation between child rearing and prosocial
development was consistent, regardless of whether the data about child
rearing was obtained from each parent separately, or from a task situation in
which both parents worked with their child. A énal reason not to aggregat e
scores across methods is that the observations assessed different child-
rearing situations rather than the interviews. Whereas interviews focused on
situations in which a child transgressed and parents were expected to
discipline, the observation task presented parents with a situation in which
the child required parental help. Zahn-Waxler et al. (1979) suggested that
this kind of situation may be especially relevant for the development of
prosocial behaviour.
RESULTS
In Table 1, the mean values for each of the measures of children’s prosocial
development are presented for each grade level, as a function of the sex of
the child. In order to examine grade and sex differences in the measures of
prosocial development (prosocial moral reasoning, prosocial behaviou r
according to teachers and classmates, and the number of stories resolved
prosocially), a 3 (grade) ◊ 2 (sex of child) multivariate analysis (MANOVA)
was conducted. This analysis yielded no signiécant main or interaction
effects. We found a signiécant univariate effect of grade level on prosocial
moral reasoning (F = 4.52, P , .05). The mean level of prosocial moral
reasoning for children in the érst grade (M = 1.94) was signiécantly lower
than the mean level for children in the third grade (M = 2.24) (F = 9.11, P ,
.01) and lower than the mean level for children in the éfth grade (M = 2.37)
(F = 10.99, P , .01). The mean level of prosocial moral reasoning for
children in the éfth grade did not signiécantly differ from the mean level for
children in the third grade.
We also found a signiécant univariate effect of sex on the mean number of
Eisenberg stories in which a child said he/she would help ( F = 6.74, P , .05);
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PROSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 519
TABLE 1
Means and Standard Deviations (in parentheses) for Indices of Children’s
Prosocial Development
Grade 3
Boys 2.09(0.61 ) 4.18(0.78 ) 0.21(0.20 ) 2.23(1.01 )
Girls 2.35(0.44 ) 4.57(0.49 ) 0.15(0.13 ) 2.74(0.56 )
Grade 5
Boys 2.29(0.75 ) 4.27(0.77 ) 0.13(0.12 ) 2.59(0.73 )
Girls 2.46(0.71 ) 4.37(0.59 ) 0.18(0.15 ) 2.90(0.31 )
girls said that they would help more often than did the boys. t-Tests revealed
that children in the érst grade were less inclined to say that they would help
other children in the prosocial dilemma stories than children in the éfth
grade (t = 2.19, P , .05). No statistically signiécant differences were found
between children in the érst and third grade, or between children in the third
and éfth grade.
In Table 2 the mean values of the four child-rearing measures
(observation mothers, observation fathers, interview mothers, and interview
fathers), are presented for each grade level, sex of the child, and sex of the
parent. In order to examine the effects of grade level, sex of the child, and sex
of the parent on child rearing, a 3 (grade level) ◊ 2 (sex of child) ◊ 2 (sex of
parent) multivariate analysis (MANOVA) was conducted, with the last
TABLE 2
Means and Standard Deviations (in parentheses) of Child-rearing Measures
Grade 3
Boys 0.23(0.99 ) 0.20(1.09 ) ≠0.23(0.88 ) ≠0.10(0.82 )
Girls 0.14(1.00 ) ≠0.01(1.10 ) ≠0.03(0.94 ) 0.13(1.05 )
Grade 5
Boys 0.01(0.98 ) 0.13(0.88 ) 0.06(1.17 ) ≠0.02(1.26 )
Girls ≠0.28(1.09 ) ≠0.35(1.00 ) ≠0.13(1.19 ) ≠0.10(1.09 )
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520 JANSSENS AND DEKOVIĆ
TABLE 3
Correlations between Prosocial Moral Reasoning and Prosocial
Behaviour
TABLE 4
Correlations between Child-rearing Patterns and Prosocial Development
Grade 1
Observation mother 0.46* * 0.53** 0.20
Observation father 0.46** 0.45** 0.20
Interview mother 0.47** 0.48** 0.24
Interview father 0.43** 0.35** 0.13
Grade 3
Observation mother 0.12 0.27 0.42**
Observation father 0.21 0.21 0.45**
Interview mother 0.31* 0.44** 0.28**
Interview father 0.21 0.38* 0.16
Grade 5
Observation mother 0.16 0.58** 0.41**
Observation father 0.19 0.63** 0.42**
Interview mother 0.21 0.50** 0.35**
Interview father 0.24 0.47** 0.30**
* P , .05; ** P , .01.
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522 JANSSENS AND DEKOVIĆ
To examine the effects of age on the strength of the relation between child
rearing and prosocial development , the correlations between child rearing
and the three indices of prosocial development were computed separately
for each age group. These analyses revealed that, according to the teacher,
prosocial behaviour was positively related to child rearing for all age groups.
A supportive, authoritative, and less restrictive environment was positively
associated with the child’s prosocial behaviour according to the teacher.
Secondly, it appeared that the number of nominations as most helpful was
also positively related to child rearing for children in the third and éfth
grade, but not for children in the érst grade. Thirdly, the correlation between
child rearing and the level of prosocial moral reasoning held only for the
children in the érst grade. For children in grade three or éve, nearly no
relation was found between child rearing and the level of prosocial moral
reasoning. The exception is the relation between maternal child rearing as
assessed by the interview method and the level of prosocial moral reasoning
of children in grade 3.
DISCUSSION
In this study, we examined the various relations between child rearing,
prosocial moral reasoning, prosocial behaviour, and age differences in these
relations. For the total sample, we found positive relations between the level
of prosocial moral reasoning and prosocial behaviour. The correlations
found were statistically signiécant, but moderate. This was due to the fact
that the correlations only held for the youngest children (érst grade), and not
for older children (third and éfth grade).
The moderate relation found between prosocial moral reasoning and
prosocial behaviour is in agreement with the éndings of Eisenberg (1982b).
However, the énding that these relations held only for younger children and
not for older children contradicts Eisenberg’s hypothesis that a stronger
relationship between prosocial moral reasoning and prosocial behaviou r
exists in older children. The present éndings may be explained by socially
desirable responses, which may be more pronounced in older than in
younger children. Younger children give more hedonistic reasons for their
decisions than do older children. It is possible that the answers of older
children were inèuenced by the realisation that they were being observed by
an adult interviewer. Younger children may be less conscious of the
presence of an adult during the interview. Their role-taking capacity is less
developed than the role-taking capacity of older children and therefore, they
do not realise that the interviewer may judge particular answers as less
desirable. Older children have already learned not to refer to hedonistic
motives; based on these considerations, it is possible that they have
concealed their egocentric motives to help, or not to help.
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PROSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 523
The énding that the relation between prosocial moral reasoning and
prosocial behaviour held only for younger children may also be explained by
the fact that older children are more capable of considering other situational
cues (e.g. the urgency of the other’s need or personal characteristics of the
person in need), that may impede them to act prosocially in spite of their
motivation to help. Younger children are less capable of considering all
situational cues and, therefore, are more inclined to react impulsively. For
example, in the birthday story, they often seemed to be impulsive in saying
they would not help, and often referred to the sweet they would miss by
helping the child in need.
A third possible explanation as to why the relation between prosocial
moral reasoning and prosocial behaviour was found only in younger children
may be that the level of diféculty or cost of the prosocial act proposed in the
Eisenberg dilemmas is generally higher than that in the everyday situations
evaluated by the children’s teachers and peers. It is possible that the younger
children, owing to their lower level of social understanding, discriminate less
between these situations than do older children, who have more elements of
judgement with which to compare the situations and to decide whether to act
prosocially or not. Perhaps if we had conducted an evaluation of real
prosocial behaviour in difécult or costly situations we might have found a
greater relation between prosocial moral reasoning and prosocial behaviou r
in the older age groups. Eisenberg and Shell (1986) suggested the possibility
that whereas advanced moral reasoning acts as a motivational force for
prosocial behaviour in especially difécult or costly situations, it is possible to
act more automatically in daily situations, when not so much diféculty is
involved, and therefore advanced moral reasoning is less of a factor.
For the total sample, we found that supportive, authoritative , and less
restrictive child rearing were positively associated both with reasoning about
prosocial moral dilemmas at a higher level and with more prosocial
behaviour, according to teachers and classmates. These relations were also
found by Eisenberg et al. (1983). Why may there be these relations between
child rearing and prosocial development ? With regard to the potential
inèuence of parental support, Hoffman (1963) suggested that support makes
the child feel secure and minimises self-concern; because it is not necessary
to worry about his or her own needs, the child has the opportunity to
consider the needs of others. As far as the positive correlation between
authoritative control and prosocial behaviour is concerned, Hoffman (1983)
has emphasised the positive inèuence of induction. According to Hoffman
and Saltzstein (1967), induction motivates the child to pay attention to the
victim’s harm and/or distress. The realisation that the child himself or herself
is the cause of that harm or distress evokes an empathic response in the child.
The child empathises with the victim and is motivated to repair the harm or
to relieve the distress. Baumrind (1971) and Maccoby and Martin (1983)
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524 JANSSENS AND DEKOVIĆ
relationships between child rearing and prosocial development held for both
fathers and mothers, and held whether child rearing was assessed by
interviews or by observations.
With regard to the conceptualisation of child rearing, it must be noted that
the three dimensions of child rearing distinguished in this study were not
independent. Positive relations were found between parental support and
authoritative control, and negative relations were found between these two
child-rearing behaviours and restrictive control. In future, we need more
studies in which patterns of child rearing are related to child development,
instead of studies in which relations are examined between separate aspects
of child rearing and child development .
An issue in correlational studies such as this is the problem of the direction
of inèuence. This study examined concurrent relations between child
rearing and prosocial development, and therefore cannot directly support
any conclusions about causality. The parent-child relationship is probably
best described by a reciprocal-inèuence model (Bell & Harper, 1977), in
which both parent and child are active participants and processors of each
other’s input. Child rearing may inèuence the child’s prosocial development,
but the child’s level of prosocial development also affects the way in which
the parent interacts with the child.
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