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STRATEGIC QUESTIONS IN FOOD

AND BEVERAGE MANAGEMENT

The training of future hospitality managers continues to emphasise skills-based


operational priorities over strategic imagination. Strategic Questions in Food and
Beverage Management looks behind and beyond operational imperatives, encourag-
ing readers to adopt a critical attitude towards many of those things in popular
gastronomy that are often taken for granted.
This second edition continues to tackle topical issues in food and beverage
management, from celebrity chefs and cooks to food as an art form, and has been
updated to include:

• Five new chapters – on culinary creativity; menu analysis; wine and beverage
consumption; food supply chains; and the fitness to purpose of higher food
and beverage management education.
• Learning outcomes and discussion questions per chapter.
• Web and video links.

Written in a clear, accessible and distinctive style, this comprehensive text will
be essential reading for all final-year and postgraduate students of hospitality and
will also be of interest to industry practitioners.

Roy C. Wood is a Visiting Professor in the Hertfordshire Business School, Uni-


versity of Hertfordshire, and in the Academy of Hotel and Facility Management
at NHTV Breda University of Applied Sciences, The Netherlands. He previ-
ously held professorships at Strathclyde University, NHTV Breda University
of Applied Sciences and the University of Macau. In the private sector, he was
Principal and Managing Director of IMI University Centre (Switzerland); Dean
of the Oberoi Hotel Group Centre for Learning and Development (India); and
Chief Operating Officer of the Gulf Hospitality and Tourism Education Com-
pany (Bahrain). Wood is the author, co-author, editor/co-editor of some 15 books
and over 50 refereed research papers.
Hospitality Essentials Series
Series Editor: Roy C. Wood, Visiting Professor in the Hertfordshire Business
School, University of Hertfordshire, and in the Academy of Hotel and Facility
Management at NHTV Breda University of Applied Sciences, the Netherlands.
1. Hotel Accommodation Management
Edited by Roy C. Wood
2. Strategic Questions in Food and Beverage Management
Second Edition
Roy C. Wood
STRATEGIC QUESTIONS
IN FOOD AND BEVERAGE
MANAGEMENT
Second Edition

Roy C. Wood
Second edition published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
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Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 Roy C. Wood
The right of Roy C. Wood to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
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or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
First edition published by Butterworth-Heinemann 2000
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Wood, Roy C., 1959- editor.
Title: Strategic questions in food and beverage management/[edited
by] Roy C. Wood.
Description: Second edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. |
Series: Routledge hospitality essentials series ; 2 | Includes
  bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017036630 (print) | LCCN 2017037067 (ebook) |
  ISBN 9781315415253 (Master ebook) | ISBN 9781315415246
  (Web pdf) | ISBN 9781315415239 (epub3) | ISBN 9781315415222
  (Mobipocket) | ISBN 9781138219366 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN
  9781138219373 (pbk. : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781315415253 (ebk.)
Subjects: LCSH: Food service management. | Restaurant
management. | Food service—Social aspects.
Classification: LCC TX911.3.M27 (ebook) | LCC TX911.3.M27
  S757 2018 (print) | DDC 647.95068—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017036630
ISBN: 978–1-138–21936–6 (hbk)
ISBN: 978–1-138–21937–3 (pbk)
ISBN: 978–1-315–41525–3 (ebk)
Typeset in Garamond
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Visit the eResources: www.routledge.com/9781138219373
For my dear friend Michael Riley, with affection, respect and
gratitude
Contents

List of illustrationsviii
Author’s prefaceix
Acknowledgementsxi

  1 Food and beverage management – still in a rut? 1

  2 All change or no change? Food and beverage markets today 14

  3 How important is the meal experience?  27

  4 Is there such a thing as culinary creativity? 41

  5 Why are there so many celebrity chefs and cooks


(and do we need them)? 57

  6 Is food an art form? Pretentiousness and pomposity


in cookery 75

  7 Does menu engineering tell us anything? 95

  8 Whine or wine? Is discourse about beverages in


contemporary society an instance of fabulation? 112

  9 Should food and beverage managers care where food


comes from? 126

10 Is higher food and beverage management education fit


for purpose? 140

Index153
List of illustrations

Figures
7.1 Miller matrix, menu engineering and cost/margin analysis matrices 100

Tables
6.1 Artistic eggs (after Kington, 1996: 14) 89
7.1 Example sales data for a seven-item menu, main courses only 98
7.2 Manual check of 70% values for menu item sales in Table 7.1 99
7.3 Comparison of ‘cut off’ points for forming matrices in three
models of menu analysis 102
7.4 Hierarchical ranking of categories in Miller matrix, menu
engineering and cost/margin analysis 103
7.5 Placing of example dishes (Table 7.1) in three models of menu
analysis105
7.6 Profit and loss approach to menu analysis (after Hayes
and Huffman, 1985) 107
9.1 Leading hotel companies: corporate social responsibility statements 132
9.2 Leading chain restaurant companies: corporate social responsibility
statements133
Author’s preface

The first edition of this book appeared in 2000, published by Butterworth


Heinemann. The most obvious difference between the earlier volume and this
new version is that the former was a collection of chapters by various authors
that was edited by me, whereas the present work is one of sole authorship. There
are a number of reasons for this change. First is simple expedience. It is, in the
main, quicker to write a book singly than to edit a collection consisting of the
work of many different authors (although the earlier text was unproblematic in
this respect). Also, many of the contributors to the first edition have moved on in
their career and no longer have an interest in food and beverage research, or have
retired, or, more sadly, died. Second, this new edition of Strategic Questions in Food
and Beverage Management is part of an original series by Routledge of, in the main,
somewhat shorter texts directed towards the needs of modern students and prac-
titioners who have limited time for reading, and/or who have been conditioned
to obtain their information from the increasingly diverse sources facilitated by
the World Wide Web and the growth of ‘apps’. Why should this new edition ‘fit’
into a series of shorter works? The answer to this is, third, that genuinely analytic
research into food and beverage management has grown very little in the 15 years
that have elapsed since the earlier book. The training of future hospitality man-
agers continues to emphasise skills-based operational priorities over strategic
imagination. The number of topics that might therefore be plausibly included in
a volume concerned with ‘strategic questions’, as well as the totality of persons
engaged in serious food and beverage research, is thus somewhat limited.
The operational bias present in the training of future hospitality managers leads
conveniently to the making of a further point. At least one reviewer of the earlier text
noted that the word ‘strategic’ was used rather loosely, something that continues to
be the case in this new edition. In talking of strategic questions in food and beverage
management the intention is to both look behind and beyond operational impera-
tives and to encourage readers to question those imperatives by reference to consid-
eration of evidence (or the absence of it). The British author and journalist Will Self,
reflecting in 2012 on his stint as a restaurant/food reviewer, commented that: ‘I think
there’s something markedly infantile about a culture that takes too much interest
in what it puts in its mouth – but I was much taken by … the way it enabled the
x Au t h o r’ s p r e fac e

bourgeoisie … to act out its roles and impostures.’ This is a view that finds some
sympathy in this book. To encourage a critical – in the best sense – attitude towards
many of those things in popular gastronomy that are taken for granted, the essential
form of this text’s previous edition, where the title of each individual contribution
took the form of a question, has been retained. Further, each separate contribution
begins with a note clarifying the chapter’s relationship to the earlier book (if any),
followed by a statement of the piece’s intended learning outcomes. Similarly, each
chapter concludes with discussion questions and appropriate bibliographic references.
From the first edition of Strategic Questions in Food and Beverage Management five
of the chapters I contributed have been (more or less) retained. Four of them have
been updated and/or reworked. The fifth – ‘Is food an art form?’ – remains largely
unchanged for reasons explored in that chapter. Five new topics/chapters have
been added to this new edition – on culinary creativity; menu analysis; wine and
beverage consumption; food supply chains; and the fitness to purpose of higher
food and beverage management education. The new topics reflect suggestions
from lecturers, students, at least one reviewer of the proposal for this book, and
my own somewhat informal scrutiny of what is popular on the food and beverage
course syllabi of university hospitality programmes around the world, as gleaned
from Internet searches.
As before, this book can be dipped into at will or read cover-to-cover. The first
edition commented upon the fact that the provision of food and drink for public
consumption is an exciting business but, as with all human activity, it frequently
lacks logic: customers can be fickle; their tastes and desires uncertain and chang-
ing; restaurateurs can be eccentric. It is a plural world.
Acknowledgements

First, I would like to express my gratitude to Emma Travis and Carlotta Fanton
at Taylor & Francis/Routledge for both their support for the series in which this
book is published, and excellent guidance during the preparation of this new
edition of Strategic Questions in Food and Beverage Management. Dues are also owed
to the many colleagues and students who, since the publication of the first edi-
tion, have sent me comments and suggestions for new topics, some of which have
found their way into this revised version. I would like to thank Taylor & Francis
for permission to reutilise, in modified form, material from some of my previous
work, and Dr Marc Stierand who commented helpfully on (very much) earlier
versions of Chapter 4.
For their friendship and never failing intellectual engagement I have bene-
fited in both my personal life and professional career from the support of Dr Bob
Brotherton; Emeritus Professors Kit Jenkins and Michael Riley (the latter to
whom this volume is dedicated); and Professors Stephen Page, Frans Melissen
and Johan Bouwer. Sandra Miller has always ensured I kept my feet firmly on
the ground and Heather Robinson and Gareth Currie have performed a similar
service (except for that occasion, once a year, when we have embarked upon the
Lake Lucerne ‘steamer’ (they will know what I mean)). The friendship and/or
insights of Dr James and Mrs Elizabeth Steel, Bert Smit, John McKillop, Karan,
Shivi and Mehek Berry, Ashish Sachdeva, Bryen Li, Henry Liu, Christian Lo and
Juni Hidyat have sustained me in numerous different ways. Though no longer
with us, I remain indebted to J. Walker Graham and Professor John O’Connor
for the encouragement and positive influence they always exerted on me. Finally
here, I owe a special debt to Rob van Ginneken who checked my arithmetic and
other computations in Chapter 7. Any remaining errors of calculation and inter-
pretation are mine and mine alone and this goes for the rest of the text as well.
CHAPTER

1 Food and beverage


management – still
in a rut?

This chapter in the original edition of the book acted as an introduction to the text. Some
of the comments it contained have been re-formed in the Preface to this new version and new
sources and some new perspectives have been added to the discussion here while retaining
several of the key arguments encountered previously. The earlier chapter posed the question
‘Is food and beverage management in a rut?’ and contrasted operational approaches to food
and beverage with – loosely defined – strategic approaches. The question here – is food and
beverage still in a rut? – receives a somewhat different treatment in the form of an argu-
ment for widening the scope of the subject to more actively incorporate knowledge from the
social sciences. It invites readers to consider what, in the early twenty-first century, hospi-
tality and food and beverage managers should usefully know if they are going to add value
to both the dining experience of customers and their company’s bottom line.

Learning outcomes
At the end of this chapter, readers should be able to understand:

• key aspects of the nature of food and beverage management theory and prac-
tice in a hospitality education context;
• the basic contribution of consumer behaviour and marketing to a social sci-
entifically informed concept of food and beverage management;
• the nature, role and extent of consumer choice in food and beverage con-
sumption; and
• the case for the role of social scientific knowledge more generally in analys-
ing food and beverage business operations.

Introduction
Together, the management of accommodation, and of food and beverage services,
constitute the defining features of hospitality management. That is, each represents
a body of distinctive knowledge, which, though for the most part derived from
the generalised knowledge and techniques of other disciplines (business adminis-
tration, accounting, engineering, information science), lend a specific character to
the management of facilities directed towards the provision of hospitality.
2 F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t

When we talk of food and beverage management we are in essence talking


of food and beverage management research; food and beverage management
education; and food and beverage management practices in industry. All three
have, within hospitality management education more widely, been constituted
within a narrow, operations-biased socio-technical systems framework. The
socio-technical systems approach, put crudely, is concerned with the interaction
of people and technology in the workplace, whether those people be employ-
ees or utilisers of an organisation’s services. For many years, hotel and related
management courses at a variety of levels were concerned not only with the
operational aspects of food and beverage but with the scientific basis to food
production and service including any or all of food science, food technology,
‘healthy eating’ and equipment systems (Rodgers, 2005; 2009). Gradually, in
most courses, the scientific components were reduced and/or eliminated as man-
agement paradigms in curriculum development and delivery were adopted. The
operational or training aspects of the food and beverage part of the hospitality
management curriculum took much longer to recede and indeed, even today,
many hotel management schools retain and utilise food production and service
facilities in their educational offerings and even, in some cases, ‘training’ hotels
(a point to which we shall return in Chapter 10).
Although the scientific and technical elements of food and beverage education
(and also, to a large extent, research) have receded, effectively debilitating the
‘technical’ component of the admittedly somewhat simplistic socio-technical sys-
tems paradigm that prevailed, many of these elements remain important in the
industry – for example, the science underlying food safety control systems like
HACCP (hazard analysis and critical control points) – but may not be taught to
aspirant managers. Similarly, the importance of technology, especially food and
beverage technology, is little understood by managers and is arguably increas-
ingly reduced to an accounting issue, at least in certain parts of the industry.
Equipment purchase decisions have thus become a matter of simple affordability
rather than being concerned with the wider organisational implications and util-
ity of technology. Even in those parts of the industry that are defined by the tech-
nology they employ (for example, fast food restaurants), standardisation means
that actual knowledge of these technologies, together with their costs and bene-
fits, tends to be concentrated at corporate rather than unit level.

From science to management?


The response invited by these observations may well be a justifiable ‘so what’?
The gains to be made from hospitality – and especially food and beverage –
managers having a knowledge of relevant science and technology are, perhaps,
not easy to articulate. Many hospitality organisations, and almost all hospitality
educators, would probably argue that management knowledge is far more valu-
able than scientific/technological knowledge for business success – and where the
F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t 3
latter is required, it can be incorporated within the organisation in the form of
specialists.
This is a persuasive argument but not a complete one. Although empirical
research into food and beverage production and service is limited in both quan-
tity and quality, it is clear from the available evidence that the operational man-
agement of food and beverage is far more complex and technologically centred
than would be implied by the very limited notion of ‘operations’ that constitute
the food and beverage curriculum on higher hospitality management courses,
which has entailed not very much more than a little learning about commodi-
ties, cookery and service, i.e. processes of food production and service (Davis and
Lockwood, 1994; Jones and Merricks, 1994; Waller, 1996; see also Wood, 2004;
2008).
Furthermore, the management paradigm that has come to frame the pro-
vision of higher hospitality education has acquired such dominance that its
weaknesses – both absolute (in terms of the limitations of management knowl-
edge) and relative (in the sense of glossing over uncomfortable truths about the
specifics of hospitality management and its components) – are either completely
obscured or, somewhat ironically, reconfigured in various forms of pseudo-sci-
ence. As an example of the former, there can be few business management pro-
grammes that do not include marketing as a subject of study. Marketing is
regarded, absolutely, as integral to the managerial skill set. Yet very few hospi-
tality management graduates (or for that matter, proportionately, graduates of
general business management programmes) will ever practise marketing. They
will, however, often require excellent sales skills, skills which have been iden-
tified as largely absent from the curricula of business management programmes
(Fitzhugh and Piercy, 2010; Delves Broughton, 2012). In respect of managerial
pseudo-science, one of the interesting and continuing developments in food and
beverage management research concerns the value of menu analysis techniques,
all of which are often lumped, erroneously, under the heading ‘menu engineer-
ing’. The presumptuous use of the word ‘engineering’ gives a pseudo-scientific
gloss to what, in reality, are highly arbitrary methodologies. The same is true of
‘revenue management’, which has become a major component of hotel industry
strategy and operations but is, in reality, a slightly more sophisticated version
of the old children’s board game ‘snakes and ladders’.

From management to social science?


A major problem with the intellectual basis to academic business and manage-
ment knowledge is its practitioners’ aspiration to a narrow scientism – that is, a
presumption in favour of investigative techniques that approximate to those found
in the natural sciences. A good deal of business and management research and
education is thus quantitatively driven, seeking to generate ‘hard’ statistical data.
Necessarily, these approaches involve marginalising the social scientific origins of
4 F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t

the majority of management ‘knowledge’, presumably in pursuit of intellectual


respectability. Yet, and to articulate a cliché, management is principally about peo-
ple, and while quantitative research in all its forms is more often valuable than
not, it is only one investigative approach available in the analytic toolbox and has
obvious and profound limitations when dealing with human variability. This is not
a message that many contemporary management academics want to hear. Ghoshal
(2005) observed that much academic management research constituted little more
than a ‘pretence of knowledge’, arguing that the practices of management need to
be understood in social context. Stewart (2009: 12) also criticises academic man-
agement’s pretence to scientific status, suggesting that management has:

sent us on a mistaken quest to seek scientific answers to unscientific ques-


tions. It offers pretended technological solutions to what are, at bottom,
moral and political problems[.] It induces us to devote formative years to
training in subjects that do not exist.

More radically, Griseri, Schipper, Laurie and Diben (2010: 80) go as far as to
argue that ‘academic scholarship in business and management is inherently prob-
lematic. There are just so many variables, so many different fields and factors, all
interacting, that it is for all practical purposes impossible to generate conclusions
that carry any significant weight’.
We must not get too carried away but should be alert to the fact that dominant
approaches to researching management, including hospitality management, are
flawed (see Wood, 2015, for further discussion of these issues). Hospitality man-
agement has certainly failed to fully embrace its social scientific origins, at least
in the area of food and beverage management. The last 35 years or so have seen a
huge explosion in philosophical, psychological and sociological research into food
and eating, which have important implications for our understanding of change
and development in public dining. As Warde (2016: 1), one of the leading socio-
logical researchers in the field, has put it in his latest overview of the subject:

Public interest in food has increased markedly since the 1980s and scholarly
regard has expanded commensurately. Food is a political issue, a matter of
leisure and recreation, a topic of health, a resource for media industries, as
well as a primary necessity of daily life.

Now, it must be immediately noted that, as Warde’s remarks imply, for a very
long time indeed social scientists demonstrated very little interest in food and
eating. Writing about philosophy’s lack of engagement with food and eating as
recently as 1992, Curtin (1992: 3) noted:

Philosophers in the dominant western tradition have been uninterested in


those aspects of life that ‘give colour to existence’, those common, everyday
F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t 5
experiences that, as we say, ‘add spice to life’. Rather, they have confined
their attention to those aspects they thought could be ordered by ‘theories’
(where theory-making is understood to be the activity of reducing temporal
events to abstract, disembodied, atemporal schemata), and to those kinds of
values that are defined as public, masculine, and universal. Our relations to
aspects of life that can only be understood as concrete and embodied (pri-
mary among them our relations to food) have been marginalized. They have
been pushed to the periphery of what is regarded as important.

Similarly, at the interface between philosophy and sociology, Lupton (1996:


2–3) comments that:

The practice of cooking has similarly received little serious scholarly atten-
tion because of its transitory nature and link with physical labour and the
servicing of bodies rather that with ‘science’, ‘art’ or ‘theory’. Cooking is
identified as a practical activity, enmeshed in the physical temporal world.
It is therefore regarded as base and inferior compared with intellectual or
spiritual activities … Philosophy is masculine and disembodied; food and
eating are feminine and always embodied. To pay attention to such every-
day banalities as food practices is to highlight the animality always lurking
within the ‘civilized’ veneer of the human subject.

In light of this less-than-a-thumbnail history of the social scientific study of


food and eating, it is not unreasonable to ask ‘what has changed?’ Is it the growth
of public interest in food that has led to increased social scientific engagement,
as Warde suggests? In fact, it is very difficult to discern in reality whether such
interest has grown or has simply become more noticeable to those myriad inter-
ests that shape public opinion. Food has arguably been a political issue through-
out human history, as it has been a topic of health. There is nothing new there,
save for changes in political focus. In the 1960s and 1970s it was concern over
the exploitation of the food resources of the third world by the first (e.g. George,
1976). Today, concerns tend to be more focused on the desirability or otherwise
of genetically modified foods and food poverty within our own, western, societies
– something which is difficult to view as a progressive concern even if it is a real
one. In health, food is almost inevitably at the centre of what sociologists call
‘moral panics’ (see Murcott, 2012, and Chapter 2) where a phenomenon or social
group become perceived as a threat to the social order, as with the recent dis-
courses on the potential dangers of the rise of human obesity and parallel growth
in diseases such as diabetes.
Even when it comes to leisure and recreation – amongst which we can include,
inter alia, eating out; cooking, food and eating as a hobby or pastime; and read-
ing/watching books/television programmes about cooking, food and eating –
there is a need to exercise caution as to just what has changed. Certainly it seems
6 F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t

reasonable to assert that wealth in many societies has grown and in some (though
by no means all) has become more dispersed. As far as eating out is concerned
in the UK, numerical growth in the population able to afford public dining has
not obviously corresponded to an increase in the proportion of household income
spent on that activity. According to Warde and Martens (1998a: 147), in 1991
only some 3.6% of total household expenditure was spent on meals out. Some ten
years later, the UK Cabinet Office (2008) noted that consumers spent approxi-
mately the same proportion of their income on eating out as they did in 1968.
The UK government ministry, the Department for Food, Environment and Rural
Affairs (2012), estimated that food eaten outside the home constituted around
3.3% of total household expenditure.
Following from this discussion, we must concede the possibility that the pub-
lic growth of interest in food-related matters may not represent a particularly
significant quantitative phenomenon but rather a change in qualitative focus,
as in consumption more widely, to the fetishisation of certain goods and services
and the processes that produce them, as well as the fetishisation of the ‘sovereign
consumer’ (on this last see Arnould and Cayla, 2015, for a useful review of the
main themes). This certainly is what appears to have happened to food and bev-
erage, where the procurement, cooking and service of food and beverage, and the
work associated with these activities, as well as foodstuffs and certain beverages
themselves, has all been elevated to the status of a fetish, that is, as something
viewed with irrational reverence. Whereas this fetishisation was once confined
largely within traditional elites, it is now widespread as a result of the explo-
sion in media attention to food and drink. However, and in summary here, we
must be careful to recognise that interest in food and beverage, in cookery and
wine tasting and all their associated appurtenances, does not necessarily translate
into consumption, even at the domestic level. There may, as Warde (2016) and
numerous others have claimed, be an increased public interest in food but what
follows from that is far less certain.

Consumer behaviour and marketing


Where social science has intruded, usually indirectly, into the study of food and
beverage management it has been via subjects like consumer behaviour and mar-
keting. Marketing as a distinct subject, as well as part of any rounded business
education, is now accepted as a legitimate topic for university study along with
many other subjects which came to prominence in the 1960s and 1970s and were
originally viewed with a degree of scepticism (including sociology). A degree
of wariness persists, however, among the critically minded as to the status of
marketing, perhaps because it is one of the management subjects closest to the
social sciences in terms of focus and methods and is accordingly viewed by many
as dealing in ‘soft’ knowledge. Consumer behaviour as a subject is now normally
viewed as a subset of marketing but its relationship to that subject remains
F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t 7
ambivalent, not least because its applications arguably range much wider than
the usual ambitions of marketing (Smit, 2013).
The marketing discipline’s ambitions are defined by one of the discipline’s apex
bodies, the Chartered Institute of Marketing, as ‘the management process respon-
sible for identifying, anticipating and satisfying customer requirements profit-
ably’ (www.cim.co.uk/more/getin2marketing/what-is-marketing/, last accessed
27.05.16). A more memorable comment on the field is probably that of Edwin
Land, who noted that ‘Marketing is what you do when your product is no good’.
There are still many who see marketing, for want of a more felicitous way of
expressing it, as simply a means of alerting potential buyers to the possibilities of
purchasing goods and services they did not know they needed or wanted. More
recently, as part of the development of the so-called ‘critical management’ move-
ment, critical marketing theorists have commenced the process of deconstructing
the various ideological elements underpinning the subject (Tadajewski, Maclaran,
Parsons and Parker, 2013)

Pick a card, any card: what does it mean to choose?


One of these elements is the concept of choice, which is at the very heart of
individual and social identity in western liberal democracies. We all believe
we can make choices and choice is associated with other desirable social states,
notably ‘freedom’. ‘Freedom of choice’ is not only prized by individuals but has
become a central tenet in the philosophies of political parties (a useful overview
of the social and economic contexts in which human choice functions is given
by Sen, 1987). One theme that runs throughout the conventional conception
of consumer behaviour and marketing is that a function of the latter is to alert
potential consumers who are in an episodic state of information seeking with
regard to products and services, to the features of those products and services,
thus enabling them to make effective choices. More specifically it is not too bold
to assert that marketing and its devices are used, in the case of products and ser-
vices that effectively constitute close substitutes, to persuade potential consumers
of the benefits of one specific product or service over another.
But what if we are mistaken about the nature of, and scope for, choice in
our lives? Long before the advent of critical management and critical marketing
theory, philosophers and sociologists were questioning the real extent of choice
people enjoy in life, including the nature of choice of products and services they
may wish and/or be able to purchase. Much choice does indeed seem illusory. As
Warde and Martens (1998b: 130) put it, there is a tendency for the ‘exaggeration
of the scope of the freedom implied by the concept of consumer choice’. These
authors identify four shades of meaning associated with the term ‘choice’, these
being (1) to select; (2) to pick in preference; (3) to consider fit or suitable; and (4)
to will or to determine. They propose that in the field of consumption, including
food consumption, there has been a tendency to conflate the first two meanings
8 F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t

– to select and to pick in preference – with the fourth. The point is simpler than
it might appear at first. It is that consumers rarely enter into a ‘pure’ state of
choice characterised by absolute freedom. Rather, choice is always to some degree
predetermined by those supplying products and services who decide the set of
things from which consumers will select/pick – just as the skilled conjuror will
always ensure that an audience member picks the card that s/he, the conjuror,
wants them to pick. One objection to this line of reasoning is considered by
Warde (1997: 166–170), who notes the argument that contemporary consumers
have a much wider range of foodstuffs available to them than did their forebears.
He suggests that while indeed there appears to be a greater variety of foodstuffs
today than in the past, this reflects less an absolute increase in ingredients for sale
and more the wider availability of the same foodstuffs because of the growth of
large supermarket chains. He writes (Warde, 1997: 167):

Supermarkets have given the opportunity for variety to a much wider section
of the population. To be sure, some of the appearance of increased variation
is illusory. Some of that variety is created by offering alternative forms of
packaging (brands) or storing (frozen, tinned, fresh) the same item; some by
having many versions of the same item, as with different fruit flavours for
yoghurt or sauces for chicken.

In a cynical age, this line of argument may seem far from exceptional but it
does repay considered reflection. Straughan (1995) examines some of the practi-
cal implications of philosophical concepts of choice, arguing that total freedom,
in the sense of ‘freedom to choose’, is unattainable. In shopping for food, for
example, there are always constraints. These can be physical/geographical (access
to outlets selling food may be restricted because of the limitations of transport
options); economic (freedom is limited by consumers’ income); availability (as a
result of natural disasters or the operations of the market); and certain market-
ing techniques. In respect of the latter, Straughan (1995: 14) points to what he
regards as the sinister ways in which the behaviour of customers in supermarkets
can be manipulated by the use of music, physical product placement, and the
use of lighting. Finally, there are those constraints on freedom of choice that
consumers might place on themselves, for example by ethical selection (becom-
ing a vegetarian; eating meat reared in ‘humane’ conditions); perceptions of risk;
and matters of individual or collective preference. Writing in a similar vein,
Wrigley (1998: 112) notes that by the early 1990s, food choice was ‘exercised
within budget constraints in a food distribution system which, when viewed
in international terms, had developed a series of quite distinct characteristics’.
One of the most important of these, according to Wrigley (1998: 113–114), was
the diminution in the number of sources from which one could choose to buy
food. By 1990, he notes, five retail grocery chains controlled 60% of the market.
More contemporary figures suggest that in 2015 the top five controlled 80%
F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t 9
of the market (http://grocerynews.org/2012-06-16-08-27-26/supermarkets-
market-share/grocery-stores, last accessed 12.09.16) and as of August 2016, 77%
of that market (www.kantarworldpanel.com/en/grocery-market-share/great-
britain/snapshot/14.08.16/, last accessed 12.09.16).

Is not ‘choice’ still choice?


At a common sense level many people balk at the idea that our choices are con-
trolled to the degree outlined above. Even if they accept the argument in princi-
ple, an oft-heard counter to this view is that real choice in markets for goods and
services exists, even if it is limited in nature, and that, morally, some choice is
better than no choice at all. As noted elsewhere (Wood, 2017), scholars of a Marx-
ist persuasion might dismiss these claims as evidence of false consciousness (effec-
tively a form of individual and collective self-delusion that prevents people from
understanding their ‘real’ economic circumstances). The difficulty here is that
even the availability of some choice makes understanding of the processes under-
lying people’s exercise of that choice worthwhile. Production imperatives do not
simply ‘act’ upon consumers – we must be careful of treating human subjects as
simple dupes at the mercy of rampant capitalism, especially in an era when so
much information is available to aid people in the choices they make. We are
not simply referring here to traditional sources of information on products and
services but to the explosion in online sources, including comparison websites.

The menu and choice: an example


To illustrate in a food and beverage context the problem of choice, we can con-
sider the menu which, as Mooney (1994: 95) notes, is traditionally depicted as
a marketing communications device, listing what the customer is offered. ‘In
reality’, he notes, ‘more often than not, the menu also serves as a limit on what
a foodservice operation is willing and able to prepare and serve’. To some extent
this remark might be regarded as cautious understatement. Almost by necessity,
though presented as the vehicle for customer choice, the menu is in actuality an
illusory device whose real purpose is exactly the opposite – to constrain choice
and to state at its simplest what the vendor is willing to offer. In other words, the
menu is a limiting device, pre-selecting dishes that the vendor is willing to pro-
vide. Indeed, this concept is at the very heart of ‘fast food’ restaurant provision.
Of course, it seems reasonable to assert that no restaurant can offer an unlimited
range of dishes from which customers may select, but those who argue thus must
recognise at least two objections to this view. One of these is conceptual. Restau-
rants that are not locked into offering pre-purchased and processed regenerative
cuisines are technically in a position to offer a very large selection of ‘knowable’
dishes, and many do so. That is, except in those very small number of cases where
a customer’s knowledge is truly extensive or their requests idiosyncratically
10 F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t

unfulfillable, the presence of a range of basic ingredients and half-competent


cook can combine to offer pretty much anything that customers are likely to ask
for. Thus it is that regular patrons in ‘traditional’ restaurants can (and do) ask for
their particular preference even though it may not appear on the menu.
A second objection, and one more amenable to empirical verification, is that in
elite public dining of the past, lengthy menus were the norm and ‘sophisticated’
restaurants prided themselves on the variety of dishes they offered. Restaurants
of this kind are now all but extinct and were, in any case, only ever relatively few
in number. Menus have been simplified, reducing consumer choice though not,
paradoxically, always making the act of choice easier. One switch in focus has
been the emphasis placed both on dish descriptions and special offers (the latter
usually politely disguised as chefs’ specials or specialities of the establishment)
which in general guide customers towards items profitable for the restaurant by
virtue of either low cost in preparation or high yield in net revenue. With regard
to the former, in their study of the menu as a marketing tool, Cattet and Smith
(1994: 161) noted:

The description of menu items seems to be an area of growing importance


and research among certain restaurateurs. Indeed, this is a challenge that all
the hotel food and beverage managers interviewed found difficult to face.
They put a lot of effort and time into it, on the grounds that it was worth-
while. However, they found it even more difficult for their ‘light’ menus,
as they wanted to find words that created a notion of freshness, at the same
time as being informative. Moreover, they did not want their customers to
feel frustrated because the calories are counted, so the description of the dish
becomes the field where the notion of creativity is really important.

The situation is different for independent restaurateurs, especially those


belonging to the mid-range category. The impression resulting from the
survey is that they did not pay any attention to it. Following the rule ‘keep
it simple’, most of the time they used a limited description as they said that
they would rather explain the dish verbally to the customer. Higher up the
scale, the restaurateurs interviewed said they did devote quite a lot of time
and attention to it, trying to avoid pompous words, as the time of preten-
tious and flamboyant descriptions is over.

Conclusion
The curricula of higher level hospitality management qualifications are diverse, and
an obligation is usually felt by those providing such courses to combine a sound the-
oretical and practical grounding in various subjects, including industry-specific ones
like food and beverage management. The pressure to do ‘so much’ in ‘so little time’
often means that subjects fight for adequate space in the curriculum. At the same
F o o d a n d b e v e rag e m a n ag e m e n t 11
time, demarcation lines between contributing disciplines – for example the practices
of food and beverage management and consumer behaviour/marketing – can some-
times limit integration of vital materials.
It is certainly the case that in many hotel management programmes, food
and beverage management as a subject is construed in a very narrow way, as has
been argued in this chapter. It is one thing to know the ingredients of a dish,
its method of preparation, cooking and presentation, and even what it tastes
like, but of what ultimate value is this ‘knowledge’ without an understanding of
why people will or do choose that dish when confronted with it on a menu? An
integrated awareness of the value of social scientific insights on food and eating
is vital to a holistic understanding of food and beverage management. In the
present discussion an effort has been made to illustrate this by ‘deconstructing’
the concept of choice as it pertains to food choice – a topic that embraced the
conceptual, the theoretical and the empirical. If there is a message to take away
after reading this chapter it is that food and beverage management is not simply
a set of practices, it is a rich and complex subject that can be made richer (and
practically more useful) by a clear understanding of the economic and social con-
texts that impinge upon it.

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

1. Assess the view that truly effective food and beverage managers require a
basic, though not necessarily extensive, awareness of social scientific knowl-
edge and social trends pertaining to their area of professional practice.
2. If it is actually the case, as implied in this chapter, that UK consumer spend-
ing on food outside the home has, proportionately, changed little in recent
decades, how do we explain the apparent growth in the restaurant industry?
3. What are the main reasons for restricting consumer choice in food and bev-
erage operations?
4. Do you think public interest in food and food related issues has increased,
or is it simply that the media give the impression that it has?

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Does menu engineering tell us anything?


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