Journal of Contemporary Religion

ISSN: 1353-7903 (Print) 1469-9419 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjcr20

When the deities are asleep: Processes of change

in an American hare Krishna temple

Nurit Zaidman

To cite this article: Nurit Zaidman (1997) When the deities are asleep: Processes of change
in an American hare Krishna temple, Journal of Contemporary Religion, 12:3, 335-352, DOI:
10.1080/13537909708580809

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13537909708580809

Published online: 25 Jun 2008.

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Journal of Contemporary Religion, Vol. 22, No. 3, 2997 335

When the Deities are Asleep: Processes of Change in

an American Hare Krishna Temple

NURIT ZAIDMAN

ABSTRACT The paper provides an analysis of the consequences of the relatively new
policy adopted by ISKCON toward active Indian congregations in the United States.
Primary data is set within the theoretical framework of globalisation and the relationship
between religious innovation and forms of power is highlighted. The paper provides data
regarding the religious and non-religious interests of ISKCON Indian followers and
ISKCON temple residents. A description and analysis of the sources of power that are
available for the actors and the way they are exploited are discussed in relationship to
the process of change. The paper concludes with a discussion of the impact of the
interaction between the ISKCON temple and its Indian followers on the movement itself.

Introduction
Scholars have recently discussed the nature of global society. Robertson's
argument that the world is more and more becoming "a single place" (Robert-
son, 1985: 43) is often cited. The globalisation thesis assumes that people,
cultures, societies, and civilisations previously more or less isolated are now in
regular and unavoidable contact (Beyer, 1994). The juxtaposition of several
cultures and identities results in: attempts to adapt, change or modify aspects of
one's culture; processes of negotiation of new identities and attempts to stabilise
or preserve culture. As reflected by its title, this paper will focus on processes of
change that take place in a global site. The term 'global site' refers to a unit in
which intense interaction occurs between two or more culturally different
populations. This paper will present the position that much can be learned about
cultural change in a global society through the analysis of processes in a global
site.
A recent development in ISKCON (acronym for the International Society for
Krishna Consciousness)—the attempt to incorporate Indian immigrants as active
congregation members—provides a unique opportunity to examine processes of
cultural/religious production in a global society and to examine the impact of
this process on the movement itself. In some ISKCON centres in North America,
there is an intense interaction between first-generation Indian immigrants and
ISKCON members who live in the temple, the majority of whom are Americans.
In that respect, the Hare Krishna temple is an unusual example of the paradox
that characterises a global site: it is a place where American converts to the belief
and culture of a Hindu sect interact with recent Hindu immigrants from India
who accept 'America' as their new home. The interaction of its members with
Indian immigrants who were born to the Hindu religion and culture challenges
not only ISKCON's practices, ideology and organisation (as do ISKCON's

1353-7903/97/030335-18 © 1997 Carfax Publishing Ltd

336 N. Zaidman

previous interactions with other populations, see Rochford, 1985), but its the-
ology as well.
Thus, much of the interaction between the Indian immigrants and ISKCON
focuses on religious and cultural definitions. In order to understand this process,
namely the process of religious and cultural change in a movement such as
ISKCON, it is necessary to address issues that are related to power relations. We
argue that the process of identity formation, cultural change and religious
production occurs in a specific milieu and is brought about by specific actors.
The first aim of this paper is to shed light on the process of religious
production as it is expressed in a global site. The analysis of religious production
will be examined with regard to the religious and non-religious interests of the
actors as representatives of two culturally different populations; more
specifically, as representatives of ISKCON and the Indian congregation mem-
bers. This paper will demonstrate how religious innovations are related to forms
and acts of power. Within this framework, the sources of power that are
available for the actors and the way they are exploited will be discussed in
relationship to the process of change. The process of negotiation and compro-
mise that takes place among the actors is also presented and discussed.
The second aim of this paper is to discuss the impact of the interaction
between the ISKCON temple and its Indian followers on the movement itself.
Social and Religious movements often serve as the carriers of cultural change.
These movements may introduce new ideologies or new theologies to the local
population. At the same time, the influence of specific socio-political, cultural or
economic conditions, such as the interaction of ISKCON with its Indian follow-
ers, often leads to changes or transformations in the movement itself (Turner &
Killian, 1972; Price, 1979; Rochford, 1985).
Moore provides a framework for analysing processes of change in a unit, such
as the ISKCON temple. The author develops a model of law, process and change
in what she calls "a semiautonomous social field" (Moore, 1978). That is, a unit
which is part of a larger organisation/society/culture, but is still autonomous.
The Philadelphia temple, which is a focal point of interest for this paper, is part
of ISKCON in terms of ideology, leadership, daily practices and matters of legal
ownership of property,1 but at the same time, each individual temple is econom-
ically independent and has the freedom to change forms of preaching and target
audiences. The central bodies of the movement can recommend developing a
congregation of Indian immigrants. Since this is perceived by ISKCON as a form
of preaching, each temple president has the authority to accept or ignore this
recommendation. At the same time, the temple has a variety of connections with
different agencies and individuals outside of ISKCON. At present, the most
effective connections are with the Indian immigrants who reside in the Philadel-
phia area.
We accept Moore's assumption that "The underlying quality of social life
should be considered to be one of theoretically absolute indeterminacy" (Moore,
1978:39). This assumption, Moore argues, makes it possible to interpret behav-
iour in terms of two kinds of processes: the kind in which people try to control
their situations by struggling against indeterminacy; and the kind of processes
by which people try to exploit the indeterminacy in the situation (Moore, 1978).
Our data show that, at present, the temple president, a Caucasian American,
exerts pressure toward maintaining order and promoting ISKCON theology and
 When the Deities are Asleep 337

traditions in the temple, while counter-activities are initiated by Board members

who are representatives of congregation members, largely of Indian Hindu
origin. Economic and symbolic resources are manipulated by the actors to
advance their positions and interests in the temple and to initiate changes.
The materials for the analysis presented in this paper were gathered during
the first 3 years following the implementation of ISKCON's new policy regard-
ing the Indian immigrants who have been associated with the movement's
temples in North America.2 During these years, Boards of Trustees which
represent the interests of the Indian immigrants were established in many
ISKCON temples in North America. It was approximately at this time that the
author began her fieldwork at the Philadelphia ISKCON temple. During the
years 1990 and 1994, the author was a participant observer of the activities that
are associated with the Philadelphia ISKCON temple. These activities included
daily, weekly and yearly temple activities, temple Board meetings, as well as a
variety of additional temple preaching activities, such as programs in the homes
of Indian congregation members. Fifty-nine formal interviews as well as hun-
dreds of informal interviews were conducted with temple residents, former
temple residents, Indian congregation members and ISKCON leaders. The
results of a questionnaire that was sent randomly to Indian congregation
members and temple visitors were analysed. Altogether there were 30 responses
to the questionnaire.

Background
The Philadelphia ISKCON temple was founded at the end of the 1960s. It was
one temple in a chain founded as a result of the efforts of Prabhupada,
ISKCON's founder, to establish an international movement. ISKCON temples
and centres are established for deity worship3 and for an elaborate system of
education. The goals of ISKCON are to worship Krishna and to preach Krishna
consciousness to the world.4 Although ISKCON's principles of devotion to
Krishna were not foreign to Indians in India and abroad, it was mainly
non-Indian devotees who joined the movement as full-time members to spread
the message of the movement and explain its mission. Indians who immigrated
to the US in the mid-1960s visited the ISKCON temples. However, they did not
participate in the preaching activities of the movement, nor did the American
temple residents preach to them. They were mainly considered as Sunday
visitors. A small number of Indian congregation members have been initiated by
ISKCON gurus and have become more dedicated to the movement's goals.
(There are no official figures regarding ISKCON Indian initiates. The secretary of
ISKCON Foundation estimated that there are 500 ISKCON North American
initiates of Indian origin in North America.)5
A major catalyst in ISKCON's initiation of a new policy regarding Indian
Sunday visitors was the deteriorating financial situation of KKCON temples in
North America in the late 1980s. The Indians were recognised as a financial
resource. At this time, many ISKCON temples, especially in North America,
were sparsely populated and devoid of funds. Devotees of American origin had
left the temples to live and work outside, and the new American recruits did not
sell paraphernalia effectively on the streets. In addition, ISKCON leadership had
338 N. Zaidman

to pay legal fees for a number of court cases, such as the suit by Robin George
in 1987.6
In view of these factors, ISKCON leaders decided to approach the Indians to
gain their assistance. In 1987, the North American representatives of ISKCON's
central governing body, the GBC (Governing Body Commission), formed a new
body, the ISKCON Foundation which focuses on developing congregations. The
ISKCON Foundation recommended instituting Boards of Trustees on the local
level. Thus, in December 1991, in response to recommendations by the ISKCON
Foundation, the Philadelphia temple president announced the names of 11
congregation members who lived and worked outside the temple who had
agreed to volunteer their time as members of the Temple Advisory Board for the
year 1992. However, in 1991, the Philadelphia temple president was a member
of ISKCON Foundation Board of Directors. The functions of the Board, as
defined by the Philadelphia temple, included the provision of advice to the
temple administration and to raise funds for temple expansion.

Two Different World Views Regarding the Ideal ISKCON Temple

In general, the tradition which ISKCON follows emphasises proselytisation.
Chaitanya7 lead a devotional movement 500 years ago in Bengal and made it
possible for the outcast to join his movement. Similarly, 25 years ago, Prabhu-
pada, ISKCON's founder, accepted college dropouts, as well as other young
people from the streets into his movement Gudah, 1974). As a result of the
principles of proselytisation and of keeping the movement boundaries open,
ISKCON temples have often become multi-national centres. An example is the
ISKCON temple in Tel-Aviv, in which three languages were spoken simul-
taneously at one of the movement festivals: Hebrew (for the Israelis), English
(for the guests from India) and Russian (for the new immigrants from the former
USSR). However, unlike the centre in Tel-Aviv where several cultures come into
contact, but do not interact, the Philadelphia centre is a global site. That is, it is
a place of intense interaction between two culturally different populations.

The ISKCON Temple from the Point of View of its Residents

Approximately 25 devotees live in the Philadelphia temple. Most of them are in
their mid-twenties. Temple residents come from different countries, the majority
are Americans. The long-term residents, those who have lived in the temple for
at least 6 months, perceive the temple as the abode of Krishna (God) and as a
shelter from the material world. From their point of view, ISKCON temples
should provide an opportunity for Krishna devotees to develop love of God.
This is accomplished by following the daily schedule in the temple, which is
centered around the temple deities. They believe that by concentrating the
senses on Krishna, that is, by seeing the deities in the morning, worshipping
them, preparing food and flowers for them, eating the food that was offered to
them (prasad), chanting their names, etc., one can develop love of God and
advance spiritually. For that reason the temple is perceived as a spiritual home.
The central role which the temple deities play in ISKCON Philadelphia is
expressed by the amount of money that the temple spends for the needs of the
deities, e.g. clothing, flowers, food. The accounts for the temple for the years
 When the Deities are Asleep 339

1988-1992 show that a large portion of the temple income (mainly donations)
and expenses were dedicated to the deities. During these years, contributions for
the deities were 13-19% of the temple's total income. The expenses for the deities
are the largest of the temple expenses. Likewise, at the time of my fieldwork, five
priests served the deities in the temple, each priest devoting 4-5 hours a day for
deity worship, which is approximately 45% of temple residents' working hours
(which include cooking, cleaning, selling books, selling flowers, etc.)
Besides the focus on deity worship and the spiritual advancement of temple
devotees, the temple is perceived by its residents as an educational center and
as a preaching centre of Krishna consciousness. Cultivating relationship with the
Indian followers is a way of combining preaching with financial income.
However, other forms of preaching (e.g. lectures in colleges; weekly programs
outside the temple and the activities of a 'Rock and Roll' band which resides in
the temple) take place in the Philadelphia temple. In other words, relationships
with Indian congregation members is only one form of preaching among many.

The ISKCON Temple from the Point of View of the Indian Followers
A few hundred people visit the Philadelphia temple on festivals. About 100
people visit the temple every Sunday. The majority of temple visitors on
Sundays and festivals are Indian immigrants. Of these immigrants there are
about 25 families and individuals who tend to visit the temple on a weekly
basis.8
Unlike ISKCON members, most of ISKCON's Indian followers perceive the
ISKCON temple as an ethnic center for the Hindu-Indian community. They do
not perceive Krishna as the supreme God and they do not consider preaching
Krishna consciousness as a main function of the temple. Like other Hindu
immigrants, ISKCON Philadelphia congregation members and temple visitors
are interested in shaping the temple as a centre for their community and as a
place in which different Gods reside. Studies about the changing forms of
Hinduism in the diaspora show that similar processes take place in different
locations. In many places Hinduism is practised as an ethnic religion and it
becomes general, as opposed to local (Jayawardena, 1968; Vertovec, 1992). The.
dominant form of Hinduism in the UK and in the US is a form of ethnic
Hinduism (Burghart, 1987; Williams. 1988).9
Like other Hindu immigrants in America, the majority of ISKCON Philadel-
phia congregation members and temple visitors appreciate the service offered to
the deities, but see the Philadelphia temple as an ethnic centre for the com-
munity. When Indian ISKCON congregation members and temple visitors were
asked: "What do you think the top three functions of an ISKCON temple should
be?", half of the respondents defined the functions of the temple in terms of
religious and socio-culhiral practices. One person said that the temple should be
"propagating the cultural and religious aspect of Hindu and Indian culture";
another person said that the "temple should keep Hindus in touch with
spirituality" and "help Hindus come together and socialize". The other half of
the respondents defined the functions of the temple in religious terms. These
findings show that a significant portion of the respondents view the temple as
an arena in which cultural activity for the purpose of strengthening the Hindu
340 N. Zaidman

tradition should take place. From this point of view, the temple should provide
services not only for God, but also for worshippers of God.
The other form of Hinduism in the American diaspora which has an impact
on the ISKCON temple is what has been defined as "neo-Hinduism" (Williams,
1988). Neo-Hinduism is practised, according to Williams, in most Hindu temples
in the USA. In these temples, images of several deities are worshipped, the
participants are from many different regions, language groups and sects, and the
rituals of many sects are practised. This is different from temples in India which
can be identified as either Vaishnava or Shaiva, according to the resident deity
(Williams, 1988; Fuller 1992). As opposed to the new type of 'general' temples
in the US, ISKCON temples, like some of the temples in India, are dedicated
only to Krishna and his incarnations (e.g. the deities of Krishna, Radha, Ram,
Sita).
The Indian immigrants who are involved with the ISKCON temple, like other
Hindus in India and abroad, are familiar with the worship, teaching and
practices related to Krishna (see Fuller, 1992; Singer, 1966: xiv; Jayawardena,
1968; Knott, 1987). However, as opposed to ISKCON members, most of them do
not consider Krishna to be the supreme God. They believe that the worship of
different Hindu gods should be performed and that different Hindu traditions
are equally elevated. When asked, "Do you believe that Saivtes, Vaishnavism,
and Advaita Vedanta are all equally elevated Hindu traditions", 76% of the
respondents answered, "yes".
Observations and discussions with Indian congregation members support this
finding. Several Indian followers maintain small altars dedicated to Gods which
are not worshipped by ISKCON members in their homes. It is common that
different family members worship different gods. It is also evident that in
addition to participation in the worship of Krishna in the ISKCON temple, most
congregation members participate in the worship of other gods which take place
in non-ISKCON temples and in home programmes. When asked, "How often do
you visit non-ISKCON temples in the US?", 70% of respondents answered that
they visit non-ISKCON temples a few times a year.

Power, Strategies to Gain Control and the Rhetoric of Deviation '

Like temples in India, the Philadelphia ISKCON temple is dedicated to one God.
This kind of temple does not serve the needs of Hindu immigrants who now
perceive themselves as permanent residents in the US. Immigration from India
and the gradual acceptance of America as the immigrants' new home (see Fisher,
1978, 1980) brought change to the traditional form of the Hindu temple. The
Hindu temple in the North American diaspora has become an ethnic centre, as
well as a residence of different gods. The original form of the ISKCON temple,
which is rooted in a Bengali tradition, did not satisfy the needs of ISKCON's
Indian followers. Changes were made regarding the position of women in the
North American temple, e.g. women are allowed to go to the altar and serve the
temple deities; however, they were accepted with mixed feelings by the Indian
followers.
The activities of the ISKCON Philadelphia Board members are aimed at
shaping the temple according to the interests of the Indian congregation mem-
bers whom they represent. For that purpose, they employ two different strate-
 When the Deities are Asleep 341

gies: they work to strengthen their position in the temple by investing time,
work, and money, while at the same time, they tend to manipulate power and
appear to violate temple rules. Secondly, they develop a rhetoric to justify
deviation from ISKCON theology or philosophy which, at the same time,
supports another fundamental principle of ISKCON: proselytisation.
Board members come from an affluent part of the community and they make
significant contributions to the temple. The percentage of total temple income
contributed by congregation members and temple visitors has increased
significantly as the result of Board members activities. In 1988, congregation
members and temple visitors contributed 48% of the total temple income. In
1989 and in 1990, they contributed 53%; in 1991, 62%, and in 1992, 67%. The
growth of the contributions of congregants and temple visitors is as follows:
from US$54,000 in 1988 to US$111,000 in 1992. Board members are aware of the
financial potential of the Indian followers, and, with the support of the temple
president, they initiate new programmes, such as special dinner programmes, to
raise more money for the temple.
It is not surprising that the Board members, who raise the money for the
temple, also want to control it. The following example demonstrates this: about
4 months before a major festival, Board members raised funds for the temple
with a dinner party. They decided to use some of the money to renovate the
temple before the holiday. The decision was made, but nobody took any steps
to execute it. At the last minute, in a decision taken by only three Board
members (among them the temple president), about half of the money that was
collected was spent on the temple renovation. The job was done by an American
Board member. In the meeting that followed the festival, Board members
complained that the money was used in an inappropriate way and mechanisms
to control money were the main focus of discussion. In that meeting, the general
agreement was that for any sum of money above US$500, Board members
should approve an estimate of the anticipated expenditure, but since there are
three men on the Board who are Americans and thus could not represent the
interest of the Indians, the Indian members of the Board were not totally
comfortable with this situation. One person suggested that two people of Indian
origin should have to sign these checks. Another person disagreed, claiming that
this is not respectful. He said: "These people devoted their life to the temple"
and "all that we want is to serve the temple". Board members finally agreed that
three people will sign, two Board members of "Indian origin" and one temple
devotee. Board members felt, however, that the phrase "two people of Indian
origin" should be changed and eventually they agreed that it should read "Two
Board members who are not associated with the temple on a daily basis". This
modification in effect excluded the American Board members.
The data presented above shows that Board members distinguish between
two categories of people in the temple: temple residents and Indian followers.
This dichotomy exists in the mind of most of the Indian donors whom Board
members represent. Indian followers and Board members are interested in
advancing their interests in the temple, and these are different from those of the
temple residents. Indeed, most of the Indian Board members think that temple
residents should be able to take care of the daily expenses of the temple, while
congregation member contributions should be directed toward specific projects.
However, temple residents think that they should be fully engaged in deity
342 N. Zaidman

worship and preaching, while congregation members support them. As long as

the Indians control the money from funds, they can invest it in any project which
serve their interests. Until now, all investments were aimed at renovating the
public areas of the temple. Money was invested in painting, fixing the temple
roof, coating part of the parking lot with pitch and building rest rooms for
guests. There were no major investments in any projects related to either
ISKCON preaching activities or to the residential area of the temple. Similarly,
plans for the future have a focus on improving the public areas of the temple,
such as fixing the kitchen, enlarging the temple room and building a cultural
hall.
The power of the Board members is also derived from the fact that they are
connected to networks of potential supporters in the Indian community. The
ability of ISKCON Philadelphia to recruit residents or supporters depends
mainly upon the activities of the 'rock and roll' band members, the Board
members, and active congregation members. Most Philadelphia temple residents
who live in the temple for more than one year have weak and limited networks
on the outside. It is clear that the ability of active Indian congregation members
to recruit supporters to ISKCON Philadelphia is important. Even more so in
view of the potential networks that Indian congregation members and temple
visitors have, being successfully incorporated in the American job market and
society (Helweg & Helweg, 1990). Indian supporters can help in advancing the
interests of ISKCON in general and the Philadelphia temple in particular.
In addition to economic power and rhetorical strategies, a third source of
power for Board members is symbolic. This is in relationship with the most
powerful element in the temple: the temple deities. Studies about the symbolic
power of leaders in African societies have shown that African tribal kings and
chiefs demonstrate and build their power in the community by violating the
laws of other humans who should be subordinate to the Gods. By doing so they
reinforce their position (Balandier, 1972; Arens & Karp, 1989). Contrary to that,
symbolic power in Hindu temples is built by showing proximity and service to
the temple deities. On Janmastami in August 1992, Krishna's birthday and a
major holiday at the temple, presents were offered to the deities. On that
evening Krishna received two irons, towels, jewelry, money (individual gifts
ranged from US$30-501), dried fruits, laundry detergent, a silver spoon and
more. The most important present, at least from the point of view of the
audience, was a donation that was given to buy new clothing for the deities. The
donation was given by the Chairperson of the Board and the temple president's
wife announced it in public. With this and other donations, the temple pur-
chased the new clothing which was made in India.
Appadurai rightly places the temple deity at the centre of social relationships
(Appadurai, 1981). Appadurai argues that in the temple, "goods and services are
gifted to the deity, transformed in the process of worship, and reallocated to the
worshippers in the form of shares, which are culturally demarcated by publicly
received honours" (Appadurai, 1981: 212). Honours are the redistributed leav-
ings of the deity. "The order in which they are distributed among a set of
individuals is often as important as their content" (ibid: 36). The honours not
only denote rank or status, but they are also seen to be the constitutive features
of roles in relationship to the deity. In ISKCON, honours are mainly the right to
serve the deities or to perform a ritual. Thus, in addition to buying the deities
 When the Deities are Asleep 343

new clothing, a Board member took an active part, along with the temple
president, and other initiated Board members, in bathing the deities, the main
ceremony on that evening. He (and other initiated Board members) also per-
formed the arti10 at midnight for the most important deities of the temple.
The honours, bathing the deities and performing arti for them, were granted
to initiated Board members by the temple authorities. However, at the same
festival, a Board member not only accepted the honours of serving the deities,
but actually denied the right of a non-Indian temple priest to assist in perform-
ing the individual offering (archana) on the altar. He climbed on the altar and
gave instructions to the experienced temple priest on how to break the coconuts.
After a short time, the temple priest left the altar with bitter feelings. This act is
an example of the growing involvement of Board members in the temple's inner
hierarchy. This involvement exceeds the power that was originally given to them
and has created more tension than their involvement in other areas. An example
of this type of involvement is the Board members' criticism of different temple
vice presidents to the point that one of them resigned from his position. This
kind of involvement is a source of potential crisis in the relationship between
Board members and the temple president, since traditionally, the process of
allocating positions within an ISKCON temple has been determined by ISKCON
leaders. Board members, even if initiated, are considered to be outside of the
system and should not have a voice.
In addition to strengthening their position in the temple, Board members have
developed a rhetoric which is aimed at supporting their activities in the temple
and at legitimising deviation from ISKCON philosophy. In most of their encoun-
ters in the temple, Board members legitimise their involvement in the temple
affairs by arguing that "we are only serving the temple". To serve a person or
a purpose is an important concept in Hindu tradition in general and in ISKCON
tradition in particular. ISKCON members are educated to perceive themselves as
the servants of the servant of the servant ... of God. A few Board members do
see their work as a simple service for the community, however, others find this
concept useful to get support from both the temple president and the Indian
congregation members. The word 'temple' in the phrase 'we are only serving the
temple' does not reveal whom exactly the Board members are serving, but only
that they are serving something above them.
Board members also develop a rhetoric which legitimises deviation from
ISKCON philosophy and at the same time fits another principle of ISKCON
ideology: proselytisation. They justify those enterprises which do not completely
'fit' ISKCON practices by arguing that they engage in them "in order to bring
new friends to the temple". This is a strong argument, since the temple
authorities are interested in exposing more people to Krishna consciousness and,
as already mentioned, they are interested in the financial contributions of the
Indian followers. •
The temple president is the main figure with whom Board members negotiate.
Although the wife of the temple president (who is the head of the deity
department) is an important figure in the temple, she chose not to take part in
the Board meetings. The temple vice president, the temple commander, as well
as the director of membership programmes assist in this task. These functions
are performed by various ISKCON devotees who often spend only short periods
of time in the temple. For that reason they have limited impact on the process
344 N. Zaidman

of negotiation and religious production. In addition, according to ISKCON rules,

only temple presidents (and to some degree temple vice presidents), should be
involved in the process of policy making. Other temple devotees are expected to
focus on their sadhana.11 Data show that some temple residents are affected by
and are critical of different aspects of the relationships with Indian congregation
members (see Zaidman-Dvir, 1994). However, they have no impact on the
formal process of developing relationships with Indian congregation members.
The temple president is interested in keeping the temple order as it is and
above all in maintaining the temple as the abode of God and as a preaching
centre. Cultivating relationships with the Indian immigrants is one form of
preaching among others. A temple president who decides to cultivate relation-
ships with Indian congregation members does not get instructions regarding this
from the ISKCON central leadership. ISKCON temple presidents receive only
the guidelines of the ISKCON Foundation which focus on public relations. Thus,
the Philadelphia temple president, like other temple presidents in the US, is to
some extent free to make decisions about (or to struggle with) the additional
services that he is asked to perform for Indian congregation members. He might
consult with other leaders in the movement to get general guidance, yet he
ultimately directs the daily routine within his sphere of influence.
Within this context, the personality and the position of the temple president
are important factors in the process of negotiation. The Philadelphia temple
president, a Caucasian in his late 40s, is highly knowledgeable in ISKCON
philosophy and a central leader within the ISKCON framework. The status of
the temple president (as well as the status of his wife) is well established both
inside and outside the temple. They were initiated by Prabhupada himself and
have been members of ISKCON and of the Philadelphia temple for approxi-
mately 20 years. The temple president is an ISKCON guru and a GBC represen-
tative. He has a PhD, which makes a special impression on Board members and
congregation members. All of the above contributes to the fact that Board
members fully accept his position in the temple and that he has veto power in
the interpretation of religious matters.
The temple president did not reject any of the initiatives of the Board during
the time of my fieldwork. This has to do with the power of the Board as well as
with the president's belief that eventually congregation members will accept
ISKCON's philosophy and with the hope that their future investments will be
directed to the traditional goals that Prabhupada had initiated. Also, he did not
reject any of the initiatives of the Board, because he is a prominent figure in
ISKCON and actually takes an important role in the new policy regarding Indian
congregation members.

The Process of Religious Production '

Naturally, changes that are initiated by Board members do not focus on those
practices which are accepted by both temple residents and congregation mem-
bers, such as devotion to Krishna. The changes that Board members initiate
focus on shaping the temple as a centre for the community and accommodating
the needs of npn-ISKCON members to worship Gods other than Krishna and his
incarnations.
 When the Deities are Asleep 345

One example of Board members activities is the special celebration that they
organised in the temple for the new year (1st January). The rationale in
celebrating the event, as presented to me by Board members, was to provide an
appropriate forum for congregation members to celebrate this event together
with other Americans. In other words, the Board members' concern was to
provide a way for the Indian immigrants to participate, along with other
Americans, in an American holiday. The temple, as the place of worshippers of
God, seemed to be an appropriate place to strengthen the Hindu-Indian identity.
Temple authorities agreed to sponsor the event, but both sides had to negotiate
the details. A few Board members thought that the best way would be to
conduct a programme (which included devotional songs and a children's
performance) until midnight, and then to open the doors of the deities so that
everybody could see them and be blessed. This idea was not fully accepted by
the temple president who did not want to wake the deities at midnight.
However, the temple president was interested upbringing more people to the
temple. The celebration was a success. Many people came, sang devotional
songs arid enjoyed the cultural programme and the offered food (prasad). The
doors of the deities were closed at 8 p.m., like any other day. Congregation
members brought small deities from their homes which were placed on a
decorated table in front of the closed doors of the temple deities. Puja was
conducted for the deities at midnight.
The festival for the New Year had not been celebrated in the ISKCON temple
before and it is not part of the ISKCON tradition. Adopting a new tradition and
allowing the Indian followers to use the temple for their own needs strength-
ened the connection between the temple and its Indian members. However, from
ISKCON's point of view, the temple should serve God. Subordination of the
temple Deity to the needs of the worshippers is not accepted in ISKCON
philosophy in which devotion and service to God is a main principle. The
temple president suggested the placement of uninstalled deities in front of the
closed doors of the altar. Uninstalled deities are a form of God which one may
carry and to whom the standard of worship is less rigid. This compromise had
no impact on the position of the temple Deity as the king of the temple and its
most important resident.
Oh a smaller scale, Board members initiated another programme which
reflected their efforts to unite, under a religious umbrella, Indians in America as
an ethnic group operating within the American cultural context. On the day that
Mother's Day was celebrated in the USA, Board members brought a present to
Radha (the deity); to the wife of the temple president who serves as the head
pw/ari;12 and to the women who were initiated on that day. The presents were
given during the Sunday'programme, when a large Indian audience was
present.
Board members' activities not only reflect their concern regarding strengthen-
ing America as a centre in the life of the immigrants, they also reflect their
concern about strengthening national feelings towards India. In December 1992,
on a Sunday afternoon, India became a concrete political entity, when an
initiated Board member gave a lecture. The Philadelphia temple president was
not present. The lecturer spoke about the events in Ayodhya (where Hindus and
Muslims fought over a sacred place) in a highly political manner. He concluded
with the following words: "Our request from the Vishwa Hindu Parishad is to
346 N. Zaidman

express objection on the national level and not to think that the temple is a place
of Pagans. It is the actual place where God dwells. This is the reason that you
must defend it... We must fight." Speaking about politics in a militant manner
is against ISKCON's norms. The events in Ayodhya, however, were the concern
of congregation members and temple visitors. Knowing this, the lecturer de-
cided to use the temple floor, in the absence of the temple president, to address
the needs of the Indian audience while violating ISKCON's rules. This lecture
about Hindu Nationalism was the only incident during the time of my
fieldwork.
Another way in which change is initiated by Board members is through
religious enterprises. These enterprises are aimed at introducing neo-Hinduism
to the ISKCON temple. One of the first religious enterprises was the organisation
of an evening for Durga, a Hindu Goddess. Board members, led by a member
from Gujarat, asked the temple president to conduct a puja for Durga and a
Garba dance13 in the temple room. Their argument was that this programme
could attract many Indians from Gujarat and from other places in India who are
used to worshipping Durga at home. Board members told me that the goal of the
event was "to make more friends". A Gujarati Board member explained that, at
the same time, programmes like this took place among members of the Gujarati
community and he thought that this programme would attract them. As previ-
ously indicated, the only deities that are worshipped in ISKCON temples are
those of Krishna and his incarnations. Durga, like any other demi-god, is merely
empowered by Krishna and therefore should not be worshipped in the temple
room. The temple president consulted with his godbrothers (other ISKCON
leaders in a similar position) and it was finally agreed that the program would
not take place in the temple room, but in a rented hall. The main activity that
evening was the Garba dance. A group of singers were invited to the hall. They
sang songs for Durga, while the audience (including a few temple residents)
danced the Garba dance around the Goddess. However, Durga was not the only
one who was to be the centre of the evening; Krishna was the centre of the
dancers as well, even above Durga. In order to avoid any offence, the temple
president sponsored the event under the condition that it would take place
outside the temple, and he also made sure that the position of Krishna as the
supreme God was symbolically represented. A table was set in the centre of the
hall. At the top of the table, a picture of Krishna was placed, at the bottom, a
picture of Durga. Yet, not all the details of that event could be controlled to
conform to ISKCON practices. For example, the type oiarti ritual performed was
not in accordance with ISKCON protocol. As one initiated Board member
explains:
In the arti that they performed one is saying to Krishna: "I am donating
so much money to you and in return you will give me that and that."
We don't worship God to get something in return. That's business, that
is not devotion! We did that arti just to please the audience, because
everybody knows it, but that is not our philosophy.
Unlike the celebration of the New Year, the programme for Durga was not
organised again by Board members during my fieldwork.
Another example of a religious enterprise initiated by a Board member is the
organisation of Lord Ramachandra Appearance Day (Sri Ram Navami). The first
 When the Deities are Asleep 347

celebration was organised in April 1992 and was a success. The idea of Board
members was to bring those Indians who celebrate the event at home to the
temple. The festival was celebrated in the temple room since Ram is considered
to be an incarnation of Krishna. The programme started at midday. It included
readings from the Ramayan,14 archana to Sita Ram, arti and feast. Board members
asked congregation members to prepare and bring food. Large quantities of food
were prepared by the wives of Board members. The majority of the audience at
the event were Indians. Westerners were barely visible; they started to come
only for the evening arti for the temple deities.
An incident in which the temple president employed 'pragmatic philosophy'
to solve problems involved the reading of a sixteenth-century book that was
written in Hindi by Tulsidas. This text includes philosophical tendencies which
contradict ISKCON philosophy. The text that is accepted in ISKCON is written
in Sanskrit by Valmiki. The temple president explained that the Indians who
read the Ramayan in Medieval Hindi actually do not understand it. Thus, they
are not aware of the mayavadi's tendencies15 in the text. This was one of the
reasons why the temple president allowed the reading from the Hindi text.
Nonetheless, the programme was conducted while the doors of the deities were
closed.
In general, the process of negotiation between Board members and the temple
president has been successful according to the criteria of both sides. As a result
of Board members' enterprises, the temple now offers more activities for its
Indian followers; it gets more contributions, it has a network of potential
supporters and it can function as a preaching centre for a larger amount of
people. A few factors contribute to the success: first, Board members initiate
projects which are seen as additions to temple activities and not as alternatives
to them. At the same time, they contribute time and money to various temple
projects. From that position (i.e. the position of active members), they have
initiated changes. Second, in the process of negotiating changes, Board members
use a convincing rhetoric. They argue that they represent the larger community
and that they try to bring more people to the temple. This rhetoric, often used
when there is a contradiction between ISKCON's tradition and Board members'
suggestions, help each side to reach agreement. Finally, in addition to the formal
process of negotiation with the temple president, Board members manipulate
situations in order to gain more power, which in turn supports their position in
the process of negotiation.
The Philadelphia temple president is a skilled politician and a 'pragmatic
philosopher'. He does not turn down Board members' enterprises. In doing so,
he demonstrates his appreciation to them and to the people whom they rep-
resent. The temple president finds pragmatic solutions which do not contradict
ISKCON's tradition. He agrees to almost any activity as long as the position of
Krishna as a supreme God is not changed. For that reason, new festivals are
conducted in the temple room, when the doors of the altar are closed and the
deities are asleep, or in a rented hall, outside Krishna's residence. Any other
solution which places Krishna as a supreme Lord and as a centre (or as one
centre) of the event can be used, even if the general framework is foreign to
ISKCON's tradition. The temple president ignores some practices (e.g. the
reading of a text and the performance of a ritual not common in ISKCON) which
348 N. Zaidman

contradict ISKCON's tradition; by doing this he allows the Indian followers to

use the temple facilities on their own terms.
The temple president's pragmatism was once again expressed a short time
before I completed my fieldwork in Philadelphia. A plan to build a new temple
room and a cultural hall in the temple yard was proposed by a Board member.
The project would entail working with four other Indian groups in the Philadel-
phia area and possibly entering into a legal partnership with them. Such a plan
could have major ramifications for the temple, because it entails the possibility
that representatives of non-ISKCON organisations would dictate policies accord-
ing to their views. This plan involved having the upper floor of the building as
a temple room. The basement would be a cultural hall which could be rented by
individuals for any purpose, including worship of Gods that ISKCON considers
subordinate to Krishna. When I asked about the religious implications of this
project (e.g. worshipping Durga in Krishna's abode), the temple president
answered that the building would have a separate entrance and that meat and
alcoholic beverages would not be served. He also told me the following story
about Prabhupada:

In our Bombay temple there is a big auditorium which we rent out to

other groups. Once there was a conversation with Prabhupad about
who can we rent it out to. One man said: "We should not rent it out to
mayavadis." And Prabhupad said: "No, no Mayavadis." And then
someone said: "And what if they pay, Srila Prabhupad?" and Prabhu-
pad said: "Well, if they pay ..."

Conclusion
This paper proposed that the examination of a global site, that is, a unit in which
intense interaction occurs between two or more culturally different populations,
can contribute to our understanding of processes of cultural change in a global
society. Moore's model of a semi-autonomous social field provides the frame-
work for the analysis of processes of religious production and cultural change in
such a site. Moore's model considers the influence of external structures and
conditions as well as the influence of general trends on a specific field. The
model suggests that a unit is connected to larger systems in different ways.
Although Moore does not address the recent nature of global society, her model,
which is orientated towards the analysis of social fields in a complex society,
provides a useful framework for examining general global trends on the one
hand and local interpretation/practice on the other hand. Within this framework
the actors are perceived as representatives of populations and as the carriers of
the interests of such populations. The philosophies, ideologies, economies and
other aspects of the interacting groups (or populations) are used as a basis to
understand the subjects and the nature of the interaction.
The case presented in this paper demonstrates the relationship between the
Philadelphia ISKCON temple to ISKCON and its influence on the interaction.
The Philadelphia temple has limited connections to other agencies and individ-
uals. At the same time, representatives of the Indian followers are connected,
although more loosely, to the larger population of Indian immigrants in the
 When the Deities are Asleep 349

Philadelphia area. Central to the negotiation which takes place in the temple are
different religious perspectives regarding the essence and function of the temple.
Attempts are being made by the representatives of the Indian immigrants to
shift the primary focus of the temple from the deities to increased accommo-
dation of Indian worshippers. In opposition to this, the ISKCON leadership is
interested in maintaining control of temple affairs and especially in preserving
the position of the temple deities.
Our data show that there is a strong positive connection between form of
power (the institution of the Board) and religious production. Thus, a change in
temple tradition (such as the celebration of the New Year) appeared along
with the institution of the Board of trustees and not before. The Indian immi-
grants have been involved with the ISKCON temple since arriving in America.
However, their initial involvement did not exceed that of visitors. Once
they were granted the power to be involved in the temple affairs, the process
of cultural interaction and religious production began. This dearly supports
our argument that cultural change should be analysed in relation to issues of
power.
Two major factors explain the success in bringing change to the Philadelphia
temple: first, Board members established a strong position in the temple by, on
the one hand, performing acts which conformed to temple norms and, on the
other hand, exploiting the indeterminacies of the situation. More specifically,
Board members used temple resources as well as their own resources to support
the temple and reinforce their position within it. This was accomplished in a
way which was accepted by both temple residents and congregation members,
but Board members also exploited indeterminacies in temple politics and daily
life. An example of this was the establishment of a mechanism of economic
control.
Secondly, the temple president exerted pressure toward maintaining order
and promoting ISKCON theology and traditions in the temple. When faced with
projects which contradicted ISKCON philosophy or theology, he proposed
solutions which maintained the position of Krishna as a supreme God. For this
reason new festivals are conducted in the temple room, while the doors of the
altar are closed and the deities are asleep, or in a rented hall outside Krishna's
residence. In addition, the temple president ignores some practices which
contradict ISKCON's philosophy, and thus, he allows the Indian followers to use
the temple facilities on their own terms. The temple president's position is well
established both within and outside the temple.
The interaction between representatives of Indian congregation members and
of ISKCON has resulted in a change in temple practices. It has also had an
impact on the process of decision-making in the temple—both aspects of temple
life are highly connected to movement ideology. Nonetheless, up to this point,
the interaction between representatives of ISKCON and of Indian congregation
members has not entailed a change in the movement's philosophical or theolog-
ical positions. The data show that the precedence of deity worship in the
Philadelphia temple has not changed as the result of the growing interaction
with the Indian followers. Similarly, neither have the daily schedule or the
activities of the temple residents in relationship to the deities changed. At the
same time, the movement's preaching mission, which is as important as deity
350 N. Zaidman

worship, has been further developed and expanded as the result of the interac-
tion between the Indian followers and ISKCON representatives.
This case study leads to the conclusion that no significant changes have taken
place in ISKCON with regard to their two main goals. There is an on-going
process of negotiation relative to religious observance and ceremony; however,
at least from ISKCON's point of view, no significant changes have resulted from
the interaction with the Indian immigrants. Similarly, the data show that in spite
of the exposure of hundreds of Indian immigrants to ISKCON practices, only
very few individuals accept the sect's view, while the majority use the temple on
their own terms.
One can use the metaphor of concentric circles to illustrate present conditions
in the ISKCON temple. The inner circle consists of the traditional ISKCON
practices which have not been changed (i.e. worshipping Krishna, following
temple residents sadhana and preaching). The second circle consists of the
practices which have been introduced by the Indian community. When consider-
ing the long-term consequences of ISKCON's interaction with the Indian
immigrants, the following questions present themselves: Can one expect the
gradual growth of Indian influence and control in the ISKCON temple? Can one
expect further changes in ISKCON practices to the extent that Indian immigrants
will be able to introduce significant changes in the temple inner circle? Or, can
one expect that long-term interaction with Indian immigrants in ISKCON
temples will enlarge the second circle to the extent that the two circles will be
equal?
The conclusions of this study are that changes in the temple tradition were
introduced by a strong Board of Trustees and a temple president who is much
in favour of this reform. Yet, the Board was not successful in bringing change to
the inner circle of ISKCON practices. One can speculate that less dominant
Board of Trustees and a temple president who is not in favour of that reform
might have very little impact, if any at all on ISKCON's temple tradition. One
should also consider the impact of other factors on the temple tradition,
including the position of ISKCON leaders regarding the relationship with Indian
immigrants. Conservative ISKCON leaders as well as frustrated local residents
might prefer other forms of preaching. They might exert pressure to block
further developments with Indian followers. Furthermore, changes in local
conditions, e.g. the formation of a new Hindu temple in the area which can
attract the majority of ISKCON visitors or the emergence of a new form of
preaching for ISKCON temple residents), might have an impact on the intensity
of relationships with the Indian immigrants.
Finally, in some cases, long-term relationships with local Indian leaders can
result in more involvement (or control) of Indian immigrants in the ISKCON
temple compared to the involvement of the Indian followers in the ISKCON
Philadelphia temple. This involvement in the temple can be expressed in the
enlargement of the second circle of temple practices, which is the introduction
of practices related to the religion of the Indian immigrants, to such an extent
that the second circle of temple practices would be as important (in terms of
allocation of resources, such as time, money, space, manpower) as the first circle.
However, one should not expect that a meaningful change would take place in
the ISKCON temple core practices, even when the control of the immigrants in
temple life is very well observed.
 When the Deities are Asleep 351

Nurit Zaidman is a lecturer in the School of Management at the Ben-Gurion University

of the Negev in Israel. Her area of research includes new religious movements and
business anthropology. Correspondence: School of Management Ben-Gurion Univer-
sity of the Negev, P.O.B. 653, Beer-Sheva 84105, Israel.

NOTES
1. Legally, the Philadelphia temple is a corporation. In order to sell the property, three signatures
of GBC members who are signed on the property are required. In addition, since the BBT,
ISKCON publishing house, loaned the money with which the Philadelphia temple was bought,
the ISKCON Philadelphia temple is obliged to pay this money back. Thus, although the
Philadelphia temple is financially independent on a day-to-day level, it is connected by legal and
financial ties to ISKCON's central bodies.
2. See Carey (1987) about the emergence and development of the relationship between ISKCON
and its Indian followers in Britain.
3. In the Philadelphia temple, there are four sets of deities which are the focal point of daily and
yearly activities. Deity worship starts at 3.30 a.m. and ends at 9 p.m. every day. Temple
residents cook special food for the deities, change the deities dress twice a day, decorate them
with flowers and perform daily seven rituals of offering for the deities. The main deities in the
temple are Radha and Krishna. Krishna is one of the most popular Gods in Hinduism and is
considered to be the supreme God by ISKCON followers. Radha is his consort.
4. Krishna Consciousness is a state of consciousness that is purely centered on Krishna by one who
has surrendered to Him completely.
5. Personal letter dated May 22, 1993.
6. In this case, the California Appeals Court ruled against the ISKCON leadership and set their
liability at 5.5 million dollars. In addition, six temples were placed in receivership.
7. Chaitanya is a sixteenth-century saint, the founder of the school of bhakti-yoga, the path of
devotional service and love of God.
8. The profile of temple visitors and congregation members in terms of their place of origin is in
accord with data about the Indian immigrant in general (see Zaidman-Dvir, 1994, and compare
with Helweg & Helweg, 1990: 4; Fenton, 1988: 11; and Saran, 1985). From the socio-economic
point of view, temple visitors do not differ from other Indian immigrants who have come to the
US since 1965. The results of a sample conducted with 30 households of temple visitors show
that most of the husbands (and sometimes husbands and wives) are professionals, e.g. engi-
neers, laboratory workers, university professors, accountants, etc.
9. The other two forms of Hinduism are regional and sectarian Hinduism.
10. This is one ritual section of puja, i.e. worship or service for the deities or a guru.
11. These are practices that lead to mastery of one of the yogic traditions.
12. A pujari is one who performs puja. The priest who serves the deities.
13. This is a folk dance common in Gujarat and other parts of Western India.
14. The Ramayan is an epic poem in which Rama is a hero.
15. In ISKCON, this is the doctrine affirming impersonalism.

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