POLITICS AND ADMINISTRATION IN BENUE STATE OF NIGERIA 1976-1983

by

CHRISTOPHER AGBAJE UJO

A th e sis submitted to the Faculty of Economic and S o c ia l Studies

of the V ic to r ia U niversity of Manchester
for the degree o f Doctor of Philosophy.
 1i

DECLARATION

No portion o f the work referred to in th is th e sis has been submitted

in support of an a p p licatio n fo r another degree or q u a lific a tio n
of th is or any other University or in s titu tio n of le a rn in g .
 iv

Education and Research Experience

1976 B .S c . (Second Class Upper D ivision )

Ahmadu B ello U n iv e rsity , Z a r ia , N ig e ria .

1980 M .Sc.
Ahmadu B ello U n iv e rsity , Z a r ia , N ig e ria .
D isse rta tio n : P o lit ic a l P a rtie s and E le cto ra l
Competitions (A Case Study o f the 1979 E lection s
in Kaduna State of N ig e r ia ).

1982-84 Research on Benue P o lit ic s and Adm inistration

aimed s p e c ific a lly at the completion of th is th e s is .
 V

CONTENTS

LIST OF MAP, CHARTS, TABLES AND PLATES v ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ix

ABBREVIATIONS xi

ABSTRACT xii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1

CHAPTER TWO; THE SOCIO-POLITICAL SETTING 16

CHAPTER THREE: POLITICAL PARTIES 51

CHAPTER FOUR: ELECTORAL ARRANGEMENTS, NOMINATIONS, SCREENING

AND CAMPAIGNS 111

CHAPTER FIVE: THE NOMINATION CRISIS IN THE 1983 ELECTIONS:

THE CASE OF THE NATIONAL PARTY OF NIGERIA IN 151
BENUE STATE

CHAPTER SIX : POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND ELECTIONS 190

CHAPTER SEVEN: ELITE CONFLICT AND THE DECLINE IN THE FORTUNES

222
OF THE N .P.N . IN OTUKPO L.C..A .

CHAPTER EIGHT: THE GREEN REVOLUTION 256

CONCLUSION 275

APPENDIX A: TARKA'S LETTER TO POLITICAL LEADERS IN BENUE 287

STATE

APPENDIX B: TARKA'S LETTER TO THOMAS DEGARR 288

APPENDIX Ct DEMAND FOR THE CREATION OF BINDA STATE 289

 vi

CONTENTS (continued)

Page

APPENDIX D: MOVEMENT FOR THE CREATION OF NEW BENUESTATE 296

APPENDIX E: REQUEST FOR THE CREATION OF A NEW BENUE STATE 299

APPENDIX F : INTERVIEW RECORDED ON TAPE 313

APPENDIX G ; N .P .N . PROPAGANDA ON MR. PAUL UNONGO 315

BIBLIOGRAPHY 316

A
 vii

LIST OF MAP, CHARTS, TABLES AND PLATES

Page

MAP

The Map o f Benue State 15

CHARTS

2. 1 ; The Organizational Chart of the Benue State House of

Assembly 38

2. 2: The Organizational Chart of the Governor's O ffic e 40

2.3 : The Organizational Chart o f a M in istry 41

2.4: The Organizational Chart o f a P ublic Corporation 42

2.5: The Organizational Chart of the M in istry o f Ju s tic e 43

2.6: The Organizational Chart of the Ju dicatu re 44

3.1: The Organizational Chart o f the N .P .N . 84

3.2: The Organizational Chart o f the N .P .P . 90

3.3: The Organizational Chart o f the U .P .N , 91

TABLES

2 .1 : The New Local Government Areas o f Benue-Plateau State 27

4 .1 : R egister.d Voters for the 1979 and 1983 E le ctio n s 120

5 .1 : The Result o f the N .P .N . Gubernatorial Primary E lection

in 1982 1B0

6 .1 : Registered Voters in the Local Government Areas 197

6 .2 : Voters' Turn-Out in the 1979 E lectio n s 198

6 .3 : Mr. Aku's Votes in the 1979 E le ctio n 201

6 .4 : Result of P resid en tial E le ctio n in Benue Sta te (1979) 202

6 .5 : Result of State House o f Assembly E le ctio n in Ankpa Local 204

Government Area (1979)

6 .6 : Result o f the P re sid e n tia l E lection in Benue State (1983) 214

7.1 Result of the G ubernatorial E lection in Otukpo in 1979 and 246

1983
 v iii

LIST OF MAP, CHARTS, TABLES AND PLATES (continued)

Page

TABLES (continued)

8 .1 : Land Development Scheme in Benue State as at December 1982 259

8 .2 : The Decline in the Revenue of A .A .D .P ., 1982 265

8.3 : Cumulative Loan Guaranteed by A g ricu ltu ra l Guaranteee 268

Scheme Fund on State Basis as at December 1981

8.4 : Performance o f A g ric u ltu ra l C redit Guarantee Scheme Fund 269

in Benue State (1983)

8 .5 : Breakdown o f Loans According to Farming A c t iv it ie s 271

8 .6 : Performance of A g ric u ltu ra l Loans on a Local Government 272

Basis in 1983

8 .7 : F u lly Repaid Loans as at May 1983 273

PLATES

4 .1 : A: Campaign O ffic e o f the U .P .N , at Zaki-Biam 138

B A C: R a lly o f the N .P .P . at Adikpo

D: Ukwogbo Market

5.1 : P o lit ic a l Leaders o f Benue Sta te 152

6.1 : A: A N .P .P . V ehicle Damaged at Zaki-Biam

B: A House o f an N .P .P . Supporter Burnt by N .P .N .

Supporters at Agasha

C: A N .P .P . V ehicle Burnt by N .P .N . Thugs at Agasha

D: A house o f a N .P .P . Supporter Burnt by N .P .N , Thugs

at Shankara

E & F: Graveside o f Senator J . S . Tarka at Gboko 195

6.2 : A Sample o f B a llo t Papers Used in the 1983 E le ctio n s in ...

N igeria 2,0

6 .3 : A, B, C & D: Scene at the E le c tio n o f Level OneExecutive 212

Committee of the N .P .N . at Upu in Otukpo
Local Government Area

E & F: P o llin g Day at Otukpo in the 1983 E lection

 ix

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This study was undertaken under very d i f f i c u l t con d itio n s. I came

to the United Kingdom on a N igerian Federal Government Scholarship

which covered my minimum liv in g co sts. Indeed, I had to liv e from hand to

mouth as the allowance was not enough to meet my basic needs. The expenses

incurred during my f i e ld work in N igeria were paid from my meagre savin gs.

Unlike most research, th is was not funded by any U niversity or research

organization . My attempt to get a research grant from Paterson and

Zochonis (PZ) in the United Kingdom was not su c c e ssfu l. As i f th is was

not enough, a psychological problem was added to my fin a n c ia l problems

when my mother died on 11 January 1984. I fought tooth and n a il to p ull

myself through what I consider to be the most d i f f i c u l t period of my

life . During this period I r e lie d on the advice and guidance of

Professor B i l l Tordoff: though as Dean of the Faculty he carried an

extra work load, he kept his door wide open fo r my numerous v i s i t s .

The preparation o f th is th e s is would not have been possible without

the help and advice o f many p eople. Professor B i l l Tordoff deserves

sp ecial mention because of the manner in which he handled the p ro je c t.

I arrived in Manchester without a d e fin ite idea about my research to p ic .

I t was larg ely due to h is advice and guidance that I eventually se ttle d

down to a workable to p ic . And during the w ritin g up sta g e , h is

penetrating c ritic is m and sincere advice enabled me to avoid some

embarrassing errors. I wish to express my profound gratitud e to

Mr. John Gardner, who arranged fo r me to take t u to r ia ls in the Department

of Government. This not only enabled me to acquire more teaching

experience, but also helped me to o ffs e t some o f my fin a n c ia l l i a b i l i t i e s .

Much o f the em pirical data for the study was co lle cte d from
 X

p o litic ia n s and government o f f i c i a l s . For obvious reasons, some of

them would lik e to remain anonymous; I wish to thank these "unknown

sold iers" fo r th e ir contribution to my research . My sp e cia l thanks go

to Ju s tic e A. P. Anyebe who not only allowed me to interview him on the

various p o lit ic a l issues in Benue S ta te , b u t also put h is personal

lib rary at my d isp o sa l. Others to whom I am indebted include R td. C o l.

Anthony Ochefu, Mr. B. 0 . A ttah , Mr. Andu Ogbe and R td. C o l. Chris Odeh.

I also wish to express my gratitud e to Miss G il l i a n Woolley and

Miss Marilyn Dunn who have provided a warm so c ia l environment throughout

the period of my stay at Manchester, as w e ll as to a l l those who, though

unnamed here, have helped me in a v a rie ty o f ways. None of those who

have helped me is responsible for any erro rs or shortcomings o f th is

th e sis.

C. A. Ujo
 xi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

A .A .D .P . Ayangbe A g ric u ltu ra l Development P ro je ct

A .D .C . A g ric u ltu ra l Development Corporation

A.G. Action Group

A .P .S .R . American P o l it ic a l Science Review

B.H.B. Benue H otels Board

B .S .E .S .C .O . Benue Sta te Educational Supply Company

B .S .W .C .O . Benue State Water Corporation

B .T .S . Benue Transport Service

B.Y.M. Benue Youth Movement

F .E .D .E .C .O . Federal E le c to ra l Commission

H .U .D .C .O . Housing and Urban Development Corporation

G .N .P .P . Great N igerian P eople's Party

J .M .A .S . Journal of Modern A frica n Studies

M .C.A. Member of C onstituent Assembly

N .A .P . N igerian Advanced Party

N .C .N .C . N ational Council of N igeria and the Camerouns/

N ational Council of N igerian C itiz e n s

N .E .P .U . N igerian Elements Progressive Union

N .P .C . Northern P eo ple's Congress

N .P.N . N ational Party of N igeria

N .P .P . N igerian P eople's Party

P .R .P . P eople's Redemption Party

U.P.N . Unity Party o f N ig e ria .

 x ii

ABSTRACT

This th esis uses fiv e v ariab les to te st the operation of democratic

government in Benue State of N ig e ria . These are p o lit ic a l p a rtic ip a tio n ,

p o lit ic a l s o c ia liz a t io n , p o lit ic a l c u ltu r e , p o l i t i c a l values and the

p o lit ic a l economy. These va ria b le s are discussed in the f i r s t chapter.

The second chapter provides the s o c io -p o lit ic a l se ttin g of Benue S ta te .

I t shows how the S ta te came into being and d iscusses it s ethn ic composition

and it s structures o f government at both State and lo c a l le v e ls . The third

chapter is concerned with p o lit ic a l p a rtie s . I t s ta r ts with a general

discussion of p o l i t i c a l p arties o f the F ir s t Republic (1960-1976) and

h ig h lig h ts reforms introduced by the m ilita ry in the Second R epublic, i t

focuses on the three p o lit ic a l p arties - U .P .N ., N .P .N . and N .P .P . - in

Benue S ta te . The fou rth chapter sta rts the d iscu ssion on e le c tio n s in

Benue S tate: i t d iscusses e le c to ra l arrangements, screening procedures,

and the campaigns. In addition to the formal e le c to r a l arrangement made

by F .E .D .E .C .O ., i t h ig h lig h ts some unique aspects of the campaigns such

as the use of songs and propaganda rh etoric fo r the purpose of m obilising

v o tes. Chapter fiv e traces the cause o f the nomination c r i s i s in the

N .P.N . and shows how i t led to the decline of the p arty . The c r is is

ended in Mr. Aku's favour; those who opposed Aku l e f t the N .P .N . The

sixth chapter examines p o lit ic a l violence in r e la tio n to the 1983

e le ctio n s in Benue S ta te ; i t also concludes the d iscussion s on e le ctio n s

which was started in chapter fo u r. Chapter seven is a case study of the

Otukpo lo cal government area. I t shows how N .P .N . p o lit ic s in Otukpo

was dominated by the 'o ld brigade' who did not want to share power with

the 'new breed '. When, eventu ally, the 'new breed' took f u l l control

of the N .P.N . organization in the L .G .A ., the 'o ld brigade' refused

 x iii

to cooperate with them. This in te r-p a rty stru ggle enabled the opposition

party - the N .P .P . - to replace the N .P.N . as the dominant party in the

area. The 'Green R evolution' programme o f the N .P .N . is examined in

chapter e ig h t. This chapter explains why the programme f a i l e d . The

conclusion reverts to a discussion o f the main themes of the th esis and

summarises the main arguments in the th e s is .

 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

This th esis examines the problems which arose in working democratic

p o lit ic a l in s t it u t io n s , notably p o lit ic a l p a rtie s and e le c tio n s , in Benue

State o f N ig e r ia . Democratic in s titu tio n a l trappings were tran sferred to

N igeria by the B r it is h co lo n ia l government between 1922 and independence

in 1960. The B r it is h operated these in s titu tio n s b r ie fly before handing

them over to indigenous p o lit ic ia n s . But no sooner had they l e f t , than

the in s titu tio n s crumbled. The m ilita ry took over the adm inistration of

the country and c a rrie d out sweeping reform s.osten sib ly with a view to

making the p o l i t i c a l system more dem ocratic. They restored power to

dem ocratically e le c te d leaders in 1979. However, th is tra n sfe r o f power

lasted for only fo u r years and three months since the m ilita ry intervened

again in December 1983. Both experiments in democratic government (1960-

1966 and 1979-1983) were, therefore, u n su ccessfu l. The reasons for th is

fa ilu re are exp lain ed elsewhere and i t is not necessary to repeat them

h e re .1 The fa c t th a t successive democratic governments could not operate

su ccessfu lly in N ig e ria poses a problem which is worth in v e s tig a tin g .

This is the major pre-occupation of th is study - to probe the various

factors which were responsible fo r the f r a g i l i t y o f democratic in s titu tio n s

in N igeria. No attempt is made to carry out an all-em bracing study o f the

entire Nigerian S t a te - that is beyond our scope. The p o lit ic a l process

in the Benue S ta te o f N igeria between 1976 and 1983 is selected as a case

study. The s o c io - p o lit ic a l set-up o f Benue S ta te is in many ways sim ila r

to that of N igeria as a whole, so that what is found to be true o f Benue

State is also lik e l y to be true o f N igeria g e n e ra lly . Two democratic

in stitu tio n s - e le c tio n s and a com petitive party system - are se le cted for
 2

discussion because they are the in s titu tio n s through which the le v e l of

dem ocratization can be assessed. I t is unnecessary to p oin t out that

there are other democratic in s t it u t io n s . E le ctio n s and p a r tie s are

selected for discussion because o f the c ru c ia l ro les which they play in

a developing country such as N ig e r ia . They are p re re q u isite s fo r a

democratic system sin ce a party is a mandate to govern in a fre e and fa ir

e le c tio n . P o lit ic a l p arties a r e , in other words, the in s t itu t io n s through

which e l i t e s work and they obtain a mandate to rule by winning an open

e le c tio n . I f e le c tio n s are not free and f a i r and p o lit ic a l p a rtie s are

not com petitive, democratic p r a c tic e would be negated.

The T heoretical Framework

Any meaningful research must be woven in to a th e o r e tic a l framework

and th is thesis is not an exce p tio n . The frame o f a n a ly sis used in this

thesis is modernization theory. Modernization theory is the b ra in c h ild o f

an in t e lle c tu a l movement in the United States o f America in the 1950s.

This movement operated through organization s such as the American

P o litic a l Science A sso cia tio n , the Cormittee on Comparative P o lit ic s o f

the S o cia l Science Research Council and the Centre fo r Advanced Study in

the Behavioural Sciences at S ta n fo rd , C a lifo r n ia . This movement was d is­

s a t is fie d with the p re v a ilin g academic tra d itio n and suggested the need

to study p o lit ic a l behaviour rath er than formal in s titu tio n s o f government.

At the centre o f modernization theory is the idea o f change. According to

the theory, change i s not only in e v ita b le in a l l s o c ie t ie s , but must occur

along a determined continuum. Thus, tra d itio n a l s o c ie tie s can only become

modern i f they proceed along a modernization road which had e a r li e r been

passed by modern s o c ie t ie s . In d ices o f modernization are sa id to include

in d u s tr ia liz a tio n , u rb an izatio n , the c e n tr a liz a tio n o f a u th o r ity ,

d iffe r e n tia te d p o l i t i c a l stru ctu res and p o lit ic a l p a r t ic ip a t io n .2 Not,

 3

of course, that th is theory is the only one in current use to explain

Third World p o l it ic s . The second school o f thought in the fie ld o f

p o lit ic a l development is the dependency school. In a n u ts h e ll, the

underdevelopment school i s opposed to the d iffu sio n model propounded by moderni­

zation th e o r ists. The c e n tra l thesis o f underdevelopment theory is th at the

c a p it a lis t penetration o f the Third World by the advanced Western countries

3
has led to the underdevelopment of the periphery. The author has decided

to use the modernization theory because i t explains the p o lit ic a l process

of Benue State b e tte r than underdevelopment theory. S in c e i t was introduced

in the 1950s, modernization theory had been subject to considerable

rev isio n . I t has given r is e to a vast lit e r a t u r e . How i t evolved

h is t o r ic a lly and the c r it ic is m to which i t has been s u b je c t w ill not be

, 4
discussed here - they have been treated exhaustively elsew here. Our

concern is to examine the way in which p o lit ic a l in s t it u t io n s in one part

of the Third World have responded to the process o f m odernization.

P o lit ic a l p arties and e le c tio n s are, by and la rg e , dependent v a ria b le s;

th eir nature, organization and operation depend on the wider society

within which they operate. I t i s , th erefore, necessary to understand how

society has responded to the challenge of modernization in order to under­

stand the p o lit ic a l p rocess. Of p a rticu la r in te re st to us in th is th esis

are responses to modernization as they a ffe c t p o lit ic a l p a r tic ip a t io n ,

p o lit ic a l s o c ia liz a tio n , p o l i t i c a l c u ltu re , p o lit ic a l v a lu e s and the

p o lit ic a l economy.

Modernization and P o l it ic a l P a rticip a tio n

The involvement from the 1940s of large numbers of people in the

p o lit ic a l process of the Third World, when n a tio n a lis ts pressed for

independence, led to what is usually described as a c r i s i s o f p a r t ic i­

p ation. The p o lit ic a l in s titu tio n s in h erited at independence were not

-
\
 4

strong enough to s a t is fy such demands. The e ffe c ts were m u ltip le . Most

Third World cou n tries experienced periods o f in s t a b ilit y and many of

them, irre sp e ctiv e o f whether they were organized as m u lti-p arty or one-

party s ta te s , were taken over by the m ilita r y . There were many d iffe r e n t

leadership s ty le s in the Third World, but the fa ilu r e to in s t itu t io n a liz e

p articip atio n was widespread.

The tendency to r e s t r ic t p o lit ic a l p a rtic ip a tio n was a major

c h a ra cte ristic o f the Aper Aku adm inistration in Benue S t a te . A fte r

winning the 1979 e le c t io n , Aku consolidated h is p o sitio n as Governor and

leader of the N .P .N . in the S ta te by e lim in a tin g a l l opposition groups

w ithin the N .P .N . The party was eventually transformed in to h is personal

instrument o f d ic t a t o r ia l r u le . Furthermore, he trie d to coerce other

opposition p a rtie s in to submission by denying th e ir members patronage and

con tracts.

The in s t itu t io n a liz a tio n o f a free and f a i r e le c tio n is one o f the

hallmarks o f a democracy - a free e le c tio n is one o f the ways in which the

p o licy preferences o f the e le c to ra te are ascertain ed.^ A glance at

election s in the Third World shows that only a few e le c tio n s can be said

to be free and f a i r . In N ig e r ia , there were two general e le c tio n s between

1959 and 1964. Ken Post found the 1959 e le c tio n to b e / •£«€» dftd

but the study of the 1964 general e le c tio n undertaken by Michael Vickers

and him self confirmed that that e le c tio n was not f a i r .^

In the 1983 e le c tio n in Benue S ta te , the N .P .N . adm in istration used

it s power of incumbency to manipulate the e le c tio n , which has been

Q
variously described as 'made' and 's t o le n '. The N .P .N . used money to

buy votes and bribed e le c to r a l o f f i c i a l s so that they would a s s is t the

N .P.N . in m anipulating the e le c tio n . The 1983 e le c tio n in the S ta te was,

therefore, used by the Aku adm inistration to le g itim ise i t s own p o sitio n and

is given as an exançle o f what Huntington has described as 'p o l i t i c a l d e c a y '.9

 5

Modernization and P o lit ic a l S o c ia liz a tio n

P o lit ic a l s o c ia liz a t io n in the Third World is an issue which is

important fo r an understanding o f the responses to the modernization

process. U n fortun ately, i t has not received the atten tion that i t

deserves. According to Hyman, " . . . . p o l i t i c a l behaviour is a complex and

many d iffe r e n t aspects could be examined as outgrowths o f s o c ia l iz a t io n " .^

Democratic in s titu tio n s and values evolved in B rita in as so lu tio n s to

p o lit ic a l problems. The in s titu tio n s o f the Westminster government can

be traced back to the mediaeval p eriod. Two very important in s titu tio n s

o f government - parliam ent and the cabinet - had th e ir o rig in in the

mediaeval Magnum Concilium and the Curia Regis re sp e ctiv e ly . The Cromwell

int-rgnum ap art, B r ita in since the Norman Conquest in 1066 has never had

any d rastic upheaval in it s c o n stitu tio n a l system. "The con tin u ity o f

i t s co n stitu tio n a l t r a d it io n " , according to Moodie, " is a d is tin c tiv e

feature of B r itis h p o l it ic a l l i f e . " ^ I t took the B r itis h people many

centuries to evolve th e ir present democratic system of government

suggesting that in s t itu t io n a liz a tio n requires tim e.

One o f the problems o f p o l it ic a l modernization in the Third World is

the fa c t that the in h e rite d in s titu tio n s were not given s u ffic ie n t time to

develop before being c a st a sid e . The f i r s t democratic government in

N igeria lasted for only s ix y e a rs; the second one fo r about four years and

three months. Consequently, p o lit ic ia n s were not given time to correct

th e ir m istakes. Between 1953 and 1966, N ig e ria had many p o lit ic a l p a rtie s

which were not only suspended when the m ilita ry intervened, but were not

allowed to operate in the Second R epublic. As fa r as party organization

was concerned, a fresh s ta r t was made in the Second Republic and new

people came to the fo r e . In Benue S ta te , most o f the people who entered

p o lit ic s in the Second Republic did so for the f i r s t time. About 98 per

cent of the members o f the House o f Assenfcly had not been in p o lit ic s in
 6

the F ir s t R epublic. Mr. Aku and most o f the members of h is Cabinet had

no experience o f public o ffic e before they assumed power. More than 80

per cent o f those holding party posts in the s ix re g iste re d p arties in the

State had not engaged in p artisan p o lit ic s in the F ir s t R e p u b lic. Conse­

quently, most of those who took over the leadership o f the Sta te from the

m ilitary in 1979 lacked any experience o f working a democratic system o f

government; very few of them had even read a serious book on i t .

Experience, i t is s a id , is the b e st teacher. However, the a c q u isitio n o f

experience requires tim e, and the m ilita ry did not allow such time.

I t is an open secret that the success o f the Indian Congress Party

in re ta in in g a democratic system o f government was due to the long

apprenticeship o f the leaders o f th a t party under B ritis h im perial r u le .

The B r itis h ruled N igeria for s ix t y - s ix years and i t was n ot u n til the

19508 that they started to tra n sfe r democratic in s titu tio n s to the cou n try.

Nigerian p o lit ic ia n s had less than ten years under B r itis h ap p ren ticesh ip ,

while successive democratic governments have had even le ss time to learn

about the p ra c tic e o f democratic government. I t is the contention o f the

author that one of the reasons why democracy did not survive in N igeria

was that i t was not given time to adapt to environmental change.

Modernization and P o lit ic a l Culture

The th ird issue which m ilita te d again st p o lit ic a l modernization in

Benue State was the p o lit ic a l cu ltu re o f the people. The view that

modernization n e ce ssita te s the replacement o f tra d itio n a l p o l i t i c a l cu ltu re

(parochial p o li t i c a l culture) with modern p o lit ic a l cu lture (p a rticip a n t

19
p o lit ic a l cu ltu re) was propounded by G abriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba.
11
Their view was challenged by scholars such as Whitaker, Melson and Wolpe.

A fter studying the p o lit ic s of Northern N ig e ria , Whitaker argued that the

un ilin ear model o f modernization did not hold true in a l l p o l i t i c a l systems.

 7

He asserted that modernity had not succeeded in e lim in a tin g tr a d itio n a l

p o lit ic a l cu lture in Northern N ig e ria . T ra d itio n a l p o l i t i c a l cu lture was

a b le, he argued, to adapt to modern p o l i t i c a l c u ltu re , so th at modern and

tra d itio n a l c u ltu r a l values c o -e xisted and in many ways each re -in fo rce d
14
the other. On the other hand, Melson and Wolpe argued th at modernization

did not resu lt in p o l it ic a l in te g ra tio n in N ig e r ia , but led to the p o lit ic s

o f communalism.^

The experience o f the p o l i t i c a l process in Benue S ta te between 1976

and 1983 re -in fo rc e d the Melson-Wolpe form ulation. T ra d itio n a l p o lit ic a l

culture was not on ly a dominant feature of e le c to r a l p o l i t i c s , but i t

posed a great problem for p o l i t i c a l m odernization. During the 1979 and

1983 electio n s in the S ta te , p o lit ic ia n s appealed to eth n ic sentiments in

order to win support. For example, in the Ankpa area o f Ig a la la n d , the

G .N .P .P . won most o f the seats fo r the State House o f Assembly in 1979 by

making an ethnic a p p e a l.^ The 'Chongo' and 'Ipusu' issu e was a major

campaign issue in T ivian d during the 1983 e l e c t i o n s .^ The success of

the N .P .P . in the f i r s t three e le c tio n s - P r e s id e n tia l, G ubernatorial and

Senatorial - in the 'Chongo' area was overwhelming. This compelled Tiv

p o litic ia n s to change th e ir campaign strategy by appealing to a pan-Tiv

p o lit ic a l id e n t it y . And in sp ite o f the fa c t that p o lit ic a l ad v e rtisin g

was banned during the e le c tio n s , Mr. Kpamor J . T . Orkar carried out a
18
series of newspaper advertisements between 22 August and 1 September 1983.

One of the advertisem ents contained the fo llow in g:

"AN APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE OF ICHONGO"

" I want to appeal to the conscience o f you the people of

Ichongo and p a r tic u la r ly to that of the e lit e s o f
Ichongo. I t is p o l it ic a l auioide fo r the people o f
Ichongo to continue to vote again st the NPN. Our votes
for other p a rtie s during the past three e le ctio n s did
not change the chances o f tha NPN.
I f candidates o f other p o l it ic a l p a rtie s than the NPN
are voted in the e le c tio n s in to the House of Represents-
 tives and the Benue House o f Assembly they w ill be
in e ffe c tiv e and they w ill not be able to p a rtic ip a te
in the NPN's m ajority party caucuses where important
decisions are made before p u b lic s it t in g s in the
le g is la tu r e .
The Idomas and the Ig a la s trie d i t when they voted
candidates on the platforms o f the NPP and the GNPP in
the current assem blies. They fa ile d and have learn t a
lesson. Avoid th at s itu a tio n . I advise you to be
wise and vote NPN during the la s t two e le c tio n s .
Kpamor J . T . Orkar
NPN NATIONAL VICE-CHAIRMAN
BENUE STATE

During the 1983 e le c tio n , the issue o f carving more States out of

Benue S ta te was a dominant one. None o f the leading ethn ic groups wanted

to belong to Benue S t a te . The Tiv people requested a separate State o f

th e ir own to be c a lle d Binda S ta te ,

20 while the Idomas demanded a separate

State to be c a lle d the New Benue S ta te .

21 In Ig a la land there were

demands fo r two S ta te s: the Ankpa group requested a S ta te to be ca lle d

Okura S t a te , and the Idah group wanted th e ir own S ta te to be c a lle d Kogi

22
S ta te . Given the above f a c t s , i t is conceivable th a t there was l i t t l e

lo y a lty fo r Benue State as a p o lit ic a l e n t it y . Furthermore, p o lit ic a l

p arties were used as in s titu tio n s o f c o n f l i c t . For exanple, the N .P .N .

was divided in i t s support fo r Kogi and the Okura S ta te movements, with

the Governor supporting the former and h is Deputy supporting the la t t e r .

F in a lly , myths and tr a d itio n a l r e lig io n were used in e le c to ra l

p o lit ic s . Oaths were administered to the e le cto ra te in the Idoma area,

while in the Otukpa area p o lit ic s was la rg e ly in terpreted in mythical terms.

Modernization and P o lit ic a l Values

The fourth problem which a ffe c te d the process o f p o lit ic a l moderni­

zation in Benue State was the issue of p o lit ic a l v a lu e s. P o lit ic s is

concerned with the way power is exercised in the S t a te . Those who exercise

th is power are the le a d e rs. I t i s , th e refo re , necessary to understand the

 9

p o lit ic a l values of these leaders in order to understand th e ir s ty le o f

p o litic s .

I t is an accepted p rin cip le o f democracy that p o l i t i c a l leaders must

maintain a high moral standard. I f the in te g r ity o f a lead er is in doubt,

the in e v ita b le course o f a ction should be re sig n a tio n . A recent example

of th is in B r ita in was the resignation o f C e c il P arkinson, Secretary o f State

fo r^ n d u stry . In Benue S ta te , the leaders of the N .P .N . did not have any

regard for p u b lic p ro b ity . P o lit ic s was seen as the most lu c ra tiv e

industry where p o lit ic ia n s made quick money. The f i r s t seriou s case o f

fin a n c ia l mismanagement in the Aku adm inistration occurred in 1980 when

the Governor and the other leaders o f the N .P.N . were accused of fin a n c ia l

im propriety. The Governor confessed that he had dipped h is hands in to the

p ublic t i l l to o f fs e t the b u ria l expenses o f the late Joseph Tarka, who

u n til h is death in 1980, was acknowledged as the father o f the N .P .N . in

. . 23
the S t a te . The amount appropriated was said to be in excess of N500,000.00.

As from June 1982, the Government o f Benue State started to experience

fin a n c ia l d i f f i c u l t i e s . This was traced to the fin a n c ia l mismanagement of

the Governor.^

Two factors fa c ilita te d corruption in the Aku administration. F ir s t ,

the death of Tarka created a leadership vacuum in Tiv land which Aku wanted

to f i l l . Aku rode to power in 1979 on Tarka's tick e t. He neither possessed

charisma nor had a personal support base. His continued stay in power

depended on his performance; only in this way could he convince the people

that he could 'd eliver the goods'. His f i r s t term in o ffic e was a dismal

failure as his agricultural and educational p olicies ground to a halt less

than two years from the inception o f his administration. At the same time,

his leadership of Benue p o litic s was challenged by Mr. Isaac Shaahu.

In the early stages of the c o n flic t , Shaahu was a Federal Minister in

Lagos. This appointment gave him two advantages! he was not only able to
 10

accumulate money which he could use against Aku, but he was also able to
. . . 25
win the support of the Benue State le g is la to r s in the N ational Assembly.

On the other hand, Aku evolved two s t r a te g ie s . The f i r s t one was to make

sure that Shaahu was removed from h is m in is te r ia l appointment, thereby

cu ttin g him o f f from h is source of finance and in flu e n c e . The second

strategy was to appropriate government money so that he could bribe his

way through. He was su cce ssfu l on both cou n ts. Shaahu was removed from
26
o ffic e in 1982. In order to appropriate government money, government

contracts were in fla te d and agreed percentages of the contract money were

given to the N .P.N . le a d e rsh ip . I t was th is money which Aku used in

bribing the electo rate in the 1983 e le c tio n . The second reason which made

i t possible for Aku to appropriate government revenue was the fa c t that

the leadership stru ctu re was dominated by people who were e ith e r contrac­

tors out to make money out of p o lit ic s or who had corrupt backgrounds -

many had been 'purged' by General Mohammed in 1975 often fo r fin a n c ia l

impropriety.

Modernization and the P o l i t i c a l Economy

The economic condition of the people of Benue State did not f a c i l i ­

tate democratic p o lit ic s . The distribution system did not promote the

integration of society, but tended instead to widen the gap between the

rich and the poor. Those at the top of the economic scale were the

politicians and c iv il servants. The income of p o liticia n s cannot be

assessed correctly because most of them had ille g a l income on top o f their

salary; i t derived from various types of b ribes. The salary of c iv il

servants was relatively high v ie -b -v ie the average income per head in the

State. At the bottom of the ladder were the peasants who constituted more

than 70 per cent of the population. They were mainly subsistence farmers

whose annual income, in most cases, was not s u ffic ie n t to feed their
 11

fa m ilies p roperly. Furthermore, peasants were vulnerable to floods during

the rainy season and to drought during the dry season. By and la rg e , the

peasants in Benue State remained econom ically vulnerable to manipulation

by p o lit ic ia n s . I t was th is weakness which was exp loited by the Aku

adm in istration . Peasants were encouraged by the N .P .N . to s e l l th e ir

votes in return fo r quick cash. On the other hand, the peasants did not

see anything wrong in s e llin g th e ir v o te s. They looked forward to e le c tio n

time as the only opportunity they had to get th e ir share o f the n ational

cake.

As S.M . L ip se t co rre c tly put it s " . . . . l i b e r a l democracy is only

p ossible where r e la tiv e s o c ia l and economic e q u a lity produces p o l it ic a l

s t a b ilit y and where economic and in d u s tria l development has produced a

27
high le v e l o f m aterial p ro sp e rity ". I t is true that m aterial w ell-b eing

is the p r io r ity o f v ir t u a lly every human bein g. The peasant in Benue

State attached more importance to the H5.00 that was given to him before

an e le c tio n than to democracy which had no m aterial meaning fo r him and his

fam ily .

Conclusion

Given the foregoing fa c t s , i t is conceivable that the responses to

the fiv e v ariab les enumerated above in h ib it p o l i t i c a l modernization in

Benue S ta te . In view o f our fin din gs in Benue S t a t e , which support those

of W hitaker, Melson and Wolpe, the author is o f the opinion th a t the pre­

occupation with models which are based on the one hand on modernity and

on the other hand on tra d itio n w ill not fu ll y exp lain the p o l i t i c a l process

of the Third World. Perhaps the most u se fu l theory to use a t th is stage

of the p o lit ic a l evolution o f the Third World is R iggs' theory o f prism atic

s o c ie ty . Although the p o l it ic a l in s t itu t io n s o f Benue State were d i f ­

fra cte d , the normative values were fu sed . P o lit ic a l p a rtie s and ele ctio n s
 12

were m anifestations o f modern p o lit ic a l stru ctu re s, but th ese in s titu tio n s

were not only interpreted in tra d itio n a l terms, they also became

in s titu tio n s subject to prim ordial c o n f lic t . There was considerable over­

lapping between modem and tra d itio n a l in s titu tio n s ; tr a d itio n a l myths

and re lig io n were introduced into modem p o l it ic s . P o l i t i c a l p arties

did not perform an in te g ra tiv e role and ele ctio n s did not serve as

structures f a c i l i t a t i n g the peaceful change of government. Indeed, the

existence o f these stru ctu res did not mean that they were performing th e ir

expected fu n ctio n s. P o l i t i c a l change was, by and la rg e , exogenous -

in s titu tio n s were introduced from outside the S ta te . T h is , no doubt, led

to the overlapping between modern and tra d itio n a l p o lit ic a l cu ltu res.

However, some endogenous changes were taking place which were not harmful

to modernization. Nothing was wrong with most o f the songs o f the p a r tie s ;

i t added an A frica n dimension to the p o lit ic a l process. F in a l l y , i t can

be argued that the p o l it ic a l modernization of Benue State d id not mean

W esternization in the sense o f reproducing Western in s t itu t io n s and v a lu e s.

Modem stru ctu res and in s titu tio n s would be accepted in Benue State but

they would be modified in the course o f time by tra d itio n a l in s titu tio n s

and values.
 13

Footnotes

1. A .R . Luckham, The Nigerian M ilitary (Cambridge U niversity P ress,

1970) ; Nigerian Government and P o litic s (London: A llen and Unwin,
1966), passim, by J . P . Mackintosh e t a l.\ N igeria: Modernization
and the P o litic s o f Corrmcnalism (Michigan Sta te U niversity P ress,
1971) edited by Me Ison and Wolpe; Structure and C o n flic t in Nigeria
(London: Heinemann, 1973), passim, by Ken Post and Michael V ick e rs.

2. Peter Limqueco and Bruce McFarlane ( e d s .) , Neo-Marxist Theories o f

Development (London: Croom Helm, 1983), passim.

3. Ib id .

4. These fa cts are contained in the follow ing te x ts : C .E . Welch, J r .

( e d .) , P o litic a l Modernization: A Reader in Comparative P o lit ic a l
Change (Belmont, C a lifo r n ia : Wadsworth P ublishin g C o ., 1967),
passim', S .P . H untington, 'P o l it ic a l Development and P o lit ic a l D ecay'.
World P o lit ic s , V o l . XV II, No. 3, 1965.

5. E lection s are necessary for modern representative systems. The

in s t itu t io n a liz a tio n of free and fa ir e le c tio n s is a p rereq u isite for
a democratic p o l i t i c a l system. W .J.M . Mackenzie said in h is book,
Free Elections (London: A llen and Unwin, 1957), p . 14, that the four
conditions necessary for a free and f a i r e le c tio n were:
(1) an independent ju d ic ia ry to in te rp re t e le c to r a l law;
(2) an honest, competent, non-partisan adm inistration to run
e le c tio n s;
(3) a developed system of p o lit ic a l p a rtie s w ell enough organized
to put th e ir p o l ic ie s , tra d itio n s and teams o f candidates before
the electo rs as a lte rn a tiv e s between which to choose; and
(4) a general acceptance throughout the p o lit ic a l community o f
certain rather vague rules o f the game, which lim it the struggle
for power.. . .

6. Ken P ost, The Nigerian Federal Election o f 1959 (London: Oxford

University P ress, 1964), passim.

7. Ken Post and Michael V ick e rs, Structure and Conflict in Nigeria
(London: Heinemann, 1973), passim.

8. The two concepts were used by Mackenzie, op. a i t ., to describe

election s which were not free and f a i r .

9. S .P . Huntington, op. a i t ..

10. H.A. Hyman, P o litic a l Socialization (Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free

Press, 1959), p . 10.

11. G .C . Moodie, The Government o f Great Britain (London: Methuen, 1966),

p . 1.

12. G .A. Almond and S . V erb a, The Civic Culture (Boston: L i t t l e , Brown &
Company, 1965), passim.
 14

13. C .S . W hitaker, J r . , The P o litic s o f Tradition, Continuity and Change

in Northern N igeria, 1946-1966 (New Je rse y : Princeton University
P ress, 1970), passim', Robert Melson and Howard Wolpe, op. c i t . .

14. C .S . W hitaker, J r . , op. o i t . .

15. Robert Melson and Howard Wolpe, op. c i t . .

16. The G .N .P .P . won four out of the s ix seats in Ankpa L .G .A . in the

e le c tio n to the Sta te House o f Assembly. The con stitu en cies won
by the G .N .P .P . were: Mr. S . Akubo, Enjema; Mr. R .O . E je , Imani/
Ojoku; A lh a ji A . J i b r i n , Ankpa Town; Mr. B. Onoja, Ogugu.

17. D etailed d iscussion o f th is issue is to be found in Chapter Two.

18. These advertisements appeared in the Benue State-owned newspaper -

The Nigeria Voice.

19. Nigeria Voice, 22 August 1983.

20. Facts about the request fo r a Binda State are to be found in the
Appendix.

21. Facts about the New Benue State are to be found in the Appendix.

22. The o r ig in o f the c o n f lic t between the two groups is discussed in

Chapter Two.

23. This rev elation was not w ell defended by Mr. Aper Aku. In fa c t , i t
marked the beginning o f other exposures of corrupt p ra ctice s during
h is ad m in istration .

24. The s itu a tio n was so seriou s that the salary o f c i v i l servants could
not be paid fo r several months.

25. The le g is la to r s who supported Isaac Shaahu included: Mr. Boniface

Ebute, Mr. Samuel Adoyi and Padopos Awuna.

26. Shaahu was removed by A lh aji Shehu Shagari, the then Head of State.
te*tv*£i/e explanation i< Tkat be rtsjtreA to take A. A JI m. Benu«^ pe titles
27. Alan R. B a ll, Modem P o litio s and Government (London: Macmillan,
1971), p . 52.

28. Fred W. Riggs, Administration in Developing Countries: The Theory

o f Prism atic So ciety (Boston: Houghton M ifflin , 1964), p. 13.
Map of Benue State
 Map of Benue State
20 O 20 40 Kilom etres

■ State Capital International

Boundary
Local
• Government State Boundary
Headquarters
Local
Other Town Government
Boundary
Main Road Railway
 16

CHAPTER TWO

THE SOCIO-POLITICAL SETTING

Benue State is one' out of nineteen sta te s which make up the Federal

Republic of N igeria.^ The S ta te came in to existence on 3rd February,

1976, through stru ctu ra l changes carried out by the la te General M urtala
2
Mohammed. Between 1960 and 1967, N igeria was made up o f four Regions;

in 1967 General Yakubu Gowon abolished the Regions and created twelve
3
S ta te s . When General Murtala took over from Gowon, he increased the

number of these States to n ineteen.

With an area o f 69,740 square k ilom etres, Benue is the seventh

• * • • 0 0
larg est State in N ig e ria . The Sta te l ie s between longitude 6 -10 E ast

and la titu d e 6 - 8 North. I t is surrounded by the follow in g S ta te s:

in t h e , n o - r f l i - w e s C ,
Plateau in the north,^Gongola in the e a s t , Anambra and Cross-R iver in the

southland Bendel in the w est. The geographical feature from which the

State derives it s name is the River Benue. The clim ate o f the State is

ty p ica l of an average tro p ic a l savannah which is made up o f two seasons:

the wet season which s ta rts from la te A p ril to September and the dry

season which runs through the remaining period o f the y e a r. The average

maximum and minimum temperatures are: 35°c (95°f) and 21°c (70°f)

re sp e ctiv e ly .

The human population o f the S ta te is 3,041,194 which makes i t the

eighth most populated State in N ig e ria . The population is heterogeneous

as there are three major ethnic groups and many minor eth n ic groups. The

major groups are T iv , Ig a la and Idoma; and the minor groups include

Igedde, Bassa-Nge, Bassa-Komo, E tu lo and Jukun.

A griculture is the main support of the economy o f the S t a t e . Between

70-75* of the population are engaged in a g ric u ltu re . The system o f a g r i­

 17

cu lture is predominantly su b siste n ce . Not much e ffo r t is being made

towards the mechanization o f a g r ic u ltu r e . The e ffo r t o f the government

is directed to farm inputs lik e f e r t i l i s e r s , in s e c tic id e s and short-term

lo an s. The major a g ric u ltu ra l crops o f the State are yams, soya bean s,

palm produce, m ille t and r ic e .

A B r ie f P o lit ic a l H istory of the S ta te

The g e o -p o litic a l area which was carved out as Benue State was

adm in istratively under the northern regional government in the F ir s t

R epublic. The then Northern Region was composed o f thirteen provinces

which were: Adamawa, Banchi, Benue, Borno, Kabba, P lateau , N iger, Kano,

Z a ria , Sokoto, Sardauna, I lo r in and Kaduna C a p ita l T e rrito ry . The

p o lit ic a l arrangement in the Region favoured the Hausa/Fulani group who

dominated the p o l it ic a l p rocess. Furthermore, Hausa/Fulani were p re­

dominantly Muslims. The other e th n ic groups in the Region, p a r tic u la r ly

those from the south-eastern part (m iddle-belt) who were predominantly

C h ristia n s, detested the s itu a tio n and viewed the p o lit ic a l arrangement

as an imposed d ic ta to rs h ip . T h ere a fte r, they decided to change the

s itu a tio n by o rgan izatio n al means. They formed the Northern N igerian

Non-Muslim League with Pastor David Lot as p resid en t. As Sklar v iv id ly

puts i t :

"M iddle-B elt separatism assumed organization al form in

1949 follow ing a p rivate member's motion in the
Northern House o f Assembly which c a lle d upon the
regional government to r e s t r ic t the a c t iv it ie s of
C h ristian m issionaries in the North. A small group of
C h ristia n leaders reacted to th is p o te n tia l threat by
forming the Northern Non-Muslim L e a g u e ...." ^

The name of th is movement was f i r s t changed to Middle Zone League

and la t e r to United Middle B e lt C ongress.'’ The U .M .B .C . became a r a lly in g

point fo r non-Muslim elements and organised opposition groups in the

Northern Region. Those who dominated the leadership o f the U.M .B.C.

were mostly from Benue, P la te a u and Kabba Provinces. Mr. (D r.) Joseph

Sarwuan Tarka, a Tiv from Benue Province, was eventually elected the

leader o f the Congress.

The aim of the U .M .B .C . was the creation o f a separate State -

Middle B elt State - from the Northern Region. The p o lit ic a l leaders

o f the north were not in favour of such an arrangement and proceeded to

block every co n stitu tio n a l means by which the dreams of the leaders of

the U.M .B.C. could be r e a lis e d . Eventually things deteriorated so much

that the Tivs organised v io le n t opposition against the dominant party in

the north. Because of the p o sitio n which he occupied as the leader of

the U .M .B .C ., Mr. Joseph Tarka was acclaimed as the champion o f a

m inority's in te r e s ts . He underwent a l l sorts of trib u la tio n s during the

T iv r io ts . A ll these facto rs made him very popular in Tiv lan d. I t was,

indeed, the beginning of a ca re e r which was to make him an in s titu tio n

in Benue S t a te . More w ill be said about J . S . Tarka in other chapters.

The m ilita ry came to power in 1966. In the follow ing y ear, they

abolished the old Regions and created twelve S ta te s . In the new

arrangement, Benue and P lateau Provinces were put together to form one

S ta te which was c a lle d Benue-Plateau. Mr. J . S . Tarka was rewarded by the

m ilita r y , who made him a Federal Commissioner (M in ister).^ The union o f

Benue and Plateau proved to be an uneasy marriage o f convenience which

did not withstand the test of tim e. There was a se ries of c rise s through­

out the few years o f existence o f Benue-Plateau S t a te . These cris e s arose

fo r a variety of reasons. Benue Province was numerically more important

than Plateau. What happened in the State f i t s into what Melson and Wolpe

described as competitive communalism. According to Robert Melson and

Howard Wolpei

In a c u ltu r a lly p lu r a l so c ie ty , the competition

 19

engendered by s o c ia l m o b ilizatio n w ill tend to be

defined in communal terms.

The e lit e s of both provinces worked side by side without any problem

in Kaduna. But as soon as they were deployed to what was th e ir home

S ta te , they started to struggle fo r p o sitio n s in the c i v i l s e r v ic e . This

struggle manifested i t s e l f in communal term s. The M ilita ry Governor o f

the S ta te , Mr. J .D . Gomwalk, was from the Plateau Province; the State

c a p it a l, J o s , was also in the Plateau P rovin ce. In addition to these two

fa c to r s , the State C iv il Service was made up of about 70 per cent o f Benue

indigenes. Because the Governor came from Plateau Province, he used h is

p o sitio n to give more m in iste r ia l p o r tfo lio s to indigenes o f P la te a u . He

also gave top jobs in the C iv il Service to a few Plateau indigenes who did
g
not have the relevant q u a lific a tio n s . Despite these moves, Plateau

indigenes were not s a t is fie d with th e ir low representation in the C iv il

Service and were supported in th e ir com plaint by General Gowon and Mr. J .
9
D. Gomwalk. T h ereafter, they asked for a separate Plateau S t a t e . The

reasons they gave were twofold:

( i) they said that they were being discrim inated again st by

Benue indigenes, without however elab oratin g on th is

charge, and

( ii) they said that they had a pure cu ltu re which they would

lik e to p ro te ct, though h ere, to o , they did not e xp lain

what they meant by pure c u ltu r e .

Opinion on th is issue o f a separate S ta te for the Plateau Province

was divided in Benue S ta te . The Tiv p eo p le, who were the la rg e st group,

were not in favour o f d ivid in g the State in to two. A leading spokesman of

the T iv , Mr. James O rsh i, openly spoke a g a in st any move to divide the

S ta te d 0 He maintained that the d iffe re n c e s in the Sta te were sm all and

 20

inconsequential and the people must learn to liv e together. N everth eless,

the second la rg e s t group in Benue - the Idomas - were in favour o f a new

State fo r Benue, p a rtic u la rly when they were being assaulted a fte r the

"Obeya A f f a i r " .^ The Idomas are a very proud people and the P lateau

people hurt th at p rid e . For th is reason, they started to work fo r a

separate S ta te .

In th eir search for a new S t a t e , the Idomas came face to face w ith

the p o lit ic a l r e a lity of the time. I f the Benue Province was carved out

as a S ta te , i t would be predominantly a Tiv S ta te . The Tiv outnumbered

the Idoma by a ra tio of 2 :1 . To guard against th is s itu a tio n , they (the

Idomas) decided to in v ite the Ig a la s to jo in them in the Benue Sta te .

During the days of the Northern Region, the Ig a la s were in the Kabba

Province. The twelve Sta te stru ctu re merged the Kabba and Ilo r in

Provinces to form the Kwara S ta te . The overtures by the Idomas to the

Igalas met with a favourable response because the Ig a la s were not happy in

the Kwara S ta te . They were nicknamed ’ Kwara overseas' because they liv e d

on the eastern side o f the River N ig e r , whereas the other groups liv e d

on the western s id e . Also I lo r in , the State c a p it a l, was very fa r from

Ig a la land and tran sportation was d i f f i c u l t and hazardous. Furthermore,

the relatio n sh ip between the Ig a la s and the Yorubas, who were the dominant

trib e in the Kwara S ta te , was not c o r d ia l. By tr a d itio n , the Ig a la s are

not good serv an ts, and have a dominating a ttitu d e . This is related to

th eir h is to r y , fo r they ruled the legendary Ig a la Kingdom for over three

hundred y ears. During that time they acquired an au th oritarian a ttitu d e

which is s t i l l re fle c te d in th e ir behaviour. Because o f this behaviour,

the Yorubas made l i f e d i f f i c u l t fo r them in the Kwara S ta te . The idea of

jo in in g Benue to form a State was, th e r e fo re , welcome. Another issue

which favoured the merger o f Ig a la w ith Benue, was the fa c t that there

were many prominent Idoma people with Ig a la parentage. They included Mr.

\
 •*v

21

Omaba Ogbo, the former Deputy Speaker of the Benue S ta te House o f Assembly,

C hief Jomo Adapoyi, former Federal D irecto r of P riso n s, Mr. A tta i Ikpe,

an Otukpo-based businessman and Samuel Adoyi Ojogbane, former member of

the House of R epresentatives. These men made contact with Ig a la e lit e s

.
and the bargain was stru ck .
12 While e ffo r t s were being made to fin a lis e

the arrangements with the I g a l a s , something happened in the Benue-Plateau

S ta te which accelerated the fo rce s of d iv is io n .

On 31st August 1974, Mr. Appolos Aper Aku, a Tiv from Benue, swore

an a ffid a v it o f wrongdoing and abuse o f o f fic e in Jos High Court against

13
the Governor o f the S ta te , Mr. Joseph Deshi Gomwalk. In h is a f f id a v it ,

Aku asserted th at:

(1) the Governor should resig n because of fin a n c ia l wrong-doing

and abuse o f o f fic e ;

(2) the Governor had improper asso cia tio n with V oten isk i Company

N ig. L t d .;

(3) road contracts were awarded to Voteniski Company in an

irreg u la r manner, w ithout tender and quotations from any

company;

(4) the Benue-Plateau E xecutive Council was not asked to

delib erate over the co n tra cts before approving them and

payment o f up to N2,000,000.00 (two m illio n Naira) were

made to Voteniski b efore the con tracts were signed in

defiance of recognised fin a n c ia l procedures, without the

guidance of fin a n c ia l in stru c tio n s and against the advice of

experts;

(5) Mrs. Helen Gomwalk, the w ife o f the Governor's eld er brother,

Mr. Clement Gomwalk, was a paid d ire cto r of V oten isk i on a

salary o f N8.000.00;
 22

(6) payments made to V oten isk i were made out o f 'Below the Line

A cco u n t', not subject to normal a u d itin g ;

(7) Benue-Plateau Construction Company ( B .E .P .C .C .O .) was formed

about three years ago with authorised c a p ita l o f «6,000.00

(s ix thousand Naira) and with Mr. Jonathan Gomwalk, the

Governor's brother, as the adm in istrative d ire cto r o f the

company on a salary o f «12,000,00 (the said Jonathan was before

th is appointment, the personnel manager o f Kaduna T e x tile s on

a salary o f «5,000.00;

(8) Contracts awarded to B .E .P .C .C .O . included:

(a) the State S e c re ta ria t valued at about «5 m illio n ,

(b) Senior S t a ff block o f f l a t s (Jos and Makurdi),

(c) S t a f f Training Centre on Bukuru Road valued at «200,000,

and

(d) Federal Government low cost houses, Jo s;

(9) the Governor bought Central Bank treasury b i l l s of «26,000.00;

(10) the Governor owns shares in United A fr ic a Company worth

«26,000.00;

(11) the Governor is b u ild in g a house in h is home town o f Panshin

costin g «300,000.00; and

(12) the Governor and h is brothers own more than s ix houses in Jos
14
valued at more than «300,000.00.

The a ff id a v it sworn against the Governor in te n s ifie d eth n ic animosity

between Benue and Plateau indigenes. In fa c t , the situ a tio n was so tense

that the p olice imposed r e s tr ic tio n s on public gatherings and processions.

Although some p o l i t i c a l e lit e s lik e V .G . Sanda, Solomon Lar (Governor of

Plateau State between 1979 and 1983) and Jacob Lot from the Plateau
 23

Province did not support Mr. Gomwalk on the grounds that h is government

only ben efited members o f h is immediate fam ily , the Plateau masses were

no doubt with the Governor. Even among Benue e l i t e s , Mr. Paul Unongo and

Mr. Emmanuel Atongo came out c le a r ly as fa n a tic a l supporters of Governor

Gomwalk. Mr. Paul Unongo was said to have taken over the e d ito r ia l o f the

S ta te 's newspaper, the Nigerian Standard, and came out with a series o f

sp ecial e d itio n s in support of the Government.

The a ff id a v it a f f a i r ended abruptly when the Head of S ta te , General

Yakubu Gowon, absolved the Governor and declared the matter closed . Mr.

Aper Aku, who was detained a fte r he had sworn to the a f f id a v it , was

eventually released from detention due to pressure from students. The

p o lit ic a l clim ate in Benue-Plateau continued to be dominated by increased

ethnic anim osity u n til the Gowon adm inistration was overthrown in Ju ly ,

1975.^ The new adm inistration under General Murtala Mohammed increased

the number o f States to nineteen and Benue State was one of the new S t a te s .

What was eventually carved out as the Benue State was, by and la r g e ,

d iffe re n t from the old province - which was made up of fiv e d iv isio n s -

T iv , Idoma, L a f ia , Wukari and Keffi/Nassaraw a. In the new arrangement,

two d ivisio n s from the Benue Province - L a fia and Keffi/Nassarawa - were

merged with the Plateau Province; while one d iv isio n - Wukari - was added

to the Gongola S ta te . In addition to the two d ivisio n s which were le f t

in Benue - Idoma and Tiv - Ig a la d iv isio n was taken away from Kwara State

and added to the Benue Province to form the present Benue S ta te . Thus,

the o rig in a l d iv isio n s which make up Benue were T iv , Idoma and Ig a la .

The T iv are the la rg e s t sin gle ethn ic group in the Benue S ta te .

Their population, according to the 1963 N igerian Census, was estimated at

over 1,2 m illio n people which make them the seventh la rg e st ethnic group

in N igeria. They occupy a land area of 23,638.6 sq. kms. There are also

Tiv settlem ents in L a fia and Awe d iv isio n s o f the Plateau State
and Takum and Wukari d iv isio n s o f the Gongola S t a te . The oral tra d itio n s

o f the T iv assert that they belong to one fam ily which descended from a

common ancestor - T iv . The Tiv s e ttle d in th e ir present lo ca tio n some

three hundred years ago. I t is sa id that they migrated from Swem which

was a m ythical holy h i l l . The p re -c o lo n ia l p o l i t i c a l organization o f the

Tiv is segmentary - p o lit ic a l a u th o rity is d ispersed . Heads of fam ily

preside over the a f f a ir s of each fa m ily . On a much larg er s c a le , the

trib a l c o u n c il, otherwise known as ' J i r Tamen', was supreme. In the 1940s,

the B r it is h Colonial Government appointed one c h ie f - Tor T iv - as the

paramount c h ie f for a l l T i v .^

The second la rg e st group in Benue are the I g a la . With a population

o f over h a lf a m illio n people, they occupy Ankpa, Dekina, Idah, Omalla and

Ofu lo c a l government areas. Ig a la la n d is a Kingdom which dates back to

a n tiq u ity . At the head o f the Kingdom is the A ttah (King) who enjoys

absolute power in tra d itio n a l m a tters. Below the Attah are t it le d holders

and Kingmakers who are known as Igala mela. Thus, unlike the T iv , the

authority system among the Ig a la is h ie r a r c h ic a l. The Ig a la are related

to Idoma p o li t i c a l l y because they a l l belong to the defunct Apa Kingdom.^

The Idomas are the third la rg e s t group in the S ta te . Their population

in 1963 was 684,880 and th eir land area is 13,015 sq . kms. They are found

in Otukpo, Okpokwu, Apa and Ado lo c a l government a re a s. Unlike the Tiv

and Ig a la , the Idomas are not a homogeneous group. There are va ria tio n s

in so cial organization among the people from one d i s t r i c t to the oth er.

The Idoma have a strong c h ie fta in c y t r a d itio n which antedates the advent

of co lo n ia l adm inistration. Each d i s t r i c t had i t s own c h ie f. For example,

there is Och'Otukpo; in Adoka there i s Oche'Adoka. A ce n tra l c h ie f for

the Idoma was created in the 1940s by the B ritis h C o lo n ia l Government.

Other minor ethnic groups to be found in Benue State are the Igedde

who settled in the south-eastern p a rt, the Etulo who are in K atsina-A la
 25

and Gboko lo ca l government areas, and the Bassa-Nge and Bassa-Como who

are in the Igala area of the S ta te .

Between 1976 and 1979, Benue State was under m ilita r y adm inistrators.

The two Governors who ruled the State in that period were Colonel

Abdullahi Shelheng who was nicknamed ’ G uilder Governor' because o f his

a b ilit y to consume many b o ttle s o f Guilder Lager beer and Group Captain

Bayo Lawal. The m ilita ry period is now referred to as the worst period in

the h isto ry o f the Benue S ta te . The m ilita ry ru lers were only interested

in enjoying the resources of power and did very l i t t l e to develop the

S ta te . An observer has th is to say about the period:

"The creation o f the Benue State in 1976 was expected

to provide some r e l i e f . And i t did provide some
r e l i e f under two successive m ilita ry adm in istrators.
But the Benue State o f the m ilita ry era was to become
famous more for friv o lo u s and hedonistic p ursu its
than for any in fra stru c tu ra l break-through or other
hallm arl^of development. Projects were haphazardly
started and abandoned, in spite of the buoyant cash
flow of the m ilita ry e ra . In the so c ia l sector the
a rr iv a l o f the Ig a la from Kwara to jo in the Idoma and
Tiv in the fle d g lin g Benue added a separate dimension
to the task o f ethnic in te g ra tio n .
Thus on it s b irth in 1976, and during the few
years that follow ed, the Benue State did not represent
the dream for the impoverished and d isin te re ste d Benue
people, in any way that could be termed a triumphant
end to th e ir tedious odyssey from Kaduna to Makurdi.
To employ the usual c lic h e , government had been brought
clo ser to the people, but only in it s in s titu tio n a l
trappings.
The Benue State that the NPN adm inistration o f
Governor Aku took over in 1979 was a sad sp ectacle of
a system characterised by monumental lethargy and a
people s t i l l learning to liv e togeth er. General per­
formance, a l l round, was ce rta in ly below pass mark
and the general picture was that o f a s tillb o r n c h i l d ."1®

It was under the circumstances described above that the m ilita ry

handed over to a dem ocratically elected government led by Mr. Aper Aku on

1st October 1979. However, before discussing the p o lit ic a l process o f the

Second Republic in the Benue S ta te , we sh a ll f i r s t of a l l look at the

evolution o f lo c a l government systems in Benue.

 26

Local Government Areas of Benue State

Each of the dominant groups which c o n stitu te the Benue State was a

single lo ca l government area in the defunct government o f the Northern

Region. Thus there were:

(i) T iv Native A u th ority,

( ii) Idoma Native A u th ority , and

( iii) Ig a la Native A u th ority.

A fter the creatio n o f new Sta te s in 1967, there were adm in istrative

reforms in both Benue-Plateau State and Kwara which led to the p r o life ­

ration o f new lo c a l government are a s. In the Benue-Plateau S ta te , the

Governor divided the State into twelve d iv is io n s which were as shown in

Table 1.

Explaining the reasons for cre a tin g the new d iv is io n s , the Governor,

Mr. J .D . Gomwalk, asserted th a t:

" . . . . I have for quite some time now been receivin g

representations and memoranda from various parts of
the State requesting me to create more d ivisio n s
for them. I have had such p e titio n s mostly from
Nassarawa, L a f ia , Lowland and T iv D i v i s io n s ," ^

The s p lit of the Tiv D ivisio n in to three new D ivision s met with
20
strong opposition from some sections o f the T iv community. This

opposition gave r is e to the emergence o f two groups. Those against the

creation o f more d iv is io n s were led by Mr. J . S . Tarka; others in the group

included Mr. Isaac Shaahu, Mr, Aper Aku, Isaac Kpum and most o f those who

were active in party p o lit ic s in T iv land in the F ir s t Republic.

The main arguments presented by th is group were that the idea of

s p littin g the D ivision was unpopular and hence undemocratic. I f such an

exercise was carried out without the consent o f the people, i t would re s u lt

in revolt and bloodshed. The second argument was that the creation of
 l
27

TABLE 2.1; THE NEW LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS OF THE BENUE-PLATEAU

STATE

D ivision Population Area in Sq. M iles

Otukpo (Benue) 4^7,953 3,722

Gboko (Benue) 441,308 3,287

K atsina-A la (Benue) 430,770 3,287

Makurdi (Benue) 371,743 3,287

L a fia (Benue) 289,659 4,949

Wukari (Benue) 285,646 6,223

Nassarawa (Benue) 324,517 7,563

Akwanga (Plateau) 177,859 1,315

Shendam (Plateau) 214,280 4,800

Langtang (Plateau) 241,092 3,927

Pankshin (Plateau) 276,457 3,679

Jos (Plateau) 457,757 1,435

Source; Creation o f More D iv is io n s , in B/P State by Benue

Plateau Government, J o s .
 •W ‘

28

new D ivisions would hamper the peaceful development o f Tiv D iv isio n .

People, e sp e c ia lly c i v i l servan ts, would be forced to move to the new

D ivisio n s. Also the issue o f boundary disputes might lead to disturban ces.

F in a lly , th is group argued that new D ivisio n s would mean the end o f Tor

Tiv (Chief o f Tiv) who was then acting as a unifying in s t itu t io n . The

creation o f new D ivision s would n e ce ssita te the appointment of new C h iefs

and this would lead to deep cleavages among the T iv . Apart from these

manifest reasons for opposing the creatio n o f new d iv is io n s , there was a

la te n t one which re la te d to the personal ambition o f Mr. J . S . Tarka and

h is supporters.

Tarka started p o lit ic s in the 1950s when he emerged as the leader o f

the defunct U .M .B .C . During the F ir s t Republic he underwent a l l sorts of

hardships which included physical torture and imprisonment for preaching

separatism from the Northern Region. The protest tra d itio n in Benue

p o lit ic s which was started by Tarka made him a hero among the T iv who

rewarded him by s o lid ly supporting the U .M .B .C .

After the C iv il War (1967-1970), the tn ilita ry made a promise o f

.
handing over to an elected government in 1976.
22
Tarka and h is group,

th e refo re , had th e ir minds on re -cre a tin g th e ir old empire. To succeed,

T iv D ivision must be l e f t in ta ct so that the old p o lit ic a l machines could

be reactiv ated . They were, th e refo re , b it t e r ly opposed to any idea o f

d iv id in g Tiv into more D iv isio n s.

On the other hand, Tiv so ciety had changed considerably from the days

o f the F irst Republic. There were many educated people who f e l t that Tiv

was not having i t s fa ir share o f the n ation al cake from the State govern­

ment. This group supported and fought for the creation o f more D ivisio n s

out o f Tiv D iv is io n . They were led by Mr. Paul Iorpuu Unongoj other

members of th is group included Mr. Chia Surma and Mr. Paul Loko. I t must

be mentioned in passing that the desire to create more D ivision s in Tiv

land arose in the F ir s t Republic; i t gathered momentum and took organi­

zatio n al form in the la te 1960s.

Tiv society is sharply p o la rise d . This p o la riza tio n had it s basis

in the kinship stru c tu re . A ll Tiv are descended from a common ancestor -

T iv , who, in turn , gave b irth to 'Ipusu' and 'Chongo'. The 'Ipusu' and

'Chongo' formed the b asis o f T iv s o c ie ty . A Tiv man is eith er 'Ipusu' or

'Chongo'. The 'Ip u su ' se ttle d in the southern part of Tiv land; they were

the most c iv ilis e d , most educated and most e n te rp risin g . Gboko, the Tiv

d iv is io n a l headquarters, is in Ipusu land. And the Ipusus dominated the

Tiv native a u th o rity . On the other hand, the 'Chongo' lived in the

northern part o f T iv lan d. They were less educated, le ss c iv ilis e d and

less e n te rp risin g . The 'Chongo' f e l t that they were not having a fa ir

deal from th eir kin brothers and alleged that the 'Ipusu' dominated them

p o l i t i c a l l y , econom ically and s o c ia l ly . To th is end, they sought a

separate d iv isio n o f th e ir own. However, the government in the Region at

th is time was not in terested in cre a tin g more d iv isio n s and the issue was

la id to r e s t .

In March 1969, Mr. Chia Surma, a Tiv le ctu re r at the Local Government

Training Centre, Z a r ia , forwarded a memorandum to the Governor of Benue-

Plateau S ta te . He followed i t up with another one in Ju ly of the same

year. The content of these memoranda was about a request for the creation

of more D ivision s in T iv land. In the same y e a r, a Tiv C u ltu ral Union

23
was formed in Kaduna to promote T iv c u ltu r e . ''Then Mr. Paul Unongo

assumed the leadership o f th is Union, he used i t as an organization to

propagate the idea o f creatin g more D ivision s in Tiv land. In August

1969, he wrote an open le t te r to the Tiv people captioned: "Where do we

go from h ere?". In i t he sp elt out h is reasons for a g ita tin g for new

D ivision s in Tiv land.

The main reasons given by the various Tiv leaders for the demand for more
 30

D ivision s in Tiv land are as fo llo w s. Econom ically, Tiv land is said to

be behind many areas. The area was too large for the t r ic k le o f resources

which were obtained from the State Government. Secondly, T iv land was

being cheated in the d istrib u tio n o f am en ities. The leaders argued that

the population of Tiv was h a lf o f the whole S ta te . Yet Tiv D ivisio n was

being treated on an equal basis w ith other D iv isio n s. For example, Tiv

D ivision had only one general h o sp ita l for a population o f over one

m illio n people. A lso , Tiv D iv isio n had only one C iv il Commissioner in

the Benue-Plateau Executive C o u n cil.

Besides these overt reasons, there were other personal reasons which

motivated the 'new b re e d s'. They f e l t th at the d iv isio n of T iv land into

more D ivision s would erode the power base o f Mr. Joseph Tarka and h is 'old

b rig a d e s'. To make some inroads in to Tiv p o l it ic s , they f e l t , i t was

necessary to at le a st reduce the p o l i t i c a l influence o f Tarka; they went

further by exp lo itin g his weakness. I t was a common-place fa c t that

Tarka, though the leader o f the T iv , made no e ffo r t to develop T iv land.

Mr. PaulUnongo decided to e xp lo it t h is fa c to r . To th is end, he set up

chains o f private schools, h o sp ita ls and h o tels a l l over Tiv land.

I n i t i a l l y , the experiment proved su c c e ssfu l commercially but not p o l i t i ­

c a lly as events in the la te 1970s were to prove. As mentioned e a r lie r ,

the Governor o f Benue-Plateau decided to create more D ivisio n s in T iv land

and the issue came to an end. We s h a ll now turn to Ig a la land where there

was a sim ilar problem.

Although Igala is a homogeneous group - one language and a common

culture - they have disagreement which goes back to the p re -co lo n ia l

period. The disagreement is between the Idah group and Ankpa group; the

la tte r accused the Idah group of ch eatin g them. Among the commonest

grievances of the Ankpa people weres

(i) the denial of basic am enities lik e schools, pipe-borne water.

 h o sp ita ls and access roads;

( ii) sixteen schools were estab lish ed by the Ig a la Native

A uthority in Idah area, while Ankpa had none;

( iii) Ankpa indigenes were denied the r ig h t o f recruitment into

Ig a la Native A uthority p o lic e ; and

(iv ) in the Ig a la Native A u th o rity , Mr. Omale Akagu was the only
. . . 24
Ankpa c it iz e n heading a department.

Consequently, the indigenes o f Ankpa began to a g ita te for a separate

D iv isio n of th eir own. On 9 October 1968, the Kwara State Government

under C o l. D .L . Bamigboye, set up a panel under the chairmanship o f A lh a ji

Ahmed P a te g i. The committee was given the follow ing terms o f referen ce:

(i) to examine and make recommendations fo r a lte rin g the

boundaries o f the e x is tin g Native A uthority areas by merging

or s p lit t in g them to form v ia b le u n its so that no Native

Authority was too large or too small for e ff ic ie n t admini­

s tra tio n ; and

( ii) to study and make recommendations on the fu n ction s, including

. 25
duties and powers, o f Native A u th o r itie s .

A fter s it tin g for two weeks, the Committee submitted a report which

s p l i t Ig a la D ivisio n in to three new adm in istrative D iv isio n s, which were:

(a) Ankpa D iv isio n , This comprised the follow ing D is t r ic t s : Ankpa,

Enjema, I f e , Imani, Ogugu, Ojoku and Olamaboro.

(b) Dekina D iv isio n . This comprised the follow ing D is t r ic t s : Bassa-

Komo, Mozum, Bassa-Nge, Okura, Biraidu and Dekina.

(c) Idah D iv isio n , This comprised the follow ing D is t r ic t s : Adoru,

26
Ito b e, Gwalawo, I b a j i , Idah, Igala-Ogwa and Igalam ela.
 HI A.

32

The main opposition to the creation o f more D ivisions in Igala land

came from the tra d itio n a l ru ler of Ig a la land, the Attah o f Ig a la , who saw

the exercise as a subtle reduction of h is in flu e n c e . The Kwara Government

accepted the Pategi Committee's report and disregarded a l l opposition to

the ex e rcise.

At the inception of Benue State in 1976 there were therefore seven

D iv isio n s, which were:

(a) Gboko

(b) Makurdi

(c) Katsina-Ala

(d) Idah

(e) Ankpa

(f) Dekina

(g) Otukpo

In August 1976, the Federal M ilita r y Government announced reforms in

the Nigerian lo c a l government system. These reforms not only introduced

a unified lo cal government system for the whole country, but also sp ecified

guidelines for the functions and stru ctu res o f lo c a l government areas.

In E dict No. 14 o f 1976, published in the Berne State Gazette o f 23

December 1976, i t was stipu lated th a t:

"(a) a Local Government s h a l l , so fa r as is p r a c ti­

ca b le , serve a to ta l population o f not less than
150,000 or such higher minimum lim it as may be
prescribed from time to time;
(b) a Local Government s h a ll, so fa r as p ra c tic a b le ,
serve a to ta l population o f not more than 800,000,
so however, that any town or urban conurbation
with a population o r , as the case may be, to ta l
populations exceeding that figu re s h a ll not be
s p lit into two or more Local Governments but
s h a ll be constituted under one Local Government."2®

The Edict also made provision for two structures o f government which are

the Local Government Council and the T rad itio n al C ou n cil. The Local

\
 33

Government Council is composed of both e le c te d and nominated members. A ll

the lo ca l government functions are performed by th is body.

The T rad itio n al Council is composed o f tr a d itio n a l ru lers in the

S ta te . I t s function is e s s e n tia lly a d v iso ry . They in clu de:

(a) to formulate general proposals a s advice to the Local

Government C o u n c i l .,.,;

(b) where a p p lic a b le , to harmonise th e a c t i v i t ie s o f such

Local Governments through d iscu ssio n s o f problems

a ffe c tin g them gen erally and by g iv in g advice and

guidance thereon to such LGC;

(c) where a p p lica b le , to co-ordinate development plans o f

such LGC by jo in t discussion and advice;

(d) to a s s is t in the assessment of community tax;

(e) to advise on re lig io u s matters;

(f) to give support for a rts and c u ltu r e ;

(g) to a s s is t in the maintenance of law and order;

(h) to determine questions re la tin g to ch ie fta in c y m atters; and

29
(i) to determine customary law.

In Benue, the reforms made i t im perative for new lo c a l governments

to he created . Thus, the number o f lo c a l government areas was increased

to th irte e n . The th irteen lo ca l governments which came into being as a

re su lt of the 1976 reforms were:

(1) Ankpa

(2) Bassa

(3) Dekina

(4) Gboko

(5) Gwer

( 6) Idah
 34

(7) K atsin a-A la

(8) Kwande

(9) Makurdi

(10) Oju

( ID Okpokwu

(12) Otukpo

(13) Vandeikya

Bassa lo ca l government did not s a t is fy the conditions la id down for the

creatio n of a lo c a l government (the population of Bassa is 99,000), but

the Government nevertheless decided fo r a sp ecial reason to create one

for them. The B assas, being a minority group in Benue, opted to jo in

Kwara State where there was a larger group o f Bassas. The compromise

so lu tio n for them to stay in Benue State granted them a lo c a l government

of t h e ir own. This request was accepted by the Government and a lo ca l

government was carved out fo r them. The lo c a l governments are recognised

by the C on stitu tion o f N igeria for the purposes o f revenue a llo ca tio n and

e le c to r a l arrangements.

The State Government has subsequently increased the number of LGAs to

twenty-three which are as follow s:

S/NO LGA HQTS

1 Ado Igumale

2 Ambighir Buruku

3 Ankpa Ankpa

4 Apa Ugbokpo

3 Bassa Oguma

6 Dekina Dekina

7 Gboko Gboko

8 Gwer Aliede
 35

S/NO LGA HQTS

9 Idah Idah

10 K atsina-A la K a tsin a -A la

11 Konshisha Tse Agberagba

12 Kwande Adikpo

13 Makurdi Makurdi

14 Nagi Naka

15 Ofu Ogwolawo

16 Oju Oju

17 Okpokwu Okpoga

18 Omalla Abejukolo

19 Otukpo Otukpo

20 Guma Gbaj imba

21 Ushongo Lessel

22 Ukum Shankara

23 Vandeikya Vandeikya

When the m ilita r y took over in December 1983, they reverted to the

old th irteen lo ca l government areas as the un its o f adm inistration.

The P o lit ic a l In s titu tio n s and Structures o f Benue Sta te

Benue State has gone through a series of changes w ithin the short

span o f i t s existence but c e rta in ly the most important o f these changes

were in p o lit ic a l in s t it u t io n s . Between 1960 and 1966, N igeria

operated the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy. This was

considered to be a weak system of government fo r a developing country lik e

N igeria where a high concentration of powers is n ecessary. To this end,

the C on stitu tion of the Second Republic introduced the American type of

P resid en tial system; the aim, of course, was a strong government at both

the federal and sta te le v e ls . At the sta te le v e l, the C onstitution

 36

establish ed the post of an Executive Governor with some checks and

balances from the other branches of government. This was c le a r ly stip u ­

lated in Chapter 1, Part I I , Sec. 5(2):

"Su b ject to the provisions of th is C o n s titu tio n , the

executive powers of a state -
(a) s h a ll be vested in the Governor o f that S ta te and
may, su b ject as aforesaid and to the provisions
o f any law made by a House of Assembly, be
exercised by him e ith e r d ir e c tly or through the
Deputy Governor and Commissioners of the Govern­
ment o f that State or O ffic e s in the p ub lic
serv ice of the S t a t e . . . . "

Other powers conferred on the Governor included the appointment o f

Commissioners and High Court Judges. The Commissioners were the p o lit ic a l

heads o f the various government departments. These Commissioners were not

only members o f the Governor's Executive Committee but could be dismissed

at any time by the Governor.

The powers o f the Governor were expected to be checked by the

L e g isla tiv e and Ju d ic ia l branches. The Governor could be impeached by

the State House o f Assembly i f he was found g u ilt y of a serious o ffe n c e .

The State High Court could declare the acts o f the Governor unconsti­

tu tio n a l. However, in r e a li t y , the powers exe rcised by each branch

depended on the p e r so n a litie s occupying them. I f the executive branch was

occupied by a strong Governor, as was the case in Benue S ta te (1979-1983),

the powers of the two other branches would be merely form al. For example,

when serious a lle g a tio n s o f corruption were made against Mr. Aper Aku, the

State House o f Assembly made no attempt to impeach him. On the other

hand, the Ju d ic ia l branch supported Mr. Aku in every case brought against

him. This was not unexpected in view o f the fa c t that most of the Judges

were appointed by Mr. Aku,

The Benue State House of Assembly

The Benue S ta te House o f Assembly comprised fifty -s e v e n members

 37

elected from the fifty -s e v e n con stitu en cies o f the S t a te . Between October

1979 and September 1983, the Tiv had 30 members, the Ig a la had 15, and the

Idoma 12. The Speaker and the C h ie f Whip were from the Tiv area, the

Deputy Speaker from the Idoma area and the m ajority leader from the Ig a la

area. The seventeen committees o f the House were: Business and Rules

Committee; L o cal Government, Primary Education, Youth and Sports Committee;

Finance and Appropriation Committee; Appointment Committee; A gricu ltu re

and Natural Resources Committee; Trade and In du stries Committee; Ju d ic ia l

Committee; H ealth and S o c ia l W elfare Committee; U t i l i t i e s Board Committee;

Works, Housing and Appraisal Committee; Public P e titio n s Committee;

P riv ileges and Protocol Committee; Public Service Committee; P u b lic ity

and Public R elatio n s Committee; B i l l Review Committee and P ublic Accounts

Committee.

An O rganization Chart of the Benue State House o f Assembly is shown

on the fo llo w in g page.

The Executive Branch of the Benue State Government

The E xecutive branch comprised the Governor's Executive C ou n cil,

M inistries and public enterprises or p a ra sta ta ls. The Executive C o u n cil,

which was responsible for making government p o lic ie s and the day-to-day

adm inistration of the S ta te comprised,

Governor of Benue State

Deputy Governor o f Benue State

Commissioner fo r Water and E le c tr ic it y

Commissioner fo r Local Government

Commissioner for Animal and Forest Resources

Commissioner fo r Trade and Industries

Commissioner fo r P a ra sta ta ls

Commissioner for Economic Planning

ORGANIZATION CHART OF THE BENUE STATE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY

KEYS:

A Speaker

B Deputy Speaker

C M ajority Leader

D M inority Leader

E Clerk o f the House

F Library O ffic e r

G A dm inistrative O ffic e r

H Executive O ffic e r s

I C h ief Whip

J Committee Chairman

K Members o f the State House o f Assembly

 39

Commissioner fo r Finance

Commissioner fo r Works and Transport

Commissioner fo r A griculture

Commissioner fo r Housing and Environment

Commissioner fo r Education

Commissioner fo r Rural Development

Commissioner fo r Health

Attorney-General aftJ iSteft««'' -jo* J u s t i* « -

Secretary to the State Government

Sp ecial Adviser on P o lit ic a l and C h ie fta in c y A ffa ir s

Adviser on S ta te Security

Adviser on Economic A ffa ir s

D irector o f Information
. 30
Director of Budget

The Organizational Charts o f the Executive Branch

The Executive branch had three organizational ch arts which were

linked to the Governor through the Secretary to the Government and these

are shown on the follow ing three pages.

The Ju d ic ia l Branch

The Ju d ic ia l branch was divided into two: the M in istry of Ju s tic e

which was headed by the Commissioner and the Ju d ica tu re which was headed

by the Chief Ju s t ic e . Charts r e la tin g to these two d iv isio n s o f the

Ju d ic ia l branch follow the organization al charts of the Executive branch.

The Government is the main employer of labour. There are twenty

Government M in istries and p ub lic corporations eiqploying over 20 workers.

v
THE ORGANIZATIONAL C H ART OF THE GOVERNOR'S OFFICE

c
]p 1! 1[ ! J

KEYS:

A Governor and h is Deputy

B Secretary to the Government

C Adm inistrative O ffic e r s

D Executive O ffic e rs

E C le r ic a l O ffic e rs

F S p e cia l Adviser on P o l it ic a l C h ie fta in cy A ffa ir s

G Adviser on Secu rity

H Adviser on Economic A ffa ir s

I D ire cto r of Information

J D irecto r of Budget
ORGANIZATION CHART OF A MINISTRY

G I
I I
1
H J

K
I
1
L

KEYS:

A Governor

B Secretary to the Government

C Commissioner

D Head of C iv il Service

E C iv il Service Conmission

F Permanent Secretary

G Adm inistrative O ffic e r s

H A ssista n t Adm inistrative O ffic e rs

I Chief Executive O ffic e r s

J Senior Executive O ffic e rs

K Executive O ffic e rs

L C le r ic a l O ffic e rs
 42

ORGANIZATION CHART OF A PUBLIC CORPORATTniM

KEYS:

A Governor

B Secretary to the Government

C Board o f D irectors
D Secretary

E P rofession al O ffic e rs
F Technical O ffic e rs
 43

ORGANIZATION CHART OF MINISTRY OF JUSTICE

KEYS:

A Governor

B Secretary to the Government

C Commissioner for Ju s tic e

D Permanent Secretary

E Director fo r Public Prosecutions

F Legal Draftsman

G A dm inistrative O ffic e rs

H Executive O ffic e r s
 ORGANIZATIONAL CHART OF THE JUDICATURE

KEYS:

A Ju d ic ia l Service Commissii
B C hief Ju s tic e

C Judges o f High Court

D R egistrar of High Court
E M agistrate Courts (Judges)
F Area Courts (Judges)
 45

The M in istries and p u b lic corporations in Benue State are:

M inistry o f A gricu ltu re

M inistry o f Animal and Forest Resources

M inistry o f Education

M inistry o f H ealth , Youth and S o c ia l Welfare

M inistry o f Housing and Environment

M inistry o f Finance

M inistry o f Economic Planning

M inistry of Ju s tic e

M inistry o f Water and E le c t r ic it y

M inistry of Local Government Primary Education and Sports

M inistry of Works and Transport

M inistry o f Information

M inistry o f Rural Development and Cooperatives

Public Corporations

Ayangba A g ric u ltu ra l Development P roject (AADP)

Hawaiian Agronomics (Nig L td .)

Benue State Health Management Board

Benue State Investment Company

Pilgrim s Welfare Board

Benue State Sports Council

Benue State A g ric u ltu ra l Development Corporation (ADC)

Benue Transport Service (BTS)

Housing and Urban Development Corporation (HUDCO)

Benue Hotels Board

Benue State E le c t r ic it y Corporation

Radio Benue

New N igeria Timber Company Lim ited, Okura-O lafia

 46

Benue S ta te Water Corporation 31

The wages of c i v i l servants are r e la t iv e ly high via-h-via the average

income per head which was about N30.00. The salary grade le v e ls of c i v i l

servants are as follow s:

Grade Level Amount Per Annum (N)

1 1,500.00
2 1,530.00

3 1,572.00

4 1,752,00

5 1,986.00

6 2,418.00

7 3,174.00
8 3,924.00

9 5,112.00

10 6,282.00

11 7,320.00

12 8,034.00

13 8,712.00

14 9,858.00

15 11,046.00

16 12,354.00
17 13,813.00

P o lit ic a l O ffic e Holders

Governor 21,000.00
Governor - Allowance 16,000.00
Deputy Governor 17,000.00
Commissioners 14,500.00
 47

S p e c ia l Advisers/Directors 14,500.00
Speaker of the Sta te House o f
Assembly 17,000.00
Deputy Speaker 15,500.00
M ajority Leader 15,000.00
M in ority Leader 14,000.00
C h ie f Whip 14,000.00
Members 13,500.00
C lerk o f the House 14.500.0032
 ■

48

Footnotes

1. The remaining States are: Anambra, Bauchi, Bendel, C ross-R iver,

Borno, Gongola, Kaduna, Kano, P la te a u , Lagos, Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, N iger,
R iv ers, Sokoto, Imo and Kwara.

2. General Murtala Mohammed ruled N igeria between Ju ly 1975 and

February 1976. His regime is considered to be the most ra d ica l in
N igerian h is to r y . His other achievements are: the reform o f
lo ca l government, the decision to move the Federal C a p ita l to Abuja
and the appointment o f members o f the C on stitu tion D raftin g Committee.

3. Gowon ruled N igeria fo r nine y ears. He was overthrown by a counter

coup ¿¡.'¿tat in Ju ly 1975.

4. S k la r , R ., Nigerian P o lit ic a l Parties (Princeton U niversity Press,

1963), pp. 345-346.

5. Ib id .

6. Mr. J . S . Tarka occupied th is p o sitio n u n til 1974 when he was forced

to resign due to accusations o f corruption and abuse of o ffic e by
Mr. Godwin Daboh.

7. Robert Melson and Howard Wolpe ( e d s .) , N igeria: Modernization and

P o litic s o f Cormunalism (Michigan State U n iv e rsity , 1971), p . 5.

8. The various c ris e s in Benue-Plateau were comprehensively discussed

with R t. Hon. Ju s t ic e A .P . Anyebe, who was Commissioner of Finance
in the Benue-Plateau S ta te . The interview was held in Makurdi on 4th
Ju ly 1983.

9. General Gowon was the Federal Head o f State and Mr. J^D. Gomwalk was
the Governor o f the S t a t e . Both o f them came from Partehin in the
Plateau P rovince. *

10. Mr. James Orshi is now the Tor Tiv (tr a d itio n a l ru ler of the Tiv
people).

11. Mr. Andrew Obeya was the Secretary to the Government, which made him
the second person to the Governor in the hierarchy of power. He was
arrested on the s tre e ts o f Jos and charged with having sexual in te r­
course with a married woman - Mrs. Anatu Abashe. In one o f his
pleadings in the Court, he asserted that adultery was not a crim inal
offence in Idoma s o c ie ty . This issue was exploited by the Plateau
group who said that Idomas had no good c u ltu r e .

12. The Ig a la e lit e s who were at the fo refro n t o f the movement for the
merger with Benue were: Mr. Isa Odoma, former Deputy Governor in
Benue S ta te ; Mr. Simeon Onekutu, former Secretary to the Benue
Government; Ju s t ic e Alhassan Idoko; B a rriste r Ibrahim Abdullahi and
Joseph Ataguba.

13. This a ffid a v it brought Mr. Aper Aku to p o lit ic a l lim eligh t - a factor
which he was to e x p lo it to become Governor of the Benue S ta te .
 49

14. Lagos, Daily Times, 3 September, 1974, pp. 1-8.

15. A fte r the overthrow o f h is Government, General Gowon se ttle d in the

United Kingdom in e x il e . He was, accused of being im plicated
in an abortive coup d 'é ta t on 13th February, 1976, which led to the
assassin atio n of General Murtala Mohammed, the then Head o f S t a te .
The coup p lo tte rs were mostly from Plateau and they im plicated Gowon
and Gomwalk during th e ir t r i a l s . Gomwalk was found g u ilty and
p u b licly tie d to the stake and shot in K ir ik ir i p riso n in Lagos. The
Shagari adm inistration granted Gowon amnesty.

16. Discussion o f Tiv so cie ty and p o lit ic s is to be found in the

follow ing books: J . I . Tseayo, C o n flict and Incorporation in Nigeria
(Z aria: Gaskiya Corporation, 1975); R .C . Abraham, The Tiv People
(Governnent P rin te r, Lagos, 1933); Paul Bohannan, Ju s tic e and
Judgement Among the Tiv (Oxford University P ress, 1957); Robert
Me Ison and Howard Wolpe ( e d s .) , Nigeria: Modernization and P o lit ic s
o f Communali8m (Michigan Sta te U n iv ersity , 1971).

17. This was one of the e a r lie s t Kingdoms to e x ist in the area. The
ethn ic groups which made up the Apa Kingdom were: Idoma, I g a la ,
Igb ira and Jukun.

18. Makurdi, Nigeria Voice, 11 May, 1983, p. 3.

19. The Benue-Plateau State Government p rin te r, Jo s , 1970. From a formal

broadcast to the people o f the Benue-Plateau Sta te by Mr. J .D .
Gomwalk, the Governor of the S ta te .

20. The three new Divisions in Tiv land were: Gboko, Makurdi and
K atsin a-A la.

21. Abiem, B .A ., The P o litic s o f the S p lit o f Tiv D iv is io n , unpublished

B .S c . D isserta tio n in the Department of Government, A .B .U ., Z a r ia ,
June 1976.

22. A fte r the C iv il War, General Yakubu Gowon told N igerian s that the
m ilitary was going to hand over in 1976. He, however, changed h is
mind in 1975 when he said that the 1976 dateline was not r e a l i s t i c .

23. B .A . Abiem, op. a i t ..

24. P .0 . Okolo, The Case o f the S p lit o f Igala Land in 1968, unpublished
D isse rta tio n , Department o f Government, A .B .U ., Z a r ia , 1978.

25. Ib id .

26. Ib id .

27. Edict No. 14 o f 1976 published by the Government P r in te r , Makurdi.

28. Ib id .

29. Ib id .

30. M inistry o f Inform ation, Makurdi.

 51

CHAPTER THREE

POLITICAL PARTIES

In pursuance of the declared goal of lib e r a l democracy e le c to ra l

p o lit ic s in Benue State was conducted through the in s t itu t io n of

com petitive party systems. S u ffic e i t to say that p o lit ic a l p a rtie s are

a p re -req u isite for modern e le c tio n s . The ancient Greek C ity States did

not require p o lit ic a l p a rtie s to operate th e ir democratic system because

of the small s iz e of th e ir population. Every member o f th e ir community -

c itiz e n s - was e a s ily a v a ila b le and could be assembled for e le c to r a l

p a rtic ip a tio n . In a modern so cie ty where the population of one e le c to ra l

constituency runs in to hundreds of thousands i t is necessary to have an

in s titu tio n which is to m obilise the e le c to r a te . P o lit ic a l p a rtie s

perform th is fu n ctio n .

Unlike to ta lita r ia n one-party systems, p o lit ic a l p a rtie s in a lib e r a l

democracy are expected to operate w ithin some c le a rly defined p rin c ip le s .

F ir s t ly , the existence of more than one party is considered as a b asic

n e ce ssity . This fa c t derives ju s t ific a t io n from the democratic philosophy

which sta te s that in d ivid u als must have the rig h t of free a sso c ia tio n .

This r ig h t a s s is ts the in d ivid u al to develop h is p o te n tia lity in any

p o lit ic a l community. As Harold Laski c o rre c tly said:

"L ib e r ty . . . . i s a product of r ig h t s . A sta te b u ilt

upon the conditions e sse n tia l to the f u l l develop­
ment of our fa c u lt ie s w ill confer freedom upon it s
c it iz e n s . I t w ill release th e ir in d iv id u a lity . I t
w ill enable them to contribute th e ir pecu liar and
intim ate experience to the common sto ck . I t w ill
o ffe r secu rity that the decisions o f the government
are b u ilt upon the widest knowledge open to i t s
members. I t w ill prevent that fru stra tio n of
creative impulse which destroys the sp ecial
character of men. Without righ ts there cannot be
lib e r ty , because, without r ig h ts , men are the j
subjects of law unrelated to the needs of P e rso n a lity ."
 52

I t is the r e a lis a tio n o f the importance o f the righ ts of in d iv id u a ls

which leads most democratic countries to provide safeguards fo r these

rig h ts in th e ir c o n s titu tio n s . The m anifestation of this is the entrench­

ment of the ru le of law in the p o lit ic a l values and p ractices o f countries

with a lib e r a l democratic p o lit ic a l system.

P lu r a lity of p o l it ic a l p a rtie s should not only e x is t but p a r tie s

should also compete among themselves in a lib e r a l p o lit ic a l system . For

example, in B r it a in , the p o l i t i c a l p a rtie s which e x is t and compete among

themselves are the Con servative, Labour, the SDP/Liberal A llia n c e , P la id

Cymru and the S co ttish N ational P a rty . These p a rtie s compete fo r the

control of government. P eaceful and orderly change in government as a

resu lt of a general e le c tio n is h igh ly in s titu tio n a liz e d in the B r it is h

p o lit ic a l process. The ro le of the opposition party is not only

desirable but c r u c ia l to B r itis h democracy.

The second p rin c ip le which regu lates the a c t iv it ie s of p o l i t i c a l

p arties in a lib e r a l democratic system is the fa c t that p o lit ic a l p a rtie s

are regarded as inform al p o l it ic a l in s t itu t io n s . This fa c t is re la te d

to the righ ts which the in d iv id u a l enjoys in a democratic system. The

formation and operation o f p o l it ic a l a sso ciatio n s a re ^ le ft to the

d iscretio n of in d iv id u a ls and groups without any governmental in s t it u t io n a l

r e s tr a in ts . This is one area in which the lib e r a l democratic party

d iffe r s from the Communist party o f the Soviet Union. The la t t e r is a

formal p o lit ic a l in s t itu t io n with i t s role c le a r ly sp e lt out in the

co n stitu tio n . Nowhere, in the co n stitu tio n s of lib e r a l democratic

countries is the role of p o l i t i c a l p a rtie s s p e c ifie d . In terms of

in s titu tio n a l arrangements, p o l it ic a l p a rtie s occupy a sim ilar p o sitio n

to other informal p o lit ic a l groups.

The third p rin c ip le - re g u la tin g p o lit ic a l a c tiv ity in a lib e r a l

democracy - is co n stitu tio n a lism . As used in th is con text, c o n stitu tio n a lism

A
 53

refers to the commitment of p o l i t i c a l p a rtie s to adhere to the rules of

the game of p o lit ic s . Each p arty is expected to engage in e le c to ra l

p o lit ic s in accordance with e le c to r a l rules about compaigns and the

acceptance of r e s u lts . E le c to ra l m alpractices are not tole ra te d because

they negate the basic value of democracy which sp e c ifie s th at the

ele cto ra l re su lt must r e fle c t the in te re st o f the m ajority o f the

e le cto ra te.

I t is necessary to mention th at the three p rin cip le s discussed above

represent id eal types and do not e x is t in p e r fe c t form in r e a lit y .

Nevertheless, there is usually a high co rre la tio n of p eo p le's behaviour

to these p rin cip les in countries with a lib e r a l democratic system of

government.

As mentioned e a r lie r , p o l i t i c a l p arties are desirable in p o lit ic a l

systems which espouse lib e r a l democracy. Modern so c ie ty , because of i t s

size and com plexity, is a fa r cry from the c it y - s ta t e s of Greece in Ath

and 5th Centuries B .C . where d ir e c t democracy was p r a c tic a b le . Modern

groups lik e p o lit ic a l p arties emerge to r e h a b ilita te the atomised

individuals in to new in s titu tio n s and valu es. In modern p o l i t i c s , an

atomised community without groups lik e p o l i t i c a l p arties w ill endeavour

to a rtic u la te th eir intentions by d ir e c t a ctio n on the governmental

2
stru ctu re. The resultant e ffe c t w il l be 'mass p o lit ic s ' . As Samuel

H. Beer put i t :

"Democracy gives the people p o lit ic a l power, but the

people speak with many v o ices and have many w i l l s .
These many w ills may push public p o lic y f i r s t in one
d irectio n and then in another or even in d iffe r e n t
directio n s at the same tim e ."3

For people to have a sense o f purpose and a common d ire ctio n

groups lik e p o lit ic a l p arties must e x is t to stave o ff anomic o rie n ta tio n s.

As an intermediary between the people and government, p o l i t i c a l parties

 54

perform aggregativ e, a r t ic u la t iv e and inform ative fu n ction s by harmonising

the various demands made from the p o l it ic a l environment in to the

p o lit ic a l system and communicating the a c t i v i t ie s of the government to

the people. Furthermore, p o lit ic a l p a rtie s promote p o l it ic a l p a rtic ip a tio n

by encouraging in d iv id u a ls to take p o lit ic a l o ffic e s and vote during

e le c tio n s . I t is the re a lis a tio n of th e ro le s o f the p o lit ic a l p a rtie s which

made J . Blondel assert th at:

" P o li t i c a l p a rtie s occupy a p ecu lia r p o sitio n in

Western democracies. They a re , almost everywhere
and in p a rtic u la r in B r ita in , p riv a te a ssociatio n s
to which the law does not give more rig h ts and
d u ties than to other private o rg a n isa tio n s.
However, neither B rita in nor any other democracy
could function without p a r tie s . They are the main
lin k between e le c to rs and th e ir M .P .'s . Without
them, e le ctio n s would be meaningless fo r the vast
m ajority of voters who know very l i t t l e about the
candidates. Without them, e le c tio n s would decide
n othin g."^

Although the idea of p a rtie s has been accepted in countries with

lib e r a l democratic systems o f government, i t was not so a few generations

ago. In the Eighteenth Century, most leaders of the United Sta te s of

America were suspicious of the role of p o l it ic a l p a r tie s . In h is

farewell address to the American n ation , George Washington spoke of the

"baneful e ff e c t of the s p ir it of fa c tio n s " .^ In 1798, Thomas Je ffe rs o n

wrote that p o lit ic a l party " i s the la s t degradation of the free and moral

agent. I f I could not go to heaven but with a p a rty , I would not go

there at a l l ." ^ Yet under the nose of these leaders of the United States

p o lit ic a l p a rtie s were emerging. And not long afterw ards, com petitive

p o lit ic a l p a rtie s were in s titu tio n a lis e d in the United S t a te s .

I t is necessary to mention at th is juncture that the orthodox

democratic view about the ro le of p o lit ic a l p a rtie s is being constantly

questioned as new advances are made in p o lit ic a l stu d ie s. The h ith e rto

held view that p o lit ic a l p a rtie s are democratic in s titu tio n s no longer
 ■ M i

55

holds water. Em pirical research done by Robert M ichels and others has

shown how the in b u ilt o lig a r c h ic a l tendency in p a rtie s in hibited their

democratic fu n ctio n s. A fte r an in c is iv e study of p o lit ic a l parties

Robert M ichels drew the fo llow in g conclusion:

"Reduced to i t s most concise expression, the

fundamental so c io lo g ic a l law of p o l it ic a l p arties
may be formulated in the follow ing terms: I t is
organization which gives b irth to the domination of
the elected over the e le c to r s , of the mandatories
over the mandators, o f the delegates over the
d elegato rs. Who says organization says o lig a rch y.
Every party organization represents an o lig a rc h ic a l
power grounded upon a democratic b a s is . We find
everywhere that the power of the ele cte d leaders
over the electin gm asses is almost u n lim ited . The
o lig a r c h ic a l structue o f the b u ild in g su ffocates
the b asic democratic p rin c ip le .

In the 1950's, new techniques adopted in the study of p o lit ic s threw

8
more lig h t on the ongoing debate about the ro le of democratic p a rtie s.

Behavioural studies uncovered how e lection s were not decided by the

programme o f p o li t i c a l p a r tie s . The debate on the ro le of democratic

p arties was s t i l l inconclusive in the 1960's when democratic trappings,

including p o lit ic a l p arties,w ere being transferred to the Third World.

The in te re stin g thing is that at the time of the tra n s fe r, these

in s titu tio n s were undergoing a c r is is of d e fin it io n .

P o lit ic a l P a rtie s in the F ir s t N igerian Republic (1960-1966)

P o lit ic a l p a rtie s in the F ir s t Republic are discussed in order to

estab lish some co n tin u ity with those of the Second R epublic. This is

with a view to throwing some lig h t on the various aspects of party

p o lit ic s in N ig e ria . No attempt is made to discuss them in d e ta il as

they do not form a major part of th is study.

Trappings of the lib e r a l democratic system o f government were introduced

in N igeria by the B r itis h C olon ial Government. A competitive party

system was one o f such in s t it u t io n s . Consequently N igeria operated a

 56

m ulti-party system in the F ir s t Republic (1960-1966). I t is unnecessary

to mention that these in s titu tio n s were expected to function lik e those

in the United Kingdom. This expectation was not re a lise d as N igerian

p arties did not adhere to democratic p r in c ip le s . The weaknesses in the

p arties of the F ir s t Republic are many - only a few of them w ill be

discussed here. F i r s t l y , the ru lin g p a rtie s did not want the existen ce

of opposition p a rtie s and took steps to elim in ate them. In s t itu t io n a l

and physical con strain ts were mobilised a g a in st opposition groups.

Dudley's study of the p arties in Northern N ig e ria uncovered such

co n stra in ts. According to Dudley:

"Various other methods may be a p p lie d , p a rtic u la rly

in the rural and sem i-rural areas, to harass or
in tim id a te , in d iv id u a lly , members o f the op position .
They may be 'directed' to attend b e f o r e ....a n ative court
at any tim e. Innocent as th is may seem, i t often
has disru p tive e ff e c t s . The farmer or c r a fts m a n ....
who has to leave h is business to attend before the
native authority now and again may s t a r t losin g
custom; or i f a fanner, may find h im self spending
less time on h is farm. Failure to attend is a crime
which on conviction could lead to a fin e of as much
as £100.00 or s ix months imprisonment or both. The
in dividu al opposition member may a ls o , i f he is not
a native o f the d i s t r i c t , be deported from the
province on the ground that he is incapable of
supporting h im s e lf."9

Although lib e r a l democracy makes the e xisten ce o f two or more

p arties e s s e n tia l, Nigerian leaders did not lik e opposition because they

wanted to control the government in d e fin it e ly . P o lit ic a l power, to

them,was a zero sum game and those who were out of power should remain

there fo r ever. On the other hand, the co n stitu tio n was not in any way

against the formation of opposition p a r tie s . This issue was a major

problem in Nigerian democracy. Whereas in Western Europe, opposition

p arties occupy a cen tral place in the democratic process, in N igeria

steps were taken e ith e r to elim inate them or render them in e ffe c tiv e .

The second problem with Nigerian p arties o f the F ir s t Republic was

 . Vt*

the fa c t th at they were not only communally based but that they a lso

made use o f informal p o lit ic a l in s titu tio n s as a base of p o lit ic a l

power. The N .P .C . belongs to the Hausa/Fulani; the N .C .N .C . to the Ibos;

the A .G . to the Yoruba; the B .Y .M . to the Kanuri and N .E .P .U . to the

Hausa. The im plication of th is is that N igerian p arties became ethnic

in s titu tio n s organized around eth n ic leaders such as C hief Obafemi

Awolowo, D r. Nnatodi Azikiwe and the la te S ir Ahmadu B e llo . Thus instead

of being democratic in s titu tio n s the p a rtie s became instruments of power

for these eth n ic le a d e rs. Furthermore, the a c t iv it ie s o f these p a rtie s

had an adverse e ffe c t on the u n ity of the country. I t is unnecessary to

mention th a t the stru ggle among these p a rtie s contributed in no small

way to the f a l l of the F ir s t R epublic. I t was the r e a liz a tio n o f th is

that prompted the m ilita ry government to prescribe the nation al character

of p o lit ic a l p arties and thus regu late the way in which things should operate

before handing over to an e le cte d government.

The C o rrectiv e Measures o f the M ilita r y Government

As p a rt of the programme fo r handing over power to a c iv ilia n

democratic government, the m ilita ry government in N igeria set up a

C o n stitu tion D raftin g Committee (CDC) in October 1975 to d ra ft the

C on stitu tion o f the Second R epu b lic. The C .D .C ., which had C hief

Rotimi W illiam s as i t s Chairman, comprised fo rty -n in e members.10 At

this ju n ctu re i t is necessary to mention an observation of Keith

Panter-Brick which is relevant to th is d iscu ssio n . Panter-Brick said :

"A m ilita ry regime that has assumed re sp o n sib ility

fo r correctin g the d c ficie n ce s of i t s predecessor
may act lik e a co lo n ia l government, e xe rcisin g the
power of tu te la g e , and reserving fo r i t s e l f the
r ig h t to in s is t upon c e rta in c o n stitu tio n a l p ro v is io n s ."^

The N igerian m ilita ry acted lik e a co lo n ia l government in the a ff a ir s

of the C o n stitu tio n D ra ftin g Committee. At various stages in the

d raftin g o f the C o n stitu tio n , the m ilita ry put pressure on the C .D .C . to

produce a d r a ft which would r e f le c t i t s own image o f p o st-m ilita ry

N igeria. For example, during the launching of the C .D .C ., General

Murtala Mohammed said that:

" . . . . i n order to avoid the harmful e ff e c t of n ation al

p a r tie s , i t w ill be d esirab le fo r you to work out
s p e c ific c r it e r ia by which th e ir number would be
lim ite d . Indeed the Supreme M ilita r y Council is o f the
opinion that during the course o f your d elib e ra tio n s
and having regard to our d is illu s io n with party
p o lit ic s in the p a st, you should discover some means
by which Government can be formed without the
involvement of p o l it ic a l p a r tie s , you should fe e l
fre e to so recommend."^

The members of the sub-committee on p o l it ic a l p a rtie s o f the C .D .C .

were p o lit ic a l r e a lis ts and they knew that no modern p o lit ic a l system
13 . . .
could e x is t without p o lit ic a l p a r tie s . They made i t clear in th eir

report when they said:

"There are few countries in the world where th is

no-party system is p ra ctise d . What examples there
are - E th io p ia , H a it i, Saudi Arabia - are hardly
countries N igeria would want to em u late.. . .To
accept a no-party system and yet accept some form
of representative government would amount to
acceptin g a sy n d ic a lis t or c o rp o ra tiv ist p o lit ic a l
system. Were th is even p ra c tic a b le under modern
conditions i t would not u n lik e ly lead to a fa s c is t
system of governm ent."^

On the b a sis of th is a sse rtio n , the C .D .C . recommended a m ulti-party

system for N ig e r ia . This provision was embodied in the Con stitu tion of

the Second R epublic.

I t is imperative to mention here that th is C on stitu tion gave p o lit ic a l

p arties a ce n tra l fo cu s. I t not only recognised th e ir existence but also

gave them a de ju re status in i t s p ro v isio n s. Sections 201-209 o f the

C on stitu tion sp e cifie d that no asso cia tio n could function as a p o lit ic a l

party unless i t had been registered by the Federal E le c to ra l Commission

(FEDECO). The Federal E le cto ra l Commission was empowered to re g is te r

 59

asso ciatio n s which met the follow ing conditions:

(1) the names and addresses of party o ffic e r s must be registered

with FEDECO;

(2) party membership must be open to every N ig e ria n regardless of

h is place of o r ig in , r e lig io n , ethnic group or sex;

(3) i t s C on stitu tion must be registered with FEDECO and every

a lte r a tio n must be reported w ithin 30 days;

(A) i t s name, emblem or motto must not have any eth n ic or re lig io u s

connotation and i t must not even create the impression that

i t s a c t i v i t ie s are confined to a part (rath er than the whole)

o f N ig e ria ;

(5) the headquarters must be situ ated in the Federal c a p ita l; and

(6) i t must have esta b lish ed branch o ffic e s in a t le a st two-thirds

y iu v , w X / C

the s tip u la tio n of the m ilita r y that p o lit ic a l p a rtie s must be nation al

both in membership and o rg a n iza tio n . The fa c t that N ig e ria n p o lit ic a l

p arties had to meet some c o n stitu tio n a l requirement^ b efo re being allowed

to operate ra ise s some fundamental questions about the type of lib e r a l

democracy being p ra c tise d . I t is true that the C o n stitu tio n had good

in te n tio n s. N igerians were a fr a id of having a repeat performance of what

happened in the F ir s t Republic when p o lit ic a l p a rtie s were merely

g lo r ifie d ethn ic pressure groups. But by doing t h is , the C o n stitu tion

destroyed the fundamental base of it s normative goal - lib e r a l democracy.

In countries with an in s titu tio n a lis e d tra d itio n of lib e r a l democracy,

p o lit ic a l p a rtie s are e x tr a -c o n s titu tio n a l. P arties d e riv e th eir

existence from a lib e r ta r ia n base which is a fundamental b e lie f in

lib e r a l democracies. Since p o l i t i c a l p a rtie s are inform al p o lit ic a l

k _ *
y
 ■napihr

60

in s titu tio n s , th e ir formation should be volun tary. Any contrivance

which denies free a sso c ia tio n in whatever form negates lib e r a l democratic

p ra ctice. In N ig e r ia , p o lit ic a l p arties are quasi-form al p o l it ic a l

in stitu tio n s which are regulated by the C o n stitu tio n . In th is sense i t

is d i f f i c u lt to accep t the notion that by th e ir o r ig in , N igerian p arties

are democratic in s t it u t io n s .

The Federal E le c to r a l Commission was often accused of pursuing

p o licie s which favoured the N ational Party of N ig e ria . An example of

this was the issue o f the re g is tra tio n o f p o lit ic a l p a r tie s . One of the

major functions of FEDECO is " to re g is te r p o lit ic a l p a rtie s and determine

their e l i g i b i l i t y to sponsor candidates fo r e le c tio n s " . This fun ction gave

FEDECO a considerable d isc re tio n . In 1979 a to ta l of 59 a sso ciatio n s

submitted papers to FEDECO to be registered as p o lit ic a l p a r t ie s .1^ Out

of these 59 a s s o c ia tio n s , only fiv e were re g iste re d . This d e cisio n was

righ t in that too many parties would have given ris e to organizational

problems. A lso, no p a rty would be lik e ly to emerge as a clear winner

in most of the e le c tio n s because votes would be widely d istrib u te d

among p a rtie s. Yet the d is q u a lific a tio n of some p a r tie s , e s p e c ia lly

the Nigerian Advanced Party (N .A .P .) of Tunji B raithw aith, raised

doubts about the fa ir n e s s of FEDECO. This view was c le a r ly expressed

by a Lagos-based newspaper, the Nigerian Punch:

"One resu lt th a t has caused a lo t o f grumbling

is the n o n -re g istra tio n o f NAP. Some people
thought that the NAP at le a st had bigger follow ers
than one or two of the fiv e registered p a r tie s . '

In reacting to the d is q u a lific a tio n of h is p arty , Tunji Braithwaith

said:

I f e l t b it t e r l y disappointed because of the

 61

in ju s t ic e . I know that in terms of organization we

were second to U .P .N .; and in terms of follow ership
we were second to none. We had estab lish ed v ia b le
fu n ction in g o ffic e s in seventeen States."^®

The decision of FEDECO not to re g iste r some of the a sso cia tio n s was

not challengeable in court and the most Tunji could do was to make a

formal p rotest to the then Federal M ilita ry Government. However, luck

smiled on the NAP in 1983 when the party was re g is te re d .

P o lit ic a l P arties in Benue State

Benue State was dominated by three p o l it ic a l p a rtie s: the

National Party of N igeria ( N .P .N .) , the N igerian People's Party ( N .P .P .) ,

and the Unity Party of N ig e ria ( U .P .N .) . In terms of e le c to r a l strength

the State was more of a one-party system since the N .P .N . had dominated

the State Assembly and the E xecutive arm of government. The N .P .P . and

the U .P .N . could not muster a meaningful number of le g is la t iv e seats

despite the fa c t that they enjoyed the goodwill and support of a section

of the e le c to r a te . The other p a rtie s - the Great N igerian People's

Party ( G .N .P .P .) , the P eople's Redemption Party ( P .R .P .) and the N igerian

Advanced Party (N .A .P .) - had l i t t l e follow ing in the S ta te .

The National Party of N ig e ria (N .P .N .)

ui 1 1 1 « by members o f the C onstituent Assembly (C .A .) in

19
Lagos. The C .A . turned out to be the breeding ground fo r p o lit ic ia n s

of the Second Republic. This view was c le a rly expressed by one of it s

members, Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, who sa id :

" . . . . t h e C .D .C . D r a ft, made by appointed men, was to

be turned over to elected men of the C onstituent
Assembly of N igeria 1977-1978. The la t t e r was the
actu al forum of p o l it ic a l 'anim als' in dialogue on
n ational p o l it ic s . From the serene atmosphere of
the C .D .C . on p o l i t i c s , N igeria graduated to the

A
 62

open dialogue at the Constituent Assembly. I t was

at the flo o r of th is Assembly that men and matters
met to c r y s t a llis e the tra n sitio n to party p o lit ie s .
For the f i r s t time sin ce 1966, elected Nigerians from
a l l parts o f the Federation and of divergent p o lit ic a l
and re lig io u s persuations started again to ta lk p o lit ic s
openly and fa ce -to -fa ce ."^ ®

Early in the proceedings o f the Constituent Assembly a committee was

formed by some of the members to press for the creation of four S ta te s :

Wawa (Enugu), Calabar/Ogoja (Qua Ib o e ), Katsina and Kogi S ta te s . The

. .
committee was known as conmittee I I I , but did not achieve it s aim .
21
Most of it s members then formed the N ational Movement. The aims o f the

movement were:

(1) eq u ality between in d iv id u a ls irre sp e ctiv e of age, sex, s o c ia l

s ta tu s , c la s s , re lig io u s or p o lit ic a l a f f il i a t io n :

(2) eq u ality and the autonomy o f the various States of the

Federation, th is being card in al to the operation of the system;

(3) re je ctio n o f re lig io u s b ig o try and re lig io u s confrontation of

any type or d escrip tio n ;

(A) n ational u n ity , peace and s t a b ilit y with good government as

g o a ls, where the party should serve as a basic instrument for

nation al in te g ra tio n ; and

(5) the supremacy o f the people dem ocratically expressed.

22

The name o f N ational Movement was changed to National Party o f

N igeria on September 24 1978 when the ban on party a c t iv it ie s was l i f t e d .

According to Okadigbo:

" ....f r o m the National Movement of N igeria to the

N ational Party o f N ig e ria . Place of b irth :
S a t e llit e town, Badagry Road, Lagos, the home of the
M .C .A .S .
As our f l a g , we chose the colours of Green, White,
and Blue. Green is fo r r ic h v egetatio n , a visu al
gestation of food and a g r ic u ltu r e , which is the
mainstay o f the population. White for peace. For
 63

we want to e s ta b lis h concord and harmony and to

abolish war. Blue fo r love among our members,
among the c itiz e n s o f the Republic, among the
peoples of A fr ic a and indeed among the people of the
world.
As our emblem, we chose food and sh e lte r
symbolised by maize and h o u se ....w e thought that
N igerians should own th eir own houses and should
wake up and rest in peace in th e ir houses. M aize,
because i t is the common food in a l l parts of
N ig e ria .
As our motto, we chose One N ation, One D estin y.
We b elieve in the e re ctio n of one strong, v i r i l e ,
ju s t , dynamic and progressive nation - the
development of a s in g le all-em bracing community in
which a l l Nigerians fe e l equal and are treated
eq u a lly .

In h is maiden address, the f i r s t National Chairman of the N .P .N .,

A lh a ji A liyu Makaraan Bida, explained the motto of the p a rty . He said

" ....W e of the N .P .N . represent a unique and

unprecedented and a tr u ly credib le hope for the
future of th is coun try.
. . . . I say th is because an event such as we are
w itnessing today has no p a ra lle l in our p o l it ic a l
h is to ry . Unlike previous experiments, and dare say
other e ffo r ts on the n ation al scene, we o f the N.P.N
are the one and the tr u ly spontaneous creation o f the
communities of a l l our 19 states in t h is , and yet to
be greater N ig e ria .
We are the only p a rty that sta rte d out of a
question mark - where do you go from here? The
answer which has emerged is the N .P .N . As you know,
we did not ju s t s i t down and create th is answer.
We asked the communities of a l l 19 states in the
country to t e l l us what they want. Each State was
completely free to send us the answers through
representatives which they, themselves have chosen
from a l l the d iffe r e n t se cto rs, in te re sts and
opinion groups in t h e ir sta te s.
Together, we sat down fu lly respecting the equal
righ ts and status of a l l states and groups, and we
came out with the National Party. We are, th erefo re,
a creation by the n a tio n to serve the nation and we
belong to the nation .
We of the National P arty have learn t the good
lessons and are committed to use those lessons to
give our country a new and tru ly cred ib le hope.
Our party is the real N ational Party suited for
N igeria at th is point in our h is to r y .
 64

Those who brought the N .P.N . to Benue S ta te include: Mr. Joseph

Tarka (the fath er o f the N .P .N . in the S t a te ) , Mr. Mvendega Jib o ,

Mr. Isaac Kpum, Mr. Isaac Shaahu, Mr. M.U. Ogbole, Mr. Isa Odoma,

Rtd. C o l. Ahmadu A l i , la te Dr. Abubakar Usman, Dr. Emmanuel Atanu and

Chief J . C . Obande. Tarka was the most in flu e n t ia l person among these

leaders. His d ecision to jo in the N .P .N . was due to two main seasons:

(i) he was tipped fo r the presidency come 1979; and

( i i ) he was of the view that the Tiv people should never be in the

opposition p a rty .

The Hausas re a lise d the in flu ence of Tarka in Benue p o l i t i c s . To

co'vfi'/vwe. in
the N .P .N . He was promised to be the
25
p resid en tial candidate o f the party in 1979. Many people were of the

view that the Hausas were only going to use him to achieve th e ir p o lit ic a l
26
objective (to win in Benue S ta te ).

Tyu-Abeghe said:

"A lthough. . . .Tarka had expressed optimism that he

was sure he would win nomination on the tic k e t of
the party that he and a group of prominent Hausa
men were about to form, I did not allow myself to
agree that the contest was going to be a walk over
fo r him. In f a c t , my pesimism arose from this fa c t
that in a s itu a tio n where the people whose weight of
number, diplomacy and economic strength were
in d isp u ta b le , a to ta l re lia n ce on them fo r a verbal
promise could be h igh ly q u ix o tic .

Tarka was eventu ally disappointed in h is bid to win the N.P.N

p resid en tial nomination. According to M .J. Dent:

"He was disappointed in h is bid for leadership.

Already h is health had begun to f a i l and in the la s t
reso rt the voters o f the a re a s, whom he had helped
most, went to other candidates in the N .P .N .
nominating convention. He was beloved in Kano, but
Kano, not u n n a tu ra lly, voted fo r it s own distinguished
son, Maitama S u le . The Ibo areas were g ra te fu l to
him for what he had done, but in the la s t resort
they concluded (probably c o rr e c tly )th a t they must
 65

give th e ir vote to Shehu Sh agari, as a focus of

peace and u n ity.
Even the votes of h is fellow m inority and Middle
B elt men outside Benue mostly went ag a in st him. The
convention a fte r the f i r s t vote drew i t s e l f
togeth er, and gave Shagari a unanimous vote of
con fiden ce, a l l other candidates v o lu n ta r ily
withdrawing th e ir candidature."^®

The e le ctio n was held on 9th December 1978 when over 2,000 delegates

from a l l over the country met in the f i r s t n a tio n a l convention. Six

candidates - A lh a ji Shehu Sh agari, A lh a ji Maitama Su le, A lh a ji Adamu

Ciroma, Dr. Sola S a ra k i, Mr. J . S . Tarka and Professor Iya Abubakar -

presented themselves for the p re sid e n tia l nom inations. The regulation

of the party sp e cifie d that fo r a candidate to win the p resid en tial

nomination he must score f i f t y per cent of to ta l votes c a st.

In the f i r s t b a llo t , out of a to ta l vote o f 2,235 the scores were:

1. A lh a ji Shehu Shagari - 978 votes

2. A lh a ji Maitama Sule - 564 votes

3. A lh a ji Adamu Ciroma - 293 votes

4. Dr. Sola Saraki - 214 votes

5. Mr. J . S . Tarka - 104 votes

29
6. P ro f. I . Abubakar - 92 votes

The ch ie f returning o f f ic e r , C h ief Anthony Enahoro, announced that

the f i r s t candidate, A lh a ji Shehu Sh agari, had scored 140 votes less than the

required number. He therefore ordered a fresh e le c t io n , with A lh a ji Shehu

Shagari, A lh a ji Maitama Sule and A lh a ji Adamu Ciroma as candidates. Itw as

at this stage that both Maitama Sule and Adamu Ciroma stepped down in favour of

A lh a ji Shehu Sh agari.

The second reason why Tarka joined the N .P .N . is the fa c t that he

vowed that the Tiv people would never again be in opposition to the

ruling p arty . When Tarka was asked why had he decided to go with the

t
Hausas when he had, during the F ir s t R ep u b lic, preached a g a in st them, he

replied: "A t that time our in te re sts were at p a r, but th is is not the

case now. Let me t e l l you th is; in p o l i t i c s you have permanent in te r e s ts ,

31
but not permanent enemies." In opting fo r the N .P .N . Tarka and his

supporters sa id that Tiy D ivision was not developed in the F ir s t

Republic because they were considered to be in opposition to the Northern

Regional government. They were of the view that the Federal government

was going to be formed by the National P arty and by being with the ru lin g

party they could en tice much needed development to T iv land. Tarka

reactivated h is old p o lit ic a l organization in Tiv land by b ringin g into

the N .P.N . important Tiv men lik e Isaac Shaahu, Ugba Uye, Isa a c Kpum,
AS well as old CaA-res c f. +bt U M B C clan. o*-d d iitV ic t " l* v « Js .
Ugor Iwoo, Shirsha and Tyungu^ Tarka a ls o encouraged some new breed to

jo in the N .P .N . These included: Aper Aku, Thomas Degarr, Simeon Shango,

Vincent U ji , J . Orkar and E lizab eth Iv ase.

I t could be argued that the e le c to ra l success of the N .P .N . in

Benue State was estab lish ed at th is stage. The Tiv people con stitu ted

about h a lf o f the population of the State and any p o lit ic a l party which

controlled T iv land was lik e ly to control the S ta te .

From the Idoma Se ctio n , Chief J . C . Obande and Mr. Morgan Ogbole were

the prominent men who got involved with the N .P .N . I n i t i a l l y most

informed Idomas were not interested in the N .P .N . The party only got the

support of many Idomas when the Arewa S o cia l Club was a f f i l i a t e d to i t .

The Arewa S o c ia l Club was formed in 1978 by some p o l it ic a l l y a c tiv e

Idomas who wanted to be involved in the party p o lit ic s of the Second

Republic. Those who formed the club included: Paul Odeh, C h ristia n Onu,

Omada Ogbo, Eigege E jig a and S.O . Adigba. The word 'Arewa' meant Northern

N ig e ria . The Arewa So cia l Club was an organization with the express

in tention of r e -e s ta b lis h in g the old re la tio n sh ip between the Idomas and

the Hausa/Fulani who were in the North. They considered the N .P .P . to

 67

be an Ibo party and preferred the N .P.N . which they believed belonged to

the N ortherners. When the Arewa Club merged with the N .P .N . i t gave the

la tte r a much needed foothold in Idomaland.

In Ig a la la n d , Mr. Isa Odoma and C o l. Ahmadu A li from Idah were the

leaders who took the N .P.N . there. The fa c t that these two men came

from an area considered to be under Idah hegemony was to prove c o s tly to

the N .P .N . in the 1979 e le c tio n s . The Ankpa group immediately in d e n tifie d

the N .P .N . as Idah based. This caused the Ankpa people to vote for the

Great N igerian People's Party (G .N .P .P .) in the 1979 e le c tio n s .

O rg a n is a tio n a lly , the N .P .N . had four le v e ls . A r t ic le 6 of the

party sp e c ifie d that "there s h a ll be four main le v e ls o f the party

organ isatio n ," namely:-

(a) Level 1 (town/clan, district/w ard)

(b) Level 2 ( lo c a l government)

(c) Level 3 (state)

(d) Level A (national)

One thing unique to the N .P .N . was the idea of zoning. The quota

or zoning system e n ta ils the d istrib u tio n of p o lit ic a l o f fic e s among

cle a rly defined geographical are a s. The system was f i r s t introduced at

the n a tio n a l le v e l and la te r adopted by other le v e ls of the party.

According to James 0. Ojiako:

"M ajority of the members of the N .P.N . is from the

North and to avoid th is p a rticu la r section taking
over a l l the party p o sts, i t was decided that the
party o ffic e s as w ell as government appointments
should be zoned in lin e with section 203 of the
C o n stitu tio n which demands that "the C on stitu tion
and ru les of a party sh a ll ensure that the members
o f the executive committee or other governing body
r e fle c t the Federal character of N ig e r ia ."
"The members of Executive Committee or other
governmental bodies o f a p o lit ic a l party sh a ll be
deemed to r e fle c t the Federal character of N igeria
only i f the members belong to d iffe r e n t states not
being le ss in number than two thirds o f a l l sta te s
 68

comprising the Federation.

A lso zoning is necessary to meet the requirements
of section 14, sub-section 4 of the C o n stitu tio n .
This section stip u la te s that the composition o f
the government of the fed eration or any of it s
agencies and the conduct o f i t s a ff a ir s sh a ll be
carried out in such a manner as to r e f le c t the
Federal Character o f N igeria and the need to promote
n ation al u n ity , and also to command national lo y a lty
thereby ensuring that there s h a ll be no predominance
of persons from a few sta te s or from a few ethnic or
other se ctio n a l groups in that government or in any
o f i t s a g e n cie s."32

Consequently, the country was divided into four zones fo r the

purpose of sharing p o lit ic a l posts:

Zone A :- Comprised a ll the Northern s ta te s (excluding minority s ta te s of Benue,

Niger and Kwara). This zone was to produce the p re sid e n tia l

candidate in 1979.

Zone B :- Comprised the Old Western Region and was to produce the

Chairman of the p a rty .

Zone C :- Comprised the Ibo Eastern s ta te s and was given the post of

V ice-p re sid en t.

Zone D :- M inority sta te s who were given the postç of- fNl«.tSon\«4

BL lit pwtÿ ¿uv«t

Strott,.
The N .P.N . introduced i t s zoning arrangement in Benue Sta te in 1979.

This was as follow s:

Zone A :- Tiv-speaking area, which was given the posts of Governor and

Secretary.

Zone B:- Idoma-speaking area, which was given the post of Chairman of the

p arty.

Zone C :- Igala-speakin g area which was given the posts of Deputy-Governor

and Treasurer of the p arty .

At the second congress of the party in 1983, Mr. Emmanuel Atawodi,

 69

an I g a la , was elected the Secretary . The prestigiou s o f f ic e of party

Treasurer which was form erly held by A lh a ji S a lis u , an Ig a la from

Ankpa, was zoned to the T iv and Mr. Tor Ngibo from Katsina-Aha d iv isio n

was eventually elected to th is post.

In 1979 when the o f fic e s were f i l l e d for the f i r s t time the idea

of zoning did not create any problem. Tarka was then a liv e and his

p erson ality contributed in no small way to peace and s t a b il it y in the

p arty. He had a near complete monopoly of patronage in the party.

Mr. Aku won h is nomination through him. Mr. Shaahu was appointed a

Federal M inister on h is recomnendation. Another reason why the zoning

system did not create problems in 1979 was the fa c t that those who were elected

or appointed to these o f fic e s were occupying them for the f i r s t time.

They had not been tested in these jo b s. Most of them were seen as new

brooms in the arena of p o l it ic s and were expected to sweep w e ll. For

example, Mr. Aper Aku, the candidate fo r Governor, was making h is debut

in p artisan p o lit ic s .

In 1983 the whole s itu a tio n had changed as almost every person who

held o f f ic e for the f i r s t four years was challenged. B it t e r competition

for o f fic e eventually led to the fa c tio n a liz a tio n of the p a rty . Mr. Tarka

died in 1980 and l e f t a leadership vacuum in Tiv land. Aku, who was the

Governor in the S ta te , was o f the view that the crown should descend on

him. This claim was challenged by Shaahu, a l i f e long a sso c ia te of

Tarka and then a Federal M in ister. Matters reached a clim ax when a to ta l

of four candidates from the T iv area, in cludin g Shaahu, challenged the

renomination of Aku as the Governor of Benue State for a second term.

The other three were E zekiel A k iga, head of the State C i v i l Service,

S . Gusah, the marketing manager of Benue Cement, Gboko, and S . Ihugh, a

Gboko businessman. The gubernatorial nomination issue ended in Aku's

favour but i t l e f t the party divided and weak.

 mmm

70

The second problem which arose as a re su lt o f the zoning system was

the fa c t that most people were not happy with the performance o f some of

the incumbents and requested that they be changed. In areas where there

were many ethnic groups the concept of zoning was re-defined to stave

o ff any possible c o n f l i c t . But th is in turn led to people 'decamping'

or resigning from the p arty .

In Idoma land an attempt was made to avert any possible problem

which might arise as a re su lt of the zoning arrangement. To th is end,

a committee was set up by the leaders of the party to screen a l l

prospective candidates fo r the post of Sta te Chairman of the p a rty . The

committee comprised the fo llow in g persons:

(1) Mr. John A ja (Chairman)

(2) Mr. Oketa (Secretary)

(3) Mr. Idede (Member)

(A) Mr. A. Idakwo (Member)

(5) Mr. J . Agu (Member)

(6) Mr. Bongos (Member)

(7) Mr. Ogw iji Ikongbe (Member)

(8) Mr. Augustine Uwodi (Member)

(9) Hajiya Amina Zakari (Member) ^

The committee d elib erated fo r two weeks and prepared a rep ort. But

when the report was about to be submitted, Mr. S .O . Adigba, who was then

the State A ssistan t Secretary o f the p arty , wrote a p e titio n accusing

the members of the committee of corrupt p r a c tic e s . Adigba claimed that

the conmittee was h e a v ily bribed to favour one candidate in i t s report.

Following th is p e titio n the conmittee could not submit it s report and i t

disin tegrated . With the fa ilu r e of th is attempt to produce a compromise

candidate, four men expressed th e ir in te re st in contesting the post of

State Chairman of the p a r ty . They were: C h ief J . C . Obande, the

 >

71

incumbent; Mr. Baba Odangla, the Chairman of Benue Sports Council;

Mr. Nelson Eka Onojo, the Secu rity adviser to the Governor; and

Mr. Obande Obeya, the N .P .N . Chairman of Okpokwu Local Government Area.

In Idoma-north, Adoka/Ugboju/Onyagede were put together to form

one con stitu en cy. According to the rule of zoning, one constituency

cannot have two le g is la to r s . Mr. Eigege E jig a , who was elected to the

House o f Representatives from th is constituency in 1979, expressed h is

in te re st in running for a second term in 1983. This a sp iratio n was not

realised because o f the challenge by Mr. Adejo O g iri who was from the

same con stitu en cy. Mr. O g ir i was in terested in being returned to the

Senate and, under normal circum stances, would not have threatened

Mr. E jig a 's se a t. But the zoning ru le says that two candidates cannot

come from the same constituency: e ith e r Mr. E jig a or Mr. O g iri could be

chosen, but not both . Eventually Mr. O g iri was nominated fo r two

reasons. F ir s t ly , Mr. O g ir i, who was the Commissioner o f Ju s tic e in

Benue S ta te , had considerable powers which he used a g a in st h is opponent.

In the primary e le c tio n fo r the House of R epresentatives between E jig a

and Vincent Garuba Ookwu from Ugboju, Mr. O g ir i encouraged h is supporters

to vote against Mr. E jig a . C e r ta in ly , E jig a a ttrib u te d h is defeat to

34
the a c t iv it ie s of Mr. O g ir i. The second consideration in favour of

Mr. Adejo O g iri was the fa c t that some of the elders defined the concept

of zoning in tr a d itio n a l terms. They argued that Mr. E jig a had already

had his share of the national cake and that he should allow h is 'broth er'

to have h is share. Although E jig a accepted the s it u a tio n , he took steps

to make sure that h is opponent did not have everything h is own way by

in stru ctin g h is supporters not to vote fo r Mr. O g iri in the Senatorial

E le ctio n .

In Otukpa d i s t r i c t of Okpokwu Local Government A rea, the N .P.N .

zoned the le g is la tiv e seat among the three sub-clans of Aono, Aodo and
Olachakpaha. Mr. Audu Ogbe, the le g is la t o r who was elected in the 1979

election»was from Aono. He vacated the seat when he was appointed a

Federal M in ister. The leaders of the N .P .N . in the area then decided

that the seat should ro tate to Olachakpaha. Mr. Christopher Ajunwa was

nominated from Olachakpaha to contest the seat in the 1983 e le c tio n .

The decision of the Otukpa leaders to ro ta te the seat to Olachakpaha was

based on the p rin cip le o f fa ir p la y . The f i r s t le g is la to r from Otukpa,

Mr. Abutu Obekpa, was from Aodo; the second le g is la to r , Mr. Audu Ogbe,

was from Aono. I t was therefore considered reasonable to give the th ird

sub-clan-Olachakpaha - i t s chance. This decision was challenged by the

Aodo who argued that they were the la rg e s t in population among the three

sub-clans and therefore should have the s e a t . The resentment of the

Aodo increased when they were in su lted at Ukwogbo market by Olachakpaha

women. Ukwogbo market occupies a cen tral place in Otukpa p o lit ic s and

commerce. I t is the only place where a l l the three sub-clans meet

occasio n ally fo r commercial purposes. The market is also used as a

forum for p o lit ic a l and s o c ia l d isc u ss io n s. When Mr. Christopher Ajunwa

from the sm allest sub-clan defeated Mr. A ttah Ojechema from Aodo, which

was the la rg e st su b -clan, the Olachakpaha women could not control th e ir

emotions and introduced a song which fu rth e r in te n sifie d the i l l - f e e l i n g

of the Aodo sub-clan towards the leadership of the N .P .N . In the song

which was started in Ukwogbo market, the Olachakpaha women said:

" E ilo La Adagba Cegwonu"(the ant has beaten the

elep han t).

The song brought the e n tire Aodo women in to p o lit ic s ; th eir reaction

was a combination of anger and re so lve . They wept openly in the market

and as they went home they vowed that any person born from th e ir womb

must not vote fo r the N .P .N . in the 1983 e le c tio n . Following this

development many Aodo men and women l e f t the N .P.N . fo r the N .P .P . They
 73

put pressure on one of th e ir sons, Mr. Obekpa, to contest the e le ctio n

. . 35
against Mr. Ajunwa under the p latform of the N .P .P .

In Ig a la land sim ilar things were happening. Mr. John Ekweme, who

was gen erally considered to be one o f the most b r i l l i a n t members o f the

Benue S ta te Assembly, was 'zoned o u t' when he trie d to seek re-nom ination.

Mr. Ekweme comes from Ib a ji Constituency fo r which he was elected in

1979. I b a ji is divided in to two areas - the r iv e r lin e area and the

h in terlan d . The population of the h in terlan d is more than that of the

r iv e r lin e area, where Ekweme comes from . In 1983 the leaders of the

N .P.N . in Ib a ji zoned Mr. Ekweme's s e a t to the h in te rla n d . When Ekweme

objected to t h is , a mock e le c tio n was organized between him and the

candidate from the h in terlan d , Mr. Danjo Egwuche. Mr. Ekweme l e f t the

venue of the e le ctio n when he observed some undemocratic behaviour on

36
the side o f his opponent. He was la t e r told that h is opponent had

won by a 80-70 margin and was even to ld p o lit e ly but firm ly that i f the
. . 37
ele ctio n was to be repeated 20 times he (John Ekweme) would never win.

The foregoing discussion of the zoning system shows that from the

point of view of organization , the N .P .N . could not be c la s s ifie d as a

democratic in s titu tio n in "terms »*io<l«Viu Z<if»crt tfaeoy.

The zoning system in the party thrives

on a s c rip tio n . Also the le v e l of com petition in the party was low.

Unless an o ffic e was zoned to a p a r tic u la r area, the population of such

an area could not aspire to i t .

The N igerian People's Party (N .P .P .)

Like the N .P .N ., the N .P .P . had i t s o rig in in the defunct

Constituent Assembly. The formation o f the N .P .P . was in it ia t e d by

A lh a ji Ibrahim Waziri who subsequently became the leader of the Great

Nigerian People's Party ( G .N .P .P .) . He was a m in ister in the Balewa

 74

government (1960 - 1966). With the intervention of the m ilita r y , he

took to business and proved very su cce ssfu l; w ithin a few y ears, he

declared him self a m illio n a ir e . When the m ilita ry announced th e ir plan

to hand over power he formed what he ca lle d the N ational Council of

Understanding. He made contacts with some members o f the Constituent

Assembly with a view to e sta b lish in g a p o lit ic a l p arty . Those he

38
contacted were the members o f club 19 and the Lagos Progressives.

Club 19 was an asso cia tio n formed in the Constituent Assembly by

members of m inority ethnic groups from a l l the nineteen States of the

Federation. Members of the club included:

(1) C h ief Olu A k in fo sile - Ondo State

(2) Mr. Paul Unongo - Benue State

(3) Mr. Ogaba Ede - Benue State

(4) Mr. Ogoh Ugbabi - Benue Sta te

(5) Mr. Solomon Lar - Plateau S ta te

(6) Mr. Matthew Mbu- Cross-Rivers State

(7) Dr. Omo Omoduyi - Bendel S ta te

(8) Mr. Dennis Osadebey - Bendel State

The aim of the Club was to defend and protect the in te re sts of

m inority groups in N igeria against the gian t trib e s - the Hausa, Ibo

and Yoruba. The f i r s t test of the Club came when the Moslem group in
39
the Assembly introduced the "Sharia is s u e " . Members of the Club fought

again st i t . In h is contribution to the general debate on the d raft

co n s titu tio n , on 5th December, 1977, Mr. Paul Unongo had th is to say:

" ....m y f i r s t fundamental objection to the provision

fo r Sharia Courts and the Federal Sharia Court of
Appeal is that i t is discrim inatory: The D raft B i l l
provides fo r rig h t to freedom from discrim ination on
the b asis of r e lig io n . Now the provision e sta b lish in g
the Sharia Court system designed to adjudicate
e x clu siv e ly on Islam ic personal law cannot be
 75

construed to cover a l l N igerians because not a l l

Nigerians embrace the r e lig io n of Islam . ...t h e
provision of State Sharia Courts and the Federal
Sharia Court of Appeals are d iscrim in atory to a
large section of N igerians in contravention of
the provisions enshrined in the c o n s titu tio n .
This makes i t imperative that Sharia Courts and the
proposed Federal Sharia Appeal C ou rt, be seen as
sources o f p ossible fr ic t io n amongst the diverse
peoples of N igeria and must be removed from the
D r a f t . . . . " 40

The members of Club 19 were su ccessfu l in the fig h t against the

in clu sio n of the Sharia Court system in the C o n stitu tio n - the

Constituent Assembly removed the Sharia Court issu e s from the

C o n stitu tio n .

The second group contacted by A lh a ji U a z iri was the Lagos

P rogressives. This was a group formed by the Lagosians to protect the

in te re st of Lagos Sta te in the Constituent Assembly. A lh a ji Ibrahim

Waziri brought these groups - the National Council of Understanding,

Club 19 and the Lagos Progressives - together to form the o rig in a l

N .P .P .

A group of members led by the protein secretary of the p arty ,

Dr. Omo Omoruyi, an A ssociate Professor of P o l i t i c a l Science at the

U n iversity of Benin, opposed the leadership of A lh a ji Ibrahim Waziri

right from the inception of the p a rty . In a press statement on 4th

October, 1978 Dr. Omoruyi was quoted as saying th at the N .P .P . had no

leader but leaders and that A lh a ji Waziri was simply a self-proclaim ed

leader.

The leadership c r is is in the N .P.P came to i t s climax in the f i r s t

party convention in Lagos on 19th and 20th November 1978. A lh a ji

Ibrahim Waziri wanted to be the Chairman o f the p arty and the

p resid en tial candidate but th is was opposed by some members o f the party.

Mr. Unongo proposed an amendment to the C o n stitu tio n of the party in

which he reconmended that both posts should not be held by one person.
 rrç^ r

76

As he was reading the amendment some d elegates booed at him and to ld him

to s i t down. Mr. Unongo refused to y ie ld to the shouts and some o fW a z iri's

supporters suggested that he should be c a rrie d out. Mr. Unongo suggested,

in h is speech, that the national o ffic e s should be shared among the three

clubs that make up the N .P .P . He said the p re sid e n tia l candidate should

come from the N ational Council fo r Understanding headed by A lh a ji Waziri

Ibrahim, the V ice-p resid en t form Club 19 and the Chairman o f the party

from the Lagos P rogressives. The suggestion was turned down by the

m ajority of members.

I t was at th is stage that C h ief Kola Balogun from Oyo State stood up

and announced th at he had an announcement to make. He said i t had been

decided at a committee meeting on Thursday n ig h t that the amendment to

the C o n stitu tio n should read that a person who had been elected as the

p resid en tial candidate o f the country (ould oceu^yany party p ost.

The idea was supported by a m ajority of the menfeers who danced and

shouted: "Power to the people". The shouting did not stop when C h ie f

Adeniran Ogunsanya, the leader of the Lagos P ro g re ssiv e s, said that he

would lik e to move a motion. Ogunsanya moved that the meeting be

adjourned t i l l 3 p.m. But C hief Balogun re fu se d . And when the former

decided to walk out h is clothes were held by a member who also slapped him.

There was a b ig row and the convention became in co n clu siv e . The members

of Club 19 and Lagos Progressives walked out o f the convention.

The walk out of members of Lagos P rogressives and Club 19 in the

f i r s t convention was a turning point in the h is to r y of the party and

led to it s fa c tio n a iz a tio n . The supporters o f A lh a ji Waziri formed a

new party - the G .N .P .P .

Commenting on the convention, Mr. Paul Unongo accused A lh a ji W aziri

of stage managing the proceedings. He alleged that Waziri imported thugs

from Agege and Shagamu who arrived at the venue o f the convention - Kings
 77

Cinema - in Lagos as e a rly as 7 a.m. These thugs drew th e ir daggers at

. . 42
various sta g e s of the convention to frig h te n d elegates.

Chief Ogunsanya summoned another convention on 9th December, 1978.

In the convention, Dr. Nnaradi A zikiw e, the 'Owelle' of Onitsha was

unanimously elected as the p re sid e n tia l candidate of the party and

Chief Olu A k in fo s ile was elected as Chairman of the P a r t y .^

The emergence of Dr. Azikiwe in the N .P .P . introduced a new fa c to r

into e le c t o r ia l p o lit ic s at that sta g e . When e le c to r ia l p o lit ic s

started in September 1978, Zik refused to be involved in partisan

p o lit ic s . However in December 1978, he declared h is support fo r the

N .P .P . In a speech at h is Onuiyi Haven residence, Nsukka,captioned

"the moment o f decision", he form ally declared h is support fo r the N .P .P .

His d eclaratio n brought sharp re a ctio n from many N igerian s. A lh a ji

44
Yusufu Dansoho accused him of master minding the c r is is in the N .P .P .

Mr. Samuel Ikoku described i t as "a return to the p o lit ic s o f the F ir s t

Republic in which ethnic riv a lr y pivoted on three p e r s o n a litie s , each

counting on e th n ic support, but a l l parading th eir devotion to the

service of the n atio n ". Candido saw i t as 'a p o lit ic a l shark game,

where cunning men with the k i l l e r in s tin c t die and are buried by one
46
another in t h e ir jaw s."

In his celebrated speech at Hotel P re sid e n tia l, Enugu, Zik gave the
47
reasons for h is re-entry in to what he described as the orb it o f p o l it ic s .

According to him:

"The moment of truth has arriv ed . The moment of

p la in speaking has d a w n e d ....I have put my
discarded garb o f p o lit ic s to mount the rostrum
and speak to our beloved nation as I used to do in
the brave days o f Yore. ®

Consequently, he gave four reasons why he decided to jo in the N .P .P .

 78

These were:

(1) the id e o lo g ic a l stand o f the party which was id e n tic a l with

h is p o lit ic a l credo;

(2) the N .P .P . in v ited him to jo in i t s ranks;

(3) the members of the N .P .P . were birds of the same feather with

him; and
49
(4) there was no condition attached to h is membership o f the p arty.

A fter the reconvened convention of the party on 9 December 1978,

e ffo r ts were made to e sta b lish branches a o f the party throughout the

country. The party retained it s motto which was: U n ity , se rv ice and

progress; i t s symbol - the people; and it s slogan - power to the p e o p le .^

The leader of the N .P .P . in Benue Sta te was Mr. Paul Unongo who,

u n til h is involvement in p artisan p o l i t i c s , was a le ctu re r in experimental

psychology at the U n iv e rsity of Lagos. Mr. Unongo came in to the p o lit ic a l

scene when he championed the cause of creatingmore D ivisio n s out of

T iv land to the great annoyance of Tarka. The D ivisio n issu e marks the

point of divergence between the two men. Although each represented the

Tiv people in the Con stitu en t Assembly, they joined d iffe r e n t p o lit ic a l

p a rtie s: Tarka joined the N .P .N ., while Unongo joined the N .P .P .

The f i r s t strategy of the N .P .P . in Benue State was to analyse the

concrete conditions of the State and re la te them t o it s programme. The

an alysis of Benue Sta te revealed that the p o lit ic a l behaviour o f the

people would be determined by the follow ing c h a r a c te r is tic s :

( i) in c lin a tio n towards C h r is tia n ity and tra d itio n a l r e lig io n ,

both se ttin g them apart in consideration of p o l i t i c a l issues

deemed to be designed to favour the expansionist tendencies of

Islam ;

( ii) c u ltu r a lly more negroid A frica n than Arabic and consequently
■
 79

more openly expressive and in sisten ce on dem ocratic (Western)

methods;

( iii) tend to act and believe in the concept of a m in ority in the

context of N igerian contemporary p o lit ic s ;

(iv ) open, p lu ra l and b a s ic a lly secular in o rie n ta tio n and approach

to p o lit ic a l issu e s;

(v) openly claim to have been held down and denied minimum

p riv ile g e s by the class set asideas the ruler c la s s - the

Northern group, and as a consequence openly a s s e rtiv e of th e ir

new found freedom and a b it d is tr u s tfu l of the promises and

pledges o f good intentions of the ruler class in the North;

(vi) p o lit ic a lly u n w illin g to pass on th e ir fa te and future into

the hands of the Northern ru ler group.

The N .P .P . thought th a t the p o lit ic a l behaviour of the Benue

electo rate (in view of the facto rs mentioned above) would favour any

p o lit ic a l party which was again st the Northern ru lin g c la s s who

dominated the N .P .N .

The N .P .P . was, a ls o , aware of the importance of Tarka in Benue

p o lit ic s . To th is end attempts were made to woo him in to the party.

"A meeting was summoned at Murtala College of A rts, Science and

Technology (MUCast) by the C onstituent Assembly Members o f Benue,

Gongola and Plateau States to look fo r a p o lit ic a l forum f o r a l l people

of Middle B e lt. At th is m eeting, the Plateau delegates appealed to

Benue delegates to s o l i c i t the support of Tarka for Club 1 9 . The

Gongola and Plateau delegates said that the people of Middle Belt would
52
find i t d i f f i c u l t to go i t alone without the Tarka f a c t o r ." During

the second meeting which was held at the Law House, Makurdi, the "Idoma

delegates expressed pessimism i f Tarka was not going to be w ith the

N .P.P . They could not see the p o s s ib ility of any party th at did not
 80

enjoy Tarka's support winning an e le c tio n in Benue, p a rtic u la rly in

53
Tiv land." Tarka e v e n tu a lly attended a meeting o f Club 19 held in

Mr. Joe Omakwu's house, Otukpo on 29 Ju ly 1978. In that meeting he made

his stand clear to the members of Club 19. Tarka to ld the audience that

he and other N igerians had fin a lis e d arrangements to form a p o lit ic a l

party which was alread y in the pipe lin e . He blamed young Tiv

p o litic ia n s for p r a c tis in g the p b lit ic s of blackm ail on him and d e cla re d ,"I

have nothing to do w ith T iv p o lit ic s now or in the fu tu re and th is is

because when a T iv s u c c e s s fu lly climbed the ladder o f l i f e , i t is

another T iv brother th a t cuts down the ladder a t the base so that h is

54
Tiv brother w ill f a l l from i t " .

Mr. Unongo's p o l i t i c a l strategy was to destroy the Tarka myth in

Tiv land. To do th is s u c c e s s fu lly he obtained a loan of eight m illio n

Naira from the A frican C on tin en tal Bank and used the money to develop

Tiv land. He registe re d a company known as Ju ladaco Group L td . and

through this company, e sta b lish e d a chain of businesses throughout Tiv land.

These businesses in clu ded : Juladaco H o te ls, K a tsin a -A la , Juladaco

S p e c ia lis t H o sp ital, K a tsin a -A la and Juladaco Transport S e rv ice s.

Somehow the message which Mr. Unongo hoped to convey did not get to the

grass-roots as the e le c tio n in 1979 was to prove. Though the c i v i l

servants and other e l i t e groups supported him, these groups constituted

a very in s ig n ific a n t p o rtio n of the e le c to r a te . The masses were s t i l l

loyal to Mr. J . S . Tarka.

In Idoma land, the N .P .P . had an advantage from the outset because

both Mr. Ogaba Ede and Mr. Ogo Ukpabi, who represented the area in the

Constituent Assembly, were members of Club 19 which was a f f il i a t e d to

the Apa So cial Club in Idoma land.

The Apa So cial Club was formed by some educated e l it e s in Idoma land

in 1978. The foundation members included: Mr. Joe Omakwu, an Otukpo

\
 81

based leg al p ra c titio n e r ; Mr. Vincent Garuba Ookwu, a re tire d lectu rer

from Ahmadu B e llo U n iv e rsity , Zaria; Dr. Edwin Ogbu, a former N igerian

ambassador at the United Nations; Dr. Edwin Obe, an Otukpo based medical

p ra ctitio n e r; Mr. Ameh Odoh, Mr. Abu Edo, C o l. G .O .C . Agada, Mr. Ogaba

Ede, Mr. Obaike Odeh and Mr. Innocent Ogbe. When the Apa Club was

a f f i li a t e d to the N .P .P . some of i t s members l e f t and joined other

p a r tie s .

The N .P .P . did not have any support in Ig a la land in 1979. The

two members who represented Ig a la land in the Constituent Assembly were

in the National Movement and there was no one to carry the message of

the N .P .P . to Ig a la la n d . The situ a tio n changed in 1982 when a few

Ig a la s who l e f t the N .P.N . for various reasons joined the N .P .P . They

included: Mr. Boniface Adejo from Idah - Ig a la - Mela constituency;

Mr. Jo e l Abu and Captain Ocheja from Dekina d iv isio n ; and Mr. Moses Ogu

from Idah.

The Unity Party of N igeria (U .P.N .)

The U .P .N . emerged from a n o n -p o litic a l associatio n known as the

Committee of Frien ds. When the m ilita ry announced i t plan to hand over

power in 1979, C h ie f Obafemi Awolowo evolved a strategy of bringing

together p o lit ic a l aspirants from a l l over N ig e ria . Members of the

in t e llig e n ts ia from various parts of the country were in v ited to prepare

position and strateg y papers. In th is way they not only came to think

on the same wave length but also enrolled as members of the Committee of

Friends. This Committee became the Unity Party of N igeria in 1978.^

The U .P .N . was brought to Benue State by Mr. Chia Surma and E lla

Abogonye. Mr. Surma^entered partisan p o lit ic s in

1978. He joined the U .P .N ., according to him fo r id eo lo g ica l reasons,

claim ing to have been influenced by Karl Marx. He is a strong supporter

' \
 82

of s c ie n t if ic socialism and i t is h is life -t im e 's ambition to work

towards the r e a lis a tio n of a s o c ia l is t revolution in N ig e ria . However,

Mr. Surma i s of the view that the U .P .N . cannot adopt orthodox m arxist

revolutionary techniques because of the nature of the con tra d ictio n s in

Nigerian s o c ie ty . Marxism, he s a id , must be defined w ithin the context

of N igeria and it s problems. The stra te g y of the U .P .N . was to acquire

p o lit ic a l power through the b a llo t box. Mr. Surma warned that n ig e r ia

c a p ita lis ts were posing a big problem fo r s o c ia lis t success by

democratic means and that th is might lead to a v io le n t re v o lu tio n . He

unsuccessfully contested the gubernational ele ctio n s in 1979 and 1983.

However, in 1983 the support of the party was boosted when many

prominent former members of the N .P .N . and G .N .P .P . joined i t .

In the T iv area, Mr. Ayua Num and Mr. Isaac Shaahu declared fo r the

party. In Aukpa area, the in flu e n t ia l Rtd Colonel Alhasan Yakubu, who

was in the G .N .P .P . in 1979,joined the U .P .N . with a l l h is supporters.

On the eve o f the 1983 e le c tio n , the U .P .N . was apparently the b est

organised p o lit ic a l party in the S ta te . However, the performance o f the

party in the S ta te , although a b ig improvement on the 1979 e le c tio n s ,

was generally poor.

The O rganizational Structure of the N .P .N ., N .P .P ., and U .P .N .

Whereas in the F ir s t Republic party strength was based on inform al

stru ctu res, in the Second Republic party strength lay in the formal

structures that were esta b lish e d . Consequently, the re la tiv e strength of

the various party structures was c ru c ia l in determining the outcome of

the struggles fo r power waged between them. Consequently, the stru g g le

for power was w ithin the party s tr u c tu r e s . This makes the control o f

the party organ c r u c ia l.

As far as party organization in Benue State was concerned, a l l the

 83

major p arties manifested o lig a r c h ic a l tendencies. As Michels co rre c tly

put i t : Every party organization represents an o lig a rc h ic a l power

grounded upon a democratic b a se . For example the N .P.N . was con trolled

by Mr. Aper Aku, Mr. Obande Obeya, Mr. Vincent U ji and Tor Ngibo; the

U .P .N . was con trolled by Mr. Chia Surma, Mr. E lla Abogonye and Alhasan

Yakubu; and the N .P .P . was co n tro lle d by Mr. Paul Unongo and Mr. Joe

Omakwu. The decisions of these leaders carried the force of law in

th e ir various p a r tie s . The r e a lit y of th is was c le a r ly shown during the

nomination of candidates fo r the 1983 e le c tio n s . Except in iso la te d

cases, due to lo c a l fa c to r s , the candidates supported by these leaders

were in fa c t nominated. The major p o lic ie s of these p arties were

determined at the national l e v e l . C ontrols over the lower le v e ls were

exercised through various means - e .g . the e le ctio n s of State and lo c a l

executive branches were supervised by o f f i c i a l s from the national

s e c r e ta r ia t. The bulk of the money spent at the lower le v e ls came from

the national body which could withhold the expenditure funds i f a

sa tisfa c to ry account was not g iv e n . Above a l l , the national organ had

the fin a l say on d isc ip lin a ry issu es r e la t in g to S ta te o f f i c i a l s .

N .P .N .: The N ational Convention

The National Convention i s composed o f:

(i) three (3) delegates per each Federal Constituency;

( ii) three (3) delegates per each Se n a to ria l D is t r ic t ;

( iii) one (1) delegate per each Senate seat won (the Senator to be

the o f f i c i a l d e le g a te );

(iv ) two (2) delegates per each Federal seat won;

(v) ten (10) delegates fo r 25Z votes cast (to be elected two per

Sen atorial Con stituen cy);

(v i) ten (10) delegates fo r e le c tin g N.P.N Governor (to be elected

 84

THE ORGANIZATIONAL CHART OF THE N .P.N .

Level

-> 3

->2

H -------------- I ----- J ------ K --------- > 1

KEY:

Level 4

A N ational Convention

B N ational Executive Coramittee

C N ational Working Coramittee

Level 3

D State Congress

E State Executive Committee

F State Working Comnittee

Level 2

C Local Government Area Executive Comnittee

Level 1

H D is tr ic t branch

I D is tr ic t Executive Comnittee

J Ward/Village Executive Group

K Ward/Village b r a n c h .^
 HHHH

85

two per Sen atorial Constituency);

( v ii) one (1) delegate per 10,000 votes c a s t ;

( v iii) the President and V ice-P resid en t where they are members of the

N .P .N .; and
37
(ix) the National Chairman and a l l other N ational O ffic e r s .

The National Convention is the supreme au th ority of the p arty. It

is the body responsible fo r making the general p o lic ie s and programmes

of the p arty .

The National Executive Committee

The N ational Executive Committee co n sists o f:

(i) the National Chairman and a l l National O ffic e r s of the party;

( ii) the President and V ice-P resid en t where they are members of the

party;

( iii) a l l members of the N ational Assembly who are members o f the

party;

(iv) a l l State Governors and Deputy-Governors who are members of the

party;

(v) the Chairman, Secretary and Treasurer o f each State Branch;

(vi) one woman and one youth from each State elected by the State

Congress;

( v ii) two other members ele cte d by each Sta te Congress;

( v iii) a l l the members of the National Working Committee; and

(ix) a l l M in isters, Sp e cia l A dvisers, Sp ecial A ssista n ts who are

58
members of the p arty .

The National Executive Committee is responsible for the general

adm inistration of the party and fo r p utting in to e ff e c t the decisions of

the National Convention.

 86

The National Working Committee

The National Working Committee consists of

(i) the National Chairman;

( ii) the President and V ice-P resid en t;

( iii ) the Deputy National Chairmen (2);

(iv) 19 National Vice-Chairmen;

(v) the N ational Secretary and Deputy Secretary;

(vi) the N ational Treasurer;

(v ii) the National Legal A dviser;

( v iii) the party leader in the Senate and the party leader in the

House of R epresentatives; and

(ix) three persons elected in i t s discretion and on th eir merit by

the N ational Executive Committee and such other persons

59
co-opted by the National Working Committee.

The N ational Working Committee i s responsible for the day-to-day

adm inistration of the party and is responsible to the National

Executive Committee.

State Congress

The State Congress con sists o f:

(i) 6 delegates from each constituency;

( ii) 2 delegates from each lo c a l government area;

( iii) 5 delegates from each lo c a l government area providing 25Z of

the votes ca st for the gubernational candidate;

(iv) 1 delegate fo r every 10,000 votes cast in each L .G .A . for the

N .P .N . gubernatorial candidate;

(v) 1 delegate for each Federal seat won;

(vi) 1 delegate fo r each Senate seat won;

 87

(v ii) the Chairman and other State o ffic e r s ;

(v i i i ) the Governor and h is Deputy where they are members of the

60
p arty.

Each State Congress has w ithin the area of i f s ju r is t r ic t io n , the

powers and functions o f the N ational Convention.

The State Executive Committee

The State Executive Committee comprises:

(i) the Sta te Chairman and a l l State o f fic e r s ;

( ii) the p a rty 's State Governor and Deputy Governor;

( iii) a l l members o f the le g is la tu r e from the S ta te who are members

of the p arty ;

(iv) Chairmen o f lo c a l government coun cils who are members of the

party;

(v) the Chairman, Secretary and Treasurer of every LGA;

(vi) the Chairmen of women and youth sub-committees of every lo c a l

government branch;

( v ii) ten other members ele cte d by the State Congress on th e ir

personal m e rit;

( v iii) a l l members o f the State Working Committee;

(ix) a l l conm issioners, Sp e cia l Advisers and a l l other Special

A ssista n ts who are members of the party;

(x) a l l Federal M in isters from the State who are members o f the

party; and

(xi) Chairmen of Boards and Corporations from the State who are

members of the p arty.

The State Executive Conmittee had w ithin the area of ju r is tr ic tio n

of the State concerned, the same powers and functions which the
 *

88

National Executive has throughout the country

The State Working Committee

The State Working Committee co n sists of:

(i) the State Chairman and Deputy Chairman;

( ii) the Governor and h is Deputy;

( iii) State Vice-Chairman;

(iv) the Sta te Secretary;

(v) the State Legal Adviser;

(vi) the State Treasurer;

(v ii) the F in an cial Secretary;

( v iii) the P u b lic ity Secretary;

(ix) the Party Leader in the le g is la tu r e ; and

(x) two other persons elected as may be prescribed by the State

62
Executive Committee.

The functions o f the State Working Committee are sim ila r to those

of the National Working Committee, except that the ju r is t r ic t io n of the

former is r e s tric te d to the S ta te .

The Local Government Executive Committee

The lo ca l government Executive Coimnittee con sists o f:

(i) the Chairmen, secretaries and treasurers of a l l lev el 1

branches in the Local Government Area;

(Ü ) One member who sh a ll be elected by the party members in each

Local Government Council ward from le v e l 1;

( iii) members of the National Assembly in the LGA;

(iv) Chairmen o f the LGA councils or party leaders;

(v) members of the House of Assembly; and

 89

63
(vi) Chairman and Secretary of the Women Sub-Com m ittee's.

D istrict/W ard/V illage branch

Level one branch of the party consists o f:

(i) Chairman and o ffic e r s of the party in the d istric t/ w a rd / v illa g e

and

( ii) other e le cte d members as the branch may re q u ir e .6^

The main v a ria tio n in the organizational stru ctu res o f the three

parties was to be found in the U .P .N . where much weight was given to

the organization o f the party at the State Constituency le v e l. For

example, the U .P .N . was the only party in Benue State with functioning

o ffic e s in the fiv e se n a to ria l d i s t r i c t s . I t a ls o had o ffic e s in the

nineteen co n stitu e n cie s for the Federal House o f R epresen tatives.65 The

U.P.N . is a h ighly c e n tra lise d p arty. This was due to the influence of

Chief Obafemi Awolowo who was both the Chairman of the party and i t s

p resid en tial candidate.

N igerian p a rtie s had q u a si-d ire ct stru c tu re s . A party with a

direct stru ctu re according to Maurice Duverger " i s composed of

individuals who have signed a membership form, who pay a monthly

subscription and who attend the lo ca l branch meeting more or less

66
regu larly. N igerian p arties were made up of in d iv id u a ls who bought

membership cards but who rarely paid th e ir annual subscription fees and
local
hardly ever attended^/party meetings. The C o n stitu tio n of the Second

Republic proscribed the a f f i l i a t i o n of n o n -p o litic a l associatio ns to

p o lit ic a l p a rtie s so th at Nigerians who were in terested in party member­

ship had to re g is te r with such parties on an in d ivid u a l b a s is . Section

201(b) of the C o n stitu tion sp ecified that:

"No a sso cia tio n by whatever name c a lle d sh a ll

 90

THE ORGANIZATIONAL CHART OF THE N .P .P .

Level A

-> Level 3

-> Level 2

■ > Level 1

A National Convention

B National Executive Conmittee

C National Working Committee

Level 3

D State Convention

E State E xecu tiv e Committee

F State Working Committee

Level 2

G Local Government Area Conference

H Local Government Executive Committee

I Local Government Working Committee

Level 1

J W ard/District Meeting
. 67
K W ard/District Executive Meeting.

The compositions and functions of these structures are sim ilar

those of the N .P .N .
 91

THE ORGANIZATIONAL CHART OF THE U .P .N .

A
Level 3
B

D Level 2

F
I Level 1

KEY:

Level 3

A National Congress

B National Executive Council

Level 2

C State Conferences

D State Executive Councils

E State Constituency Meetings

Level 1

F Ward Meetings.^®

M o te . 1 * the U .R H . -H» ov th«

j**' tini A-lfo the 'ft* i

e x ^ i n .h o n . Ar fCnt ItU l .

\
 MM t'.*®

92

function as a p o l i t i c a l party u n le ss. . . .the

membership of the associates is open to every
c itiz e n o f N ig e ria irre sp e ctiv e of h is place o f
o r ig in , sex, r e lig io u s or ethnic grouping.

P o lit ic a l p a rtie s did not impose any re s tr ic tio n on membership

except that prospective members had to pay a re g is tra tio n fee of one

naira and had to agree to abide by the p a rty 's C o n s titu tio n . Although

the membership card of each party was o f f i c i a l l y sold at one n a ira , th is

p rice might vary depending on the fortunes o f the p a r tie s . A fter the

e le ctio n in 1979 the p rice o f the N .P .N . card was u n o ff ic ia ll y increased

„ „ .7 0
to ten n aira.

Nigerians do not have a deep respect fo r party membership. This is

probably due to the fa c t th at p arties are not in s t itu t io n a liz e d .

Individuals do not jo in p a r tie s because of ideology or a p a rtic u la r

philosophy. The motive o f most N igerians is the m aterial b e n e fit which

they can derive from being a member of a p arty. This makes the question

of party lo y a lty rather f l e x ib le as each e le ctio n is follow ed by a mass

exodus from the p a rtie s which lo s t to the party which won. This process

is known in N igerian p o l i t i c a l language as 'decamping'. Two reasons

give rise to 'decam ping'. The f i r s t is the search for greener pastures.

Opposition p arties neither award contracts nor confer patronage. I t is

a conmon saying in N ig e ria th a t, "he who wants to eat must jo in the

winning p arty ". The second reason fo r 'decamping' is over the issue of

nomination. Most p o lit ic ia n s jo in other p arties a fte r f a i l i n g to get

nomination&d. U sually the condition fo r acceptance in to the new party is

that the decampee should con test the seat which h is former party denied

him. Between 1979 and 1983 not less than three thousand prominent

p o litic ia n s 'decamped' to other p a r tie s . A few of them are mentioned

overleaf:
 ’ Decampees' in search o f Greener Pastures

Name Old Party New Party

Mr. Obande Obeya N .P .P . N .P.N .
Mr. S ila s Ebute II II

Mr. Vincent Caruba Ookwu II II

Mr. Baba Odangla II II

Mr. Dominic Urrah II It

Mr. John Ochoga It II

Chief Agada It II

Rtd. C o l. Alhassan Yakubu G .N .P .P . U.D.N.

Mr. Ocheibi Odumu P .R .P . N .P.N .
Rtd. Captain Usman Ejembi P .R .P . N .P .P .

'Decampees' due to Nomination C r is is

Name Old Party New Party

Mr. Isaac Shaahu N .P .N . U.D.N.
Mr. Ayua Num II
U.D.N.
Mr. Thomas Degarr II
N .P .P .
Mr. Moses Ogu II
N .P .P .
Mr. Jo e l Abu II II

Mr. Boniface Ebute II II

Mr. Simon Adoyi It II

Mr. Ogah Agbara II II

Rtd. Capt. Ocheja II II

Mr. Paul Belabo N .P .P . N.P.N

 94

Party Ideology and Programme

I t is axiomatic that p o lit ic a l p arties are purveyors o f id eas.

In fa c t one of the ways o f d iffe r e n t ia t in g modern p o l it ic a l p arties is

according to th e ir id e o lo g ie s. Thus the m onolithic p a rtie s of Eastern

European countries p re fe r Marxism-Leninism; s im ila rly many of the p arties

of Western Europe espouse lib e r a l democracy. At the n ation al le v e l, the

id eo lo gical of p a rtie s in most countries are evident from th e ir names such as

Labour, Conservative, P la id Cymru, Republican, L ib e r a l, to mention only

a few.

N igerian p a rtie s are no exception: they, too, have id e o lo g ica l

o rie n ta tio n s. However, the p rovisions of the C o n stitu tio n nominally

lim it such o rie n ta tio n s. The C o n stitu tio n sp e cifie d that:

"the Federal Republic of N igeria s h a ll be a State

based on the p rin cip le s o f democracy and so c ia l
ju s t i c e ." 7^

This declaration is not only open-ended, but also ambiguous. The

concepts o f democracy and so c ia l ju s t ic e can be op erationalized to mean

either the lib e r a l democracies of Western Europe or the mass democracies

of Eastern Europe. A p ossib le way o f escaping from th is dilemma is to

relate the p o lit ic a l o b jectiv e s to th e ir economic adjuncts as provided

also in the C o n stitu tio n . Here again we come across another problem.

The economic o b je c tiv e s , as stated in the C o n stitu tio n , are a mixture

72
of public and p rivate e n te rp rise . In p r a c tic e , s o c ia lis t as w ell as

lib e ra l democratic regimes have mixed economies. Given th is s itu a tio n ,

how are concepts lik e s o c ia l ju s t ic e and mixed economy to be

operationalized? As the C o n stitu tio n did not provide any answer to these

questions, each p o lit ic a l party interpreted them in the way i t thought

fit. A survey of the views of a l l the p arties on major issu es does not

show any c le a r id e o lo g ic a l orien tation - the p a rtie s presented

 95

ambiguous programmes to meet equally ambiguous co n stitu tio n a l

provisions. We sh a ll now examine what might be described as the

•ideologies' and progranmes of three p o lit ic a l p arties - the N .P .N ., the

N .P .P . and the U .P .N .

The programme of the N .P.N . was rooted in the assumption th a t

N igeria was a country devoid o f development and lacking a sense o f

d ire ctio n . The party stated:

"N ig e ria today is a country where too many things

do not work, as they should, our development
schemes have not improved the q u ality of l i f e as
much as they should. V illa g e s are without s u ffic ie n t
w ater, e l e c t r ic it y , health care and roads. The
c it ie s are over crowded, housing is inadequate and
poor. Job opportunities are dim inishing; yet we
have planned and replanned. We have probed and
re-probed. We have purged and re-purged. We have
reformed and re-reformed; but at the end of i t a l l ,
contentment s t i l l eludes us. The N .P.N . is out to
make N igeria work; to make the nation great and to
give everybody a chance.

The most important aspect of t h e N .P .N .'s programme was a g ric u ltu re

or the promotion o f the 'Green R evolution'. This was sp elt out by A lh a ji

Shehu Shagari, the p a rty 's leader, when he said:

"the most important of the N .P .N . programme is

the food and a g ric u ltu ra l p o lic y . Our concern is
shown by the fa c t that food has pride of place in
the N .P .N . emblem. N igeria as we know, is
prim arily an a g ric u ltu ra l country and i t is lik e ly
to remain so fo r the forseeable fu tu re. We are
determined to su sta in , expand and modernise the
a g ric u ltu ra l sector of the n a tio n 's economy.

To achieve i t s aim o f 'Green R evolu tion ', the N .P.N . intended to do

the follow ing:

(i) raise the proportion of governmental funds allocated to

a g ric u ltu re ;

( ii) a s s is t in dividu al farmer to achieve acreage and y ie ld s;

( iii) supply f e r t i l i z e r s , b u llo ck s, seeds and cred it to

 ■ ■ ■ ■ Mi

96

farmers; and

(iv ) provide ir r ig a tio n schemes fo r dry season farm ing.

E s s e n tia lly , the p olicy o f the N .P .N . was to improve the e x istin g

agricu ltu ra l system; i t did not therefore propose any fundamental

changes in the a g ric u ltu ra l s e c to r .

The N .P.N . supported fu n ctio n a l and q u a lita tiv e education, but

rejected free education at a l l le v e ls on the ground that i t was too

expensive to implement.

In the fie ld of trade and In d u stry, the p o licy of the N .P .N . was

to harness the resources of N ig e ria to produce, in s u ffic ie n t quantity

and q u a lity , the goods and se rv ice s which the people needed, without

increasing in fla tio n .

The prograime of the U .P .N . stressed the need for fundamental

changes in N ig e ria . As the party put i t :

"No black country in modern times has commanded the

huge economic opportunities now at the disposal of
the Nigerian N a tio n ....W e are blessed with large
expanses of good f e r t i l e land, congenial clim a te , a
good le v e l of r a in f a ll over most of our te r r ito r y .
But with th is wealth, the g e n e ra lity o f the people
are in a State of a b je ct poverty, and increasing
threat of s t a r v a t io n ." ^

The t o t a lit y of U .P .N .'s programme was summarised in i t s four

cardinal progranmes which were:

(i) free education at a l l le v e ls ;

( ii) integrated rural development aimed at boosting food production

and feeding the hungry c itiz e n s of N igeria;

( iii) the provision of free h e a lth f a c i l i t i e s for a l l c it iz e n s ; and

(iv) f u l l employment.^

The N.P.P. centred its philosophy on liberal democracy and

constitutionalism. The party maintained that:

 **

97

"absolute power belongs to the people and a tru ly

democratic so cie ty should be founded on the
p eople's p r io r ity and the pre-eminence of the
p eo ple's in t e r e s t."

Related to th is p rin c ip le were the p a rty 's tr ia d of u n ity , service

and progress w ithin which the party intended to carry out i t s programme.

The programne o f the party was designed by Dr. Azikiwe who brought

his wealth o f experience to th is ta sk . Since the f a l l of the F ir s t

Republic Dr. Azikiwe had been very concerned with the question of u n ity

and with plans to make sure that the country's various ethnic group

could c o -e x is t p e a c e fu lly . He knew th a t in s t a b ilit y m ilita te s again st

progress and to guard a gain st the p o s s ib ilit y of in s t a b ilit y he advocated

a 'd iarch y' fo r N ig e ria . A system of d ia rc h y , according to Dr. Azikiw e,

meant bringing the armed and se cu rity forces in to the p o lit ic a l system.

Thus instead of having the tra d itio n a l three arms of government there

would be four arms - the le g is la tu r e , the execu tive, the ju d ic ia ry and

78
the armed and se cu rity fo rc e s.

In the economic s e c to r , the party believed that the key to the

future s t a b ilit y and prosperity of the nation depended on the competent,

e ffic ie n t and honest management of the N igerian economy. To th is end,

the party would:

(i) re-order the economic p r io r it ie s of N igeria to ensure the

proper and e f f ic ie n t a llo c a tio n of resources;

( ii) e s ta b lis h more in d u strie s; and

79
(i i i ) d iv e r s ify the economy, thus making i t less dependent on o i l .

In the a g r ic u ltu r a l se c to r, the p arty intended to do the follow in g:

(i) transform the e x is tin g low -productivity small scale farms in to

high p ro d u ctiv ity enterprises through the sustained a p p lication

of a g r ic u ltu r a l innovation, the adequate provision of supporting

 M»

98

services and the strengthening of extension serv ices;

( ii) the establishm ent of a network of well managed and la rg e -sc a le

mechanised farms fo r the massive production of food and

in d u stria l raw m aterials; and

( iii) converting the various N ational A ccelerated Food Production

• 80
p rojects in to fu ll - s c a le in d u strie s.

Party Finance

The finance of a l l the p a rtie s was derived from the follow ing

sources:

( i) statutory a llo c a tio n ;

( ii) fees and su b scrip tion s; and

( iii) lawful donations and p ub lic c o lle c tio n s .

The Con stitu tion prohibited the p arties from having foreign

accounts:

"No p o l it ic a l party s h a ll hold or possess any fund

or asset outside N igeria nor sh a ll i t be e n title d
to retain any fund or asset remitted or sent to i t
from outside N ig e ria , any such funds or other assets
remitted or sent to a p o lit ic a l party from outside
N igeria s h a ll be paid over or transferred to the
E le cto ra l Commission w ithin 21 days of it s receip t
with such inform ation as the Commission may require."®^

The sale of membership cardswas a n e g lig ib le source of income - the

price was normally one n a ira per card. Interviews conducted in the fie ld

showed that branch o ffic e s did not even keep any record of s a le s.

A vailab le evidence suggests that what sustained most of the parties

were bank loans and donations from patrons; however, most p arties were

reluctant to discuss th e ir sources of income. A fte r the 1979 e le c tio n ,

p o lit ic a l p arties both at the centre and in the States manipulated contract

awards to make money a v a ila b le to them. Contracts were awarded to party

supporters at a h igh ly in fla te d cost and some percentage of the money

 99

82
went in to the c o ffe rs o f the party.

A lso , the Federal E le cto ra l Commission made a v a ila b le the sum of

2.5 m illio n n aira (in 1979) to p a r tie s . This grant was ca lcu la te d by

m ultiplying fiv e kobo by the number o f names contained in the fin a l

v oters, l i s t and was disbursed in accordance with a r t ic le 85(2) of the

e le cto ra l law, in the follow ing manner:

(i) f i f t y per cent of the block grant to be shared equ ally among

a l l p a rtie s that have candidates fo r e le c tio n in not less

than 20 per cent of the co n stitu e n cie s;

( ii) the remaining f i f t y per cent o f the grant to be shared among the

p o lit ic a l p arties a fte r the r e s u lts o f the e le c tio n have been

known, in the proportion of the number of seats won by each

83
p arty .

Party Leadership

In th eir discussion o f the p o l i t i c a l processes o f the N igerian F ir s t

Republic, Richard L . Sk4ar and C .S . Whitaker c la s s ifie d p o lit ic a l

leaders in to four catego ries: o rgan izatio n al in t e llig e n t s ia , cosmopolitan

84
c e le b r itie s , conmunal Heroes and tr a d itio n a l n otab les. This Skear-

Whitaker c la s s if ic a t io n id e n tifie d leadership on the bases of educational

background, socio-economic s ta tu s , e th n ic id e n tific a tio n and re lig io u s

a ffilia tio n . I t depicted a leadership stru ctu re which had evolved out

o f a prolonged system of co lo n ia l domination.

N igeria is not a s t a t ic country; i t has gone through tremendous

changes and th is c la s s if ic a t io n is no longer re le v a n t. Since Sklar and Whitaker

produced th e ir form ulation, the Second Republic emerged with a leadership

structure which was fundamentally d iffe r e n t from that of the F ir s t .

This reflecte d the socio-economic transformation which had taken p la ce .

The f i r s t period o f m ilita ry rule in N ig e ria (1966-1979) witnessed the'golden age

 100

of o i l ' - a period considered to be the most prosperous in N ig e ria 's

h is to r y . The economic boom o f the period was due to the exp lo ita tio n

of mineral resources, e s p e c ia lly natural gas and crude o i l . State

revenues were swollen and both the economy and the c la s s structure were

transformed. The economic transformation was due to two development

p lan s, the Second National Development Plan (1970 - 1974) with a to ta l

fin a n c ia l commitmentofN3,192 b ill io n and the Third National Development

Plan (1975 - 1978) with a to ta l fin a n c ia l outlay o f N30 b i l l io n . These

plans resulted in in fra s tr u c tu ra l f a c i l i t i e s such as roads, schools and

pipe-borne w ater. In October 1976 a Universal Primary Education Scheme

was launched and th is e n ta ile d the b u ild in g of m illio n s of classroom

b lo c k s.

In terms of c la ss form ation, the e ffe c t of government expenditure

was dram atic. Many N ig e ria n s,fo r the f i r s t time, started construction

ventures. Construction companies were hurriedly formed with l i t t l e or

no fo reign p a r tic ip a tio n . I t was the growth of th is sector of the

economy which gave b irth to what we could describe as a new so c ia l c la ss

with p o lit ic a l ambition But while the construction industry was

being tranformed other changes were taking place in N igeria which were

also to a ffe c t the c la s s stru c tu re .

N igeria was torn by a thirty-month c i v i l war from Ju ly 1967 to

January 1970. The e ffe c t o f the war was to make the Federal Government

rely on lo ca l resources and a crop of N igerians emerged as army

co n tracto rs. These people were engaged in the supply of foodstuffs and

other e sse n tia l m aterials for the so ld iers at the war fr o n t. At the end

of the war, they switched to construction and commercial a c t iv it ie s and,

w ithin a short space of time, the monopoly formerly enjoyed by foreign

firms lik e the United A fr ic a Company ( U .A .C .) , John Holt and Co.,

Cappa L td , Dalbarto and B o g ia lla , Dumez and A .G . Ferero was being

 101

challenged by indigenous companies.

The new business cla ss in N igeria pressurised the government to

introduce le g is la tio n which would tran sfer to them the lio n 's share of

the control of the commercial secto r of the economy. B efore, the la tte r

was dominated by fo re ig n firm s from Europe and the Middle E a st. The

United A frica Company and i t s subsidaries dominated the import-export

trade, while S y ria n s, Lebanese and Indians dominated the r e t a ilin g

of imported goods. But fo llo w in g p ersisten t pressure from the new

business c la s s , the Federal Government, in 1972, promulgated the

Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree. This decree enabled N igerians to

take over most businesses in the commercial se cto r o f the economy from

fo reign ers.

The 1960s and 1970s were therefore important in terms of class

formation. The old c la s s which emerged out of c o lo n ia l rule was swept

aside as a re su lt o f changes in the economic s tru c tu re . The four

leadership groups mentioned by Sk lar and Whitaker were g re a tly diminished

in importance in the Second R epublic. The organ ization al in t e llig e n ts ia

was a group made up o f a few N igerians who had the b e n e fit of Western

education and who, by v irtu re of th a t, occupied s tr a te g ic o ffic e s in the

bureaucracy. When power was transferred they occupied leadership

p o sitio n s, but few re ta in them today. Communal heroes and tra d itio n a l

notables exercised leadership because of th e ir p o s itio n s , but communalismand

trad itio n are fig h tin g a losin g b a ttle in N ig e r ia . The in s titu tio n a l

requirement fo r p a rtic ip a tio n in party p o lit ic s proscribed overt

association with se c tio n a l in te re sts and i t was d i f f i c u l t , i f not

im possible, to use openly ethnic or communal groups as spring-boards for

p o lit ic a l support and leadership. I t is necessary to mention that

p o litic ia n s s t i l l made use of the 'eth n ic card' fo r m obilising votes,

but it s use was not as widespread as in the F ir s t R epublic. Although

 102

cosmopolitan c e le b re tie s are s t i l l important in urban p o l i t i c s , they no

longer dominate the leadership stru ctu re.

The change in the cla ss structure in the 197 0s occurred because of

the change in the economic stru ctu re. As K a rl Marx has put i t , the

super-structure of society is determined by i t s base. The transformation

of the economic structure gave birth to a new leadership c la s s . The

change in N igeria was not revolutionary but was a process of peaceful

incorporation. The f i r s t group of indigenous contractors emerged during

the c i v i l war. By the 1970s N igeria was lik e a m inefield of contractors

among th e ir number were those who had been in the four leadership groups

id en tifie d by Sklar and Whitaker.

The second major group in the leadership structure o f the Second

Republic emerged from a d iffe r e n t situ atio n and joined the contractors in

the leadership stru ctu re . This second group was made up of retired

c iv il servan ts, army and p olice o ffic e r s . They emerged as a re su lt of

the c o lle c tiv e measures carried out by General Murtala Mohammed in 1975.

The preceding government of General Yakubu Gowon was widely considered

to have become corrupt. Indeed, corruption was given as one of the

85
reasons why i t was overthrown. The f i r s t ta sk facing General Murtala

Mohammed was to clear the country of corrupt p r a c tic e s . To do th is he

undertook a system atic purge of the public se rv ice s of both the Federal

and State governments. The exercise started in August 1975 and ended in

January 1976. By the time i t ended o.koiit' 1 0 ,0 0 0 top c i v i l

servants, army o ffic e r s and p olice o ffic e r s who were considered to be

corrupt were r e tir e d . Below is a l i s t of a few of those r e tire d .

Organization Number Retired Date

Nigerian Army 216 27/11/75

University o f N igeria 85 19/11/75

 103

Organization Number R etired Date

U n iversity of Ibadan 853 17/11/75

U n iversity of Benin 57 14/11/75
Ahmadu B ello U n iversity 140 16/11/75
U n iversity of Ife 37 14/11/75
Yaba College 95 21/11/75
N igeria Airways 114 16/11/75
N igeria Coal Board 53 16/11/75
Tourist Company o f N igeria 36 14/11/75

N ational Insurance Co. 11 17/11/75

North-West State C i v i l Service 677 18/11/75

Mid-West State C i v i l Service 800 18/11/75

North-East State C i v i l Service 349 17/11/75

Kwara S ta te C iv il Service 112 16/11/75

North-Central Sta te C iv il Service 468 14/11/75

South-East State C i v i l Service 276 12/11/75

Lagos S ta te C iv il Service 76 25/11/75

Kano S ta te C iv il Service 127 25/11/7536

On the basis o f the above discussion i t is necessary to modify the

Sklar-W hitaker form ulation. What follow s is not the re su lt of

independent research in to N ig e ria 's c la ss s tru c tu re , but te n ta tiv e

p rojection s based on my em pirical work in the f i e l d . I suggest the

follow ing leadership groupings:

( i) Contractors - 603!

( ii) Retired o ffic e r s - 303!

( iii) P rofession als - 103!

To id e n tify leadership groups in th is way is not enough to understand

the p o lit ic a l processes of a country. I t is also necessary to assess

the values of these le a d e rs, since decisions made by leaders have the

imprint of th e ir v alu es. What then are the values o f these leaders?

The three leadership groups mentioned above emerged in d iffe r e n t s itu a tio n s.

The contractor group, which is about 60 per cent of the entire leadership,

emerged to serv ice the m ilita r y in a war-time s itu a tio n . Contractors

thrive on commission which is a major source of th e ir income. In

war-time anything goes, sin ce the focus of the government is on ending

the war. Corruption was p ractised openly: those who awarded contracts

demanded up to 10 per cent of the value of the contract as a b ribe.

Over time, the idea of a 10 per cent bribe came to be accepted as a

p re-req u isite fo r the award o f co n tra cts.

When General Murtala Mohammed took over the government, he made a

decisive e ffo r t to wipe out corruption from N igerian s o c ie ty . His

e ffo r t culminated in the massive retirem ent of public o ffic e r s referred

to above. However, i t was th is same group o f re tire d o ffic e r s who

merged with the contractors to form the bulk of the leadership group

in N igeria. Since both groups had been so c ia lis e d in to corrupt values,

i t is indeed v ir t u a lly im possible to have a puritan value system among

the leaders o f the Second Republic.

On the b asis of the above discussion we s h a ll conclude by looking

at a sample of the leaders o f the three p o lit ic a l p a rtie s in Benue S ta te .

Leaders of the N .P.N . in Benue State

S/No. Name Age O ffic e Profession

1 C hief J . C . Obande 65 1st Chairman Contracter

2 Mr. Obande Obeya 46 2nd Chairman Contractor

3 Mr. Aper Aku 48 Governor Contractor

4 C o l. Ahmadu A li 50 Senator Rtd. Army

 105

S/No. Name Age O f fic e Profession

5 Mr. N .E. Onojo 56 State Leader Rtd P olice
6 Madam Lydia C h ile 41 Woman Leader Contractor
7 H ajiya Hawa Zakari 41 Woman Leader Contractor
8 C o l. Chris Ode 49 State Leader R td. Arm y^

Leaders of the N .P.P, . in Benue State

S/No. Name Age O f fic e Profession

1 Joe Omakwu 48 State Chairman Lawyer
2 Paul Unongo 42 Gov. Candidate Business
3 Dr. E . Ogbu 56 National Leader R td. C/Servant
4 Capt. E. Ujah 43 State Treasurer Rtd. Army
5 U. Ejembi 44 S e n a to ria l Cand., Rtd. Navy
6 Paul Belabo 50 State Leader Rtd. C/Servant
7 C o l. A .A . Ochefu 50 State Leader Rtd. Army
8 Dr. E. Obe 50 State Leader n •
Business 88

Leaders of the U .P.N . in Benue S ta te .

S/No. Name Age O ffic e Profession

1 Mr. Chia Surma 47 Chairman Rtd. C/servant
2 C o l. Alhassan Yakubu 49 D/Gov. cand. Rtd. Army
3 E lla Abogonye 52 State Leader Business
4 Mr. E . Odaudu 50 State Leader Rtd. C/Servant
5 Mr. A. Anum 56 State Leader Contractor
6 Mr. I . Shaahu 50 State Leader Rtd. C/Servant
7 A lh a ji Sanusi 42 State Leader Contractor
8 89
Mr. J .A . Y a ji 46 State Leader Contractor
 • . ,

106
i

Footnotes

1. Harold J . L a sk i, The Grammar o f P o lit ic s (London: George A llen &

Unwin 1925), p . 142.

2. W illiam Kornhauser, P o lit ic s o f Mass Society (London: Routledge

and Kegan Paul 1965), passim.

3. Sigmund Neumann> (ed. Modern P o lit ic a l P arties (Chicago: Chicago

U n iv ersity Press 1962), p . 9.

4. Jean B londel, Voters, P a rties and Leaders (Hammeworth: Penuin

1967), p . 418.

5. Arthur M. Schlesinger J r . , History o f U .S. P o litic a l P arties (New

York: Chelsea House 1973), V o l. 1 In tro .

6. I b id •

7. Robert M ichels, P o lit ic a l P arties (London: Ja rro ld & Sons, 1915),

p. 418.

8. From the 1950s the focus of p o lit ic a l s c ie n t is ts s h ifte d from a

tr a d itio n a l in s titu tio n a l approach to a behavioural approach. This
was la r g e ly due to the encouragement of the American P o lit ic a l
Science A sso cia tio n . Scholars lik e Gabriel Almond, David Easton,
Heinz Eulau, Samuel J . E ldersveld and M orrisJanow itz su cce ssfu lly
applied the behavioural approach in th eir stu d ie s.

9. B illy J . Dudley, P o lit ic s and P a rties in Northern N igeria.

10. F if t y people were appointed to the Committee in the f i r s t instance,

but C h ie f Obafemi Awolowo objected to being a member, thus bringing
the number to fo r ty -n in e . The Committee comprised two
rep resen tatives from each o f the 12 States then e x is tin g and
prominent men from a l l over the country. Members were drawn also
from the Bbr, the p riv ate se c to r, u n iv e rs itie s and Local Government
areas. The Committee submitted the D raft C on stitu tion in two
volumes to the then Head o f S ta te , L t.-G e n e ra l Olusegun Obasanjo on
14 September 1976.

11. Keith P an ter-B rick ( e d .) , Sold iers and O il: The p o lit ic a l
transformation o f Nigeria (London: Cass 1978).

12. Ib id .

13. The Sub-Committee on p o lit ic a l p a rtie s was made up of the follow ing
people: the la te A lh a ji Aminu Kano; Chairman; Dr. David-West, the
la te P r o f. B .J . Dudley, D r. Chris Abashiya, Mr. Mr. Tukma, Dr.
S. A leyid ero and Mr. D. Dimka.

14. Report o f the Constitution Drafting Cormittee Vol. I I (Lagos:

Government Punter 1977).

15. The Con stitu tion o f Nigeria 1979 (Lagos: Government P rin ter 1979),
 107

Chap. 8.

16. The unregistered p o l it ic a l associatio n s were: the N ational People's

Convention, led by Mr. Inusa Sibrusima; the Whig Party o f N ig eria,
led by A lh a ji S .S . Amego; the Movement of the People, led by Mr.
Fela Anikulapo K u ti; the Nigerian People's Welfare P arty , led by
Chief G .B .A . Akinyede; the N igerian National Congress P rogressives,
led by A lh a ji Mr. Id r is u ; the S o c ia lis t Workers People's P arty, led
by Mr. O .A . Adewumi; the Common Man's Party, led by Malam Garba
Abubakar; the So cia l Democrats Party led by Mr. Adeyemi Adebododun,
ju s t to mention a few.

17. The Nigerian Punch, 2 January 1979.

18. The Nigerian Punch, 10 January 1979.

19. The National Movement was formed on 26 August 1978 in Lagos. The
foundation members were: Anambra State - Mr. C .C . Onoh, John Nwodo,
Chuba Okadigbo, B .C . Nwankwo; Bauchi State - A lh a ji Sule Katagum and
A lh a ji T a ta li A l i; Benue State - Mr. J . S . Tarka and C o l. Ahmadu A li;
Bendel S ta te - Mr. Anthony Enahoro and Mr. Siaka Momodu; Cross-River
State - Dr. Joseph Wayas, C hief Donald E tie b e t, C h ief I t a Bassey
Etuk and C hief J .H . Bassey; Borno State - A lh a ji Kam Selem, A lh a ji
A li Mongonu and A lh a ji Adamu Ciroma; Gongola State - Professor Iya
Abubakar; Kaduna S ta te - A lh a ji Nuhu Bamali and A lh a ji Garba Ja
Abdulkadir; Kano S ta te - A lh a ji Inuwa Wada and A lh a ji Aminu Kano;
Kwara S ta te - Dr. Sola Saraki; Plateau State - A lh a ji Yahaya Sabo;
Imo State - Dr. Mbadiweand Dr. J . O . J . Okezie; Ogun State - Mr. E .B .
Sorunke and Mr. Onigbade; Ondo State - Mr. Ogungbade and Mr. C .B .
Akinfade Awojoun; Oyo State - C hief Richard A k in jid e , C h ie f Adisa
Akinloye and C hief Fani Kayode; Lagos State - Mr. S. Dada; Sokoto
State - A lh a ji Shehu Shagari; Rivers State - C hief M.O. O k illo .

20. Chuba Okadigbo, The M ission o f the N.P.N. (Enugu: E .R . Nwankwo

1981), p .1 0 .

21. Ib id .

22. Ib id .

23. Ib id .

24. Ib id .

25. Tyu-Abeghe, Senator Tarka is dead (Makurdi: Satos P ress, 1980).

26. Ib id .

27. Ib id .

28. Ib id .

29. The New Nigerian, 11 December, 1978.

30. Ib id .

31. Tyu-Abeghe, op. a it.

 108

32. James 0 . O jia k o , 1st Four Years o f Nigeria Executive Presidency:

Success and F a ilu re, (Lagos: D aily Times 1983), p . 37-38.

33. Mr. John A ja , interviewed a t Otukpo in J u l y , 1983.

34. Mr. Eigege E jig a , interviewed at Otukpo in J u ly , 1983.

35. Mr. Christopher Ajunwa, interviewed at Makurdi June, 1983.

36. Mr. John Ekweme, interviewed at Makurdi in Ju n e , 1983.

37. Ib id .

38. Mr. Joe Omakwu, interviewed at Otukpo in J u l y , 1983.

39. Ib id .

40. Ib id .

41. The New Nigerian, 5 October, 1978.

42. Ib id .

43. Ib id .

44. The New Nigerian, 12 November, 1978.

45. Ib id .

46. Ib id .

47. The New Nigerian, 5 December, 1978.

48. Ib id .

49. Ib id .

50. The Constitution o f the N .P .P .

51. Tyu-Abeghe,op. a it .

52. I b id ..

53. I b i d ..

54. I b i d ..

55. The Punch, 25 September, 1978.

56. The Constitution o f the N.P.N.

57. Ib id .

58. Ib id .

59. Ib id .
 109 i

60. Ibid .

61. Ibid.

62. Ibid .

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

65. Mr. Chia Surma, Interviewed at Gboko in J u l y , 1983.

66. Maurice Duverger, P o litic a l P a rties (London: Methuen 1964).

67. The Constitution o f the N .P.P.

68. Ibid .

69. The Constitution o f Nigeria 1979.

70. The money re alised from the sa le o f the membership cards was not
accounted fo r - i t was diverted into p riv ate pockets.

71. The Constitution o f Nigeria 1979.

72. Ibid.

73. The Constitution o f the N.P.N.

74. The Manifesto o f the N.P.N.

75. Ibid.

76. The Manifesto o f the U.D.N.

77. Ibid .

78. Nnamdi A zikiw e, Democracy with M ilita ry Vigilance (Nsukka: A frican

Books 1974), p. 4.

79. The Manifesto o f the N .P.P.

80. Ib id .

81. The Constitution o f Nigeria 1979.

82. O j i j i Alegwu, nterviewed at Otukpo in Ju ly , 1983.

83. Ibid .

84. G.M. C arter ( e d .) , National Unity and Regionalism in Eight African

States (Ith a c a : C ornell U n iversity Press 1966),p. 73-74.

85. The N igerian Tribune in 13 years o f M ilitary Government in Nigeria

(Daily Times, Lagos).

86. Ib id .
 no

87. The S e c re ta ria t of the N .P .N ., Makurdi.

88. The S e c re ta ria t of the N .P .P ., Makurdi.

89. The S e c re ta ria t of the U .P .N ., Makurdi.

 m

in

CHAPTER FOUR

ELECTORAL ARRANGEMENTS, NOMINATIONS, SCREENING AND CAMPAIGNS

In h is book Free Elections, W .J.M. Mackenzie stated that there

were four conditions necessary fo r a free and f a i r e le c tio n . These

were:

"an independent ju d ic ia ry to interpret e le c to ra l

law; an honest competent non-partisan adminis­
tra tio n to run e le c tio n s ; a developed system
of p o lit ic a l p a r tie s , well enough organised to
put th e ir p o lic ie s , tra d itio n s and teams before
the e le cto ra te as a lte rn a tiv e s between which
to choose and fo u rth ly a general acceptance
throughout the p o lit ic a l community of c e rta in
rather vague rules of the game, which lim it the
stru ggle fo r power because of some unspoken
sentiment th a t, i f the rules are not observed
more or le ss f a it h fu l ly , the game i t s e l f w ill
disappear amid the wreckage of the whole
system ."'

Apart from these four conditions there is also a need for a free press.

Our discussion of ele ctio n s in Benue State w ill be undertaken within

the framework o f these fiv e v a ria b le s. The la t te r a r e , of course,

id eal-typ es, and do not e x is t in th e ir perfect form in any p o lit ic a l

system. P o lit ic a l behaviour can only be patterned on these id e a ls .

The Second Republic was inaugurated in 1979 and ended when the m ilita ry

again seized power in December 1983. During the period of it s

existence (1979-1983), two ele ctio n s were held - in 1979 and 1983.

These election s were expected to be freer than those in the F ir s t

Republic fo r one major reason, namely that the m ilita r y leaders

had carried out some stru ctu ra l and in s titu tio n a l reforms which were

expected to have a favourable e ffe c t on e le cto ra l behaviour. The

e ffe c t of these reforms w ill form a major part of the discussion in

this chapter. However, before we embark on th is ta s k , we sh a ll look

 112

at the circumstances which gave r is e to these reforms.

The f i r s t person to carry out a system atic study of ele ctio n s

in Nigeria was K .W .J. P o st. In h is pioneering study of the 1959

election in N ig e r ia , Post concluded by saying that there were no

rules of the game:

"In N igeria there were no rules which were

gen erally accepted by the p o l i t i c i a n s ....
The frequent outbreaks of violence during
the campaign in a l l three Regions add
extra weight to th is view ."^

On the ro le of p o lit ic a l p a r tie s , Post asserted that most

of the parties thrived on parochial issues."T he minor p a r tie s " , he

said , "of cou rse, spoke only for sp e cia l in te r e s ts , often ethnic

or re lig io u s . The major p arties a lso sought to run in lo c a li t ie s by

exploiting p a rtic u la r in t e r e s ts , grievan ces, and r iv a lr ie s , both

. 3
ancient and modern, seekin g, in f a c t , to be a l l things to a l l men."

Post, a ls o , doubted the commitment of the p o litic ia n s to preserve the

independence o f the ju d ic ia ry and the e le cto ra l adm inistrative

structure. On the b asis of h is fin d in g s , he stated: " I t may be

that the next Federal e le c tio n w ill f a i l to q u a lify fo r the ad jectiv e

'f r e e ', which can by and large be applied to the one which has been

the subject of our study.

The study by Post had one major weakness: he was too rig id in

his ap plication of Mackenzie's model. His aim was to see how the

newly transferred trappings of lib e r a l democracy were being

in s titu tio n a lis e d . Any e le c to ra l behaviour which did not f a l l within

the model, as he conceived i t , was undemocratic. Ken Post did not

explore the p o s s ib ilit y that the new states had to define democracy

in terms of valu es p re v a ilin g in those s ta te s . Lib eral democratic

values and in s titu tio n s were developed in Europe to meet unique

 *

113

challenges from the environment. Democratic values are con textu ally

determined. For example in England, democracy won it s fin a l b a ttle

over monarchical absolutism in the seventeenth century and the

nature o f the stru ggle determined the shape o f B ritish p o l it ic s .

And because the stru ggle was prolonged democratic values were

assim ilated before the b a ttle was won. Whereas in B rita in

in stitu tio n s and values were deeply rooted, in N igeria they were

merely imposed from above. I t could not be expected that the mere

implanting of in s titu tio n s would make Nigerians behave lik e the

B ritish overnight.

Perhaps a b e tte r approach to the study of ele ctio n s in N igeria

was that used by Kenneth Post and Michael Vickers in th e ir study of

the 1964 e le c tio n . The two authors assert th a t:

"Modern N igeria is a conglomerate so c ie ty ,

that i s , one made up by the grouping together
of peoples of d iffe r e n t cu ltu re s. Given that
the d iffe re n ce s are s u ffic ie n t to lead to
c o n flic t between these peoples as a re su lt
of contact between them, such s o c ie tie s can
only e x is t i f there are forces extraneous
to the c u ltu r a l groups actin g to hold them
togeth er. In immediate terms, th is implies
the existen ce of a p o lit ic a l and adm inistrative
'g r id ' superimposed on these d iffe r e n t groups
with s u ffic ie n t force at it s disposal to coerce
them i f necessary. . . .Given th is s ta rtin g -p o in t,
the d iffe re n ce s between c u ltu ra l groups may in
the longer term be reduced, f i r s t , by the
operation o f economic fo r c e s ."5

This study h ig h lig h ted one o f the major problems of Nigerian

so ciety . N igeria was dominated by c u ltu ra l groups which posed a big

threat to the s t a b ilit y of the s t a t e . S t a b ility could only be

achieved i f the a c t i v i t ie s of these groups were brought under co n tro l.

During the F ir s t Republic the method used to control these groups was

a system of rewards.6 The method adopted during the Second Republic,

as we sh a ll soon se e , was in s titu tio n a l arrangements by the s t a te .

 114

The problem with th is method was that i t cu rtailed the r ig h ts and

lib e r tie s of the in d iv id u a l.

Another book which c le a r ly showed the dynamics of e le c to r a l

p o litic s during the F ir s t Republic was The P o litic s o f T radition,

Continuity and Change in Northern Nigeria by C .S . Whitaker J r . The

author uncovered a symbiotic relation sh ip between modern and

tra d itio n a l v alu es. The dominant p o lit ic a l party in the North (the

N .P .C .) had a strong tr a d itio n a l base and became the in s titu tio n

through which tra d itio n a l rulers contested for o f f ic e . "More

s p e c ific a lly , popular e le c tio n s served as a new framework for a form

of tra d itio n a l competition c a lle d in Hausa, Neman Sarauta ( l i t e r a l l y ,

pursuit of o f fic e and t i t l e ) , for which members of the tr a d itio n a l

e lit e customarily v ie ." ^ The convergence of both tr a d itio n a l and

modern in s titu tio n s Jo ts r -o f r\«cess<uri Iy V a Ju rs

tu-t" 'Ct.ndtfS A i ( { W t r tin*, -fbt demoi-rvcKc.

The p o lit ic s of communalism was a major feature of the p o litic s

of the F ir s t Republic. Robert Melson and Howard Wolpe asserted that

competitive conmunalism was a stage in the evolution of a

cu ltu ra lly p lu ral s o c ie ty . "In a c u ltu r a lly plural s o c ie ty , the

competition engendered by so c ia l m obilization w ill tend to be

8
defined in communal term s." The empirical fa cts o f the p o lit ic s of

the F irst Republic supported th is view. Elections were seen as

simply a continuation of the tr ib a l wars of the nineteenth century.

Competitive conununalism was no doubt one of the causes of the collapse

of the F ir s t Republic.

Electoral Reforms

Communal ism was one o f the reasons which led the leaders o f the

roilitary adm inistration to address th e ir minds to the issue of e le cto ra l

 115

reform when they decided to hand over power to a dem ocratically

elected government. The m ilita r y government was 'c o r re c tiv e ' in

the sense that i t intended to put righ t some anomalies in the

p o lit ic a l process but did not seek to e ffe c t fundamental revolutionary

change. Martin Dent described the regime as follow s:

"This so r t of regime does not assume that the

whole o f the p o lit ic a l order has to be changed
and s o c ia l and business re la tio n s turned
upside down. It does, however, take as it s
sta rtin g point the c o n v ictio n s, u su ally
p a in fu lly obvious to a l l at the time of the
m ilita ry coming to power, that the old
c iv ilia n order w ill not work because of
certa in profound d e fic ie n c ie s . In the Nigerian
case these d e fic ie n c ie s related to several
d is tin c t s p h e r e s .. . . " 9

The corrective measures r e la tin g to e le ctio n s were contained

in Federal M ilita ry Government Decree No. 41 of 1977.

The Federal E le c to ra l Commission ( F .E .D .E .C .O .)

The Decree made provision fo r the establishment of a Federal

E lectoral Commission which was to be composed o f:

(i) a Chief E le c to r a l Commissioner - Chairman;

( ii) one E le c to r ia l Commissioner from each sta te (19); and

( iii) four other Commissioners, bringing the to ta l to 24

Commissioners.

An Executive S e c re ta ry , who was to be the adm inistrative head of the

Commission, was also to be a p p o in te d .^

At the sta te le v e l there was to be a Resident E lecto ral

Commissioner supported by an adm inistrative Secretary.

The functions o f the Federal E le cto ra l Commission, as sp ecified

in Section 3 of Decree No. 41, were:

 116

(a) to organise and supervise a l l matters pertaining to e lection s

to a l l e le c tiv e o ffic e s provided fo r in the C on stitu tion as well

as election s to any other le g is la t iv e body other than lo ca l

government bodies;

(b) to re g iste r a l l p o lit ic a l p arties and determine th e ir e l i g i b i l i t y

to sponsor candidates fo r e le c tio n ;

(c) the d iv is io n , by reference to the 1963 population census, of the

Federation o r, as the case may b e, the area of a sta te into such

number of con stitu en cies as may be prescribed by law fo r the

purpose of ele ctio n s to be conducted by the .Commission under the

decree; and

(d) the re g istra tio n o f v o te rs, the preparation and maintenance of

• 12
reg isters of voters for the purpose of e le c tio n s .

The m ilita ry government appointed a l l Commissioners and the

13
State Secretaries who conducted the 1979 e le c tio n s . When A lh a ji

Shagari became President in 1979 he dissolved the Commission and

appointed new members to i t . This was not an easy task as other

p o lit ic a l p a rtie s , p a rtic u la rly the Unity Party of N ig e ria , objected

to every appointment he made. The f i r s t problem emerged when, on

18th A p r il, 1980, Shagariappointed the former Chief Judge o f Bendel

State, Mr. Ju s tic e V icto r Ereneko Ovie-Whiskey, as the Chairman of the

Federal E lecto ra l Commission. This appointment was unexpected; it

had been widely believed that the person to be appointed was another

Bendelite, Mr. Ju s tic e Samuel Igbodare. The preference fo r Mr.

Ju stice Ovie-Whiskey was linked to the fa c t that he came from a pre­

dominantly N .P.N . con trolled area of Bendel S t a t e .'4 This created

suspicion in the minds o f the members of the U .P .N . who challenged

the appointment in the Supreme Court. The su it which was file d by

 m

117

three U .P .N . Senators - Abraham Adesanya, Jonathan Odebiyi and

David Oke - was dismissed by the Court in May 1981 and Ju s t ic e Ovie-

Whiskey was allowed to occupy h is c h a i r . B u t no sooner had he

taken control of the Commission than another disagreement emerged.

This disagreement centred around the personality of A lh a ji Saidu

Barda,. who was then the Secretary to the Commission. Rtd. L td . C o l.

Ayo A riyo, the Resident E le cto ra l Commissioner in Ondo S ta te ,

suggested that A lh a ji Saidu Barda should be removed because h is

connections with outside in te re sts made i t impossible for him to

handle the 1983 e le c tio n s im p a r tia lly . He said that A lh a ji Saidu

Barda was more powerful than a l l the Resident Commissioners put

together. "Even the Chairman is a fr a id of him. That man should

be replaced by somebody we can c o n t r o l ." ^ A fter a prolonged debate,

the President re-deployed A lh a ji Saidu Barda from F .E .D .E .C .O . and

appointed A lh a ji Gubio as the new secretary .

R egistration o f Voters

The re g is tra tio n o f voters fo r the 1979 e lection s took p lace

throughout the fed eration from the 14th January to 28th February,

1978. The re g is te r of voters was reviewed in August 1982 and the

fin a l l i s t s fo r the 1983 e le ctio n s were published a few days p rio r

to the e le c tio n s . Unlike the f i r s t exercise which did not a t tr a c t

much debate, the 1982 exe rcise provoked a great deal of controversy.

The reaction to the e xercise can be seen from the headlines o f some

of the national newspapers: - "Seven in court - F .E .D .E .C .O . man, 6

others alleged m alpractices in 1982 voters re g istra tio n in Yaba";

"Poor turn o u t"; "Plans to re g is te r a lie n s " ; "Voters return home

unregistered"; " F .E .D .E .C .O . o f f i c i a l s absent"; "N .P .P . boycotts

registratio n exercise in Kwara S ta te " ; "Fake cards in Kwara"; N .P .N .,

 118

U .P .N. want r e g is tra tio n halted in Benue"; "12,500 re g istra tio n cards

eaten up by ants in O g o ja "; " v illa g e r s chase o f f F .E .D .E .C .O .

o f f i c i a l s " ,17 e tc .

The Commission was empowered to re g iste r only those who were

qu alified to vote in accordance with the provisions of Section One

of the Electoral Decree, which stated that:

(1) "Subject to t h i s decree, the persons e n title d

to vote at any e le ctio n in any constituency
within the meaning of that expression as used
in the C o n stitu tio n of the Federal Republic
sh a ll be those o rd in a rily resident there on
the q u a lify in g date who, on that date and on
the date of th e p o ll, are c itiz e n s of Nigeria
of the age o f 18 years or upwards and are not
subject to any le g a l incapacity to vote.
Provided that a person s h a ll not vote in any
constituency u nless registered there in the
reg iste r of v o te rs to be used at the e le ctio n s."'®

Legal incapacity means:

"(a) the acknowledgement of a lle g ia n c e , obedience

or adherence by personal act o f a voter to
a fo reign power or s ta te ;

(b) the im position of sentence of death o r , in

respect o f an offence involving dishonesty,
imprisonment for a term exceeding six months
or such o th er punishment as may law fully be
su b stitu ted th e refo re , and the voter has not
at the d ate of the e le ctio n suffered
punishment or received a free pardon."'®

The follow ing persons are not q u a lifie d to vote at e le c tio n s:

(1) the Chairman and o th er members of the E le cto ra l Commission;

(2) the Chief E lecto ral O ffic e r s ;

(3) the Returning O ffic e r s and A ssistan t Returning O ffic e r s ; and

(4) the Presiding O ffic e r at the p o llin g s ta tio n .

The right to vote is a c a rd in a l featu re of every e le ctio n ; it is the

process by which c itiz e n s express th e ir in te re sts and id eological

 119

in clin atio n s in the S ta te . During the F ir s t R epublic, N igeria

operated a system of r e s tric te d fra n ch ise . Whereas there was

universal adult su ffrag e in the southern part o f the country - a l l

Nigerians of or above the age of 21 years of age were allowed to

vote provided they were not le g a lly incapacitated - the North had only

adult male s u ffra g e , women being disenfranchised.

The new F.lectoral Decree introduced universal su ffrage throughout

the country. Women were given the franchise and the age lim it was

reduced to 18 years. What were the im plications of these reforms?

The voting population of N igeria was young - registered voters

between 18 and 45 years con stitu ted about 66 per cent o f a l l voters

in 1979 and about the same percentage in 1983. More women were

registered than men. Out of the 47.7 m illio n registered in 1979

. .
about 24.5 m illio n were women.
20

Before the re g is tra tio n exercise s ta rte d , p u b licity campaigns

were organized by Committees, both at the state and lo ca l government

le v e ls . The functions of these Committees was to enlighten the

people on the importance of re g is te rin g . T raditional rulers also

, . . . 21
carried out enlightenment tours of th e ir lo c a l i t ie s .

The f i r s t exercise ended on 18 February 1978 and in October of

the same y e a r, a s ix ty day revisio n exercise was conducted. The

purpose of the revision exercise was to ensure that those who had

been le f t out in the f i r s t exercise were included in the second.

Before the fin a l fig u re s were released , the Commission allowed each

state to add 3 per cent to the to ta l number of registered voters in

. . 22
view of the fa c t that the census fig u re s being used were outdated.

The number o f people registered is enumerated in the table below:

 Ml

120

TABLE 4.1: REGISTERED VOTERS FOR THE 1979 AND 1983 ELECTIONS

Registered Voters Projected

% Change Population
State 1979 (1) 1983 (2) (1) from (2) 1979

Anambr a 2,606,663 3,532,053 +35.5 5,365,000

Bauchi 2,096,162 2,684,354 +28.1 3,628,000

Bendel 2,355,023 3,154,672 +34.0 3,671,000

Benue 1,636,371 2,400,525 +46.2 3,621,000

Borno 2,945,925 3,587,715 +21.8 4,472,000

Cross Rivers 2,464,184 3,365,672 +36.6 5,188,000

Gongola 2,299,012 2,965,072 +29.0 3,887,000
Imo 3,490,484 4,521,089 +29.5 5,480,000
Raduna 3,455,047 6,688,450 +93.6 6,115,000

Kano 5,226,598 7,639,281 +46.2 8,625,000

Kwara 1,108,029 1,313,712 + 18.6 2,587,000

Lagos 1,829,369 2,232,800 +22.0 2,537,000

Niger 1,051,160 1,277,090 +21.5 1,782,000

Ogun 1,663,608 1,853,511 + 11.4 2,555,000

Oyo 4,534,779 5,145,377 + 13.5 7,770,000

Plateau 1,748,868 1,541,990 -11.8 3,022,000

Rivers 1,608,409 3,008,821 +87.1 2,581,000

Sokoto 3,806,214 5,124,819 +34.6 6,771,000

Ondo 2,573,186 3,058,918 + 18.9 4,071,000

F .C .T . - 20,947 - -

Total 48,499,091 65,304,818 +34.6 83,728,000

Source: Heat A fr ic a , 8 August, 1983, p. 1805.

 121

Delimitation of Con stitu en cies

The Federal E le cto ra l Commission divided the country into the

following con stitu en cies:

1 President (the whole country)

19 Governorships (one fo r each state)

450 Federal Constituencies

95 Se n a to ria l D is tr ic ts

1,350 State Constituencies

Senatorial D is t r ic t s :

Each d is t r ic t comprised one or more of the constituencies

recommended for the purpose o f e le c tin g a member of the House of

Representatives. Each s ta te was divided into fiv e Senatorial

d is t r ic t s , givin g a to ta l o f 95 fo r the country as a whole -

representation in the N igerian Senate was based on the equal

. 23
representation of a l l the nineteen s ta te s .

Federal C on stitu en cies:

These were a l l basic co n stitu e n cie s and the population of each

constituency had to be not le s s than 100,000. The c rite rio n used in

the delimination of a l l the 449 Federal Constituencies was p o p u la tio n .^

State C on stitu en cies:

The number of co n stitu e n cie s in each sta te had to be proportional

to the population o f that s t a t e , but had to be three times the

number of constituencies in th a t sta te for the Federal House of

Representatives.

These co n stitu e n cie s, which were delim ited in 1979, were to la s t

for ten years . ^

 122

Nominations and the Screening of Candidates

The E lecto ra l Decree sp e cifie d that candidates who wished to

contest any of the fiv e e le c tio n s must be screened by the Federal

Electoral Commission. Prospective candidates were to submit

nomination papers, containing the follow ing inform ation:

(1) name, address and occupation;

(2) the names, addresses and occupation of those nominating him/her;

(3) a statement by the candidate that he/she was w illin g and

q u a lifie d to stand for e le c tio n ; and

(4) a statement by the candidate givin g the name of the p o lit ic a l party
26
which sponsored his/her candidature.

In addition to the conditions mentioned above,the Decree sp e cifie d

that:

(a) every candidate sh a ll be nominated by ten persons whose names

appear on the re g is te r o f voters fo r the Constituency in respect

of which the nomination is made;

(b) no person s h a ll sign as a nominator more than one nomination

paper for use at e le c tio n to the same le g is la tiv e house and i f

he/she does so his/her signature sh a ll be inoperative on any

second or subsequent nomination paper which he/she signs as

nominator;

(c) i f a nomination paper when signed by a candidate and his/her

nominator is lodged in more than one Constituency/Senatorial

D is tr ic t the candidature sh a ll be void in each Constituency/

27
Senatorial D is t r ic t in which the nomination paper is lodged.

The relevant forms and deposits to be paid by various categories

of candidates were:
 123

O ffice Type of Nomination Form Deposit

President EC 4A N1,000.00

Governor EC 4B 500.00

Senator EC 4C 200.00

Representatives EC 4D 200.00
Assemblymen EC 4E 100.00

The deposit may be returned to a candidate on the follow ing

conditions:

(i) the nomination o f the candidate is in v a lid ;

( ii) the candidate d ie s before the date of the e le c tio n ;

( iii) there is no contested e le c tio n ;

(iv) a contested e le c tio n is declared void; and

(v) in any contested e le c tio n , the candidate is eith er su ccessfu l

or obtains at le a s t h a lf of the to ta l number of votes c a s t f a tta-

s 28
iiat« in the Constituency.

In N igeria a candidate requires sp ecial q u a lific a tio n s to seek

election to any of the e le c tiv e o f f ic e s . The in s titu tio n which is

responsible for confirm ing that the candidate is q u alified is the

Federal E lecto ral Commision, which uses a sp ecial process of screening.

These q u a lific a tio n s were:

(a) a candidate must have paid f u l l y , as and when due in respect of

the three fin a n c ia l years preceding the date of e le c tio n s,

income tax anywhere in the Federation. This q u a lific a tio n was

used in the 1979 e le c tio n and resulted in the d is q u a lific a tio n

of many candidates. An amendment was made in 1982 which

cancelled th is p a rtic u la r q u a lific a tio n .

 124

(b) a person sentenced to a term o f imprisonment for an offence

involving dishonesty within the la s t 15 years (since January 1976)

was d is q u a lifie d from standing as a candidate; and

(c) any person who has been removed from public o f fic e on any ground

involving dishonesty (or dismissed from such o f fic e on any ground)

. . 29
was d is q u a lifie d .

For the purpose of screen in g, the commission constituted i t s e l f

into a committee made up o f the C h ie f E le cto ra l Commissioner, the

23 other E lecto ra l Commissioners, and a l l the Secretaries of the

Commission. The screening process was an opportunity fo r the opponents

of prospective candidates to point out the d efects in the candidates.

There was one serious case of screening involving the la te Senator

J . S . Tarka. The Commission was requested to d is q u a lify Mr. Tarka

for being alle g e d ly c o rru p t. There were two cases against him:

(1) that an a ff id a v it o f wrong doing was sworn against him by

Mr. Godwin Daboh: t h i s , i t was a lle g e d , was the cause of h is

resignation from the Gowon adm in istration ;

(2) that Tarka was mentioned in a sp e cia l p o lice report on a

confidence t r ic k s t e r , a foreign national who had since been

. 30
deported from N igeria by the Government.

A fter a few days of d e lib e r a tio n s , the Federal E lecto ral Commission

allowed Mr. J . S . Tarka to contest the se n a to ria l e le c tio n on the ground

that he had neither been prosecuted nor found g u ilty by any committee

or panel. The Commission's decision was based on the relevant

section of the law which sp e c ifie d the conditions fo r d is q u a lific a tio n

lor corrupt p ractices as fo llo w s:

"any person found g u ilty of corruption,

unjust enrichment or abuse o f o ffic e by
any trib u n al or in q u ir y .. . . in stitu te d by
 125

the Federal Government or by the Government of a

sta te at a time not e a r lie r than the 15th January
1966."31

Campaigns

The l i f t i n g of the ban on partisan p o lit ic s on the 21st

September, 1978 was unexpected. Most people thought that the ban

would be l if t e d on 1st October during the National Day Broadcast.

Nevertheless, p o lit ic a l p a rtie s surfaced immediately and started

campaigning.

The p arties had one year to explain th eir manifestoes to the

electo rate. This long period was necessary because e le cto ra l p o lit ic s

was reactivated a fte r 13 years of m ilita ry ru le . N igerian s, th erefo re,

needed an intensive p o lit ic a l education, e sp e cia lly as a large

proportion of the e le cto ra te would be voting fo r the f i r s t time.

Four methods of campaigning were used by a l l the p o lit ic a l

parties in Benue S ta te . These were national to u rs, state tours,

lo cal r a llie s and house to house canvassing.

National tours were u su ally led by the p arty 's Chairman or

P residential candidate. Apart from explaining the programme of the

p arty, these tours provided an opportunity for presenting the

national o ffic e r s of the party to the e le c to ra te . State tours

served sim ilar purposes. R a llie s were organised in the various

d is tr ic ts by lo c a l party organs a fte r an o f f i c i a l permit had been

obtained from the D ivision al Police O ffic e r .

Each of the four types of campaigning necessitated the expenditure

of an enormous amount of money. The veh icles in a nationwide tour

form a convoy extending, on average, fo r about two m ile s. Those who

escort the nation al leaders usually include top members of the party

from a ll over the country; thugs who s i t on top of the moving vehicles
 126

shouting party slogan s; women and youth wings in f u l l party uniform ;

and dancers and sin g e rs. A n a tio n a l campaign tour i s , th e refo re , a

spectacle of co lo u rfu l variety and fe s t iv it y . The cost of such tours

is enormous because fu e l has to be bought for a ll the v e h ic le s. Money

is needed to pay allowances to the thugs, dancers and sin g e rs, as

well as to feed the entourage and lo c a l v is it o r s . While local

r a llie s and house-to-house canvassing did not e n ta il moving large

numbers of people in v e h ic le s,th e y were quite costly since a good

deal was spent on b rib e s.

The campaign for the 1983 e le c tio n s started in f u l l swing when

the N .P.N . launched i t s "Gboko 83", which was the formal commencement

of the N .P .N .'s campaign. It was estimated that at least one m illio n

supporters of the party converged on Gboko fo r the r a lly which took

place in the la s t week of January, 1983. The idea of sta rtin g the

N.P.N. campaign fo r the 1983 e le c tio n s in Benue State was conceived

by A lh a ji Shehu Shagari as a trib u te to the memory of the late

J . S . Tarka who had died in 1980.

A fter "Gboko 83" the N .P .N .'s p re sid e n tia l campaign team v is it e d

Benue State twice before the e le c tio n in August, 1983. The fi r s t

campaign team, which was led by A lh a ji Shehu Shagari himself.met

with a h o s tile reception in Makurdi, the state c a p ita l. The President

was not only booed and jeered a t , when h is entourage drove through

the town, but the r a lly was poorly attended. Mr. Innocent Audu

Ogbe tried to conceal the r e a lity o f the situ a tio n when he said that

the poor attendance was due to the fa c t that Benue had ju st had it s

fir s t rains and most of the party's supporters had gone to th eir

farms. The problem the party had was in fa c t due to the p re v a ilin g

situation in the sta te which made the v is it ill-tim e d . The nomination

c r is is had l e f t the party with a weak organisation» moreover, teachers

 127

and others had not been paid for many months. In fa c t , a leading

member of the p a rty , Mr. M .U . Ogbole sent a telegram to the Chairman

of the party suggesting th a t the tour should be postponed. The

telegram is reproduced below.

SECRET
TELEGRAM

CHIEF ADISA AKINLOYE 20 MARCH, 1983

NATIONAL CHAIRMAN
N.P.N.
KEFFI STREET
LAGOS

I MORGAN OGBOLE VERY STRONGLY SUGGEST POSTPONEMENT

OF PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN IN BENUE STATE TO A LATER
DATE FOR THE FOLLOWING REASONS x ATMOSPHERE IN
BENUE NOT CONDUCIVE FOR PARTY RALLY x OUR PRIMARY
AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS REMAIN CLOSED DUE TO LACK
OF FUNDS TO PAY TEACHERS' SALARIES x PRIMARY
SCHOOL TEACHERS NOT PAID FOR FOUR MONTHS x BENUE
HIGHER INSTITUTIONS NOT FUNCTIONAL DUE TO LACK OF
FUNDS x MOST WORKERS NOT PAID DECEMBER SALARIES,
THEREFORE THEIR FAMILIES ON THE VERGE OF
STARVATION x MAGISTRATES ON STRIKE COMPLAINING
OF DENIAL OF ENTITLEMENTS BY GOVERNMENT x INTRA­
PARTY DISCORD AS A RESULT OF GUBER NATORIAL
NOMINATION STILL NOT SETTLED x RESULTING NOW IN
STEADY DECAMPING OF OUR MEMBERS IN TIV AREA TO
OTHER PARTIES x SERIOUS CONTROVERSY WITHIN BENUE
N .P.N . AS REGARDS LEVEL 1 AND 2 ELECTIONS STILL
UNSETTLED x GENERAL LOW MORALE NOW APPARENT IN
BENUE AS A RESULT OF POOR ECONOMIC CONDITIONS AND
CHILDREN NOT IN SCHOOL x PRESIDENT SHAGARI HAS
NOT YET FULFILLED HIS ELECTION PROMISES TO THE
IDOMA PEOPLE THAT HE WOULD CONSTRUCT OJU TO
OTUKPO AND OTUKPO TO OWETO ROADS x IT IS IMPERATIVE
THAT CONSTRUCTION CONTRACTS FOR THESE ROADS BE
AWARDED AND ANNOUNCED BEFORE OUR CAMPAIGN STARTS
IN BENUE x I BEG TO EMPHASISE AND REGRET BENUE IS
NOT IN THE MOOD NOW TO HOST THIS GREAT OCCASION x
FOR THE ABOVE REASONS THEREFORE DIRECT POST­
PONEMENT SOONEST UNTIL YOU INTERVENE TO IMPROVE
SITUATION IN BENUE x ESSENTIAL WE START RIGHT.

MORGAN OGBOLE
8 IGUMALE STREET
OTUKPO

The second p resid en tial tour of the N .P.N . was successful except

that there was a minor in cid en t at Ugbokolo, the home town of Senator
 128

Araeh Ebute who joined the N.P.P. a fter f a i l i n g to be re-nominated

by the N.P.N. The P re sid e n tia l Campaign team, which was led by

the Chairman o f the p arty , Mr. Adisa A kinloye, and the Vice President,

Dr. Alex Ekwueme, was confronted by demonstrating students as they

33
approached Ugbokolo on th e ir way to Otukpo.

The P resid e n tia l Candidate o f the N .P .P ., Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe,

toured the s ta te tw ice, as did also the P resid en tial Candidate of

the Unity Party o f N ig e ria . However, the la t te r was only able to

tour h a lf the s ta te on h is second tour because his h elicop ter

developed engine trouble and went missing fo r many hours.

As an in d ica tio n of how a r a lly is organised, we reproduce

below the programme of an N .P.N . r a lly held at Otukpo on 22 May, 1983.

NATIONAL PARTY OF NIGERIA

STATE SOLIDARY RALLY PROGRAMME AT OTUKPO ON 22 MAY, 1983

1. 10.00 am A ll members of the State Executive Committee arrive

fo r a meeting at Benue H otel, Otukpo.

2. 10.30 am A l l d iv is io n a l Chairmen, Secretaries and Chairlady

led by the State Chairman met Mr. Governor at Otukpo-
Utonkon ju n ctio n .

3. 11.00 am Mr. Governor and h is entourage arrive and drive

s tra ig h t fo r Executive Committee Meeting at Benue H otel,
Otukpo. Chairmen w ill be introduced to the Governor
by the State Chairman.

4. 11,,30 am Sta te Executive Committee meeting starts

5. 1, pm
o
o

Lunch

6. 1,,30 pm A ll members and supporters assemble at the R ally ground.

7. 2, pm A ll members of the State Executive Committee arrive at

o
O

the r a lly ground.

8. 2.,05 pm A ll le g is la to r s and 1983 candidates a rriv e .

9. 2,,10 pm Ministers/Coramissioners and Special Advisers a rriv e .

10. 2,,20 pm Deputy Speaker a rriv e s.

 129

11. 2.25 pm The State Chairman accompanied by the Deputy

Governor/Gubernatorial running mate a rriv e .

12. 2.30 pm Mr. Governor a rriv es and the r a lly s t a r ts .

Route - Asa Road - Federal Road - Bookshop Road - Ibadan

Street - O g iri Oko Street - New Market Road -
Je rich o Road - Federal Road - turn at Enugu road
about to Och'Idoma' square.

SPEAKERS AT THE RALLY

1. 2.30 pm Welcome address presented by the Otukpo N .P.N .

D iv isio n a l Chairman, Mr. G. Ukpoju.

2. 2.45 pm A ll Idoma d iv is io n a l N .P.N . Chairmen

3. 3.05 pm A ll Tiv d iv is io n a l N .P.N . Chairmen

4. 3.20 pm A ll Ig a la d iv is io n a l N .P.N . Chairmen

5. 3.35 pm C hief J . C . Obande [Grand Patron] speaks

6. 3.40 pm Mr. Onoja Ode speaks

7. 3.45 pm Mr. Ogwiji Ikongbe speaks

8. 3.50 pm Mr. S.O . Adigba speaks

9. 3.55 pm Mr. Idakwo Idegwu speaks

10. 4.00 pm Mr. Eka Onojo speaks

11. 4.05 pm Mr. John Ede speaks

12. 4.10 pm C o l. Chris Ode speaks

13. 4.15 pm Mr. Oga Okwoche speaks

14. 4.25 pm Prince Bawa Abu speaks

15. 4.30 pm G .L .0 . speaks

16. 4.35 pm Mr. M.U. Ogbole speaks

17. 4.40 pm Members o f National Assembly speak

18. 5.00 pm State women leader speaks

19. 5.05 pm Commissioners/Special Advisers speak

20. 5.10 pm State Youth leader speaks

21. 5.20 pm Deputy leader speaks

22. 5.25 pm State Secretary speaks

 130

23. 5.30 pm Deputy Governor/Gubernatorial running mate speak

24. 5.40 pm The State Chairman speaks

25. 5.50 pm The Governor speaks

Signed: M .C .: Mr. C hristian Onu

Ass. M .C .: Mr. Ite ji3 5

Campaign Issues in 1979 and 1983

The campaign issues o f the U n ity Party were centred around i t s

four cardinal programmes - free education at a l l le v e ls , integrated

rural development, the provision o f free health f a c i l i t i e s and f u l l

employment.

In the 1979 e le c tio n s , the N .P .N . exploited three issues which

were the Tarka myth, the Ibo fa cto r and the Green Revolution.

Mr. J . S . Tarka b u ilt a myth around him self in Tivland during the

First Republic. As Martin Dent c o r r e c tly put i t : "the propagandists

used his name frequently portraying him as the lo ca l David fig h tin g

for the righ ts of Tiv against the G o lia th of Sokoto as Ozhemen Vase

(our leader) - the leader, that is not of the Tiv people, but of the
36
Middle Belt movement." This myth was reactivated and developed to

a very high degree during the 1979 e le c tio n . Secondly, the members

of the N .P.N . trie d to deceive the e le c to ra te into b elievin g that

the N .P .P . was an Ibo party. They alleged that Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe
37
was an Ibo t r ib a l leader. T h ir d ly , the N .P.N . maintained that

its central campaign issue was the'Green R evolution '. The party was

of the opinion that the greatest problem confronting N igeria was that

of food and was committed to making food availab le to a l l the people

(more w ill be said about the Green Revolution in a la te r chapter).

Although the cen tral issue for th e N.P.N. was the Green Revolution,

the party also exploited the private l i f e of Mr. Paul Unongo, leader
 131

of the N .P .P . in Benue State fo r campaign purposes. C ritic ism was

directed at Unongo's p rivate l i f e : f i r s t the N .P.N . alleged that

he had been removed from President Sh ag ari's cabinet because of

fin a n c ia l impropriety and secondly that he was h eavily in debt (to

the extent of eigh t m illio n n a ira ); on both these grounds, he was

not f i t to be governor. The charge of indebtedness appeared to

have substance. I t was a fa c t that Unongo had obtained a loan of

N8 m illio n from the A frica n Continental Bank to manage h is business

which eventually collapsed and he was therefore unable to repay the

39
loan on schedule.

The N .P .P . had no cen tral fo c u s , but trie d instead to exp lo it

weaknesses in the Aku adm in istration . For example, a ft e r the b u rial

of Mr. J . S . Tarka in 1980 the N .P .P . uncovered a large sca le fraud

and misappropriation of government money by the Governor and his aid es.

Mr. Ejembi Eko, a party member, wrote an open le t te r to the Government

p ointing out these anomalies. The le tte r is reproduced below:

OPEN LETTER TO GOVERNOR APER AKU

THE FUNERAL FUND SCANDAL

" I t takes pain fo r a humble c it iz e n lik e myself

to communicate d ir e c tly with a f i r s t c it iz e n ,
lik e y o u r s e lf, on very in trig u in g questions. I ,
however, fe e l constrained to tax your very busy
and congested executive times.
I hear you no longer s h a ll be c a lle d the E xcellen cy.
I , p e rso n a lly , do not see anything excellen t
about any governor these days.
Since C hief J . S . Tarka died your adm inistration
has come under f i r e fo r the handling of the b u ria l
and funeral funds. I t was Mr. Chia Surma who
f i r s t cried out that the funeral was becoming
unnecessarily expensive. Chia Surma is U.P.N .
I hear he was thoroughly beaten up fo r th is by
some N .P .N . thugs. I hear you issu ed a statement
warning the public again st such utterances that
may unleash the wrath o f party thugs; and that
you apparently referred to the v ictim as a crazy
 132

man who got beaten up for recklessness in free

speech.
That brings me to the a lle g a tio n s of corruption
le v e lle d against our government by the N .P .P .
Chairman, Mr. J .A . Omakwu. You w ill agree
with me that a corrupt government is not a good
government.
You have always owed your popularity to the
an ti-corru ption a ffid a v it you swore against the
la te Mr. J .D . Gomwalk. As such lik e C easer'sw ife
your government should liv e above corruption,
i t should be an ti-corru pt and not degenerate to
a nesting cocoon of a l l forms o f corruption.
You must be seen to liv e a l i f e of Mr. Clean.
W ell, I read your 'd e n ia l' that your government
agent spent M l.2 m illio n for J . S . Tarka's
b u rial ceremony in the Nigerian Standard of
June 26, 1980. I was not impressed. I t was
a non-denial. Exactly what J .D . Gomwalk did
in 1974 in response to your a lle g a tio n packed
a f f id a v it . Ju st a tw ist of fa t e , is n 't it ?
The in te re stin g point in Mr. J .A . Omakwu's
press advertised 'a lle g a tio n ' is that he merely
ca lle d on your honour to clear the a ir of the
rumour that so much was spent and that some
public o ffic e r s used the occasion to lin e up
th e ir pockets.
On a p hilosophical note; stea lin g in the name
o f the dead is an ab ject immorality bordering
on callousness and disrespect fo r the death.
Mr. J . S . Tarka was a great man. The public
response to h is b u ria l was g re a t. The whole
thing now looks mean as some pseudo-mourners
used the greatness of h is burial to steal
b u ria l funds. That was blood money.
You gave us the impression that only N25.000.00
was spent and that every Kobo was accountable
fo r . According to Mr. A .B. Utsaha you personally
withdrew N45.000.00 as between A pril 1, 1980, and
A p ril 9, 1980 without vouchers. By simple
arithm etic N45.000.00 minus N25.000.00 leaves a
balance in your hand.
The N .P.N . sta te se cre ta ria t in a public
explanation says that the figu re was N156,300.00 -
vide Radio Venue. An explanation by the same
defenders appearing in the Nigerian Standard of
Ju ly 11, 1980 placed the figure at N250,000.00 and
that your N25,000.00 fig u re was a s lip of the
tongue. Good slippery tonguel of a whole
Governor. But a s e lf-d e fe a tin g rider to th e ir
explanations says that any person who d e lib e ra te ly
reads N25.000.00 for N250.000.00 must be out of
h is mind.
 133

The fig u re issued from the Governor's O ffic e

placed the figu re at about N136,000.00. We
hope i t is the fin a l fig u r e . That fig u r e
even co n tra d icts the e a rlie r U25,000.00 given
by the Governor h im self. The value o f a l l
these fig u re s is that the truth is y e t to
come. The Funeral Fund scandal, th e r e fo re ,
liv e s and is very much around. I do not know
whether to b elieve the Governor, the
Governor's party or the Governor's o f f i c e .
I w rite the above fa it h fu lly b e lie v in g that
the p u b lic is very much interested in knowing
the tru th .

Yours f a i t h f u l l y ,

. AO
Ejembi Eko

Mr. Aku's corrupt p ractices were a major campaign issu e. The

opposition party a lle g e d that the fin a n c ia l problems facing the

state were due to the corrupt p ractices of the Governor.

For the Tiv a re a , the kinship d ivisio n between the 'Chongo'

and 'Ipusu' resurfaced and became an e le cto ra l is s u e . The 'Ip u su '-

S h itir e , Kpar Kum and Tongo - are more advanced s o c ia lly and

economically than the Chongo - Iharev, Ugondo, Nongov, Ikura, Turan,

Masev, Ityu l and Iwan. The Tiv believe in the p rin c ip le of mutual

sharing (Ya na angbian - eat and give your brother) between the two

groups. Both Mr. J . S . Tarka and Mr. Aper Aku were from the 'Ipusu'

group. The N .P .P . therefore argued that i t was the turn of a Chongo

man to be the Governor; they were of course th in k in g of Mr. Paul

A1
Unongo, who was from the Chongo group.

P o litic a l Campaign Propaganda

Praise singing became a p rin cip al feature of the e le cto ra l

campaign in Benue S t a te . Almost every big co n tracto r bought space

in the lo cal newspaper and published propaganda m a te ria l in favour

of the candidate of h is choice. The aim, of cou rse, was to id e n tify

with a would-be Governor in a n tic ip a tio n of rewards to follow when

he was e le c te d . We sh a ll look at two such pieces o f propaganda.

Aku fo r 1983 E le c tio n s , by J .A . Anemba

"He is the best candidate fo r the governorship of

Benue S ta te in 1983 fo r over 1,001 reasons. Of
course i t is impossible to l i s t every reason
h e re . You may wish to be reminded of h is
p o l i t i c a l base:
A ll p o lit ic s is lo c a l and Aku can boast of
supreme support at le a s t in th ir ty out o f 34
lo c a l governments in the S ta te .
The d e v il you know:
He is the best horse fo r the race , fo r the
d e v il you know, we are told is better than
the unknown. Mr. Aku thinks o f both short
and long trends fa cin g the sta te and the
nation such as the peace and s t a b ilit y ,
d e c lin in g public se rv ic e s , f a l l in g education
stand ards, an ti-p rodu ctive and so cial mores,
f a l l i n g food production, resource shortages.
He is the type of person who can accommodate his
opponents and also never w illin g to s a c r ific e
h is people for the sake of capturing power, for
a l l it s g r i t and g u tsin e ss, and at any c o s t.
H is opponents are saying "Ka akpelan Ikpa i ande" -
l i t e r a l l y tra n sla te d , i f you struggle to take
possession of a bag, i t is torn .
And yet you th in k , these s h a ll be your leaders,
who are vowing that blood s h a ll flow i f they
lo s e . U tter b lackm ail. Aku's valour transcends
t h is milky blackm ail.
E x p e rie n c e .. . .i s best teacher:
The next tenure of o f fic e s h a ll receive professional
touch with h is sustained experience, unlike
emergency a sp ira n ts.
Without m alice:
Inexperienced Permanent Secretary. Mr. E .A . Akiga
had tremendous powers over the vehicular mode of
implementation of Government p o lic ie s and goals
as Head o f Service. A ll these at the bequest of
Mr. Aku. And without m alice, in the face of
apparent b ite the fin g e r which fed them.
Sledge Hammer or an Ant:
C e rta in ly n o t. His leadership q u a litie s have
energized h is popularity and provoked lo b y ists
in th is country against him. You want to be
 134

with a would-be Governor in a n tic ip a tio n of rewards to follow when

he was elected . We sh a ll look at two such pieces o f propaganda.

Aku for 1983 E le c tio n s, by J .A . Anemba

"He is the best candidate fo r the governorship of

Benue S ta te in 1983 for over 1,001 reasons. Of
course i t is impossible to l i s t every reason
here. You may wish to be reminded o f h is
p o lit ic a l base:
A ll p o lit ic s is lo c a l and Aku can boast o f
supreme support at le a st in th ir ty out o f 34
lo ca l governments in the S ta te .
The d e v il you know:
He is the best horse fo r the race , for the
d ev il you know, we are told is b etter than
the unknown. Mr. Aku thinks of both short
and long trends fa cin g the sta te and the
nation such as the peace and s t a b il it y ,
d eclin in g public s e rv ic e s , fa l lin g education
standards, anti-productive and so cia l mores,
fa llin g food production, resource shortages.
He is the type of person who can accommodate his
opponents and also never w illin g to s a c r ific e
his people fo r the sake of capturing power, for
a l l it s g r it and g u tsin e ss, and at any c o s t.
His opponents are saying "Ka akpelan Ikpa i ande" -
l i t e r a l l y tra n sla te d , i f you struggle to take
possession of a bag, i t is torn.
And yet you th in k , these sh a ll be your leaders,
who are vowing that blood sh a ll flow i f they
lo se . U tter b lackm ail. Aku's valour transcends
this m ilky blackm ail.
E xp erien ce.. . .i s best teacher:
The next tenure of o f fic e sh a ll receive professional
touch with h is sustained experience, unlike
emergency a sp iran ts.
Without m alice:
Inexperienced Permanent Secretary. Mr. E .A . Akiga
had tremendous powers over the vehicular mode of
implementation of Government p o lic ie s and goals
as Head o f Service. A ll these at the bequest of
Mr. Aku. And without m alice, in the face of
apparent b ite the fin g e r which fed them.
Sledge Hammer or an Ant:
C ertain ly n ot. His leadership q u a litie s have
energized h is popularity and provoked lo b y ists
in th is country again st him. You want to be
 135

reminded o f the Kaduna M afias, A b iolas, Dikkos,

Ekwueme, press owned by the neighbouring
'p ro g r e s s iv e s ', sledge hammer only for g ia n ts.
Which is why he is to be faced ( c o lle c tiv e ly )
by the gregarious governorship asp iran ts.
V ictory fo r Democracy:
Democracy was on t r i a l as detractors sought
(through w rit o f summons) to prevent the e le c to ra te
performing th e ir c o n stitu tio n a l rights of choosing
a man of th e ir c h o ic e . He is the p rin cip al ta rg e t
of the new righ t - to be voted fo r .
Naked Romper:
Anti-Aku e ffo r ts go to help rather than hurt him.
Evidence has revealed the hoax of h is accusation -
a complete naked romper.
Mere Truism:
P o llste rs ra tin g o f his performance is quite out­
standing.
Valour:
His s to c k -in -tr a d e , where angels fear to tread,
Yes! he w i l l . When those who could rise against
in ju s tic e preferred to hide th e ir id en tity from
the wrath o f Jos Adm inistratives (1967-75), he
voiced o u t. What happened to him is now history
and b e tte r fo rg o tte n .
And only yesterd ay, he got up against the perpetual
domination of the Nigerian p o lit ic s by the three
major ethnic groups. I f anybody is in doubt about
h is woes, think o f these th in g s. He is a force to
reckon w ith. A fo rce which is dreaded as capable o f
sucking a l l the p o lit ic a l oxygen from the a ir of
major ethnic groups, which tightens the skin about
th e ir e a rs, so clenches the f i s t s , sweats th eir
palms, so presses th e ir tongue against the roof o f
th e ir mouths or so stretches th e ir nerves lik e
piano w ires, that he has to be put in a cooler.
How many o f these aspirants that can make the major
ethnic groups fe e l th is way? I t is hard to b e lie v e
that any one can cause such turmoil in the p o l it ic a l
liv e s o f the country leaders from these ethnic
groups. The fig h t to break the power monopoly of
the big three is now. Without b e lit t lin g them, we
must demonstrate th at we are in no way in fe rio r to
the other major t r ib e s . That our earnest desire to
achieve greatness is not housed in w itticism . This
is the message Mr. Aku has for Benue State and the
n atio n .
Future:
I t is not enough to c r it ic is e the p ast, simply to out
wit your opponent. You need to have programmes
which have th e ir roots of execution in your previous
 ■

136

careers. . . .Can we a l l be governors? Or are we

saying that i t is the h igh est and perhaps the
best post a T iv man can asp ire to? Mr. Aku
has made a good beginning. I think we should
give the man the second chance.

By J .A . Anemba^

Why Benue Should Vote Paul Unongo as Governor

by a Committee o f Friends

Unongo's p u b lic records have shown that he is a man

of high moral in te g r ity and p rob ity , highly
principled and one who refuses and refused to
collude with Federal A u th orities to cheat the
Nigerian people by playing the stooge in a
corruption-ridden Federal Government.
Unongo possesses rare tremendous energy and high
adm inistrative c a p a b ility to a c tiv e ly tack le the
problems p laguing BENUE S t a te . This has been
demonstrated in numerous ways, one of which was
the re le n tle ss e ffo r ts he put up to have Zik
"re -q u a lifie d " to contest the 1979 P residen tial
E le ctio n s, the way the N .P .N .-N .P .P . accord
was stru ck , the way the M inistry of Steel was
run and how h is businesses are run.
Unongo is a man o f high in t e lle c t who read ily
deciphers what is in the p u b lic 's best in terest
in an arena o f " P o lit ic a l wolfism" where the
doctrine is "you chop, I chop". This was
manifested in h is dealings with the Russians,
Germans and B r it is h in h is conduct of a ffa ir s at
the M inistry o f Steel Development. This was
acknowledged by Mr. President accordingly.
Unongo's a b il i t y to lobby and a ttra c t amenities
to him self and numerous other individuals is
an open se c re t. I f , as an in d iv id u a l, he could
legitim a te ly secure su b sta n tia l loans to con­
so lid a te h is b u sin esses, who knows to what
extent he might go as Governor to ensure that
Benue State is not denied opportunities which
e x ist and are due to her.
Unongo has succeeded in providing so cia l services
to the people o f Benue State by esta b lish in g the
f i r s t , fu lly -fle d g e d s p e c ia lis t Hospital in the
State at K a sh isa -A la , an ultra-modern hotel at
Katsina-Ala which is s t i l l w aiting for the area
to catch up with i t in terms o f development to
fu lly u t i liz e and appreciate th is amenity. Others
include a motel in Gboko which is under construction
and secondary schools at Jato -A k a. The c itin g of
these amenities are in the 'bare and barren'

r V
 HMHMfcp

137

government forgotten and neglected are a s. Unongo

could have used h is money to e sta b lish in d u stries in
Makurdi or other m etropolitan areas o f N igeria i f
h is motive was s t r ic t l y p r o fit orien ted .
Unongo is a great p h ila n th ro p ist. He has su cce ssfu lly
trained and is s t i l l tr a in in g approximately 25
people in both N igeria and overseas in s t itu t io n s .
He barely knows most o f these people. I t takes on
the average $100,000.00 (one hundred thousand US
d o lla rs) minimum per annum to train 10 students in
the USA and a l i t t l e higher in B r ita in .
Unongo has been a tremendous help in g e ttin g people
to e sta b lish th e ir own b u sin esses. As a testimony
to his goodwill for people, there has never been a
time on record that Unongo has ever in stitu te d
leg a l a ction against any employee found embezzling
h is companies' funds or absconded with funds or
m a te ria ls. He b elieves in g iv in g people a chance.
Unongo has demonstrated th at i t is not a myth for
anybody to e sta b lish a community. He has su cce ssfu lly
b u ilt Unongo V illa g e in Turan with basic amenities
such as e l e c t r i c i t y , primary and secondary schools,
h o s p ita l, a church, planned re sid e n tia l area and
also an in d u stria l s i t e . I f Unongo as an in dividu al
can do th e se , there is no t e l lin g what Unongo as
Governor can do.
Unongo commands respect in N ig e ria . He is one of
the few and rare c itiz e n s to be ca lle d upon to
d ra ft N ig e ria 's c o n s titu tio n s . They were tagged the
"50 wisemen". Unongo proved him self beyond any
shadow of doubt. His con trib u tion s remain h is to ry .
A ll things considered, Unongo is a p acesetter.
Unongo is not a hungry man who w ill pre-occupy
him self with 's a t is fy in g h is stomach' before
gettin g down to b u siness. He is a mover, who w ill
not be overwhelmed by the glamour o f o f f i c e . "43

Party Songs

Songs occupy a ce n tra l place in the culture o f the people of the

State. Feelings of sorrow and happiness are u su ally conveyed through

songs. In e le c to ra l competition in Benue S ta te , songs informed and

educated the people; most of them a lso contained some element of propa­

ganda. Each party trie d to make the e le cto ra te b elieve that it s

p o licie s were the best and o c c a s io n a lly , the weaknesses of the other

parties were exposed. Each had it s anthem which was played on a cassette

in a moving v e h icle to t e l l the people what the party stood for and what
i t was doing. F in a lly , songs a lso to ld the e le cto ra te about the

q u a litie s of party can did ates, as w ell as about party programmes and

even the e le c to ra l system. We s h a ll now look at some of these songs.

The Anthem of the Unity Party of N igeria

1. 'T is a duty that we owe

to our great dear motherland
To enhance her
And to boost her
In the eyes o f a l l the World.
2. E galitarian ism
Is our n ation al watchword.
E quality
Of good fortune
Must be to each sure reward
3. Lib erty and Brotherhood
Are the goals for which w e 'll s t r iv e :
plus progress
plus plenty
And a l l the good things of l i f e
4. Up! Up! N igeria!
And take thy r ig h tfu l place
'T is they b ir th r ig h t
And thy destiny
A fr ic a 's leading lig h t to be
5. H ail y e , th is Dawn that brings the bright lig h t -
Happy'the Day of l i g h t .
Darkness and gloom now melt before us -
Happy'8 the Day o f lig h t .
When hopes seemed to fade in the heat of fa t e ,
And our fa it h q u a lifie d in the f l i g h t ;
Then i t was our God came to our rescue
And so brings us to th is day.
Happy!
Happy !
Happy's the Day of l i g h t .
6. Onward now to good food and c lo th in g
Also decent housing;
Free education and health we must have;
le t us gird our lo in s ;
T o il and labour we must give fo r progress
And the greatness of our land.
Farmers and workers fig h t fo r lib e ra tio n -
Here now is your golden hour
Plenty
Comfort
Ev'ry N igerian must have
7. Great N igeria is free fo r ever,
And every one in i t
In fr a te r n ity and e q u ality
We a l l must str iv e to liv e
V ig ila n c e , courage only price we pay
 140

For th is new dispensation

So l e t 's shout and sing in ju b ila tio n
For th is new era o f lig h t
G lo ria !
G lo r ia !44

The Anthem of the N igerian People's Party

N .P .P . Power!
N .P .P . C h a n ji! [change]
N .P .P . Power!
N .P .P . C h an ji!
N .P .P . Power to the people
N .P .P . N ig e ria 's Peoples' Party
N .P .P . We belong to the masses
N .P .P . We lead and others follow
N .P .P . We are the peoples' c h o i c e ....
So we say
Power hmm! Power hmm! Power to the people
Chanji la la ! Chanji la la ! Chanji fo r the
b e tte r! Power! Power!! Power!!! to the
grassroot way to the N .P .P . the party fo r
the people.
N .P .P . lead N igeria to success
N .P .P . we are the p eo ple's choice
N .P .P . Power!
N .P .P . C han ji!
N .P .P . Power!45

As we noted e a r li e r , songs were also used fo r propaganda purposes

and, in th is re sp e ct, sometimes exceeded the lim its of acceptable

standards. Such was the case with "One N ation", a song by N.P.N.

supporters which contained abusive language. During the early stages of the

campaign one section of the N .P.N . came out with a song in praise of Mr. Paul

Unongo. The cen tral theme of the song expressed sympathy with the

su fferin g workers o f the s t a te , and the song went further to say that

workers' problems would end when he was e le c te d . A riv a l N.P.N . fraction

replied with it s h ig h ly abusive song, en titled''O ne Nation", which led to

sporadic fig h tin g in many areas o f Tivland. A translated version of

this song is reproduced below:

The Controversial N .P.N . Song - One Nation

Translated from Tiv
Papa Aku has in vited me to a dinner party
One nation (twice)
Papa Aku doesn't say Power (in d irect reference to N .P .P .)
Nation
 141

Papa Aku always re je c ts power

Nation (twice)
I f Aku wins governorship e le c tio n
Nation (twice)
His people always re je c t power
Nation (twice)
I f Aku wins governorship e le c tio n
Nation
His people always make dinner Party
Nation
I f Aku wins governorship e le c tio n
One nation
An N .P .P . man w ill be cryin g on the road
Nation
Kwande, my people come l e t ' s make merriment
Nation
N .P .P . follow ers don't make p a rty , but only power
One nation

Chorus
Queen of Mbapepe, my mother
I pray to God to give us v ic to r y
At v o te , Oh I pray.

Aku my fath er
Never lose hope
An N .P .P . man has no governor
And before he win a governor
seat unless a camel w ill pass through
the eye o f a needle.

Papa has in vited me for a dinner party

One nation
Papa Aku has ca lle d me for a dinner - fo r a dinner
Nation
An N .P .P . man w ill be crying on the main roads
Nation
An N .P .P . man crie s for governorship post
Nation
My people always re je ct saying power
Nation
An N .P .P . man goes about at night
Nation
My people re je c t N .P .P .-
Nation
A wizard says power
Nation
You w ill never win seat
Nation
You w ill never enjoy my government-power
Nation
An N .P .P . man you only know w itch craft
Nation
An N .P .P . man you wander the main roads
Nation
 142

No motor has ever elected a government

Nation
An N .P .P . man slaughter too much cows
Nation
T iv , my people don't vote for cows
Nation
T iv , my people don't vote for motors
Nation
And no cow has ever elected any governor
One nation

The police did not ban 'One N a tio n ', despite repeated appeals

by members of the public to do so. However, they banned a second

N.P.N. song c a lle d 'Take him away'. Though th is song was banned,
46
supporters of the party continued to use i t .

The Banned Song

Take him away

Away with him
Take him away to the fo rest
Take him to the Igbos
Igbos w ill buy him
Right away
The most annoying thing is
A pipi (N .P .P .) is b itin g lik e a
mad dog.
Take him away to the Igbos
Who w ill buy him.

The Unity Party of N igeria also had it s set of songs,

though these were not provocative. They tried to exp loit the

relatio n sh ip between the la te Mr. J . S . Tarka and Chief Awolowo during

the F ir s t Republic when Tarka's U.M .B.C. was in a llia n c e with Chief

Awolowo's Action Group. Indeed, most U .P .N . supporters in the Tiv

area regarded the party as a modern form of the Action Group.

U .P .N . Song

Translated from Tiv

AwoI Awo 11 Awo111
Tarkat Tarka11 Tarkatt!
No one w i l l vote maize [ N .P .N .] again
 1A3

Unless Chia Surma [Gubernatorial candidate o f U .P .N .]

I f you are above a l l
You cannot be above vote
When Isaac Shaahu people are going to v o te ,
They should vote Chia Surma.
So ld ie r ants should win and develop our old land
Awolowo has p u rifie d the p a rty ,
Tiv w ill no longer be fo o le d ,
Our schools are c lo se d , they are a l l clo se d ,
Up Awo, Up Tarka, Up N ig e ria .
Now is the 'D' day and the c ru c ia l tim e.
Vote Surma to v ic to ry
I f is governor, vote Surma to v ic to r y .
Completely.
A ll s h a ll vote Surma for governor
The Apipi ( N .P .P .) members s h a ll vote fo r Surma
We s h a ll win a l l from the D ivision s
We s h a ll win a l l from the Idomas
We s h a ll win a l l from the Igalas
Awo.. . .N ig e r ia .. . .Awo.. . .A w o.. . .Awo.. . .N ig e ria
U. P.N ...........Awolowo
Unity P a r ty .. . .Tarka
Come back b ro th ers,
This time Unity Party has somebody
There should be no fig h t in g , no trou b le.
Ju st vote President Awolowo
Ju s t vote Surma
U .P .N ...........Awolowo
Unity P a r ty .. . .T arka.

The Role of Myths and Oaths

John S. M biti once wrote

"A frican s are n otorio u sly r e lig io u s , and each

people had it s own re lig io u s system with a
set o f b e lie fs and p r a c tic e s . R eligion
permeates into a l l the departments of l i f e
so f u ll y that i t is not easy or possible
always to is o la te i t . A study o f these
re lig io u s systems i s , th e re fo re , u ltim ately
a study o f the people themselves in a l l the
com plexities of both tra d itio n a l and modern
l i f e . "49

This statement is s t i l l v a lid in re la tio n to the p o lit ic a l behaviour

of the people o f Benue State during the Second Republic.

Myths and oaths played a considerable role in the 1983 e lecto ral

campaign in the s t a te . This was unexpected in view of the fa c t that

 144

Benue society had been greatly influenced by Islam and C h r is tia n ity .

Before the introduction of these two modern re lig io n s in the 20th

century every major ethnic group in the geographical area now

described as Benue S ta te had it s tra d itio n a l r e lig io n . For example,

the Idomas worshipped many gods. Individuals had personal d e itie s

such as Ovo, which was symbolised in the fi g tre e . Communities

practised ancestor worship - Alekwu, which was symbolised by the

Alekwu, Masquerade. In d iv id u a ls, a ls o , had personal charms to

protect them known as Anjenu.

C h ristia n ity was introduced into the area in 1923 when B ritish

m issionaries f i r s t established schools; these schools were used for

p roselytisin g purposes. Islam was brought to the area much la te r by

preachers and tra d e rs. Due to the a c tiv itie s of these m issionaries

and preachers, the two religion s had influenced a considerable number

of the people by the la s t quarter of this century. N evertheless, th is

influence was to an extent su p e rfic ia l as those who became C hristian s

and Moslems s t i l l retained some elements of tra d itio n a l re lig io n .

Many C hristian s did not see any contradiction between being a regular

member of a Church congregation and occasionally s a c r ific in g a goat

to the Owo. The annual Alekwu fe s t iv a l was usually a co lo u rfu l

occasion at which every member of the community was p r e s e n t.^ Given

these background fa c t s , i t was not surprising to see how these

tra d itio n a l b e lie f systems permeated the modern p o lit ic a l in stitu tio n s

of e le cto ra l p o lit ic s . P o litic ia n s used myths to in terp ret

p o lit ic a l behaviour; oaths were also administered to v o te r s.

The Tiv oath was ewem ( lit e r a lly a pot containing a sh , wood, two

types o f le a f and a sto n e ). The act of swearing consisted of picking

up the pot (in the case o f women, touching it might s u ffic e ) and
 145

repeating some statement such as: "This is swem: i f I swear

fa lse ly swem w ill ca tch me". The pot was then made to touch the

fe e t, the stomach, the head and the knees. Any person who swore

8Wem and fa ile d to behave accordingly would be in sta n tly punished -

he would have a sw ollen stomach and feet as w ell as a headache, and

would eventually d i e . The Tiv people also swore on stone and s t e e l:

akombo iwa\ the punishment fo r th is oath was instant illn e s s

and d e a t h . T h e Igalaman swore by anything which was forbidden to his

own cla n . I f the oath turned out to be fa l s e , the v ictim would die
. . . . 52
of an unknown sickness within one year of taking the oath .

The Akpam was the dreaded oath of the Igedde people o f Southern

Idoma. Failure to abide by Akpam oath was expected to re su lt in an

instant death. Mr. Sunday Oko E je l i said that a box of Akpam was

carried to Utonkon in 1982 during the gubernatorial primary e le c tio n .

He asserted that every Igedde man who voted was given money by
53
Mr. Aku's agent, made to swear Akpam and to vote for Mr. Aku.

In the Utonkon area of Ado lo c a l government the fortunes

of the N .P .P . su ffered a dramatic reversal when Dr. Edwin Ogbu

54
flouted lo ca l t r a d it io n . A fter the death of Chief Ogbu, the

father of Dr. Edwin Ogbu, a dispute arose over some tra d itio n a l

instruments of a u th o rity . According to the tra d itio n of the Ufia

(Utonkon) people, the masquerade and other re lig io u s instruments

of the people must be kept in the royal palace. In fa c t , they were

part and parcel of the paraphernalia of c h ie fta in c y . However,

Dr. Edwin Ogbu refused to hand over these instruments to the new

c h ie f. In the ensuing struggle two persons were k ille d in a 'free

for a l l 'f i g h t at Ukwonyo (market). The N .P.N . exploited the situ a tio n

and turned i t to it s advantage. Dr. Edwin Ogbu was accused of disrespect

for the Utonkon people and th e ir tr a d itio n s . I t has been alleged that
 146

th is issue destroyed both Dr. Ogbu and the N .P .P . in U fia p o l it ic s . 55

The ethnic groups which occupied Western Idoma (Otukpa, Okwoga and

Orokam) are the most m ythical people in Benue S ta te . They explain every

separate case in m ythical terms. To take two examples. In Ju ly 1983,

the brother of Mr. Samuel Adoyi f e l l from a palm tree and was k ille d ;

Mr. Adoyi linked h is b ro th er's death with h is p o lit ic a l opponents. 56

When the author of th is th esis was interviewing Mr. Abutu Obekpa at Orido

Market, he (Abutu Obekpa) started to pour palm wine on the ground. Mr.

Abutu said that he smelt an odour which was a sign of a s p ir itu a l attack

on him. He poured palm wine to drive away the s p ir it s which had been

sent to destroy him by h is p o lit ic a l opponents.5^ When h is car was

subsequently involved in an a ccid e n t, these opponents said that i t was

a m anifestation of the anger of Alekwu (ancestors) of Otukpa who did not

lik e the p o lit ic a l party to which he belonged.

The Role of the Communication Media

The media, whether in the form of newspapers or radio is indispensable

for p o lit ic a l education. (T elevision plays a sim ila r role in c e rta in ,

mainly urban, a re a s.) They reach the remotest rural areas where

campaign teams might not be able to go. Distance and time are no longer

obstacles to p o lit ic a l communication. A lso, i l l i t e r a t e communities can

be kept informed since broadcasts can be made in lo c a l languages.

At th is ju n ctu re , i t is necessary to explain two concepts which

are important to an understanding o f the ro le o f the media in

ele cto ra l com petition. These concepts are p o lit ic a l education and

p o lit ic a l propoganda. P o lit ic a l education is a process whereby

p o lit ic a l events are brought o b je c tiv e ly to the atten tion of the

people. On the other hand, p o lit ic a l propaganda involves manipulating

 147

the media and presenting a biased view to the people.

The lo c a l radio sta tio n was the oniy media av ailab le in Benue

State during the 1979 e le c tio n . Although th is station was owned

by the state government, i t s coverage and reporting of p o lit ic a l

news were f a i r to a l l the major p a r tie s . This situ a tio n , however,

changed in 1983.

In 1983 there were three media organizations operating in

Benue S ta te . These were: Radio Benue; the Nigerian Voice , a newspaper

which, lik e Radio Benue, was owned by the state government; and the

federal government-owned te le v isio n se rv ice . Both the radio and

newspaper were used by the N.P.N . government of the state as

instruments o f propaganda - there was a to ta l blackout on news from

the opposition p a rtie s . The te le v is io n station tried to present

a more balanced coverage b u t, as the electio n campaign gathered

momentum, pressure was brought on the management to t i l t it s news

coverage in favour of the N .P.N .

Media coverage in Benue State in the 1983 election s was therefore

a one-way a f f a i r . The media houses acted as branches of the

Information M inistry of the N .P.N . government in the s ta te . The

opposition p arties operated under the most d i f f i c u l t conditions during

the e le c tio n s.
 148

FOOTNOTES

1. W.J.M. Mackenzie, Free E lectio n s (London: George A llen & Unwin,

1967), p. 14.

2. K .W .J. P ost, The Nigerian Federal Election o f 1959 (Oxford

University Press, 1963), pp. 437-438.

3. Ib id .

4. Ibid .

5. K. Post and M. V ick ers, Structure and C on flict in Nigeria 1960-1966

(London: Heinemann, 1973), pp. 6-7.

6. This concept was used by K . Post and Vickers to describe the

d istrib u tio n of p o lit ic a l o ffic e s in the 1960s.

7. C .S . Whitaker J n r ., The P o lit ic s o f Tradition, Continuity and

Change (Princeton U n iv e rsity Press, 1970), p. 415.

8. Robert Melson and Howard Wolpe ( e d s .) , Nigeria: Modernization and

the P o litic s o f Communali8m (Michigan State U niversity P ress).

9. Keith Panter-Brick ( e d .) , Soldiers and O il: The P o litic a l

Transformation o f Nigeria (London: Frank Cass, 1978), p. 104.

10. The Electoral Decree, 1977

11. Ib id .

12. Ibid .

13. The boss o f the Federal E le c to ra l Commission in 1979 was Mr.

Michael A ni, a retired c i v i l servant from the Cross Rivers S ta te .

14. He came from Warri area o f Bendel S t a te , which was considered a

tra d itio n a l stronghold of the N.P.N,

15. Sunday Concord, 11 September, 1983.

16. Ib id .

17. Ib id .

18. The Electoral Decree, 1977.

19. Ib id .

20. F .E .D .E .C .O ., Makurdi.

21. Amadu K u r fi, The Nigerian General Elections o f 1959 and 1979
(Lagos: Macmillan, 1983), p . 81.

22. Ib id .
 149

23. The Electoral Decree, 1977.

24. Ib id .

25. Ib id .

26. Ib id .

27. Ib id .

28. Ib id .

29. Ib id .

30. Amadu K u rfi, op. c i t .

31. Ib id .

32. This information was recorded personally by the author, who

attended th is r a l l y .

33. Mr. J . Enekele: interview on 30 J u ly , 1983.

34. Mr. Chia Surma: interview on 4 Ju ly , 1983.

35. N .P.N . S e creta ria t Makurdi.

36. Robert Melson and Howard Uolpe, op. c i t . , p. 453.

37. This was one of the reasons why the N .P .P . was heavily
defeated in the 1979 e le c tio n s .

38. In the sh o rt-liv e d accord between the N .P.N . and the N .P .P .,

Mr. Paul Unongo was appointed the M inister in charge of Steel
Development. He was forced to resign when a lle g a tio n s of
corruption were made against him.

39. This was a major campaign issue used against Mr. Paul Unongo.

40. The le t te r was c o lle c te d by the author in Otukpo in June, 1983.

41. The 'Chongo' group voted s o lid ly for Mr. Paul Unongo in the 1983
e le c tio n .

42. The Nigerian V oice, 10 August, 1983.

43. The S a t e llit e , 10 August, 1983.

44. The S e creta ria t o f the U .P .N ., Makurdi.

45. The S e creta ria t of the N .P .P ., Makurdi.

46. According to Mr. S . Shande, the N .P.N . leaders were so powerful

that even the p o lic e could not' control them.

47. Mr. S. Shande: Interviewed on 25 Ju ly , 1983.

 150

48. The S e creta ria t of the U .P .N ., Makurdi.

49. John S . M b iti, African Religions and Philosophy (London:

Heinemann, 1971), p. 1.

50. Bishop B.A. A c h ig il i: interviewed 28 J u ly , 1983.

51. A .P. Anyebe, "Nothing but the Truth", unpublished pamphlet.

52. Ibid .

53. Mr. Sunday Oko E j e l i : interviewed on 7 August, 1983.

54. Dr. Edwin Ogbu was a former permanent Ambassador of Nigeria

at the U.N .O . He was a member of the N .P .P . and was responsible
for the success of that party in the U fia area in 1979.

55. Mr. D.O . Urrah was in the N .P .P . in 1979 but decamped to the
N.P.N. in 1981. Both Dr. E. Ogbu and Mr. D.O. Urrah were
interviewed on 15 J u ly , 1983.

56. Mr. Samuel Adoyi was elected to the Federal House of Representatives
in 1979 under the platform of the N .P .N . He did not support
Mr. Aper Aku during the gubernatorial primary e le c tio n . He fa ile d
to secure re-nomination under the N .P.N . banner and declared for
the N .P .P .

57. Mr. Abutu Obekpa, a veteran p o lit ic ia n , was a m inister of

cabinet rank in the former government of Northern N ig eria. He
joined the N .P.N . in 1979 and was responsible fo r the success of
the party in the area. When I v is ite d him at h is home to conduct
the interview , he suggested that we should move to the market
place at Otukpa Branch and la te r to the Orido Market, where he
bought palm wine fo r a group of e ld e rs. I t was here that he
claimed that he was being attacked s p ir it u a lly by h is p o lit ic a l
opponents. He said that the idea of pouring palm wine on the
ground was to drive away e v il s p ir it s and th is was the only way
that he could fo r e s t a ll illn e s s and possible death.
 151

CHAPTER FIVE

THE NOMINATION CRISIS IN THE 1983 ELECTIONS:

THE CASE OF THE NATIONAL PARTY OF NIGERIA IN BENUE STATE

When George Orwell (E ric Arthur B la ir) published h is book Animal Farm

in 1945, i t was assumed that he was d e scrib in g the p o l it ic a l development

in Russia a ft e r the Bolshevik revolution o f 1917. Nobody, not even a

fortune t e l l e r , could have predicted that h is book could also be used to

describe p o l it ic a l developments in the Benue State o f N igeria in the

1980s'. The theme of O rw ell's sa tire is a revolution which became

perverted - the animals drove out th e ir masters because o f the la t t e r 's

d icta to ria l tendencies; y e t, a fte r th e ir masters had gone, a few animals

imposed a new d ictato rsh ip on the r e s t. In Benue S ta te , Mr. Aper Aku

su ccessfu lly championed an anti-corruption crusade and, as a re su lt of

“tWi (foWon. j)oV«rrtr**<*t‘’ Ser~i'ouf l y X -b.ifbr*W alk
his rev elatio n s,^ w 4 5 in -H»c conSJrtvfcey GcoWon uaA »Ins
Áf Aku was eventually rewarded by the people who made him Governor (a
, 2
position which is sim ilar to that o f the la te Gomwalk). However, during

his four years in o f f ic e , he him self became corrupt and did almost exactly

what Mr. Gomwalk had done.

The second theme to be used in discussin g the c r is is in the N .P.N .

is Robert M ichels' Iron Law o f O ligarchy. As Michels puts i t :

" ....l e a d e r s h ip is a necessary phenomenon in every

form o f so cia l l i f e . . . . A t the ou tset leaders arise
spontaneously; th e ir functions are Accessory and
GRATUITOUS. Soon, however, they become PROFESSIONAL
le a d e rs, and in th is second stage o f development
they are STABLE and IRREMOVABLE. " 4

To cast the argument in another form, Michels asserts that leadership is

indispensable in a l l s o c ie tie s : the masses have a psychological need for

leadership, w hile the leaders themselves have unique a ttrib u te s such as

w ealth, good education and control over most organ ization s. Once in power,
JOHN RYLANDS
UNIVERSITY
library OF
MANCHES! E.R
 153

however, the leaders develop o lig a rc h ic a l tendencies. In Benue S ta te ,

Mr. Aper Aku won the governorship electio n in 1979 on the platform of the

N.P.N. which was supposed to be a democratic party. However, w ithin a

few years he, along with a handful of his supporters, took control of the

party and started to impose th e ir w ill on the others.

The Gathering Clouds

Perhaps the gre a te st p o lit ic a l phenomenon in the recent p o lit ic a l

history o f Benue State was the 1982/83 nomination c r i s i s . In the wake o f

the c r i s i s , Mr. Aper Aku, the Governor of the S ta te , almost resigned. The

aftermath o f the c r is is saw the e x it from the party o f prominent leaders

like Mr. Ayua Num, the Speaker of the State House o f Assembly; Mr. Thomas

Degarr, the Secretary o f the Party; A lh a ji Sani S a lis u , the Treasurer o f

the Party; Mr. Mvendega J ib o , a Commissioner in the Aku adm inistration;

Mr. Boniface Ameh Ebute, the Chairman of the p re stig io u s Senate

Appropriations Committee; and a host o f others. Viewed from any perspec­

tiv e , the c r is is could be described as a watershed in the p o lit ic a l

evolution o f the S ta te .

As we noted e a r lie r , in 1979 Mr. Aper Aku was nominated to contest

the gubernatorial e le c tio n on the N .P.N . platform . H is nomination was a

big surprise to many people who thought that Mr. Isaac Shaahu should have

been the nominee. The N .P .N . had e a r lie r zoned the p ost to the T iv-

speaking area, where the unquestioned leader and kingmaker was Mr. J . S .

Tarka. For reasons not immediately apparent, Tarka decided to endorse the

candidature of Aper Aku.

Aku was, by and la r g e , a newcomer to Nigerian p o l i t i c s . He had not

p articipated in party p o lit ic s during the F ir s t Republic and f i r s t came

into the p o lit ic a l lim e lig h t when he supported Mr. Tarka in opposing the

creation of more d iv isio n s in Tiv land. Although th is opposition was

 154

unsuccessful, the is s u e brought Aku and Tarka together. I t was

therefore no su rp rise when Aku swore an a ffid a v it of wrongdoings against

Mr. J .D . Gomwalk, th e man who had created three d ivision s in Tiv land

against the advice o f h is mentor, Mr. J . S . Tarka. There was no evidence

to show that he (Aku) was used by Tarka to d isc re d it Gomwalk and that he

was subsequently rewarded for being a 'good b o y '. However, one thing was

clear: Mr. Aku was not the person who had drafted the a ff id a v it to which

he had sworn. The inform ation contained in the a ffid a v it was so complete

and detailed that Aku, who was at that time unemployed, could not

possibly have got access to i t . Ju s tic e A .P . Anyebe, a one-time

Commissioner in the Benue-Plateau S ta te , said that Mr. Aku was given the

a ffiv a v it by some h ig h ly -p la ce d persons who had drawn i t up but did not

want to be id e n t ifie d .^ In any case, Mr. Aku swore to the a ffid a v it and

was acclaimed as an an ti-corru ption crusader. A fte r the a ff id a v it issue

nothing was heard £>f him again u n til 1976 when he contested the lo c a l

government ele ctio n s fo r the Kwande Local Government C ou n cil. He won a

seat and was subsequently made the Chairman of the Council; in fa c t , he

won the 1977 annual award as the best Chairman of the year in Benue S t a te .

On the other hand h is r i v a l , Mr. Isaac Shaahu, the favou rite for the

gubernatorial nom inations, was a veteran p o lit ic ia n and long associate o f

Mr. J . S . Tarka. He had been involved in the formation of the United

Middle B elt Congress in the 1950s and had been arrested and detained along

with Tarka during the T iv rio ts in the 1960s. His p o lit ic a l experience

was enormous. He had, at various times, held p o lit ic a l appointments with

the Tiv Native A u th o rity , the Benue* Plateau. and the Federal

Government. When Tarka did not show any personal in te re st in the governor-

ship post in Benue S t a te in 1979, Shaahu thought that the post would be

given to him as T arka's second-in-conmand in Tiv p o l it ic s . When he le a rn t,

to his great disappointm ent, that Tarka had given the post to Aku, he
 155

accepted the decision only upon being rewarded with a compromise

appointment as a Federal M inister in Lagos.

Although a M inister and working in Lagos, which was more than two

hundred miles from Benue S ta te , Mr. Shaahu s t i l l nursed the ambition of

becoming Governor o f Benue S ta te . He saw Aper Aku as an opportunist who

had come to reap where he had not sown. While in Lagos he therefore

in te n sifie d h is preparations for a cou n ter-attack . Events moved fa s te r

than he had expected. J . S . Tarka died suddenly in 1980 and the

competition fo r the Tiv leadership was thrown wide open, the leading

contenders being him self and Aper Aku. In the ensuing stru g g le , Aku, as

Executive Governor with powers o f patronage and resident in the S ta te ,

had a big advantage over h is r iv a l. N evertheless, Shaahu was able to

show the Governor that he could s t i l l muster considerable support in the

S ta te .

As from January 1981, Shaahu began to organise h is fa ctio n o f the

N .P.N . This involved holding a series of meetings throughout the S t a te .

One such meeting was held in Tse Agbaragba in Konshisha area in A p r il,

1981. The meeting was convened by Shaahu for h is own faction of the N .P .N .,

but i t was gate-crashed by supporters o f Aku on the ground th a t, as

members of the N .P .N ., they had a co n stitu tio n a l rig h t to attend a party

meeting. A v io le n t clash ensued between the r iv a l supporters of Aku and

Shaahu.^ Aku's supporters were outnumbered and chased out of the town.

When they reached the Konshisha b ridge, they regrouped and confronted the

Shaahu group. In defence o f th is course of a c tio n , Aku's group said that

they wanted to prevent the r iv a l group from crossing the bridge because i t

belonged to the Governor who had constructed i t with h is own money. In

reply, the Shaahu group maintained that the money used for the construction

of the bridge belonged to the public and not to Aku p erson ally . 7

A fter the Konshisha in c id e n t, another serious disturbance broke out

 156

in the same area and spread to others parts of Tiv land. This disturbance,

which was known as 'Kor Chan', continued for nearly three months before

i t was brought under co n tro l. The word 'Kor' meant rope and 'Chan' meant

hunger. Thus Kor Chan was used to re fe r to hunger which was brought about

by a rope. The Tivs are a people who indulge in myth-making and they

believed that in d ivid u als who possessed magical powers used these powers

against oth ers. In the case of the 'Kor Chan', these magicians destroyed

people's farms by throwing m aterial tied with rope into such farm s. The

moment this was done, the whole farm would go bad. I f i t was a yam farm,

the leaves would turn red and the seedlings would be ro tten . The 'Kor

Chan' gangs were people who said they had acquired supernatural powers

which made i t p ossib le for them to detect any 'Kor Chan' m agician. They

would go out in gangs from v illa g e to v illa g e 'sm elling out' magicians

with 'Kor Chan'. Anybody smelt out would be tied to a tree and beaten

to death. Where the victim was r ic h , the 'Kor Chan'gang would impose instead

fines of money, or demand a cow or g oat. The operation of 'Kor Chan'

gangs was brought to an end through the personal intervention o f Mr.

g
James O rshi, the tra d itio n a l ch ie f o f the Tiv people.

The 'Kor Chan' was a b ra in ch ild o f Mr. Aper Aku who used i t to

intimidate the supporters o f Isaac Shaahu; most of those k ille d or fined

were, in fa c t , supporters o f Mr. Shaahu. According to Mr. S . I . Shande,

Aku made use o f the Kor Chan because he believed that Tarka had become
9
popular by using the same technique. Konshisha had more than i t s fa ir

share o f disturbances because i t was Shaahu's home d i s t r i c t .^

At the same time as the 'Kor Chan' was going on, Aku took step s to

make sure that h is riv a l did not have an easy l i f e in Lagos. He mobilised

the lo ca l media - both radio and the press - against Mr. Shaahu. The

local newspaper, the Nigerian Voice, revealed how Shaahu had used his

position as a Federal M inister to d iv e rt rice imported by the Federal

 157

Government to a few of h is frien d s in Benue S ta te . 1 1 Pressure was brought

to bear on the President to dismiss Shaahu from h is Cabinet, and not long

afterwards, Shaahu was forced to resign.

By the time that Shaahu resigned and returned to Benue, the contest

for the N .P.N . nomination was in fu ll swing. Other candidates

who joined in the race were: Mr. Ezekial A kiga, who u n til 1982 was

not only Mr. Aku's right-hand man but also the head of the State C iv il

Service, and Mr. S .P .S . Gusah, the commercial co n tro lle r of Benue Cement

Company, Yandev. When Mr. Gusah expressed his wish to run for the

e le c tio n , he was immediately dismissed by the Governor from h is job at

Yandev.^

The second cause of the c r is is was the a lien atio n o f the Idoma-

speaking people. The Idomas are the third largest group in the S ta te . On

the basis of the zoning p o lic y o f the p a rty , an Idoma was expected to

occupy the third highest p o l i t i c a l appointment in the S ta te . The Governor

was from the Tiv-speaking area and his Deputy from the Igala-speaking

group. The third p o lit ic a l o f f i c e in the hierarchy was that o f Speaker

of the House. The Idomas were op tim istic that one o f th e ir sons would

occupy i t and a loyal 's o n ', Mr. Innocent Andu Ogbe from Otukpa

constituency, was tipped for the job .

When the House of Assembly convened to e le ct Mr. Speaker, the Idomas

presented th e ir candidate and expected that the e le c tio n would be a

fo rm ality. This was not to b e . The Tiv members of the House presented

th e ir own candidate and then used their m ajority in the House to get him
13
e le cte d . The Idomas were fu r io u s . When Mr. Andu Ogbe was offered the

o ffic e of Deputy Speaker, he a t f i r s t turned i t down, but subsequently

accepted i t a fte r due con su ltatio n with the Idoma e ld e rs. The drama which

unfolded in the House of Assembly afte r the electio n o f Mr. Ayua Num, the

Tiv candidate, has been recorded as follow s:

 158

"Clerk, o f the House'. The House has now come to order.

Distinguished gu ests, hon. members, i t is mv honour
and p riv ile g e to congratulate you on your recent
e le c tio n and to welcome you to th is Assembly, Accor­
ding to Section 28, Sub-Section 2 o f the Constitution
o f the Federal Republic o f N igeria, 1979, I am
empowered to conduct the e le ctio n o f the Speaker, his
Deputy and th e ir swearing in th e reo f. Will someone
lik e to move the motion for the e le c tio n o f the
Speaker?
Hon. P .A . Odeh (Adoka/Onyagede/Ugboju Constituencv):
Clerk o f the House, I would lik e to move that the
Hon. Member from Otukpa constituency, Mr. Andu Ogbe,
be elected the Speaker o f the House.
Hon. C h ie f Isaac Kpum (Tse-Mker Constituency - T iv ):
I w ill lik e to nominate the Hon. Member for Ngohov
constituencv, Mr. Avua Num (Tiv) as the Speaker of
the House.
Clerk o f the House'. Members, the question I have to
put now is on the choice between two Hon. Members -
Hon. Andu Ogbe and Hon. Ayua Num. Those who are in
faw ur o f Hon. Andu Ogbe as the Speaker of the House
should in dicate by 'Ayes' and those who are not in
favour say 'N o '.
Several Members: 'Y e s '.
Severnl Members: ' No' .
Clerk o f the House'.Now I put the second question
that those who are in favour o f Hon. Ayua Num to he
the Speaker of the House should in dicate 'A y e s'.
Several Hon. Members: 'A y e s '.
Clerk o f the House: From a l l in dications on the
flo o r , the 'Ayes' have i t for Hon. Ayua N u m ....I w ill
now c a l l the Speaker to stand up so that the House
w ill know him.
Applause!
We w ill now proceed to the e le ctio n o f a Deputy
Speaker, Hon. Members, the question I would lik e to
propose now is that one o f you should nominate a
Deputy Speaker.
Hon. J .K . Bosaua (Nggnev C onstituency): Mr. C le rk ,
S i r , I would lik e to propose that Hon. Innocent Andu
Ogbe be nominated Deputy Speaker.
Hon. Innocent Andu Ogbe (Otukpa Constituency): I
wish to thank the Hon. Member for nominating me as
Deputy Speaker and to congratulate the Speaker for
winning the e le c tio n for the O ffic e , I w ill lik e
to say that I decline the nomination.
Mr. Joshua Ikyor (Nanev Constituency): I move that
the post o f the Deputy Speaker be given to Mr. P .0 .
Eru (Uwokwu Constituency). I am interested in h is
a b ilit y and not h is Constituency.
 159

Hon. P.O. Em (Uwokwu Constituency): Clerk of the

House, i t is not my in tention to be eith e r the
Speaker or Deputy Speaker of the House, I wish to
d ecline the nomination.
Hon. Innocent Audu Ogbe (Otukpa Constituency): I
wish to nominate the Hon. Member for Gbemacha
Constituency, Hon. N. Amaishegh for the post of
Deputy Speaker.
Hon. N, Amaishegh (Cbemacha Constituency): I am
very g ra te fu l to the Hon. Member but I am sorrv to
declin e the o f fe r .
Clerk oj the House: Can we have another nomination
from the House?
C h ie f Isaac Kpum (Tse-Mkar): Clerk o f the House,
from my observation i t appears as i f there is some
sort of agreement to decline o ffe r s . I f th is is
the id ea, what is h a p p e n in g ? .,,."

The House was not able to e le ct a Deputy Speaker on the fi r s t day o f it s

business. The debate continued on the second day:

"Mr. J , Atom (Turan): The House has resolved that

a Deputy Speaker be e le c te d . In the lig h t o f that
I r is e to nominate the Honourable Member for Otukpa
Constituency (Innocent Ogbe) for the post.
Mr. Innocent Ogbe (Otukpa Constituency): I wish to
thank the la s t speaker for nominating me for the post
o f Deputy Speaker. I wish to make an observation and
I think in the in terest o f the State the best I can
do in th is House is to engage in very frank ta lk and
I s h a ll begin rig h t away. I wish to state at the
beginning that I am appealing to Mr. Chairman and the
Members that I w ill not wish to give the impression
that I am contesting an o f fic e with somebody to whom
I have every r e s p e c t.. . .The issue at stake is a
c r u c ia l m a tte r .. . .Now I want to analyse 'party
p o l i t i c s ' and see whether there is any respect or
immorality in p o lit ic s at th is le v e l. . . .Take a look
at the State: the Governor is a Tiv-man, the Head of
Service is a Tiv-man, fiv e Commissioners are from the
Tiv area; two Special Advisers and two Senators are
a l l T iv ....A n d from the Idoma zone: three Commissioners
and one Special Adviser. Of course we are the m inority,
we expect i t ; i t is an in e v ita b le s itu a tio n . As regards
the p osition o f Speaker I sh a ll now explain why the
Idomas f e l t they should contest in the f i r s t p lace,
otherwise we know from the numerical strength o f Members
we have less supporters. Why we contested in the fir s t
place was that the Governor is an Executive Governor,
likew ise his Deputy. And the post o f the Speaker being
an equivalent o f a Head o f State (in th is case) in s t i­
tuted in the House, an independent le g is la tiv e body of
the third ethnic group should n a tu ra lly be given serious
co n sid e ra tio n .. .
 160

A fter due consultation with the Idoma leaders, Hon. Andu Ogbe

accepted the post o f Deputy Speaker o f the House. However, the issue

created a c r is is o f confidence between the Idomas and the T iv s. The

Idomas f e l t that the Tivs were bent on dominating them. They saw Mr. Aku

and the other Tiv N .P.N . leaders as e th n ic leaders who were using the

party to promote th e ir ethnic goal. Aku's support in Idoma land declined

sharply and the Idoma delegates to the gubernatorial primary election

conference voted against him.

In Ig a la land, the tra d itio n a l p o la riz a tio n between the Idah and

Ankpa groups surfaced and influenced the directio n of p o l it ic s . The

problem in the area started when the Ig a la s requested a State o f th eir

own, to be known as Kogi S ta te . The in it ia t iv e in pressing for a Kogi

State was taken by those from the Idah group. C o l. (Senator) Ahmadu A l i ,

the leader o f the movement, represented Idah/Igala mela in the Senate.

The Ankpa group was not only suspicious o f the Kogi State Movement but

proceeded to organize a new movement o f i t s own known as the Okura State

Movement. This movement was led by Mr. Simeon Onekutu (former Secretary

to the Government of the State) and the Deputy Governor, Mr. Isa Odoma.

The involvement of Mr. Odoma in the Okura State Movement brought him into

c o n flic t with the Governor, who supported the Kogi State Movement. Until

this issue arose, the relationship between the Governor and h is Deputy

had been e x c e lle n t. In an interview w ith the New Times in August 1982,

Mr. Isa Odoma (the Deputy Governor) sa id :

" I don't know whether one can c a l l i t a se c re t. But I

personally look at the Governor and myself as two
people who were lucky to be se le cted by th e ir people
and party to carry out certain s p e c ific assignments.
I think the best way to see i t i s look at what b e n e fit
one can give to the people and approach one's job with
extreme m aturity. I t is this a t titu d e , in my opinion,
that has kept us going. Sometimes, i f that is secret
that is i t . I laugh when I see others q u arrel. I
wonder why they must rule on the pages o f the news­
paper. I f a Deputy Governor fe e ls that a Governor is
 160

A fte r due con su ltatio n with the Idoma leaders, Hon. Andu Ogbe

accepted the post o f Deputy Speaker of the House. However, the issue

created a c r is is of confidence between the Idomas and the T iv s . The

Idomas f e l t that the Tivs were bent on dominating them. They saw Mr. Aku

and the other T iv N .P.N . leaders as ethn ic leaders who were using the

party to promote th e ir eth n ic goal. Aku's support in Idoma land declined

sharply and the Idoma delegates to the gubernatorial primary e le ctio n

conference voted against him.

In Ig a la lan d , the tra d itio n a l p o larizatio n between the Idah and

Ankpa groups surfaced and influenced the directio n o f p o lit ic s . The

problem in the area started when the Ig a la s requested a State o f th eir

own, to be known as Kogi S ta te . The in it ia t iv e in pressing fo r a Kogi

State was taken by those from the Idah group. C o l. (Senator) Ahmadu A l i ,

the leader o f the movement, represented Idah/Igala mela in the Senate.

The Ankpa group was not only suspicious o f the Kogi State Movement but

proceeded to organize a new movement o f i t s own known as the Okura State

Movement. This movement was led by Mr. Simeon Onekutu (former Secretary

to the Government o f the State) and the Deputy Governor, Mr. Isa Odoma.

The involvement o f Mr. Odoma in the Okura State Movement brought him into

c o n flic t with the Governor, who supported the Kogi Sta te Movement. Until

this issu e arose, the re lation sh ip between the Governor and h is Deputy

had been e x c e lle n t. In an interview with the New Tim a in August 1982,

Mr. Is a Odoma (the Deputy Governor) said:

" I don't know whether one can c a ll i t a s e c r e t. But I

personally look at the Governor and myself as two
people who were lucky to be selected by th e ir people
and party to carry out certain s p e c ific assignments.
I think the best way to see i t is look at what b en efit
one can give to the people and approach one's job with
extreme m aturity. I t is this a ttitu d e , in my opinion,
that has kept us going. Sometimes, i f that is secret
that is i t . I laugh when I see others q u a rre l. I
wonder why they must rule on the pages of the news­
paper, I f a Deputy Governor fe e ls that a Governor is
 161

givin g him less than what he should be doing» why

doesn't he go stra ig h t to the Governor and t e l l him
so. In any given venture o f two there are bound to
be d ifferen ces but fo r goodness sake i t should be
bom o f p rin cip le s not r i v a lr ie s ."15

The differences in p rin cip le between Mr. Odoma and Mr. Aper Aku emerged

ea rlie r than expected. Even as Odoma was saying how good his relation s

with the Governor were, events which would sour the relation sh ip were

taking place in h is lo c a l government area. In 1982, the Governor re­

constituted the Dekina Local Government Council and appointed caretaker

local government c o u n c illo rs. A new Chairman, Mr. Emmanuel Atawodi, was

also appointed by the Governor. This exercise came as a shock to the

Deputy Governor who was from th is p a rticu la r lo c a l government area and

saw i t as a subtle attempt to destroy h is power base. Furthermore, Mr.

Emmanuel Atawodi, who was appointed the caretaker Chairman, was h is enemy

and a supporter of the Kogi State Movement. What follow s is expressed in

a le tte r w ritten by Mr. Isa Odoma (the Deputy Governor) to the Governor:

"Dear Mr. Governor,

You would r e c a ll that we became seriou sly acquainted
since December 1978 when you were nominated Governor­
ship candidate and I Deputy Governorship candidate of
the great N ational Party o f Nigeria in the 1979 general
e le c tio n s . You would also re c a ll that shortly a fte r
th a t, you wrote a p e titio n against me that you would
not be able to work with me that a new Deputy Governor­
ship candidate be looked fo r. The matter was however
resolved a t the party le v e l and we were asked to run
together in these two various c a p a c itie s . Fortunately
we were swom-in in October 1979.
Since then we had been working together and without
much problems, although most of the time i t has been
my re stra in t and matured approach to events th at had
made things a lo t easier for us. The relation sh ip
became g la rin g ly strained at the wake of two separate
creation o f State demands from my area of the S ta te -
Okura and Kogi State demands with you being inadver­
ten tly dragged into supporting one section o f i t
through some e v il machination from a few people from
that area.
....O n Wednesday the 21st o f Ju ly you telephoned me
that you were going to Ayangba, my home town on 23
 162

Ju ly 1982 to meet NPN members there to inform them

that you would formally seek renomination for the
1983 race. When I asked you whether I could go with
you, you s a id i t was not necessary. You went and
held your con sultation s and a so-called support was
given to you . Since then, one event lead in g to the
other have not helped the s itu a tio n .
To mention one p a rticu la r instance which has so
much hum iliated me and has overawed me in my dealing
with you - the recon stitution o f the Dekina Local
Government caretaker committee. You would re c a ll in
th is respect that when you were about to re -c o n stitu te
a l l lo c a l government caretaker committees in the
s t a t e , the Party caucus met and decided th a t the
commissioners and le g is la to r s o f the various areas
should meet and submit names to you. These names,
you were to submit back for discussions a t the party
caucus. In stead of doing so, you received these
names from the commissioners and le g is la to r s and
re co n stitu te d the various care-taker committees with­
out reference to the Party caucus and worse s t i l l , no
reference was made to me.
The Dekina one, which is my home Local Government,
was very seriou s and which I drew your a tte n tio n to
when you returned from America. I wrote several
le tte r s to you apart from oral d iscussion . The
Commissioner from the area and the M ajority Leader
(in the House) who is from this lo ca l government also
protested to you over the issu e. I gave various
reasons, one o f which was a serious one, th a t I was
not on speaking terms with the person you named as
the Chairman o f that caretaker committee, which
happened to be my own lo ca l government a re a . The
Dekina Local Government branch o f the NPN executive
members were in vited here by you and they to ld you
in p la in language that the Chairman and one other
member were unacceptable to them. Yet you went ahead
and d irected that these people be sw om -in. As a
re su lt of t h i s , the three other cou n sillors who were
appointed w ith the Chairman declined the o f fe r and
u n til two days ago, the Dekina Local Government care­
taker committee had been functioning with on ly two
members; yet th is is my own lo ca l government area -
and yet I am the Deputy Governor of Benue S t a t e .
In the circum stances, therefore, a fte r due
con sultation s with my immediate family and my good
fr ie n d s , I have come to the conclusion that our
experiment has not been a successful one and to pre­
tend that a l l is good and to seek to go together for
another term would not be in the in terest o f both of
us, the NPN and the S ta te . I have therefore decided
that I would opt out o f the 1983 gubernatorial race.
In other words, I would serve my term of o f f ic e to
the end o f September, 1983, God w illin g and r e tir e to
my p rivate l i f e . "
(Signed: E . I . Odoma, Deputy Governor, Benue State)
 163

The disagreement between Mr. Is a Odoma and the Governor led to the

N.P.N. in Igala land s p littin g into two main factio n s: the Kogi State

Movement fa ctio n led by Senator Ahmadu A li and supporting the Governor,

and the Okura S ta te Movement faction led by Messrs. S. Onekutu and Isa

Odoma. The disagreement also led to the dism issal from o ffic e o f Mr. John

Musa Shuaibu,the Benue State Commissioner for Economic Planning. In his

le tte r to the Commissioner dated 2 November 1982, the Governor accused him

of incompetence and said that he was constrained to take th is action a fte r

watching his performance as a Commissioner clo se ly for the past three

years. He accused the Commissioner o f dishonesty in g iv in g p o lit ic a l

advice and for wrongly predicting th at there would be trouble in Dekina i f

Mr. Emmanuel Atawodi was appointed as the Chairman o f the caretaker

committee for D ekina. "In the circum stances", the Governor concluded, " I

have no choice but to re lie ve you o f your appointment with e ffe c t from 2

November 1982." Mr. Shuaibu reacted by saying that he was leaving the

Cabinet because o f the alle g a tio n s o f corruption levelled against the

Governor.^

Apart from th e crises mentioned above, other minor issues arose which

not only made the p o lit ic a l situ a tio n tense but also showed that the

Governor was lo sin g h is grip on both the Government and Party. The issues

which provoked these crises were related to Mr. Aper Aku's new education

p olicy, the new Commissioner's quarters and the non-payment of workers'

sa la rie s.

Aper Aku, the Governor, introduced a new education p o licy in the

1981/82 academic y e a r . The contents o f this p o licy were:

(i) the gradual phasing out o f post-primary boarding in stitu tio n s

of le a rn in g ;
/
( ii) the in trodu ction o f a fee o f *190.00 for students in boarding
 secondary sch ools;

( iii) the introduction of a fee of H125.00 for students in Teacher

Training C olleges; and

(iv) the payment o f fees in primary sch ools . 18

To fa c ilit a t e the implementation o f th is p o lic y , the Government decided

to open a to ta l o f 115 new day secondary schools - 'a t le a st fiv e in each

o f the 23 Local Government a re a s '. In addition to these secondary

schools, three new Advanced Teacher Training Colleges were to be

established in Oju, Makurdi and Ankpa.

The decision to phase out boarding schools was taken on fin a n c ia l

grounds. The Government pointed out that during the 1981/82 se ssio n , the

student population in primary schools was 1,121,592 and that i f most of

these students were to proceed to post-primary in s titu tio n s , more secondary

schools would have to be estab lish ed. The to ta l amount required to provide

classrooms, desks and c h a ir s , dorm itories, beds, s t a ff quarters and

fu rn itu re, as well as to meet the cost of teachers' sa la rie s and feeding

was approximately N327 m illio n . The to ta l money availab le for education

for the same period was N187 m illio n . The government therefore maintained

that unless there was a w indfall o f funds, the only answer to th is

problem would be the gradual phasing out of boarding f a c i l i t i e s in post-

19
primary in s titu tio n s .

The new p o licy came under serious c ritic is m from both the members of

the N.P.N, and the general p u b lic. Most members o f the State House of

Assembly rejected i t , arguing that the p olicy o f the Government was

contradictory. The Government was phasing out boarding schools because

of fin a n cia l c o n stra in ts, but at the same time was esta b lish in g three new

Advanced Teacher Training C o lle g e s, the cost o f which was almost the same

as that of maintaining boarding schools.

 165

The second unpopular d ecisio n of the Governor arose over the issue

of the Commissioner's q u arters. In 1980, the Governor in it ia t e d a gigan tic

project for housing his Commissioners, This plan involved the construction

of luxurious bungalows which were to be furnished at a cost o f H80.000

each. The Members o f the House of Assembly f e l t that the a c tio n o f the

Governor was extravagant in view of the fa ct that the State was poor, and

proceeded to introduce le g is la tio n to convert these bungalows in to hotel

accommodation. The Governor was angry at th is decision and h is attempt

to get h is own way led to a prolonged confrontation between the two arms

of Government.

The third issue which a ffe c te d the Governor adversely was the

irregu lar payment o f workers' s a la r ie s . When the m ilitary handed over

power to the elected Government in 1979, the economy of the S ta te was said

to be in equilibrium - expenditure equalled income. However, as soon as

the new c iv ilia n government came to power, i t adopted p o lic ie s which, in

the view of it s c r i t i c s , ruined the economy. It i s , indeed, appropriate

to describe the system of government in the State as an o lig a rc h y , in

which c itiz e n s were confronted with greedy and s e lfis h ru le rs. The

in terests of the governed were thrown overboard as p o litic ia n s engaged in

reckless drives to accumulate w ealth.

The f i r s t set o f p o lic ie s introduced by the new c iv ilia n government

in 1979 were a c le a r in d icatio n o f what i t was going to do. Although the

average income per head of the population was about H40.00, the elected

p o litic ia n s fixed th e ir sa la rie s at a very high le v e l. The s a la r ie s and

benefits o f the members o f the Executive arm were:

Governor -

(1) Salary - M2 0 , 0 0 0 . 0 n per annum

(2) Secu rity vote - «7 m illio n per year (not to be audited)

(3) More than 10 v e h icle s were to be made availab le at the

 166

Governor's house

(4) Cooks, stewards and gardeners

(5) A new Governor's house which was to cost «2 m illion was

also to be b u i l t .

Deputy Governor -

Salary - «16,000.00 per year

The Deputy Governor was a lso to have other b e n e fits.

Commissioners (14 in number) -

Salary - «15,000.00 each.

Special Advisers (5 in number) -

Salary - «14,000.00 each . 20

The fifty -se v e n le g is la to r s were given generous conditions o f serv ice.

Although required to s it on o n ly 171 days in a calendar year, th e ir

income was about «20,000,00 e a ch . These incomes to ta l included:

(1) Basic salary of «10,000.00;

(2) Consolidated t r a v e llin g allowance of «1,200,00;

(3) Accommodation allowance of «30.00 per night when members

travelled on an approved journey in the S ta te , and «40.00

when the journey was outside the Sta te ;

(4) S e creta ria l allowance of «5,000.00 per annun;

(5) Kilometre allowance o f 20K per Km. when a member travelled

in his own car on o f f i c i a l d u ties;

(6 ) Kstacode allowance o f « 1 0 0 . 0 0 per night when members

travelled outside the country;

(7) A s it tin g allowance o f «15.00;

(8 ) A car loan o f «10,000 each; and

(9) A housing loan o f «50,000 ea ch .2^

 167

The second set o f p o lic ie s aimed at making money a v a ila b le for the

Party to fig h t subsequent e le c tio n s . In pursuance o f th is aim, a l l

government contracts were in fla te d by f i f t y per cen t. The system adopted

for the sharing o f the 50 per cen t above the normal contract cost was as

follow s:

1. Contractor who was to handle the job - 20%

2. Money to be paid in to Party account - 20%

3. Bribe to awarding o f fic e r - 10%.^

With such gross fin a n c ia l mismanagement, the money inherited from

the m ilita ry adm inistration was soon depleted and i t became d i f f i c u l t for

the Government to meet i t s recurrent l i a b i l i t i e s , e sp e c ia lly the payment

of workers' s a la r ie s . As was expected, workers reacted by going on

s t r ik e . During the 1981/82 se ssio n , primary schools were closed for over

seven months due to s trik e s by teach ers. And f i n a lly , c i v i l servants

went on s tr ik e . The Governor, in a state-wide radio and te le v isio n broad­

c a s t, cautioned the c i v i l servants to go back to work. He said that he

would not lis t e n to them because i t was not th e ir votes which had made him
23
the Governor.

The Storm

From the foregoing, i t can be seen that the years between 1979 and

1983 were trying times fo r Mr. Aper Aku. His adm inistration was faced

with a series o f problems which culminated in a decline o f support for him.

In f a c t , by the middle o f 1982, th at support was at it s lowest ebb. This

not on ly made Mr. Isaac Shaahu hopeful of beating Mr. Aku in the race for

the P a r ty 's nomination, but i t a lso encouraged many other people to jo in

the gubernatorial race. Thus, the ntmber o f aspirants for the post of

Governor increased to te n . It was in these circumstances that the date

for the gubernatorial primary e le c tio n s was announced.

 168

The National Secretariat o f the Party fixed 6 October 1982 as the

date for the f i r s t primary ele ctio n s which were to be held in the five

Senatorial zones. Three candidates would be elected in the fir s t primary

for presentation to the State Congress; the la t te r would then ele ct the

Party's gubernatorial candidate. The Committee appointed by the National

Secretariat to handle the e lection s comprised:

(1) A lh a ji Aminu T ija n i (Chairman)

(2) Mr. J .A . Awoyinka

(3) A lh a ji Adamu Waziri

(4) Hajiya Binta Maisango, and

(5) Rtd. Major H. Oboh.

Opinion in the Party at the beginning o f 1982 was not favourable to

Mr. Aper Aku; in fa c t , v ir tu a lly everybody in the State assumed that he

would be dropped. On the other hand, Mr, Aku did not merely wring his

hands and wait for the delegates to vote him ou t. He decided to use a

trump card which he alone possessed, namely the "power of incumbency"

which he could use to influence the composition o f the State Congress and

the choice o f delegates to the primary e le c tio n s . The Congress, which was

supposed to e le ct the gubernatorial candidate, was to be composed o f:

(1) 6 delegates from each State Constituency,

(2) 2 delegates from each Local Government area,

(3) 2 delegates for each State seat won,

(4) 5 delegates for each Local Government, based on the

support for the Party in a governorship e le c tio n ,

(5) 1 delegate for every 10,000 votes cast in each LGA for

the gubernatorial candidate,

(6 ) 1 delegate for each Federal seat won,

24
(7) the State Chairman and other State o ffic e r s .
 169

This arrangement meant that the bulk of the delegates to the Congress

would come from the Local Government Council areas. It was c le a r from

the outset that whoever controlled the Local Governments controlled the

Congress. Mr. Aku had enormous powers as Executive Governor. He could

dissolve the Local Government Councils and appoint h is own supporters to

them. He could also make use of the huge sums of money which the Party

had accumulated through the in fla tio n o f contracts and could bribe people

into submission. He used these powers to the f u l l . In 1982, he dissolved

a ll the Local Government Councils in the State and replaced them with

caretaker committees. The cou n cillo rs appointed to these caretaker

committees were, o f course, h is own supporters. His next step was to

bribe a l l the delegates to the Congress and the primary e le c tio n s . Many

vehicles were bought and presented as a g if t to the Chairmen o f the Local

Government caretaker committees. A Mercedes car was presented to the

Speaker o f the House but la te r retrieved when the Speaker decided not to
25
support Mr. Aku. The car given to Mr. Abutu Obekpa was also retrieved
26
from him when he refused to support Mr. Aku.

Aku's r iv a ls saw the handwriting on the wall and, th erefore, decided

to a c t. It was a fact that the Governor was not popular with the electo­

rate, b u t, with Aku's men dominating the State Congress, they would not

be able to defeat him. The only option open to them was to use a legal

technique to d isq u a lify Aku. In the third week of September, 1982, the

la tte r trav elled to Lagos on o f f i c i a l duty. While he was s t i l l in Lagos,

legal proceedings were in stitu te d against him with the aim o f stopping his

re-nomination by the State Congress. In the fir s t s u i t , a Makurdi

businessman, Mr. S . J . I . Akure, file d a 16-point su it again st the Governor,

accusing him o f wrongdoing. Mr, Akure's su it contained the follow ing

a llegatio n s:

(1) Governor Aku i l l e g a l l y deposited N16.5 m illio n of public money

 170

in various banks. He alleged that the Governor had accounts

with the Union Hank of N ig e ria , 131 Broad S tre e t, Lagos, where

he had N2.5 m illio n ; Bank of Tokyo Lim ited, 31/33 Martins

S t r e e t , Lagos - Account No. 9274810 with N4 m illio n ; Barclays

Bank In tern ation al Lim ited, P .0 . Box 1022, Eleheria Square,

N ic o s ia , Cyprus - Account No. 2247-917 with N7 m illion and

A llie d Iris h Bank Limited,12th S tre e t, Stephen's Green,

Dublin - Account No. 21856028 with N3 m illio n .

(2) The Governor caused a contract No. 9753486 to be awarded to

Mr. T .A .A te ta n for work in Makurdi Government House which was

never done but payment was made to M r.A tetanon Voucher No.

0G/556/69/80-81 at the instance of the Governor for a to ta l

amount of N500,000.

(3) The Governor bought a to ta l o f 30 cars re g iste re d , licensed

and la t e r d istrib u ted to his stooges in order to ensure his

renomination in the 1982 N .P.N . primary e le c tio n . The origin al

numbers o f the vehicles quoted were: BN 4771 MA, BN 4772 MA,

BN 4773 MA, BN 4774 MA, BN 4775 MA, BN 4776 MA, BN 4777 MA,

BN 4778 MA, BN 4779 MA, BN 4780 MA, BN 4781 MA, BN 4782 MA,

BN 4783 MA, BN 4784 MA, BN 4785 MA, BN 4786 MA, BN 4787 MA,

BN 4788 MA, BN 4789 MA, BN 4790 MA, BN 4791 MA, BN 4792 MA,

BN 4793 MA, BN 4794 MA, BN 4795 MA, BN 4796 MA, BN 4797 MA,

BN 4798 MA, BN 4802 MA and BN 4803 MA.

(4) The Governor as the Chairman o f the A gricu ltu ral Development

Corporation had dealings with Mr. Obande Obeya and Rons Company

which culminated in the mass purchase of heavy vehicles amounting

27
to m illio n s of Naira from public funds.

Other firms mentioned in the s u it included Midobem Farm Industries Limited;

\
 171

Gaadi and Sons In d u stries (N ig.) L td .; Hem Construction Co. L t d .; and Isa

Obaje E n terp rises, Idah. In h is su it before the Makurdi High Court, Mr.

S . J . I . Akure said that Governor Aku was corrupt and that his renomination

on the tick e t of the N .P.N , to contest for the o ffic e of Governor of

Benue State would adversely a ffe c t his rights and in te re sts as a tax-payer,

his in te g rity and esteem as a registered member of the N .P.N . He

therefore asked fo r an in jun ction to restrain Mr. Aku from contesting the
28
e le ctio n for the o f f ic e of Governor of Benue S ta te .

A fter a few days' hearing, the Benue State High Court, presided

over by the A cting C hief Judge, Mr. Ju stic e S .U . Onu, dismissed the case

on the grounds that i t was 's p e c u la tiv e ', 'fr iv o lo u s ', v e x a tio u s',

'm a lic io u s ', 'l i b e l l o u s ', 'scandalous' and an abuse of Court process.

The Judge gave the follow ing legal grounds for dism issing the case:

1. Where a p l a i n t i f f f a i l s to show that the declaration he seeks

are j u s t i f i a b l e , he lacks locus stcmdi.

2. The rig h ts and in te re sts of a p la in t i f f are enforceable

by a State High Court invoking its powers and ju r is d ic t io n ,

pursuant to sections 6 ( 6 ) (b) and 236 of the C on stitu tion of

the Federal Republic o f N ig eria, 1979 only when such rig h ts

and in te re sts are lita g a b le .

3. Such rig h ts and in te re sts can only be enforced i f

they are v io la te d or are in imminent danger of being

v io la te d .

4. Where the declaration claimed by the p l a in t i f f con stitu te

a p o lit ic a l question, the High Court w ill refuse to make

an order in the terms claimed.

5. Where a p l a i n t i f f a lle g e s in his Statement of Claim the

commission o f what con stitu te criminal offen ces, he must

 172

e ith e r d ire c t his report to the law enforcement agents or to

the Courts for d ire c tio n .

6. An admission during argument by p la in t i f f that his a lle g a tio n s

made out in his Statement o f Claim are not against the

defendant he has sued to Court but against an ou tsider not a

party to the su it is an admission o f the fr iv o lit y o f his

su it which ought to be struck out.

7. A person not joined in a su it but is the target th ereo f would

not be required by the High Court to waive immunity accorded

him from le g a l su it by the Constitution of the Federal Republic

o f N igeria, 1979, to enter into the Court's arena to defend

h im self.

8. A p o lit ic a l party being a creature of the C o n stitu tio n of the

Federal Republic of N ig eria, 1979, is supreme in i t s own a f f a ir s .

9. Where a p o lit ic a l party provides in it s Constitution a provision

that lit ig a t io n against the party sh all not be resorted to

without exhausting a l l avenues for redress, a member's fir s t

remedy sh all not be lit ig a t io n .

10. A member o f a p o lit ic a l party who cannot abide by the

Con stitu tion o f his Party has but one remedy - to q u i t . ^

The Judge concluded h is judgement by saying! " I w ill say no more except

to remark that th is s u it be subjected to an order o f etriking out as well

as a dism issal for the various reasons I have given above. On the point
31
of looue etandi alone i t stands dism issed".

Two lessons can be learned from the decision of the High Court.

F ir s t ly , i t showed how the Ju d icia ry in developing countries can be used

to impede the course of ju s t ic e . The Court made no attempt to in v estigate

 173

the facts which were genuine and tendered in evidence. Secondly, i t showed

what is common to most A frica n leaders - the desire to remain in power at

a ll co sts. The in te g rity o f Mr. Aku was in question, yet he decided to

continue in power.

The Dahoh Factor

The second su it which was file d against the renomination of Mr. Aper

Aku came from a I.agos-based, anti-corruption crusader, Mr. Godwin Daboh

(a Tiv man). In the su it f i le d on his hehalf by Mr. George Uloko, a

Makurdi legal p ra ctitio n e r , Mr. Daboh sought an injunction to restrain

Governor Aku from seeking renomination. Mr. Godwin Daboh alleged that Mr.

Aper Aku had "re ck le ssly , frau du len tly and dishonestly managed the

finances of the Government o f Benue State since he assumed power in 1979

• 32
t i l l date . ‘ Among other th in g s , Mr. Daboh alleged that the Governor had

spent N17,272,908.07 on various fe a s ib ilit y studies and design projects

contrary to his (the Governor's) e a rlie r pledge that he would not spend

any money on such wasteful p r o je c ts . Daboh also alleged that Aku, who

in 1981 had c r it ic is e d the m ilita ry adm inistration in the State for

awarding contracts to construct the Makurdi International Hotel at a cost

of M18 m illio n , had now e ffe c te d a Volte face and had re-awarded the same
33
contract at a sun of over H29 m illio n .

Godwin Daboh is a sensational figure in Nigerian p o l it ic s . He

popularised the use of a ff id a v it s in Nigeria when, in 1974, he took Mr.

J . S . Tarka, his fellow tribesman, to the Lagos High Court. I t was th is

a ffid a v it which forced Tarka to resign from the Gowon Government. The

Tarka-Daboh a ffa ir s started in the early 1970s when the then Head of

S tate, General Yakubu Gowon, made a public appeal to a l l Nigerians to

a ssist him to wipe out corruption from the country. Following this appeal,

Godwin Daboh wrote a le tte r dated 8 Ju ly 1974 to J . S , Tarka, then a Federal

I
 174

Commissioner for Communications, accusing him o f abuse of o ffic e and

corruption. Two days la t e r , Daboh wrote another le tte r to Tarka a lle g in g

further wrongdoing. On 13 Ju ly 1974, he swore an a ffid a v it in the Lagos

High Court confirming a l l the wrongdoings o f Mr. Tarka in h is post as

Commissioner for Communications. In the a ff id a v it , Mr. Daboh stated:

" I , Godwin Gregory Daboh, N igerian , C h ristia n , company

d ire cto r o f No. 9, Nnamdi Azikiwe S tre e t, Lagos, do
make oath and say as follow s:
That on 8 J u ly , 1974 I wrote a le tte r to Mr. Joseph S.
Tarka who is a Federal Commissioner for Communications.
That on 10 Ju ly 1974 I addressed to Mr. J . S . Tarka
another le tte r which was to supplement that of 8 Ju ly
1974. The two le tte r s were w ritten by me in response
to recent appeals made by distinguished Nigerian
leaders including the Head o f S ta te , General Yakuhu
Gowon, c a llin g fo r a cleaning up of public l i f e in
N ig e ria .
That in answer to th is c a ll I decided to intimate Mr.
J . S . Tarka with h is corrupt p ractices and c a llin g for
h is resignation w ithin 1 0 days of the receip t of my
le t te r .
That I have abundant evidence that Mr. J . S . Tarka who
occupies one o f the highest public o ffic e s in this
country, is not worthy of being charged with such a
r e s p o n s ib ility .
That some time between 1968 and now, Mr. Tarka caused
a company to he incorporated as Nigerian Investment
Quest Lim ited. That the managing director of the
company is Mr. Simeon Ikowe who is a personal secre­
tary o f Mr. J . S . Tarka.
That in sp ite o f the fact that Mr. Ikowe is not a
c i v i l servant Mr. Tarka has provided him with an
o f f ic e in the o ffic e s of General Post O ffic e Marina,
Lagos.
That the said Mr. Ikowe is an ex-convict having been
ja ile d for defrauding the Tiv Local Authority Welfare
Department.
That the Nigerian Investment Quest Limited operated an
account with the United Bank o f A frica L t d ., Yakubu
Gowon Street Branch o f which Mr. Ikowe is the sole
sign atory.
That since being a Federal Commissioner, Mr. Tarka has
made companies dealing with the Federal M inistry of
Communications to enter into 'consultancy' with the
N igerian Investment Quest Ltd,
That it was through Mr. Tarka's greedy drive for money
that one Mr. S. Gusah a highly educated and capable
 174

Commissioner for Communications, accusing him o f abuse of o ffic e and

corruption. Two days la t e r , Daboh wrote another le tte r to Tarka a lle g in g

further wrongdoing. On 13 Ju ly 1974, he swore an a ffid a v it in the Lagos

High Court confirming a l l the wrongdoings o f Mr. Tarka in his post as

Commissioner for Communications. In the a ff id a v it , Mr. Daboh sta te d :

" I , Godwin Gregory Daboh, N igerian , C h ristia n , company

director o f No. 9, Nnamdi Azikiwe S tre e t, Lagos, do
make oath and say as follow s:
That on 8 Ju ly , 1974 I wrote a le tte r to Mr. Joseph S.
Tarka who is a Federal Commissioner for Communications.
That on 10 Ju ly 1974 I addressed to Mr. J . S . Tarka
another le tte r which was to supplement that of 8 Ju ly
1974. The two le tte r s were w ritten by me in response
to recent appeals made by distinguished Nigerian
leaders including the Head o f S ta te , General Yakuhu
Gowon, c a llin g for a cleaning up o f public l i f e in
N igeria.
That in answer to this c a ll I decided to intimate Mr.
J . S . Tarka with h is corrupt p ra ctices and c a llin g for
his resignation within 1 0 days o f the receipt o f my
le t t e r .
That I have abundant evidence that Mr. J . S . Tarka who
occupies one of the highest public o ffic e s in th is
country, is not worthy of being charged with such a
re sp o n sib ility .
That some time between 1968 and now, Mr. Tarka caused
a company to be incorporated as Nigerian Investment
Quest Lim ited. That the managing director of the
company is Mr. Simeon Ikowe who is a personal secre­
tary o f Mr. J . S . Tarka.
That in sp ite o f the fact that Mr. Ikowe is not a
c iv il servant Mr. Tarka has provided him with an
o ffic e in the o ffic e s of General Post O ffic e Marina,
Lagos.
That the said Mr. Ikowe is an ex-convict having been
ja ile d for defrauding the Tiv Local Authority Welfare
Department.
That the Nigerian Investment Quest Limited operated an
account with the United Bank o f A frica L t d ., Yakubu
Gowon Street Branch of which Mr. Ikowe is the sole
signatory.
That since being a Federal Commissioner, Mr. Tarka has
made companies dealing with the Federal M inistry of
Communications to enter into 'consultancy* with the
Nigerian Investment Quest Ltd.
That it was through Mr. Tarka's greedy drive for money
that one Mr. S, Gusah a highly educated and capable
 174

Commissioner for Communications, accusing him o f abuse of o f fic e and

corruption. Two days la t e r , Daboh wrote another le t te r to Tarka a lle g in g

further wrongdoing. On 13 Ju ly 1974, he swore an a ffid a v it in the Lagos

High Court confirming a l l the wrongdoings o f Mr. Tarka in his post as

Commissioner for Communications. In the a f f id a v it , Mr. Daboh stated:

" I , Godwin Gregory Daboh, N igerian , C h r is tia n , company

director o f No. 9, Nnamdi Azikiwe S tr e e t, Lagos, do
make oath and say as fo llo w s:
That on 8 Ju ly , 1974 I wrote a le t te r to Mr. Joseph S .
Tarka who is a Federal Commissioner fo r Communications.
That on 10 Ju ly 1974 I addressed to Mr. J . S . Tarka
another le tte r which was to supplement that o f 8 Ju ly
1974. The two le tte r s were w ritten by me in response
to recent appeals made by d istin gu ish ed Nigerian
leaders including the Head o f S ta te , General Yakubu
Gowon, c a llin g for a cle a n in g up o f p ub lic l i f e in
N igeria.
That in answer to this c a l l I decided to intimate Mr.
J . S . Tarka with his corrupt p ractices and c a llin g for
his resignation within 1 0 days o f the receip t of my
le t t e r .
That I have abundant evidence that Mr. J . S . Tarka who
occupies one of the highest public o ffic e s in th is
country, is not worthy of being charged with such a
r e sp o n sib ility .
That some time between 1968 and now, Mr. Tarka caused
a company to be incorporated as N igerian Investment
Quest Lim ited. That the managing d ire cto r of the
company is Mr. Simeon Ikowe who is a personal secre­
tary o f Mr. J . S . Tarka.
That in sp ite of the fact th a t Mr. Ikowe is not a
c i v i l servant Mr. Tarka has provided him with an
o ffic e in the o ffic e s of General Post O ffic e Marina,
Lagos.
That the said Mr. Ikowe is an ex-convict having been
ja ile d for defrauding the T iv Local Authority Welfare
Department.
That the Nigerian Investment Quest Limited operated an
account with the United Rank o f A fric a L t d ., Yakubu
Gowon Street Branch of which Mr. Ikowe is the sole
signatory.
That since being a Federal Commissioner, Mr. Tarka has
made companies dealing with the Federal M inistry of
Communications to enter in to 'consultancy' with the
Nigerian Investment Quest L td .
That it was through Mr. T a rka's greedy drive for money
that one Mr. S. Gusah a h ighly educated and capable
 175

young Nigerian was dismissed as General Manager of

Benue Plateau State Marketing Board.
That Mr. Tarka also maintains and operates two accounts
with the Swiss Volksbank L t d ., Geneva - the account
number is CC 88755/0.
That Mr. Simeon Ikowe, the personal secretary o f Mr.
Tarka, operates accounts with the United Bank fo r
A fr ic a , the Midland Bank and Barclays Bank, London.
That co lo ssa l sums o f money have been paid into the
account even though Mr. Ikowe has no other means of
income apart from being Mr. Tarka's personal secretary.
That in sp ite of the fa ct that he is not a c i v i l
servant, Mr. S, Ikowe occupies government quarters at
Lawrence Road, Ikoyi. which is paid for by the Govern­
ment.
That Mr. Tarka, a ls o , has in te re sts in the follow ing
companies apart from the Nigerian Investment Quest
L td .: Thomas Turner & C o .; Gata Tagir Nigeria L t d .;
and Keztar In tern ation al Ltd.
That the European O ffic e o f these companies is
situ ated at No. 8 Laburnum Avenue, London, N17 -
Telephone No. is 01-808-3612.
That the d irecto r which Mr. Tarka uses is one Mr.
Francis Mordi.
That the word 'K e zta r' International L t d ., is coined
from Ikeazor and Tarka.
That I have documentary evidence including the tape
recorded voice of Mr. Tarka demanding six per cent
commission from a company working for the M inistry
of Communications to substantiate my exposure o f Mr.
Tarka's clandestine and corrupt a c t i v i t i e s . . . .
That I swear to th is a ffid a v it consciously b eliev in g
i t so to be true and c o rre ct,
. 34
Signed: Godwin Dahoh,

The a ffid a v it provoked a storm o f protest from a l l over the country and

w ithin a matter o f days, Mr. J . S . Tarka was forced to r e sig n . In his

le t te r of re sig n a tio n , Tarka stated:

"Your E xcellency (the Head of State)

After a long and ca re fu l consideration of the current
campaign mounted against my person by a section o f
the N igerian Press follow ing a lle g a tio n s by one Godwin
Daboh which are s t i l l Bub ju d io e, I have come to the
conclusion that i t is my in terest as well as the
in te re st of the Federal M ilita ry Government and o f
peaceful N igeria that I withdraw henceforth from your
government.
 175

young Nigerian was dismissed as General Manager of

Benue Plateau State Marketing Board.
That Mr. Tarka also maintains and operates two accounts
with the Swiss Volksbank L t d ., Geneva - the account
number is CC 88755/0,
That Mr. Simeon Ikowe, the personal secretary of Mr.
Tarka, operates accounts with the United Bank for
A fr ic a , the Midland Bank and Barclays Bank, London.
That colossal sums o f money have been paid in to the
account even though Mr. Ikowe has no other means of
income apart from being Mr. Tarka's personal secretary.
That in spite o f the fa ct that he is not a c i v i l
servant, Mr. S, Ikowe occupies government quarters at
Lawrence Road, Ikoyi, which is paid for by the Govern­
ment.
That Mr. Tarka, a ls o , has in te re sts in the follow ing
companies apart from the Nigerian Investment Quest
L t d .: Thomas Turner & C o .; Gata Tagir N igeria L td .;
and Keztar In tern ation al Ltd.
That the European O ffic e o f these companies is
situ ated at No. 8 Laburnum Avenue, London, N17 -
Telephone No. is 01-808-3612,
That the d irecto r which Mr. Tarka uses is one Mr.
Francis Mordi.
That the word 'K eztar' International L t d ., is coined
from Ikeazor and Tarka.
That I have documentary evidence including the tape
recorded voice o f Mr. Tarka demanding six per cent
commission from a company working for the M inistry
o f Communications to substantiate my exposure o f Mr.
Tarka's clandestine and corrupt a c t i v i t i e s . . . .
That I swear to th is a ffid a v it consciously b elievin g
i t so to be true and co rre ct.
. . 34
Signed: Godwin Daboh.

The a ffid a v it provoked a storm of protest from a l l over the country and

within a matter o f days, Mr. J . S . Tarka was forced to re s ig n . In his

le tte r of resign atio n , Tarka stated:

"Your Excellency (the Head of State)

A fter a long and ca re fu l consideration of the current
campaign mounted against my person by a section of
the Nigerian Press following a lle g a tio n s by one Godwin
Daboh which are s t i l l aub ju d io e, I have come to the
conclusion that i t is my in te re st as well as the
in te re st of the Federal M ilita ry Government and of
peaceful Nigeria that I withdraw henceforth from your
government.

I
 176

A ccordingly, I hereby tender my resignation in ardent

hope that you w ill accept i t and re le a se me from further
d u tie s.
I wish to place on record my deep appreciation of the
courtesy and kind consideration you showed me at a ll
times during the past seven y e a r s . . , .
Yours Very Sincerely

J . S . Tarka3S

Following Tarka's re sig n a tio n , nothing was heard o f Mr. Godwin Daboh

u n til 1982 when he brought before the Makurdi High Court a su it which

sought to prevent Governor Aku from con testin g the gubernatorial e le ctio n

in 1983 on the N .P .N . t ic k e t . This su it was dismissed by the Court on

the grounds that the P e titio n e r had not s a t is fie d certain legal req u ire-
► 36
raents.

A few months before the 1983 e le c tio n , Mr. Daboh decided to jo in the

N .P .N ., but h is a p p lica tio n to jo in was not accepted hy the Secretariat of

the Party. Mr. Obande Obeya, the State Chairman of the P arty, pointed out

that the an ti-corru p tion crusader had taken the Party to Court only some

six months p revio u sly , and added that the case was s t i l l pending before
37
the Appeal Court. Mr. Emmanuel Atawodi, the Party Secretary, said that

Mr. Daboh's d eclaratio n for the Party was eq uivalent to the N .P.N .

catching a big f i s h , and added: " . . . . i f we accept the big fis h without

looking for h elp , i t might drag us into the r iv e r and s t i l l escape while
38
we drown". Mr. Daboh, in a sharp retort s ta te d :

" I r e a lly cannot understand why Mr. Obande and Mr.

Atawodi did not c a ll me p riv ately to discuss any issue
between me and the State S e c r e ta ria t. I f indeed they
f e l t there was any such issues to so rt out. Their
decision to resort to open provocative press s ta te ­
ments is capable of sta rtin g a press war that w ill
have adverse consequences on our P a r t y . . . , I sh all
fo rc ib ly and ju d ic ia lly re s is t any attempt by any
Party leader in Benue State to tamper with my funda­
mental rig h ts as entrenched in the N igerian
C o n stitu tion and w ill challenge in a Court o f Law
any attempt to harass my membership o f the National
Party o f N ig e r ia ."39

i
 177

The issue o f Daboh's membership was eventually la id to rest and he was

accepted as a bona fid e member of the Party.

Governor Aper Aku Strik es Back

When the su its brought against him fa ile d , Governor Aper Aku decided

to purge the Party. His e ffo r ts were directed towards elim in atin g from

the Party a l l those considered to be, or suspected o f being, h is enemies.

The fir s t v ictim was the Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Mr. Ayua

Num. The relatio n sh ip between the Governor and the Speaker had deterio­

rated because the la tte r had refused to carry out some of the Governor's

in stru ctio n s. The Governor was in Lagos when Mr. S. Akure swore an

a ffid a v it and file d a su it against him. He telephoned the Speaker to

convene a meeting of the House o f Assembly to absolve him o f any blame,

and notice o f the Assembly meeting was broadcast on the lo c a l rad io. How­

ever, the Speaker cancelled the meeting, thereby incurring the wrath of

the Governor who did his utmost to remove him from o f f i c e . I t was at

this juncture that the Governor decided to re trie v e the car which he

earlier given him in order to win support fo r h is renomination. The car

was a Mercedes Benz 280 autom atic, re g is tra tio n number HN 2 R. The

Governor sent Mr. Obande Obeya to c o lle c t the car and in angry reaction

to this h u m iliatio n , the Speaker declared his in tention of jo in in g the

race for the N .P .N . gubernatorial primary e le c tio n . This d eclaratio n cost

him his job sin ce it enabled Mr. Aku to m obilise other members o f the

House of Assembly and force Ayua Num to re sig n .

The second victim on Mr. Aku's l i s t was Mr. Thomas Degarr - the

State Secretary o f the P arty. Degarr, lik e Aku, was a newcomer to

Nigerian p o l i t i c s . On leaving the U niversity o f Ibadan in 1965, he had

gone to the United States o f America where, according to h is own account,

he was running a business. In 1978, the la te J . S . Tarka asked him to

 178

come home and a s s is t him. During the 1979 e le c tio n , he served as N .P.N .

campaign d irecto r in Benue State and was made the Secretary o f the Party

after the e le c tio n .

When the a ff id a v it was sworn again st the Governor, Mr. Degarr

expressed h is opinion p u b lic ly that the Governor should r e s ig n . A few

days a fte r th is pronouncement, the Sta te Executive Committee set up a

panel to probe the a c t i v i t ie s o f the Sta te Treasurer, Rtd. Major Sa lisu

Sani, and Degarr. The members of the panel were: Mr. Adejo O g iri -

Chairman; A lh a ji Garba Jap an , Mr. J .O . Adikpe, Mr. John Ekwemi; and Mr.

Mbachialim Mange, with Mr. Augustine Lawani as the Secretary. The panel

found Thomas Degarr g u ilty o f:

(i) fa ilin g to account for monies which were the r ig h t fu l

entitlem ent o f the D iv isio n a l Se creta ria t;

( ii) engaging in dishonest p ra ctice which could bring disgrace

to the Party, contrary to Rule 31(f) of the P a rty 's

C on stitu tion ; and

( iii) non-coordination of State S e creta ria t a c t iv it ie s which

resulted in the delay of s t a f f sa la rie s and delaying the

lo ca l government S e c r e ta ria ts ' money due to th e m .^

The panel also found Rtd. Major Salisu Sani g u ilty of holding on to

#61,290.00, being money belonging to the N .P.N . in Benue State and intended

for paying Party agents who took part in the voters' re g is tra tio n

e x e r c is e .^ The recommendation of the panel that both o ffic e r s should be

dismissed was accepted by the Governor and the other members o f the State

Executive Committee.

The third victim o f the Governor was the outspoken Commissioner for

Health, Mr. Mvendega Jib o . Mr. Jib o was o f the view that the Governor

should resign in view o f the serious a lle g a tio n s made against him. Within
 179

a few days of h is p ub lic utterances, he was sacked by the Governor.

The N.P.N. Gubernatorial Primary E lection in Benue State

As mentioned above, the date for the gubernatorial primary e le ctio n

was fixed for 16 October 1982. The e le ctio n was not held that day,

however, but was postponed u n til 28 October 1 9 8 2 . The e le ctio n s were

held on that date in the five senatorial headquarters o f Ayangba, Otukpo,

Utonkon, Gboko and K atsin a-A la, These election s were expected to produce

three candidates who would appear before the State Congress on 30 October

1982 for the fin a l e le c tio n . A to ta l of ten candidates file d th e ir

nomination papers. These were:

(1) Mr. Aper Aku

(2) Mr. Isaac Shaahu

(3) Mr. E zekiel Akiga

(4) Mr. S .P . Gusah

(5) Mr. Sam Ihugh

(6 ) Mr. Morgan Ogbole

(7) Mr. Ayua Num

(8 ) Dr. Peter Ochalla

(9) Chief Dandy A ta ja , and

(10) Mr. Vincent Shir aha,

Senator Suemo Chia, who had e a r lie r declared h is intention to contest

44
the e le ctio n , withdrew at the la st minute. The N .P .N . leaders did some

internal screening and allowed only candidates 1 - 5 to contest the

e le ctio n . The re su lt turned out to be a landslide v ic to ry for the

incumbent, Mr. Aper Aku. The re su lt of the e le ctio n is shown in Table

5. 1.

The delegates to the Congress on 30 October 1982 unanimously con­

firmed the electio n of Mr. Aku. I t was, indeed, an easy victo ry for Aku,
T A B L E 5 . 1 : T H E R E S U L T O F T H E N . P . N . G U B E R N A T O R IA L P R IM A R Y E L E C T IO N S I N 1 9 8 2

Benue Benue Benue Benue Benue

Name T o ta l
West N orth -C e n tra l S o u th -C e n tra l E ast C e n tra l E ast

Mr. A . Aku 342 333 348 369 511 1,893

Mr. E .A . A kiga 49 275 108 114 28 561
Mr. I . Shaahu 0 6 26 3 26 61
Mr. P .S . Gusah 9 7 12 0 19 38
Mr. B .S . Ihugh 1 6 6 2 20 34

Source: N .P .N . S e c r e t a r ia t , Makurdi.
 181

since he had e a r lie r done the ground-work by appointing h is supporters

into Local Government Councils as caretaker c o u n c illo rs. These were the

people who came to the Congress and voted for Aku. The National Secretariat

confirmed the decision of the State Congress and Mr. Aku was recognised as

the o f f i c i a l Party candidate fo r the 1983 gubernatorial e le c tio n . With

this d ecisio n , the v icto ry of Mr. Aku in Benue State was complete and

henceforth the d ire c tio n of the p o lit ic a l process in the State was firm ly

in his hands. He took steps to strengthen his position by rewarding those

who had stood by him during the c r is is and punishing those who had not

supported him by re lie v in g them of th e ir p o lit ic a l posts.

An opportunity fo r Mr. Aku to te s t h is new-found strength came in 1983 with

the electio n of a new State Chairman of the Party. Throughout the period of the

c r is is , he had been supported by Mr. 0 . Obeya, the Chairman of Okpokwu Local

Government branch of the p arty , who had marshalled h is campaign in Idoma land.

Following h is re-nomination, the Governor decided to make Mr. Obande Obeya the

State Chairman.

The p ost, which was zoned to the Idomas, was occupied by C hief J .C .

Obande, who had been elected to i t in 1978 because of his personal

m erits. The C hief was a very experienced Idoma p o lit ic ia n . He had entered

party p o lit ic s in the early 1950s and had been made a Federal M inister in

the Balewa Government o f the F ir s t R epublic. Although he became a f u l l ­

time contractor when the m ilita ry took power in 1966, he quickly returned

to partisan p o lit ic s when party p o lit ic s were re-started in 1978. When

the State Executive Conmittee of the Party was dissolved in 1983 and

nominations for o ffic e s were advertised, Chief Obande applied for re­

nomination as State Chairman o f the P arty . But th is time a number of other

candidates were seeking the post; these were Mr. Nelson Eka Onojo, who was

the the Sp ecial Adviser to the Governor on secu rity matters; Mr. Baba

Odangla - the Chairman of Benue Sports Council; and Mr. Obande Obeya.
 182

Chief Obande, as the incumbent, had an advantage over the other

candidates, but had become unpopular with the Idomas who saw him as an old

and weak leader no longer able to defend th eir in t e r e s ts . A case often

cited against him was the Speakership of the State House of Assembly; it

was alleged that th is post had not been given to the Idoma group because

of the Chairman's weakness. Furthermore, the C h ie f's c r it ic s asserted

that i t was unreasonable to have him as the State Chairman since h is

constituency had been won by the N .P .P . in 1979. When the Chief saw that

the odds were very much against him, he decided to step down. A lso , Mr.

Baba Odangla withdrew from the contest because of what he described as

"pressure from highly placed le a d e r s " .^ The stage was, therefore, set

for a contest between the only two remaining candidates, Mr. N.F.. Onojo

and Mr, Obande Obeya,

Mr. Onojo was the popular choice o f the Idomas. He entered p o lit ic s

when Governor Aku appointed him as an adviser on se c u rity m atters. It

was during th is period in government that he developed an in terest in

party p o lit ic s . Mr. Onojo said that he decided to contest the post o f

State Chairman because he was d is s a tis fie d with the performance o f the

incumbent who was not only old but had also run out o f steam. C hief

Obande, he sa id , could not s a tis fy the aspirations o f the Idomas who

needed a strong and dynamic man who could push th e ir in te re sts through in

the Party caucus. He claimed that he could provide t h is type of leader-

46
ship. On the other hand, his r i v a l , Mr. Obande Obeya, was not only

unpopular but was considered the i l l i t e r a t e . The Idomas are the most

educated ethnic group in Benue State and they viewed the p o s s ib ility o f

having an i l l i t e r a t e to represent them as an in s u lt. Mr. Obeya joined

the N .P .P , in 1978 but resigned and joined the N .P.N . in the follow ing

year. In N .P.N . c ir c l e s , he was known to be very c lo se to the Governor

and i t was no surprise when, in 1983, the Governor backed him for the post
 183

of State Chairman.

Although th is post was zoned to the Idomas, Mr. N .E. Onojo, the

people's fa v o u r ite , did not win because o f the e le c to ra l arrangements.

The Tivs, as the most populous conmunity, provided h a lf the delegates to

the Party Congress which elected the Chairman, and the Igalas and the

Idomas together provided the other h a lf. A ll the delegates from the

Idoma zone voted for Mr. Onojo but the Ig a la votes were divided between

the two candidates. The Governor's influence ensured that the T iv dele­

gates delivered th eir bloc vote to Mr. Obande Obeya who, in consequence,

won the e le c tio n . ^

With the new Chairman on h is sid e , Mr. Aku continued his purge of

the Party. His next strategy was to make sure that those who were

nominated to contest e le c tio n s for the various le g is la tiv e houses on the

N.P.N. t ic k e t were his supporters. Those who had openly supported his

riv a ls were not re-nominated; those dropped included:

(1 ) Senator Ameh Ebute - Senate

(2 ) Senator Abogede - Senate

(3) S .O . Adoyi - House of Representatives

(4) Padopas Awuna - House of Representatives

(5) David Agi - House of Representatives

(6 ) R td. Captain Ocheja - House of Assembly

(7) Mr, Jo e l Abu - House o f Assembly

(8 ) Mr. Ju liu s Atom - House of Assembly

(9) Mr, Bature Agah - House of Assembly

The Formation o f the "Tarka N,,P.N •If

After the re-nomination o f Mr. Aper Aku, his opponents were not only

relieved o f th e ir o ffic e s but were also flushed out o f the N .P.N . They,

in turn, came together and formed what they ca lle d the "Tarka N .P .N ." ,
 184

Those who formed th is fa c tio n o f the N .P .N . included:

(1) Mr. Isaac Shaahu

(2) Mr. Ayua Num

(3) Mr. Thomas Degarr

(4) Mr. S .O . Adoyi

(5) Senator Ameh Ebute

(6 ) Senator Abogede

(7) Mr. Jo e l Abu

(8 ) Rtd. C o l. Ocheja

(9) Mr. Ju liu s Atom

(10) Mr. Rature Agah,^®

The moving force behind the 'Tarka N .P .N .' was Mr. Thomas Degarr who

maintained that the mainstream of the N .P.N . in the State had deviated

from the philosophy of the la te J . S . Tarka; Mr. Degarr said that th is was

to work for the minority groups in N igeria. "The Aku fa ctio n of the N.P.

N .", he said , "had compromised th is in te re st to a few powerful Hausa/

Fulani individuals who controlled the N .P.N . at the c e n tr e ." ^ Degarr

argued that the N .P.N . was organised in such a way that the control o f the

Party was in the hands o f those people who had no support in th eir

constituencies. The examples he quoted were those of A lh a ji Adamu Ciroma

who was made a key M inister when his State - Borno - was controlled by

the G .N .P .P ,; and A lh a ji Umaru Dikko, who was defeated during the

senatorial electio n but la te r made a senior M in ister. Mr. Degarr said

that i t was A lh a ji Shehu Shagari and these two M inisters who a c tu a lly

ruled the Party. He also maintained that Benue State had not been given

its fa ir share of the national cake even though the Party had scored over

70£ in the P resid en tial e le c tio n in the State in 1979. The p o lic ie s o f

the N .P .N ., according to him, favoured the Hausa and Fulani in te r e s ts . On

the situ atio n in Benue S ta te , Mr. DeRarr said that Mr, Aku lacked the
 185

mental capacity to v is u a lis e the problems o f the S ta te and that the

government which he led was a to ta l fa ilu r e ."*0

Members of the 'Tarka N .P .N ,' held several meetings during the short

span of it s existence (October 1982 - March 1983) hut were not able to

reach a workable agreement on any issu e . The organisatio n s n lit into

factions and th is led to it s d e c lin e . One group (the m a te r ia lis ts ) , led

by Mr. Ayua Num, had the sin g le aim o f preventing Mr. Aku from winning the

gubernatorial e le c tio n . To do t h is , they needed money which the 'Tarka

N.P.N . 1 lacked. E ventually, they joined the Unity Party of N igeria which

made the money av ailab le to them. The second group (the ideologues) led

by Mr. Thomas Degarr and Senator Ameh Ebute was o f the view that the State

required a p o sitive change and the p o lit ic a l party which could provide

such a change was the Nigerian Peoples Party. Consequently, Mr. Degarr

and his supporters joined the N .P .P , in March 1983. By that d a te , the

c r is is in the N .P.N . had come to an end. The p o l i t i c a l stage was set for

a test o f strength which was to come in the e le c tio n s scheduled to start

in August 1983.

One question remains to be answered at th is p o in t. How was i t

possible for Mr. Aper Aku to succeed despite the fa c t that he had no wide­

spread support?

Governor Aku succeeded for two main reasons: the use o f money as a

p o lit ic a l weapon and h is control of the Party. As mentioned e a r lie r , the

Aku adm inistration was supposed to be incorruptible - i t had exposed a

corrupt Governor who was put to death for h is crime. Mr. Aku rode to

power on J . S . Tarka's back. But Tarka's death soon a ft e r the e le ctio n

meant that he had to e sta b lish h is own base of support i f he was to continue

to rule the S ta te . Time was against him; moreover, a t every stage he was

confronted by people who wanted to unseat him. His answer to the situ a tio n

was to make as much money as possible so that he could bribe h is way

 186

forward. Thus, a fte r staging a 'rev olu tion ' against corruption, Aku

himself became a victim o f corruption. As Orwell asserted:

"No question now, what had happened to the faces o f the

p ig s. The creatures outside looked from pig to man and
from man to p ig , and from pig to man again: but already
i t was impossible to say which was w hich."51

Mr. Aku used h is ill-g o t te n money to bribe a l l the delegates to the

primary e le c tio n . In Utonkon, for example, each delegate was given M O .00
52
and made to swear an oath. Apart from the cars distributed to most

members o f the S ta te Executive Committee, a considerable amount o f cash

. 53
was given to each member.

The second reason for Aku's success was h is a b ilit y to control the

party o rgan isatio n . The s itu a tio n confirmed M ichels' Iron Law of O li­

garchy. Mr. Aku was able to take control o f the Party by c r a f t il y

manipulating the State stru ctu re . The breakthrough came when he replaced

the Local Government co u n cillo rs by h is own supporters. With these people

in support at the lo ca l le v e l, he was able to stave o ff opposition to his

leadership from below. He a lso used these co u n cillo rs to defeat his

major riv al - Mr. Isaac Shaahu. Above a l l , when his candidate won the

election for the S ta te Chairmanship, the party organisation became a kind

of oligarchy su b je ct to his c o n tro l.

I
 187

Footnotes

1. Mr. J .D . Gomwalk was the Governor o f the defunct Benue-Plateau S ta te .

He was also involved in the abortive Dimka coup which led to his
immediate a r r e s t. However, i t was the Aku a ffid a v it which led the
M ilita ry to give him such a harsh punishment.

2. There is a saying in Tiv that "he who k i l l s a King cannot be a

successful K in g". When Governor Aku started to make m istakes, i t
was believed tr a d itio n a lly that nemesis had caught up with him.

3. Robert M ichels, P o litic a l P arties (London: Je r r o ld , 1915), p . 417.

4. Ib id .

5. Mr. A .P . Anyebe is a Judge o f the High Court in Makurdi. He gave

useful information about the a ffid a v it sworn in Makurdi in Ju ly 1983,

6. Mr. S . I . Rhande, interviewed in August 1983.

7. The v illa g e r s did not know that such money belonged to the Government
most of them thought that i t was Aku’ s own money.

8. Mr. Bature Agah, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

9. Ib id .

10. Ib id .

11. The Nigerian Voice , 23 October 1982, p . 16.

12. Mr. Bature Agah,interviewed in Ju ly 1983,

13. The to ta l membership of the House o f Assembly was 57, made up as

follow s: Idomas, 12; Ig a la , 15; and T iv , 30.

14. Reports on the Proceedings o f Benue House o f Assembly , V o l. 1,

published by the Government P rin te r, Makurdi.

15. New Times, August 1982, Lagos.

16. Sunday Triumph, 24 October 1982, p. 1.

17. Mr. John Egwueme,interviewed in Ju ly 1982.

18. Benue State o f N igeria, published by the o ffic e o f the Governor,

Makurdi, p. 37.

19. ib id .

20. Proceedings o f the House o f Assembly, V o l. 1, Government P rin te r ,

Makurdi.

21. Ib id .

22. Mr. O j i j i Alegwu,interviewed in June 1983.

 188

23. The broadcast was the beginning o f the confrontation between the
Governor and the c i v i l servants and was to continue throughout the
Aku adm inistration.

24. Mr. B. Agah, interviewed in Ju ly 1982.

25. Mr. Thomas Degarr,interviewed in Ju ly 1982.

26. Mr. Abutu Obekpa,interviewed in Ju ly 1982.

27. Sunday Triumph, 19 September 1982, p. 1.

28. Ib id .

29. S . I . J , Akure V. N.P.N. Benue State, Court Judgement by the Benue

State High Court on 4 October 1982, Suit No. MD/61/82.

30. Ib id .

31. Ib id .

32. Sunday Triumph, 19 September 1982, p. 1.

33. Ib id .

34. Daily Times, 1 August 1974, p. 4,

35. Daily Times, 3 September 1974, p. 1,

36. Daboh V. N .P .N ., High Court Judgement, 10 October 1982, Makurdi High

Court.

37. Sunday Times, 15 May 1983, p. 1.

38. Ib id .

39. Nigerian Voice, 20 May 1983, p. 1.

40. Nigerian Voice, 6 October 1982, p. 16.

41. Ib id .

42. Nigerian Voice, 16 October 1982, p. 1.

43. Nigerian Voice , 5 October 1982, p. 1.

44. Ib id .

45. Mr. Baba Odangla,interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

46. Mr. N.E. Onojo»interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

47. Ib id .

48. Mr. Ameh Ebute, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

49. Mr. Thomas Degarr, interviewed in Ju ly 1983,

\
 189

50. Ib id .

51. George O rw ell, Animal Farm (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1983), p. 120

52. Mr. O j i j i Alegwu,interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

53. Ibid .

\
 CHAPTER SIX

POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND ELECTIONS

P o litic a l Violence

The area which is known today as Benue S ta te , e sp e c ia lly the

Tiv area, had more than i t s fa ir share of p o lit ic a l violence in the

F irst R epublic. In describ in g the situ a tio n in the Tiv area in the

1960s M .J. Dent wrote:

"In September and October 1960 a c o lle c tiv e madness

swept over the m illio n Tiv people. At least
50,000 of them went out in gangs and burnt the
houses o f nearly a l l the C h ie fs , o f most o f the tax
c o lle c t o r s , o f the court members and of the vast
m ajority of the Government p arty, the NPC, in
the D iv is io n .. . . in 1964, new r io ts broke out
which, although they were not so extensive and did
not involve arson on such a s c a le , were characterized
by d e lib e ra te murder and great lo ss of l i f e before
the Army was able to bring the D ivisio n under
con trol again.

Both the p o lice and the Federal E lecto ral Commission were aware of th is

legacy of violen ce and took steps to ensure that peace would prevail

throughout the e le c tio n s . One such step was to deploy sold iers and

a n ti-r io t p o lice to a l l the d is t r ic t s of the S ta te .

It is conceivable that the decisive fa c to r which ensured that

the election was orderly was the presence of the m ilita r y , and it s

possession o f the instruments of coercion. This aspect of the 1979

election s has not been given the a tten tion that i t deserves. The

m ilitary used i t s power base to bargain with the p o lit ic a l p arties

and the e le c to ra te s . I t was able to in s is t that the e le cto ra l

regulations should be observed, on pain of declarin g the election s

void i f they were not.

At various stages during the e le c tio n s , someNigerians evidently

 191

wanted a repeat performance of the v iru len t e le cto ra l com petition of

the F ir s t Republic and trie d to circumvent the provisions of the

C o n stitu tio n ; but the threat of action by the m ilita ry kept them at

bay.

Given these co n d itio n s, what were the prospects of peaceful

electo ral p o lit ic s in 1983 when the m ilitary ,h av in g withdrawn to the

barracks, were no longer a c tiv e ly involved in government? I t was

reasonable to assume that the 1983 election s would not degenerate into

chaos. For p o litic ia n s to survive and remain in the arena of p o lit ic s ,

they had to obey the ru les of the game. Whether in or out of power,

they had a common in te re st in the continued existence of democratic

government in N ig e ria . A g la rin g departure from co n stitu tio n alism would

not only be an in v ita tio n to the m ilita ry to intervene a g a in , but

might also end the p o lit ic a l career of most of the p o lit ic ia n s .

During the e a rly stages of the e le cto ra l campaign in 1983 it

became abundantly c le a r that violence was in e v ita b le . There were

sporadic clashes between the two major p arties in the sta te - N .P .N .

andN.P.P. Following these clashes the Commissioner of P o lic e , A lh a ji

Aliyu Malumfashi, decided to summon a l l gubernatorial can did ates,

p o lit ic a l party lead ers, senior p olice o ffic e r s and members of the

press to a meeting at the p olice o ffice rs'm e ss, Makurdi, on 29 Ju ly

1983. The agenda fo r the meeting was: "Towards peaceful E lection s

in 1983". Those present at the meeting were unanimous in th e ir desire

to preserve peace during the on-going e le cto ra l campaign and set

out the follow ing conditions to re a lis e th is goal:

1. peaceful conduct of campaign r a l l ie s ;

2. ban on indiscrim inate movement along the streets by p arty vehicles

with thugs shouting abusive language and songs;

3. ban on unauthorised motor convoys of p o lit ic a l party supporters;

 192

4. ban on a l l forms o f p o lit ic a l a c t iv it y a ft e r 6 p .m .;

5. s t r ic t compliance with the relevant section of the P ublic

Order Act in re la tio n to the issu e of permits and conditions
of behaviour; and

6. a ban on a l l p o lit ic a l a c t iv it ie s three days before the f i r s t

p o llin g e x e r c is e .

These arrangements yielded good dividends - there was no 'c o lle c tiv e

madness' as was the case during the F ir s t R epublic. N evertheless, r io ts

occurred in various areas of T ivlandj J e s t it c inteiVen£on if tJie. 1or

bus carrying supporters of the N .P.N . came near

Mr. Unongo's house in Makurdi. The supporters were shouting 'one

nation, one d e stin y ' (the N .P .N . slogan) and ch ildren in the v ic in ity

(who were possibly N .P .P . admirers) re p lie d with the N .P .P . slogan of

'power! C h a n ji!' The N .P.N . supporters stopped th e ir bus, disembarked

and started to beat the ch ild re n . Some o f the children ran away and

the N .P.N . supporters threw stones at them. Some of the stones h it the

N .P .P . supporters who where standing a t the front of Mr. Unongo's house.

This was the sign al fo r in te r-p a rty fig h tin g between the N .P .N . and the

N .P.P . The N .P.N . supporters were over-powered and ran to th e ir se cre ta ria t

to report the m atter. At the s e c re ta ria t they met members o f the

Adikpo Youth Wing o f the party who had ju s t come to Makurdi fo r a

conference. These men were immediately diverted to the scene of the

3
clashes. The fig h t in g continued u n til the p olice intervened.

About an hour la t e r two policemen carrying r i f l e s were returning

from duty, and passed near Mr. Unongo's house. The N .P .P . supporters thought

that they were coming to assassinate th e ir leader and seized both

policemen and r i f l e s . The reaction from the P o lice Commissioner was

sw ift: he sent two lo rry loads of policemen to Mr. Unongo's house.

The policemen were released and the r i f l e s were re trie v e d , and Mr. Unongo

was detained for a few hours.^

 192

4. ban on a l l forms o f p o lit ic a l a c tiv ity a fte r 6 p .m .;

5. s t r ic t compliance with the relevant section o f the P ublic

Order Act in re la tio n to the issue of permits and conditions
of behaviour; and

6. a ban on a l l p o lit ic a l a c t iv it ie s three days before the f i r s t

p o llin g e x e rcise .

These arrangements yielded good dividends - there was no 'c o lle c tiv e

madness' as was the case during the F ir s t Republic. N evertheless, rio ts

occurred in various areas of T ivlan dj despite tii*. inte«ve«.ton tfie, lo r

"Tiy ok. 'tbt, Swle^ .
In June 1983 a bus carrying supporters of the N .P.N . came near

Mr. Unongo's house in Makurdi. The supporters were shouting 'one

nation , one destin y' (the N .P.N . slogan) and children in the v ic in it y

(who were possibly N .P .P . admirers) replied with the N .P .P . slogan of

'power! C h a n ji!' The N .P .N . supporters stopped th e ir bus, disembarked

and started to beat the ch ild ren . Some of the children ran away and

the N .P.N . supporters threw stones at them. Some o f the stones h it the

N .P .P . supporters who where standing at the front o f Mr. Unongo's house.

This was the sign al fo r in ter-p arty fig h tin g between the N .P .N . and the

N .P .P . The N .P .N . supporters were over-powered and ran to th e ir secre ta ria t

to report the m atter. At the se cre ta ria t they met members of the

Adikpo Youth Wing of the party who had ju s t come to Makurdi fo r a

conference. These men were immediately diverted to the scene o f the

3
clash es. The fig h tin g continued u n til the p olice intervened.

About an hour la te r two policemen carrying r i f l e s were returning

from duty, and passed near Mr. Unongo's house. The N .P .P . supporters thought

that they were coming to assassinate their leader and seized both

policemen and r i f l e s . The reaction from the P olice Commissioner was

sw ift: he sent two lorry loads of policemen to Mr. Unongo's house.

The policemen were released and the r i f l e s were re trie v e d , and Mr. Unongo
4
was detained for a few hours.

_____ I I
 193

The second in c id e n t, which occurred on 7 Ju ly 1983, was between

theN.RP.and the p o lic e . Mr. Paul Unongo planned to go to Otukpo

on that day and sought permission for the route of h is convoy from

the p o lic e . The Commissioner agreed on condition that the convoy

proceeded d ire ct to Otukpo from Mr. Unongo's house. The lead ers of

the N.P.P. disregarded th is in stru ctio n and on the fa te fu l day decided to

show th eir fla g around Makurdi town before proceeding to Otukpo. The

police ambushed them as they approached the Central P olice S ta tio n .

Many supporters of the NPP. suffered serious in ju r ie s and not le ss than

ten of th eir v e h ic le s were destroyed.'’

Agasha town in Guma lo c a l government area was an NPN, dominated

constituency in 1979. Mr. Bature Agah, anNPM candidate, was elected

to the State House of Assembly. However, the fortunes of the N.P.N.

changed in 1980 when the people of the area expressed open d is s a tis fa c tio n

with the Aku ad m in istration . The electo rate in the area s h ifte d their

support to the NP.P. and advised th e ir Assembly man to jo in th a t

party. Aqasha people subsequently maintained that th eir town belonged

to the NRP and from January 1983 p e rsiste n tly refused to attend N.P.N.

r a llie s .

The NPJl saw th is as a challenge to it s power in the s ta te and

organized a r a lly to be held in the market square at Agasha on 26 June

1983. The r a lly started at about 1400 hours. At about 1715 hours,

Mr. Andrew Adzuu, the N .P .P . Chairman of Guma lo ca l government, drove up in

an NPP.van, which h is driver parked near the r a lly ground. The 1J.P.P.

song was played through the v e h ic le 's loud-speaker. A p o lic e sergeant-major

from the r a lly ground went to the driver of the vehicle and instructed

him to turn o ff the music. The driver obeyed but l e f t the v e h ic le

near theN.P.N. r a ll y . A few minutes la te r anNPil.van came to the r a lly

ground carrying the Corpse of one Mr. Hengen A la c h ir, a Tiv aged 50 y ears,
 194

who had come a l l the way from Gboko West to attend the r a lly at

Agasha. An eye-w itness said that the deceased had been stabbed to

death by some NPP. supporters when he went to the t o ile t in the bush

nearby. On seeing the dead man's body the NPN. supporters at the r a lly

went on the rampage. The bus which had e a r lie r been parked near the

ra lly ground by the NPP. Chairman was burnt, many supporters of the

N.r.Ewere injured and th eir houses were also burnt. The r io t continued

throughout the day and was brought to an end when a n ti-r io t p o lice
£
arrived from Makurdi.

An incident in Zaki-Biam on 14 Ju ly 1983 was also between the

NPN.and NPP. An eye-w itness said that the MRP. had e a r lie r got a

permit to hold a r a l l y on that day at Sankara, which was fiv e m iles

from Zaki-Biam. When the MRM leaders were informed of th is r a lly they

decided to prevent i t from being held. To th is end, they applied

to the p olice for permission to hold a r a ll y on the same day as the

N.P.P. The police refused and instead gave them permission to hold

their r a lly on 17 J u l y 1983.

On the fa t e fu l d a y , as the KPP. supporters started moving to

Sankara,N.PN. thugs a ls o started gathering at a v illa g e 2 miles north

of Zaki-Biam . At about 12 noon, the NPP. thugs stormed Zaki-Biam

with their vehicles sin gin g 'one n a tio n ', 'one n a tio n '. They attacked

some houses belonging to theNPP. supporters. On th eir way to Swankara,

they intercepted a bus load of NPP. supporters and beat them up. They

also damaged two buses which belonged to the NPP J

Apart from these major in cid e n ts, there were incidents in

various parts of the s t a te . At Ugba on 22 Ju ly 1983 three N .P.N .

supporters were injured when NPP. thugs attacked them a fte r a r a ll y .

On 23 Ju ly 1983 at Aw ajir inVandeigya local government area, U .P .N .

»upporters burnt some houses belonging to NRN supporters who

 An N .P .P. Vehicle Damaged by the I)!
N .P.N . at Zaki-Biam ( Ju ly , 1983) byHS T N 0 fl T N ,? ,P * SuPP°r t ” Burnt
A House of an N .P .P . Supporter Burnt 19 8 ? i
1983) ‘ ™ Ug8
° in Bbankara (June.
,OUMCfl VJune,
by N .P.N . Supporter at Agasha
(Ju ly 1983)
Cl An N .P .P . V ehicle Burnt by N .P.N .
F! a
ati acbîkdef , 1983) J ‘ S ‘ Tarka
i f ilySenat0r
Gboko ( Ju
thugs at Agasha ( Ju ly , 1983)
f

mi N.i'.p, v e n i c i e Damaged b y t h e
N .P .N . at Z a k i- B ia m ( J u l y , 1983) D: A House of an N P n c
I): A H ou.e of an N .P .P . Supporter Burnt
, y N .P .N . Supporter at Agasha
( J u l y 1983)
An N . P . P , Vehicle Burnt by N .P .N .
U'ugs at Agasha (July, 1983)
 196

reacted by burning aUPJi v e h ic le . F in a lly on 24 Ju ly 1983, N .P .P .

thugs in Mr. Paul Unongo's entourage stopped a v e h icle carrying

HPi). women, sprayed them with petrol and set them ab la ze.

The 1979 Elections

Within a period of fiv e weeks - 7 Ju ly to 11 August 1979 -

Nigerians went to the p o lls fiv e times to e le c t a President,

19 Governors and th e ir d e p u tie s, 95 Senators, 449 members of the

House of Representatives and 1,347 members o f the State Assemblies.

In each e le c tio n , voting started at 7 a.m. and ended at 6 p.m.

In Benue State the voters turn-out remained r e la tiv e ly stab le

with only occasional v a r ia tio n s . The lowest and the highest

turn-outs were in the Sen ato rial and House of Assembly ele ctio n s

respectively. G en erally , the turn-out was not encouraging: in each

of the fiv e e le ctio n s le s s then f i f t y per cent of the registered

voters cast th eir b a llo t s . This formulation is given in the table

o verleaf.

Polling Day

Sections 45 and 46 of the E lecto ral Law

specified the method of v o tin g , as follow s:

1. Every person intending to vote sh a ll present himself to the

Presiding O ffic e r at the P o llin g Station in the Constituency

in which his name is registered as being e n title d to vote.

2. The Presiding O ffic e r w ill then proceed and ask him the follow ing

questions: What is your name and where do you liv e ? Have

you already voted at the present e le c tio n s , at th is or any other

Polling Station?

3* The Presiding O ffic e r a fte r s a tis fy in g him self that the name of
 197

TABLE6.1: REGISTERED VOTERS IN THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS

Local Government Registered Voters

Ankpa 124617

Bassa 69866

Dekina 98343

Gboko 164066

Gwer 99906

Idah 160025

Katsuna-Ala 154667

Kwande 149428

Makurdi 129968

Okpokwu 128087

OJu 96985

Otukpo 129992

Vandeikya 143622

Benue 1636371

Source: FEDECO. Makurdi

TABLE 6.2: VOTERS TURN-OUT IN THE 1979 ELECTIONS

E lection s Votes Cast

Senate 470,359

House of Representatives 513,359

House of Assembly 648,439

Governor 536,367

President 538,979

Source: FEDECO, Makurdi

 199

the p erson .. . .app ears on the re g is te r of the voters and such

person has not a lre a d y voted s h a ll:

a. i f the voter produces h is v o te r 's r e g is tr a tio n card, mark

the card in such a way as to in d icate that i t has been

presented and used at the e le c tio n ;

b. issue the v o te r with a b a llo t paper and an envelope;

c. sign h is name on the back of the envelope over the O ffic a l

Stamp.

4. A voter on re ce iv in g a b a llo t paper:

a. proceeds fo rth w ith to the voting compartment and there with

ink provided in a pad and in d e lib le to leave a mark fo r a

period of approximately 2 seconds, makes h is thumb impression

on the blank space on the b a llo t paper at the l e f t of the

symbol of the candidate (party) he intends to vote fo r;

b. in serts the b a llo t paper in the envelope and seals i t ;

c. comes out from the compartment, has h is thumb inspected by

the Presiding O ffic e r to s a t is fy the Presiding O ffic e r that

he has made h is mark on the paper and in the f u l l view of the

Presiding O ffic e r and a l l others present,

i. deposits the envelopecontaining h is vote in the b a llo t box; and

9
ii. has his l e f t thumb n a il marked with in d e lib le in k.

Election Results

The Senatorial E le c tio n showed a voting pattern which was to continue

in the remaining four e le c t io n s . TheNP.N. had a lan dslide v icto ry

in the S ta te , winning in a l l the fiv e Senatorial D is t r ic t s .

The resu lts of the e le c tio n to the House of Representatives, which

was the second electio n to be held, reinforced the support enjoyed by

theKI’.N. The la tte r p arty won 18 out of the 19 seats in the S ta te ,

 200

losing only one seat to the

In the third e le c tio n , which was fo r the State House of Assembly,

the opposition fared rather b e tte r. Out of a to ta l 57 seats,

the NF.N. won 48, the G JJ.RF.6, and theM PJ\3.

The gubernatorial e le c tio n was the fourth to be held and

Mr. Aper Aku did not have any problem in winning i t fo r the KEN. This

is shown in Table 6 .3 .

F in a lly , as Table6.4 shows, A lh a ji Shehu Sh agari, the N.P.N.

candidate, had a convincing v ic to ry over his r iv a ls in the

presidential ele ctio n

The landslide v icto ry o f the KEN. in the 1979 e le c tio n s in

Benue State was expected. Indeed, i t would have been more surprising

if the resu lts had been otherw ise. The two main reasons for the success

of the MEN. were the Tarka fa c to r and the propaganda that the N .P .P .

was an Ibo party.

As already mentioned, Mr. J . S . Tarka acquired some charisma

during the F ir s t Republic and th is was developed into a myth in the

Second Republic, e sp e c ia lly during the 1983 e le c tio n . V irtu a lly

every electo r in Tivland came under T arka's mythical s p e ll, thereby

helping the KP.N. to make a clean sweep at the p o lls .

The Idomas and the Ig a la s in Benue lived close to Iboland

and for many years there had been border clashes between them and

the Ibos. The clashes were due to the fa c t that Iboland was

over-populated and Ibo farmers had always wanted to expand into

the fe r t ile land of Benue State giving r is e to fears among the

Ibomas and the Ig alas that the Ibos were determined to seize their

land. N .P .K p o liticia n s played upon these fe a r s , a lle g in g that the Ibos

would take over Benue land as soon as the NP.P. was voted into

power.
 200

losing only one seat to the N P.N .^

In the third e le c tio n , which was for the State House o f Assembly,

the opposition fared rather b e tte r . Out of a to ta l 57 s e a ts ,

theNF.N.won 48, the C.N.P.P.6, and the MP.F. 3.

The gubernatorial e le c tio n was the fourth to be held and

Mr. Aper Aku did not have any problem in winning i t for the MEN. This

is shown in Table 6 .3 .

F in a lly , as Table6.4 shows, A lh a ji Shehu Shagari, the N .P .N .

candidate, had a convincing v ic to ry over his r iv a ls in the

presidential electio n

The landslide v ic to ry of the MEN.in the 1979 e le ctio n s in

Benue State was expected. Indeed, i t would have been more su rp risin g

i f the resu lts had been otherwise. The two main reasons for the success

of the MEM. were the Tarka fa cto r and the propaganda that the N .P .P .

was an Ibo party.

As already mentioned, Mr. J . S . Tarka acquired some charisma

during the F ir s t Republic and th is was developed into a myth in the

Second Republic, e sp e c ia lly during the 1983 e le c tio n . V ir t u a lly

every elector in Tivland came under Tarka's mythical s p e ll, thereby

helping the NP.N. to make a clean sweep at the p o lls .

The Idomas and the Ig a la s in Benue lived close to Iboland

and for many years there had been border clashes between them and

the Ibos. The clashes were due to the fa c t that Iboland was

over-populated and Ibo farmers had always wanted to expand in to

the f e r t il e land of Benue State g iv in g r is e to fears among the

Ibomas and the Igalas that the Ibos were determined to seize th e ir

land. N .P.M politician s played upon these fe a r s , a lle g in g that the Ibos

would take over Benue land as soon as the NP.P. was voted into

power.
 201

TABLE 6.3: MR. AKU'S SCORES IN THE 1979 ELECTIONS

N Local Government Area Percentage of Votes Scored

1 Ankpa 48.062

2 Bassa 80.602

3 Dekina 57.412

4 Gwer 78.912

5 Katsina-A la 56.542
6 Kwande 50.412

7 Gboko 94.092

8 Makurdi 72.542

9 Idah 81.602

10 Oju 50.562

11 Okpokwu 57.162

12 Otukpo 57.412

13 Vandeikya 86.412

Total Benue S ta te 75.402

Source; FEDECO, Makurdi.

 201

4l

TABLE 6.3: MR. AKU'S SCORES IN THE 1979 ELECTIONS

N Local Government Area Percentage of Votes Scored

1 Ankpa 48.065!

2 Bassa 80.60*
3 Dekina 57.41%

4 Gwer 78.91%

5 Katsina-Ala 56.54%
6 Kwande 50.41%

7 Gboko 94.09%
8 Makurd i 72.54%

9 Idah 81.60%

10 Oju 50.56%

11 Okpokwu 57.16%

12 Otukpo 57.41%

13 Vandeikya 86.41%

Total Benue State 75.40%

Source: FEDECO, Makurdi.

 202

TABLE 6.4: RESULT OF PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN

BENTE STATE (1979)

Candidate Party Votes Scored

A lh ajl S. Shagari N .P.N . 411,648

A lh . I . Waziri G .N .P .P . 42,993

A lh . A. Kano P .R .P . 7,277

Dr. N. Azikiwe N .P .P . 63,097

Chief 0. Awolowo U .P .N . 13,864

Source: FEDECO, Makurdi.

 203
*4
The second dimension to the Ibo issue was the fa c t that

Nigeria had recently emerged from a c i v i l war, in which many young

men from Benue had d ied . An N .P.N . t a c t ic was therefore tob rin g war widows to

party r a llie s as a testim ony to Ibo a c tr o c it y . Moreover, Benue State was

heavily bombed by the Ib os during the war. These issu e s, which

were exploited by NJVJ. p o lit ic ia n s , created b itte rn e ss against the Ibos

in the minds of the people of Benue State and therefore worked to

the electo ral advantage o f the N .P.N .

On the other hand, there were iso la te d pockets of opposition to

the NRN. in 1979. This opposition was concentrated in the Ankpa

and Okpokwu Local Government a re a s!' In Ankpa the NP.N was considered

to be an Idah party and, sin ce there was long standing antagonism

between the two groups, th e Ankpa people decided to support the

C.N.P.P. This shows how a tr a d itio n a l issue a ffe cte d e le c to ra l p o lit ic s :

the Ankpa people looked a t a modern in s titu tio n through a tra d itio n a l

telescope. The resu lt of the e le c tio n s , which are given in the table

overleaf, manifested the strong an ti-Id ah fe e lin g s in the Ankpa

Local Government area. T h is was the only lo c a l government area where

the NP.N did not win a m a jo rity of seats in the e le c tio n s.

The second area of m anifest opposition was in the Ado d ivisio n

of Okpokwu Local Government area. This area comprised A g ila ,

Igumale, Utonkon, Ulayi and Ijogbam. Three issues affected the

NPil. adversely in th is a re a . These were: the c o n flic t between the

royalty and the commoners, the presence of a large number of Ibo

s e ttle r s , and the behaviour of Chief J . C . Obande (the State Chairman

of the party).

Since the two communities came into existence in the eighteenth

century, A gila and Igumale have had d ic t a t o r ia l c h ie fs . I t was not

uncommon for the ch ie f to punish any person who fa ile d to abide by

 204

TABLE 6 .5 : RESULT OF STATE HOUSE OF ASSKMBLY ELECTIONS IN ANKPA

LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA (1979)

Constituency Nam«? of Successful Candidate Party

Enj ema Mr. S. Akubo G .N .P .P .

Imane/Ojokwu Mr. R.O . Ejeh G .N .P .P .

Ankpa Town A lh a ji J i b r in , A. G .N .P .P .

Oqugu Mr. B. Onoja G .N .P .P .

Iffe/Ogodu Mr. S. I y a ji N .P.N .

Olamaboro Mr. M. Ochigbo N .P.N .

 205

his orders. Mr. Ochapa told the author how the la te Chief Ochoga

used to treat hunters who did not bring a l l the animals they k ille d

to the royal p alace. Such hunters were sent into e x ile and had
.
their farms taken away from them.
12

When e le c to ra l p o lit ic s were introduced in the Second Republic

the commoners decided that they would take over the leadership of

the community. To th is end, they joined the N .P .P ., while the Chief

and his supporters joined the N .P.N .

The second issue was that of Ibo s e ttle rs in Ulayi and Ijigbam.

The se ttle r population in these areas made up more than 80% of the

entire population. In 1979, the Ibos were a l l supporters of the

N .P .P .; those in Benue State were no exception: they voted so lid ly fo r

the N .P .P . candidate in each of the e le c tio n s .

The la s t issue was that of the p erson ality of Mr. J . C . Obande

who was then the State Chairman of the N .P .N ., and who was considered

to be very unhelpful to the people. He dominated the p o lit ic s of

the area during the F ir s t Republic and unwisely picked his son to

contest the e le ctio n to the Federal House of Representatives in 1979.

This was seen as a subtle attempt to introduce hereditary leadership

into the area. These three issues combined to a ffe c t the e lecto ral

prospects of the N .P .N .13

In the e le ctio n for the Federal House of Representatives, Mr. David

Affah of the N .P .P . defeated Mr. Solomon Obande of the N .P .N .^

A lso, the two State Assembly seats in the d ivisio n were won by the

N .P .P . In the Ignmale Utonkon Constituency, Mr. E. Ekpiri of the

N .P.P . defeated Mr. S. Ugenyi of the N .P.N . In Agila/Ijigbam /Ulayi

Constituency Mr. Charles Ochima of the N .P .P . defeated Mr. Ogah

Agbara of the N .P .N .15

The 1983 E lections

For a number of reasons, the ele ctio n s in 1983 were su b sta n tia lly

d iffe re n t from those of 1979. F i r s t l y , the m ilita ry were no longer

at hand to serve as a power broker between the r iv a l p o lit ic ia n s . They

had gone back to the barracks in 1979. I t was l e f t to the p o litica n s

to organise a l l the fiv e e le c tio n s ; th is was not easy in view of the

tense atmosphere.

Secondly, in Benue State the Ibo factor was no longer an issue.

f

C o l. Odumegwu Ojukwu, the leader o f the Ibos during the c i v i l war,

was granted an amnesty and he subsequently declared h is support for

the National Party of N igeria. C o l. Ojukwu joined the N ational Party

with the idea of pushing the Ibos in a "new d ire ctio n " in Nigerian

p o litic s ] With C o l. Ojukwu in the N.P.N. i t was im possible for the

N .P.N . leaders to make use of Ibo propaganda in Benue S ta te .

Thirdly, Mr. J . S . Tarka, the person who delivered Benue State to

the N.P.N. in 1979, had died in 1980. The N .P.N . was rent by internal

c r i s i s , causing many of it s supporters to resign and jo in the N .P .P .

The stage was therefore set for a tough struggle between the two

leading p o lit ic a l p arties - the N .P .N . and the N .P .P .

In June 1983 Mr. Ju s tic e Ovie-Whisky, the Chairman o f FEDECO,

announced two decisions which were to have a far-reach in g e ffe c t on

the e le c tio n . These decisions were that:

i. votes would be counted at the p o llin g sta tio n s; and

ii. the order of the ele ctio n s would be changed.

Each of these decisions was a departure from what had obtained in

1979, and provoked widespread controversy. The proposal to count votes

at the p o llin g station arose because of the problems which had been

encountered in the 1979 e le c tio n s , when b a llo t boxes had been collected

from the various constituencies and then transported to counting centres.

 207

However, many of the b a llo t boxes had disappeared: in some cases

poor transportation could be blamed but in others p o litic ia n s had diverted to

unknown destin ation s b a llo t boxes from areas where they had l i t t l e

support. When the proposal to count votes at the p o llin g statio n s

was announced, most p o litic ia n s opposed i t on the ground that i t

would give r is e to v io le n c e , and that the security arrangements at

the p ollin g statio n s were inadequate.

The second con troversial decision by the FEDECO was the

proposal to change the order of the e le c tio n s. The order in 1979

was as follow s:

Election to the Senate 7 Ju ly 1979

Election to the House o f Representatives 14 Ju ly 1979

Election to the State Assemblies 21 Ju ly 1979

Gubernatorial E lectio n 28 Ju ly 1979

P residential E lection 11 August 1979

The new sequence of election s was as follow s:

Presidential E lection 6 August 1983

Gubernatorial E lection 13 August 1983

Senatorial E lection 20 August 1983

House of Representatives Election 27 August 1983

House of Assembly E le ctio n 3 September 1983

A ll the registered p o lit ic a l p a rtie s, except the N .P .N ., protested

at the new sequence which*they argued, was lik e ly to favour the

N.P.N. because of the popularity of the incumbent P residen t, A lh a ji

Shehn Shagari. The opposition p arties maintained that A lh a ji Shehu

Shagari's success in the presidential electio n would produce a bandwagon

effe ct on the other four e le c tio n s. However, the Federal E lectoral

Comnission did not change it s decision on these two issu es.

Mr. Aper Aku's Problems and His Solutions to Them

When the dates fo r the e le ctio n s were fixed Mr. Aper Aku was in a

hopeless situ a tio n . He re a lise d that the mood of the electorate was

very much against him and i f the e le cto rs were to go to the p olls

immediately he would not win in a sin g le lo c a l government area. The

anti-Aku group had eviden tly triumphed and the golden fr u it of Benue

p o litic s seemed ripe for the N .P .P . to p lu ck.

However, Mr. Aku was not the type of person to give in e a s ily ,

and he was determined to use every means, including ille g a l means,

to win. He had two d ecisive weapons which his opponents did not have:

money and the backing of governmental o f f i c i a l s . As mentioned e a r lie r ,

the N.P.N. was able to accumulate a lo t o f money through the

award of con tracts to i t s supporters. This money was availab le to

Mr. Aku and h is supporters,^as well as the money transferred to the

party in Benue from the cen tral account in Lagos. Information about
18
the actual amount of money on hand was kept a se cre t, but a conservative
. .1 9
estimate put i t in the region of H20 m illio n .

Mr. Aku also invoked the help of permanent secretaries and the

top c iv il servants. S e n io r c iv il servants who supported him were posted

to the Local Government areas as Returning O f fic e r s . As we sh all see,

they were to be of c r i t i c a l importance.

The strategy adopted by Mr. Aku was to bribe both the electorate

and the o f f i c i a l s of the Federal E le cto ra l Commission. Money was sent

to every community a day before the e le c tio n s . Usually the male members

were given cash (the amount varied from individual to in d ivid u a l),

while female members were given s a lt , r ic e and other food items. In

Otukpo d i s t r ic t over f i f t y bags of s a lt were distributed on average a day

before each of the fiv e e le c tio n s . For example, during the gubernatorial

election the follow ing items were handed out:

 209 A

i. Upu v illa g e - 10 bags of s a lt and 10 bags o f r ic e

ii. Otukpolcho - 10 bags of s a lt and 11 bags of r ic e

in . Odudaj e - 7 bags of s a lt and 6 bags of r ic e

A fte r receiving the money and food ite m s, the e le cto rs were made

to swear th eir lo ca l oath that they would vote fo r Mr. Aper Aku.21

Mr. Aku and h is supporters also bribed the o f f i c i a l s of the

Federal E lecto ral Commission, with the r e s u lt that

i. the names of those suspected of being supporters of the N .P .P .

were removed from the re g iste r of v o te rs;

ii. members of the N .P.N . had access to the b a llo t boxes and papers

before the e le c tio n s;

iii. p o llin g m aterials were not sent to areas with overt N .P .P .

support; and

iv . r e s u lts were altered to favour the N .P .N .22

Other p o lit ic a l p a rtie s were also engaged in b rib ery, but the N .P.N .

benefited most because of the amount of money which i t had accumulated

during i t s four-year period in o f f ic e . I t must be said that the

attitude o f the people encouraged corruption. The electo rate expected

to be bribed and e le ctio n s were welcomed as the only time when they

could have th eir share of the national cake.

Election Day in 1983

Although violence persisted throughout the period of campaigning,

it did not mar the conduct of the ele ctio n s themselves since sold iers

were brought in to take over from the p o lic e at roadblocks and FEDECO

o ffic e s .

The p resid en tial e le ctio n was held on 6 August 1983. As expected,

many problems arose. Many people could not find th eir names on the

register of v o ters. Among them were James Akpera-( O rshi, Tor T iv ,

 A SAMPLE OF BALLOT PAPERS USED
IN THE 1983 ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA

0 nap

^ P N

* - 0
PAP
 A SAMPLE OF BALLOT PAPERS USED
IN THE 1983 ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA

■■ NAP

^ ^ ^ M P P

TT' 0

PAP

^ ^ U P N
 211

who could not vote because his name was not found and Mr. Benjamin

Akaai Chaaha, a member of the House of Representatives from Katsuia

constituency who la t e r became the Speaker of the House of Representatives

23
he wept openly because he could not find h is name. Mr. Ashe Ugba,

the A ssistant C hief E le c to ra l O ffic e r for Gboko zone, said that

out of the 204 p o llin g sta tio n s in h is zone, 58 had th e ir voters'

. 24
register mixed up. When voting closed at 6 p.m. on 6 August 1983 a

majority of the voters had not cast th e ir b a llo ts because of the

muddle in the r e g is te r .

The re s p o n s ib ility for th is muddle rested with the Federal

E lectoral Commission. The e le cto ra l law sp ecified that the Commission

must display the r e g is te r of voters at least two weeks before

the f i r s t e le c tio n . This was not done. In fa c t , the l i s t of voters

was not displayed at a l l . I t was common knowledge that th is

was one of the rig g in g techniques adopted by the Commission.

Apart from the muddle in the re g iste r of v o te rs, other complaints

made on election day included: the n o n -a v a ila b ility of b a llo t m aterials

and the late a rr iv a l o f the p o llin g o ffic e r s . For example, a

pollin g station with a votin g population of about 500 was issued with

two booklets of b a llo t papers, each containing 50 b a llo t papers.

The technique most commonly used by the p a rtie s was to bribe

the o f f i c i a l s of FEDECO and party agents at the p o llin g sta tio n s.

FEDECO o f f ic i a ls who had been bribed closed the p o llin g stations to the

public well before the o f f i c i a l clo sin g time, on the ground that

the p o llin g m aterials were exhausted. They then proceeded to thumb­

print b a llo t papers fo r the party which had bribed them - usually

the N .P.N . Luck was not on the side of one female FEDECO presiding

o ffice r who used th is method of riggin g and was arrested by the p o lic e .

The incident occurred in the Eupi area of Otukpo during the

 213

gubernatorial e le c tio n s . Some N .P .N . leaders bribed the lady in charge

of the p o llin g s ta tio n , as well as other o f f i c i a l s at the p o llin g

statio n . The presiding o f fic e r declared the p o llin g station closed

and the p ollin g agent went to a nearby public house to have some drinks,

leaving the lady to ’ fin is h the j o b '. She thumb-printed a l l the

ballot papers for the N .P.N . When the re su lt was taken to the counting

centre Mr. Isaac Ugbare (an N .P .P supporter) rejected i t and asked

25
for a recount. I t was discovered during the recount that the number

of b allo t papers in the box was greater than those registered to vote

in the p o llin g s ta tio n . The lady in charge of the p ollin g sta tio n
26
confessed and was arrested by the p o lice .

Another method of rig g in g was for the same person to vote at

a number of p o llin g s ta tio n s . A l l the p o lit ic a l p arties were g u ilt y

of this o ffen ce . On each p o llin g day party supporters would be given

upto 20 voting cards. They then moved from one p ollin g station to

another castin g th e ir v o te s. No attempt was made by FEDECO

o f fic ia ls to check these m alp ra ctice s.

Results of the E lection s

It took the Federal E le c to ra l Commission in the State one week

to release the re su lts o f the p re sid e n tia l e le c tio n s. Victory went

to the N .P.N . and the N .P .P . immediately challenged the resu lts on

the ground that they were f a l s i f i e d . The r e s u lts , which were accepted

by the FEDECO headquarters in Lagos, are given ov erleaf.

It is necessary to stress at th is point that these election resu lts

are not r e lia b le . They underwent so much manipulation that the

figures released were very fa r from the actual votes c a st. The 1979

figures were fa r more r e lia b le . I f the re su lt of the p resid en tial

election was unacceptable to the people, the governorship e le ctio n

TABLE 6 .6 : RESULTS OF THE P R ESID E N T IA L ELECT IO N IN BENUE STATE (1983)

C a n d id a t e s P a rty V o te s Sco red R eg . V o te s V o te r T u rn O ut

A l h a j i Shehu S h a g a ri N .P .N 3 8 4 ,0 4 5 -5 8 .83Z 2,400,525 652,795

D r . N . A z ik iw e N .P .P . 152,2 0 9 -2 3 .31Z 2,400,525 652,795

C h i e f O . A w o lo vo U .P . N . 7 9 ,6 9 0 -1 2 .21Z 2,400,535 652,795

A l h a j i W. Ib r a h im G .N .P .P . 1 9 ,8 9 7 -3 .05Z 2,400,525 652,795

214
A lh a ji Y u su f P .R .P . 6.381-0.98Z 2,400,525 652,795

M r. T . B r a it h w a it N . A .P . 1 0 ,5 7 3 -1 .62Z 2,400,525 652,795

Source; FED ECO , M a k u rd i

*
 215

resu lts were more unacceptable s t i l l . It was an open secret that

the N .P .P . won the gubernatorial e le ctio n in Benue State but Mr. Aku

was able to persuade the Federal E lecto ral Commission to declare

him elected .

The gubernatorial e le c tio n was held on 13 August 1983. On the

following day the fo llow in g re su lts were announced:

Makurdi Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored %

Mr. A. Aku N .P .N . 24,452 33.46%
Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 48,954 64.99%
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 685 0.91%
- G . N .P .P . 633 0.80%
- P .R .P . 296 0.39%
N .A .P . 309 0.40%

Okpokwu Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored %

Mr. A. Aku N .P .N . 25,018 43.07%

Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 28,947 49.83%
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 1,590 2.74%
- G . N .P .P . 1,210 2.08%
- P .R .P . 504 0.87%
- N .A .P . 821 1.41%

Cwer Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored %

Mr. A. Aku N .P .N . 20,344 38.94%

Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 30,027 57.47%
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 538 1.03%
- G . N .P .P . 752 1.44%
- P .R .P . 219 0.42%
- N .A.N . 364 0.70%
 216

Otukpo Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored %

Mr. A. Aku N .P.N . 23,082 34.29%

Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 41,297 61.35Z
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 8,069 2.29%
“ G .N .P .P . 916 1.36%
“ P .R .P . 502 0.75%
N .A .P . 646 0.96%

Kwande Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored %

Mr. A. Aku N .P.N . 65,374 50.41%
Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 61,622 47.51%
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 1,129 2.87%
G .N .P .P . 805 1.62%
P .R .P . 223 0.17%
N .A .P . 540 0.42%

Dekina Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored %

Mr. A. Aku N .P.N . 20,176 49.24%
Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 18,306 44.68%
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 999 2.44%
- G .N .P .P . 780 1.90%
P .R .P . 272 0.66%
- N .A .P . 442 1.08%

The six re su lts declared showed that the N .P.P . candidate was

winning. I t was at th is point that Mr. Aku and his supporters intervened,

gettin g the Returning O ffic e rs in the seven remaining local government

areas to f a l s i f y the r e s u lts . Accurate inform ation as to what

actu ally happened does not e x is t , but the process took the Returning

O ffice rs and FEDECO se cre ta ria t about one week to complete. When

the fu ll re s u lts were f in a lly announced, they showed that the returns

from the seven remaining Local Goverment Areas were highly inflated
 217

in favour of the N .P.N .

Ankpa Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored 2

Mr. A. Aku N.P.N. 56,785 71.382
Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 12,267 15.622
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 7,415 9.322
“ G .N .P .P . 1,210 2.082
N .A.P. 917 1.152
P .R .P . 476 0.602

Bassa Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored 2

Mr. A. Aku N.P.N. 15,410 71.172
Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 4,036 19.712
Mr. C. Surma U.P.N . 418 1.822
“ G .N .P .P . 661 3.052
- P .R .P . 505 2.332
“ N .A.P. 419 1.932

Katsina-Ala Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored %

Mr. A. Aku N.P.N. 48,297 56.542
Mr. P. Unongo N .P.P . 34,820 40.772
Mr. C. Surma U.P.N . 463 0.542
- G .N .P .P . 975 1.142
- P .R .P . 240 0.282
N .A .P . 620 0.732

Gboko Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored 2

Mr. A. Aku N .P.N . 62,974

Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 19,311 •
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 2,732
- G .N .P .P . 868
- P .R .P . 224
- N .A.P. 550
 18

Idah Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored 2

Mr. A. Aku N .P.N . 34,063 58.122
Mr. P. Unongo S .P .P . 19,338 32.992
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 2,249 3.842
G .N .P .P . 1,527 2.612
P .R .P . 496 0.852
N .A .P . 935 1.592

Oju Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored 2

Mr. A. Aku N .P.N . 59,613 51.112
Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 50,672 43.442
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 4,059 3.482
P .R .P . 405 0.352
G .N .P .P . 995 0.852
N .A .P . 899 0.772

Vandelkya Local Government Area

Candidate Party Votes Scored 2

Mr. A. Aku N .P.N . 111,768 59.332
Mr. P. Unongo N .P .P . 23,051 32.752
Mr. C. Surma U .P .N . 3,998 5.682
- G .N .P .P . 813 1.152
- P .R .P . 330 0.472
N .A .P . 434 0.622

Total

Mr. A. Aku (N .P .N .) - 497,355 52.982

Mr. P. Unongo (N .P.P .) ■ 392,882 41.022

Mr. Surma (U .P .N .) - 27,121 2.152

G .N .P .P . - 12,623 1.552

P .R .P . ■ 4,692 0.652

N .A .P . m 7,894 0.952

Source: FEDECO, Makurdi.

 219

The N .P .P . refused to accept these re su lts and took the matter

to co u rt. The court had not given it s v erd ict before the m ilita ry

intervened in December 1983. Following the rig g in g o f the gubernatorial

e le ctio n , most people refused to vote in the remaining election s in

Benue S ta te . The re su lt was that nearly a l l the N .P .N . candidates were

elected .

Within three months o f Mr. Aper Aku taking up h is second term of

o ffic e as Governor, the m ilita r y returned to power. The issue of corruption

featured prominently as a reason for the take-over. Mr. Aku tried to

escape to Europe but was arrested wearing a female wig in the Cameroun

Republic. He was carrying £30,000 on h is person and a further

N200,000 was found in h is house. He was taken to K i r i k i r i prison in

Lagos and detained.

 220

Footnotes

1. J . P . Mackintosh, Nigerian Government and P o lit ic s (London: George

A llen and Unwin, 1966), pp. 462-463.

2. "Towards a Peaceful E le c tio n ", by the P o lic e Public R elations

Department, Makurdi.

3. Mr. S . I . Shande, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

4. Ib id .

5. The P olice P u b lic Relations Department, Makurdi.

6. Mr. John Anefu, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

7. The D ivisio n al P o lice O ffic e r Zaki-Biam, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

8. Mr. John Anefu, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

9. The E le cto ra l Decree, 1977.

10. Mr. David Attah won in Okpoku East because o f h is personal q u a litie s
and the decision by the State Chairman to allow his son to contest
the e le ctio n on the platform of the N .P.N .

11. Mr. Bath Oche won this constituency for the N .P .N . but was
d isq u a lifie d by the Makurdi High Court and the N .P .P . candidate was
declared the winner.

12. Mr. S . Ochapa, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

13. Mr. J . C . Obande, interviewed in June 1983.

14. This was the only federal seat won by the N .P .P . in the e le c tio n s .

15. Mr. Charles Ochima was d isq u a lified by the High Court. A b y-election
was held: Mr. Oche Udeh (G .N .P .P .) won the s e a t , defeatin g his N .P.N .
opponent, Mr. Ogah Agbara.

16. This phrase was used by C o l. Ojukwu to describe the in tegration of

the Ibos in to the Nigerian so cia l and p o l it ic a l system.

17. Every e ffo r t was made to c o lle c t information about this money, but
without any success - p o lit ic a l leaders were w illin g to discuss
everything except their fin ances.

18. This is larg ely a matter of guesswork. Mr. Aper Aku bought many
v ehicles for h is campaign and his campaign o f f ic e was w ell s ta ffe d .
An American was employed to handle most of the campaign a c t i v i t ie s ,
in addition to four other highly paid graduates.

19. Mr. S . I . Shande, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

20. Mr. Ikpana Ocha, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

 221

21. Ibid .

22. Mr. B .O . A ttah, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

23. Nigerian Voice, 8 August 1983.

24. Ibid .

25. Mr. Is s a c Ugabe, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

26. This was a clear in d ica tio n that FEDECO o f f i c i a l s were supportine
the N .P .N . 6

l
 CHAPTER SEVEN

ELITE CONFLICT AND THE DECLINE IN THE FORTUNES OF THE

NATIONAL PARTY OF NIGERIA IN OTUKPO LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA

Intra-party c o n flic t is not a new thing in N ig eria. I t dominated

the electo ral process o f the F ir s t Republic and was responsible for

some of the major cleavages which led to the decline of great p o lit ic a l

parties lik e the Action Group ( A .G .) , the Northern People's Congress

(N .P.C.) and the N ational Council of N igeria and the Cameroons ( la te r ,

of Nigerian C itize n s - ( N .C .N .C .) .* The Second Republic has also had

it s share of in tra -p a rty c o n f lic t , nowhere more so than in the Otukpo

Local Government Area o f Benue State where i t led to the decline in the
2
strength of the N ational Party of N ig e ria .

C o n flic t is in e v ita b le in a l l so c ia l organization s. Wherever

individuals in te r a c t, whether in a simple communal society or in a

highly developed s o c ie ty , there is bound to be c o n flic t . As

Robert C . North co rre c tly put i t :

"A c o n flic t emerges whenever two or more persons (or

groups) seek to possess the same o b je c t , occupy the
same space or the same exclusive p o s itio n , play
incompatible r o le s , maintain incompatible goals or
undertake m utually incompatible means for achieving
their purposes."4

Given the fa ct that in d ivid u als perceive th e ir needs d iffe r e n tly and

that these needs lead to c o n flic t in s o c ie ty , i t goes without saying

that the in s titu tio n s o f c o n flic t management are indispensable in

every community.

Otukpo community, which is the focus o f th is discussion, was

re la tiv e ly stable and not subject to any major c o n flic ts before the

advent o f colonialism . This s t a b ilit y was made possible by the

 mmp*

223

various in s titu tio n s of c r i s i s management which were; the O jila , the

Oche-Otukpo, the Oche O li h i , the Aigabo and the Aiekuu.

The O j i l a , or assembly of the whole community, was the most

important p o lit ic a l in s titu tio n of the people. I t was equivalent to

a representative parliam ent. Although every adult male in the

community was a member, only elders who represented the various

lineages played an a c tiv e role in i t . The O jila was responsible for

making laws fo r the community and for s e ttlin g in te r-lin e a g e disputes.

The Oahe-Otukpo, as the name im plies, was the c h ie f of the

community who combined both secular and re lig io u s d u tie s in one

o f fic e . He was the head of the O jila which he could summon at w il l .

"As the r e lig io u s head, the ch ief acted as the head of the Aje (earth

cu lt) and Alekuu-Afia (ancestral c u lt ) ; he is also the president of

a ll secret s o c ie tie s ." '* Laws were made by the O jila , but i t was

the re s p o n s ib ility of the Oche Otukpo to enforce them. He was

assisted in th is function by the Oche O lih i (the market c h ie f) ,

Aigabo ( t i t le d elders) and Aiekuu (secret s o c ie tie s ) . The Oche

O lih i or market ch ief occupied an important position in the Otukpo

tra d itio n a l hierarchy of power. His power emanated from the fa c t that

a l l commercial a c t iv it ie s were under his con trol. He co lle cte d

taxes from traders and in turn ensured the safety of goods in the

market.

The Aigabo or clan spokesmen were the representatives of the

various kindreds who made sure that law and order were maintained in

th eir kindreds. F in a lly ,th e Aiekuu (secret so cie tie s) were made up

of Ikpokuu, Ogblo, Achukuu, Onyonkpo and Iahahoho', they collected

fin es and punished so c ia l deviants.

The in s titu tio n s discussed above enabled Otukpo community to have

 >
". ' V.-

224

relativ e s t a b ilit y w ithout any major c o n flic t in the period before

colonial ru le . However, colonialism transformed the s itu a tio n , since

i t resulted in an in crease in population, urbanisation, and the level

of lite ra cy as w ell as in economic growth.

Although r e lia b le s t a t is t ic s are not a v a ila b le , a conservative

estimate put the population of Otukpo d i s t r i c t at 50,000 in 1979.

This represents an enormous increase from about 20,000 people in the

1950s. The increase was due to the improvements in health services

and changes in food n u tr itio n , and possibly also to a more accurate

census. A government h osp ital and health centre were established in

Otukpo in the late 1950s, while traders from other parts of the

country introduced more v a rie tie s of sta p le food to Otukpo.

The main occupation of the Otukpo people before the advent of

colonialism was subsistence a g ric u ltu re , yam, cassava, m ille t and

guinea com being the main crops grown. The advent of money economy

in the 1940s and g re a tly increased opportunities meant that many

people le f t farming and entered other sectors of the economy.

Otukpo town was made the d iv isio n a l headquarters for the

twenty-two d is t r ic t s in Idoma in the 1940s. Subsequently the town

attracted a steady in flo w of people from a l l over the d iv isio n .

Also non-Idomas, lik e the Ibos and Yorubas, came to Otukpo to e xp lo it

the commercial opportunities av ailab le there.

The f i r s t missionary group to e sta b lish schools in the area (the

Methodist Mission) arriv ed in Igumale, which is about th irty miles

from Otukpo, on 16 September 1924.6 These schools supplemented the

group's evangelical a c t i v i t ie a . The demand for education spread

rapidly: "In 1930 the demand for schoola suddenly increased,

esp ecially in the Otukpo area, as a re su lt o f a decision by the

 225

Government P o lit ic a l Department to employ Idoma boys as court cle rk s

instead of Hausas." The Roman C a th o lic Church began missionary work

in Otukpo in 1931. New schools also came in to being as a re s u lt of

their e ff o r t s . By the early 1960s the a c t iv it ie s of these

missionaries had yielded a tremendous dividend as Otukpo d i s t r i c t was

said to have the highest lite r a c y rate in the entire Idoma d iv is io n .

As Otukpo became in creasin gly cosmopolitan many people embraced

modern in s titu tio n s and values at the expense of tra d itio n a l ones.

In the towns, new associatio n s with new values came into being. For

example,the new ly-established churches preached against the tra d itio n a l

re lig io n . As might be expected, modern values were e sp e cia lly

absorbed by the newly-educated e l it e who came to show l i t t l e respect

for tra d itio n a l in s titu tio n s and va lu e s. I t was this e lit e who
g
dominated p o lit ic s in Idomaland between 1940 and 1966.

Some Basic Facts About Otukpo P o lit ic s

As in other parts of N igeria under the Second Republic, e le c to ra l

p o litic s started in Otukpo in September 1978. There were fiv e major

issues: the dominant p osition of Otukpo v is -3 -v is other Idoma groups,

the Idoma leadership c r i s i s , the Otukpo ch ie fta in cy c r i s i s , the

economic s itu a tio n of the people, and the Ibo fa c to r.

The co lo n ia l government had moved the adm inistrative headquarters

of the twenty-two d is t r ic t s in Idoma d iv isio n from Okwoga to Otukpo

in the 1940s.9 This action gave the Otukpo people a prominent

position in the a ffa ir s of a l l the Idomas. Henceforth, other Idoma

groups were to be teleguided by Otukpo e l i t e s . During the F ir s t

Republic Idoma p o lit ic s was centred in Otukpo, with the rest of the

twenty-one d is t r ic t s playing an in s ig n ific a n t ro le . In 1975 the

 226

m ilitary government introduced adm inistrative reforms which s p l i t the

division into three lo c a l government areas^0 and i t was in these areas

that e le c to ra l p o lit ic s started in 1978. The dominant p osition o f

Otukpo e lit e s continued throughout the Second Republic: when p o l it ic a l

e lite s in Otukpo sneezed, other Idoma e lit e s caught cold , and any small

splash in Otukpo p o lit ic s sent ripp les to other parts of Idomaland.

The second issue to influence Otukpo p o litic s was that of the

Idoma leadership. The Idomas, unlike their neighbours, the T iv , are

not blessed with a sin gle leader with the stature of the la te

Mr J . S. Tarka. In fa c t the Idomas are said to have leaders, n o t a

leader. The in s titu tio n of Oah Idoma (a pan-Idoma chief) was

created in 1947. The f i r s t c h ie f, Mr O giri Oko, and his su ccessor,

Mr Abraham Ajene Ukpabi, had trie d hard to bring the various e th n ic

groups together; th is became more d i f f i c u l t than ever when c h ie fs

were divested of th e ir p o lit ic a l functions in 1975. The reason why

the Idomas have neither unity nor a leader is not far to seek. The

Idomas are not a homogeneous group lik e the Tiv or the Ig a la ; each of

the twenty-two d is t r ic t s has i t s own language and social o rg an izatio n .

The co lo n ia l government put them together in one division in an

arbitrary way. The Idomas a re , in f a c t , a heterogeneous group

without a sin gle p o lit ic a l lead er. However, the need for leadership

was growing among various Idoma groups, esp ecially in the la te 1970s

when e le c to ra l p o lit ic s sta rte d . To th is end, a meeting which was

sponsored by the Ooh Idoma and the Idoma Youth Association ( I .Y .A .) ,

was convened at Ooh Idoma's palace on 22 December 1979. At th is

meeting, a decision was taken to select two persons from each of the

d is t r ic t s in Idoma to represent the Idoma people in p olitical and

cu ltu ral matters there and then. The people at the meeting
 227

constituted themselves into an e le c to ra l c o lle g e and selected the

d is tr ic t representatives. But no sooner had th is meeting concluded

its assignment than another meeting was convened at Otukpo club on

the in it ia t iv e of Dr J . Elaigwu, Mr Inalegwu E l l a , Mr Andrew Ijo g i

and Dr Onazi. At th is meeting, which was held on 30 December 1979,

a decision was taken to launch a new p o lit ic a l association in Idoma.

A steering committee was formed to draw up proposals fo r the next

meeting at Dr Edwin Oghu's residence at Utonkon. The emergence of

this new group was not taken k in d ly by those who had met in Oah

Idiom's palace on 22 December 1979. The organisers of the second

meeting were seen as mere u p s ta r ts , whose in te re st was to take over

the leadership of Idoma from those who had been elected e a r lie r at

Ooh Idiom's palace. Reacting to this new group Mr Eigege E jig a , a

fro n tlin e p o lit ic ia n , had th is to say:

"We the Idomas are always crying fo r leadership but

are not prepared to g iv e anybody a chance to prove
h im self. The la s t e le c tio n threw up a crop of
p oten tial leaders ranging from members of the State
Assembly up to Senators. They included a lawyer,
a jo u r n a lis t, a graduate in p o lit ic a l scien ce, a
le c tu r e r, a number of successful businessmen and
community leaders. We should give them a chance
and support fo r the n ext few years to see i f any of
them is capable of emerging as a leader, though as
of now they are a ll leaders in th e ir own rig h t.
Any new association w ith the aim of sidetracking
the v icto riou s party and its elected leadership can
only cause confusion and set us back in our search
fo r lead ersh ip ."12

The debate on leadership in Idoma is s t i l l in con clu sive, in dicatin g

that the Idomas do not speak w ith one v oice. This state of a ffa ir s

contributed in no small way to the c o n flic t within the National Party

of N igeria.

The third issue in Otukpo p o lit ic s is the ongoing ch ieftain cy

dispute which started on the death of Chief Ocheibi Okplefu in 1975.

I
The p rin cip le of ro tation is observed in succession to the throne of

Oohe Otukpo, the three relevant ipoma (kindreds) being: Ai Oguuche,

Ai Odaji and Ai Agbokjo. However, a fte r Chief Ocheibi O gblefu's

death four other kindreds - Ai Ode, Ai Oono, Ai Okopi and Ai

Ogabo - su rfaced, each assertin g it s rig h t to the throne of Oohe

13
Otukpo. This gave ris e to a sharp d ivisio n in Otukpo so c ie ty .

The f i r s t group, c a llin g themselves A i Ogabo, recognised the three

old kindreds and put up th e ir candidate (Mr E lla Okudo) fo r the post

of Oohe Otukpo. The second group, who ca lle d themselves Ai Oko,

recognised seven kindreds in Otukpo and put forward th e ir candidate

(Mr Okpani Ugboju) fo r the vacant c h ie fta in c y . This p o larisatio n

played in to the hands of the p o litic ia n s who exploited i t in th eir

c o n flic t, as we sh a ll see la te r in th is chapter.

The fourth issue to influence Otukpo p o lit ic s is that of the

economy. Seymour Martin Lipset has rig h tly drawn atten tion to the

impact of the economy on p o lit ic s :

"Perhaps the most common gen eralisation lin k in g the

p o lit ic a l system to other aspects of society has
been that democracy is related to the sta te of
economic development. The more w ell-to-do a n ation ,
the greater the chances that i t w ill sustain
democracy. . . .A society divided between a large
impoverished mass and a small favoured e l it e re su lts
e ith e r in oligarchy or in tyranny."14

Indeed, democracy cannot flo u rish without some measure of economic

development. The situ a tio n in Otukpo vindicated th is a sse rtio n .

The people are predominantly farmers who s t i l l use prim itive

instruments such as hoes. E ffo rts made by the government to improve

farming techniques proved abortive and the liv in g conditions of

farmers have ste a d ily declined over the years. Furthermore, there

was only one in d u stria l p roject to absorb the thousands of school-

 229

leavers. The re su lt was that the Otukpo people were not only liv in g

below the average poverty lin e , but had the greatest number of

unemployed youths in Benue S ta te . The Otukpo people, being very

poor, became an easy prey to the manipulations of irresponsible

p o litic ia n s . The area was also a f e r t il e ground for the recruitment

of party thugs.

The fin a l issue to influence Otukpo p o lit ic s is the position of

the Ibo ethnic group. The Ibos se ttled in the southern part of Idoma,

in what was formerly known as the Eastern Region o f N igeria. They

fir s t came to Otukpo in the early 1960s to work on the railways which

were being constructed through Otukpo. More of them subsequently came

as teachers, missionary workers and traders. Because they were more

enterprising than the Otukpos, the Ibo quickly took over the commercial

sector from them. The p rice of goods, which was fixed by the Ibo

traders, was higher than in neighbouring towns. Over a period of

time, the average Otukpo man came to view the Ibo trader as an

exp lo iter; th is fe e lin g was exacerbated when some Ibo immigrants took

over the farmlands of the Idoma clans of Igedde and A g ila . Further­

more, during the F ir s t Republic the Northern People's Congress, which

was the dominant p o lit ic a l party in Idomaland, whipped up an ti-Ib o

sentiment in the area. Above a l l , the e ffe c t of the Nigerian C iv il

War was to increase hatred o f the Ibos in Idomaland. Otukpo, the

largest northern town adjacent to the so-called Republic of B ia fra ,

was constantly bombed by the Ibos during the war. Moreover, many

sons of Otukpo lo s t th e ir liv e s in the war. Understandably, with

these in b u ilt h o s t i l i t i e s , the Otukpo people came to d islik e p o lit ic a l

parties associated with the Ibos. This is the reason why most Otukpo

e lit e s joined the N .P.N . rather than the N .P.P .

 230

Otukpo E lite s and the National P arty of N igeria

P o lit ic s in Otukpo between 1979 and 1983 exem plifies the normal

trend in the p o lit ic a l processes of Third World countries where

trad ition al and modern values converge to determine p o lit ic a l behaviour.

P o litic a l behaviour is s t i l l largely defined within the context of

trad itio n al v a lu e s. However, th is does not prevent modern values

from permeating the p o lit ic a l process. As C. A. Whitaker Jn r rig h tly

observed, there is a symbiotic re la tio n sh ip between tra d itio n and

modernity. In Otukpo a leadership group which emerged as a resu lt

of a flo u rish in g beer trade and it s manipulation of tra d itio n a l

in situ tion s suddenly found it s e l f challenged by a new leadership

group in the commercial secto r. This led to a leadership c r is is which

weakened the organization al structure - the N.P.N . - w ithin which the

struggle fo r leadership was taking p lace.

When e le c to r a l p o lit ic s started in 1978, most of the prominent

men in Otukpo joined the National Party o f N ig e r ia .^ These men

included the 'b ig four' in Otukpo p o lit ic s - Messrs Ogw iji Ikongbe,

Adakole Adama, Omabo Ogbo and Morgan O gbole. Ogwiji Ikongbe and

Adakole had been active members of the A ctio n Group during the F irst

Republic and had f i r s t come into the p o lit ic a l lim elight in 1951 when

they were arrested and detained for a few months in Gboko prison for

c r it ic is in g the high taxation policy of the colo n ial government.

Mr Ogwiji Ikongbe had become the local leader of the Action Group in

1951, a post which he had held u n til the m ilita ry coup d 'e ta t in 1966.

With the intervention of the m iliary in 1966 both Ogw iji Ikongbe

and Adakole Adama started a beer trade which proved very su cce ssfu l.

Apart from being wholesale distrib u tors o f various types of beer and

soft drinks, they operated through licen sed hotels (Ikongbe owned

I
 231

Ija Hotel and Adama the Green Garden H o tel). Messrs Omaba Ogbo and

Morgan Ogbole had not p articipated in party p o lit ic s during the F irst

Republic. Ogbo had worked in lo ca l government fo r twenty-two years

after leav in g K atsin-A la Middle School in 1955. He resigned his

appointment in the 1960s, served b r ie fly as a co u n cillo r and also went

into the beer trade (Mr Ogbo owned the Hotel Terminus). Mr Ogbole

had a good education and was ca lle d to the Bar at the Middle Temple in

1961. He had subsequently held senior position s in the government of

the Northern Region (1961-69) and the Benue Plateau (1970-76). And,

lik e h is frie n d s, Mr Ogbole owned two hotels in Jo s , the state ca p ita l

of Plateau sta te .

The booming beer trade made the 'b ig four' very r ic h . They used

their money to gain influence in the conmunity. Through entertainments

and g i f t s they won over the elders and took over the leadership of

most of the tra d itio n a l in s titu tio n s , lik e the Aiekuu. A ll of them

were g iv e n , or gave themselves, ch ie fta in cy t i t l e s and were called

c h ie fs . For example, Mr Adakole Adama became the Uloja (head of the

mask) fo r the Ai Agboko kindred group and Mr Omaba Ogbo became the

Adego (the father of the age-grade).

When p o lit ic a l p arties resurfaced in 1978, the 'b ig four' decided

to jo in the N.P.N. They could not jo in the N igerian People's

Party because it was regarded in Benue State as an Ibo p o lit ic a l

organization . Their decision to jo in the N .P.N . t ilt e d the e le cto ra l

contest in favour of that party in the 1979 ele ctio n s - the N .P.N . had

a lan d slid e victory in a l l the fiv e e le c tio n s. A fter the e le c tio n s,

the 'b ig four' were generously rewarded by the N .P.N . Mr Omaba Ogbo,

who won the electio n in Otukpo/Akpa/Oglawu constituency, became the

Deputy Speaker of the State House of Assembly. Mr Morgan Ogbole was

 232

(on the recommendation of the N .P .N .) made the Chairman of Oshogbo

Steel R ollin g M i ll, Mr Ogw iji Ikongbe was made Chairman of the Benue

State Sports C o u n cil, Because Mr Adakole Adamu was not educated, he

was given the le ss p restigiou s job o f Chairman of the Otukpo D is tr ic t

Caucus of the p arty .

The domination of Otukpo p o lit ic s by the 'b ig four' continued

u n til 1981 when new men emerged to challenge them. Prominent among

these newcomers were Mr Nelson Eka Onojo, a retired commissioner of

p o lic e , and C o l. Christopher Ode, who had retired from the Nigerian

Army in 1981. During h is service with the Nigerian p o lice fo rc e ,

Mr Onojo was regarded as a s t r ic t o f fic e r who took his job se rio u sly .

When he re tire d in 1978 he came to Otukpo and established a chain

of businesses under the name of the O tia group. Although his

business in te re sts were widespread, h is la rg e st sin gle undertaking

was the beer trad e. He did not operate a hotel but concentrated on

wholesale beer s a le s . On the other hand, Colonel Ode established

a modern h otel which cost him about H I .7 m illio n ; th is was the

El-Duniya In tern atio n al H otel.

The emergence of these men posed a real threat to the 'old

brigade' or the 'o ld beer lo r d s '. This threat led to a leadership

struggle which began in the economic se c to r, but extended to the

p o lit ic a l arena when both Messrs Onojo and Ode decided to jo in the

N.P.N. Mr Onojo's involvement in p artisan p o litic s was a ccid e n ta l.

He was appointed the secu rity adviser to Mr Aper Aku in 1979, and

thus became a bona fid e member of the N .P .N . Colonel Ode declared

for the N .P.N . in a crowded press conference in Otukpo in 1982. His

declaration is reproduced below:

 233

"Gentlemen of the Press:

I in v ite you today to announce my entry in to active

p o lit ic s . I v o lu n ta rily retired from the Army in
December 1981 a fte r th irty years of se rv ic e . To my
good frien ds my entry into partisan p o lit ic s may come
as a su rp rise, because I had e a rlie r made i t clear
that I was not going to go into party p o l it ic s , in
order to devote my time to my business.

However, having stayed on the fence fo r over a

y ear, i t is now c le a r that I can no longer remain
o u tsid e. During th is period of fe n c e -s ittin g , I
have also observed that there is an absolute
inveterate b itte r n e s s , malignant hate, s p ite fu ln e ss,
d is tr u s t , lack of confidence, sycophancy and a l l other
i l l s in the sta te p o lit ic s that goes to make people
believe that 'p o lit ic s is a dirty game'. This I do
not believe i t to be so.

I sin cerely believe that i f a l l of us should team

up to play the game of p o litic s honestly and with
togetherness, the better i t is for our people and the
sta te in gen eral. A ll of us should team up with
Governor Aper Aku, now that he has been form ally
nominated by the people to run for the second term
to win in 1983.

Some months ago, I made my entry into p o litic s

known to a group of my friends in my hotel -
El-Dunia In tern ation al H otel, Otukpo and I have
declared for the National Party of N igeria and
promised to work and dedicate myself to the yearnings
of my people, the p arty, the state and the country
in gen eral. I am today repeating the same thing.
My entry into p o lit ic s is purely my own d e cisio n . I
hope to play my p o lit ic s based on the p rin cip les of
Truth, Honesty and the Fear of God, and s t r ic t ly to
the co n stitu tio n of the party. For the coming general
e le c tio n , the N .P .N . must win. For the task ahead we
require thorough planning, esp ecially now that the
campaign for 1983 General Election is sta rtin g from
Gboko in our s t a te . We must succeed. I am appealing
to a l l to fo rget our past p o lit ic a l differences and
work together fo r the betterment of this s ta te . We
can only develop i f we work together.

Long liv e N .P.N .

Long liv e Benue State

Long liv e N igeria

Thank you.

C o l. C. I . Ode, LL. B. , P .S .O ., F .S .S .
 The A lh a ji Jib r in Omale Onaje A ffa ir s and the
Beginning of the C r is is

The National Party of N igeria won the 1979 e le ctio n in Otukpo

Local Government Area under the leadership of A lh a ji Jib r in Omale

Onaje who was then the Chairman of the Level 2 organization of the

party. However, a few months a fte r the e le c tio n , some leaders of the

N.P.N. openly revolted again st the leadership of the Chairman: among

them were Mr O gw iji Ikongbe, Madam Isu I t e j i and Hajiya Hawa Zak ari.

They accused the Chairman o f the follow ing wrongdoings:

(i) embezzlement of party funds;

( ii) in e ffic ie n c y ; and

,..., . . . . 16
( in ) a n ti-p a rty a c t i v i t ie s .

The State S e c re ta ria t of the party intervened and the issue was

resolved in favour of the incumbent. However, the disenchantment

continued u n til i t assumed an organizational form under the leadership

of Mr Onojo and Colonel Ode. By th is time, Mr Ogwiji Ikongbe had

rejoined his old group and consequently, the b a ttle lin e s were drawn

between the 'old brigade' (the 'b ig fo u r' and th eir supporters) and

the 'new breed' (Mr Onojo and his supporters).

The 'old brigade' held conservative p o lit ic a l b e lie f s . They

were not only bent on maintaining th e ir dominant leadership position

in Otukpo p o lit ic s but also asserted that patronage and other

a c tiv itie s of the party should be channelled through them. The new

men, according to them, should be seen but not heard. Mr Omaba Ogbo

claimed that the standing o f him self and h is colleagues in Otukpo

p o litic s had been achieved a fte r a long period of su fferin g and that

the newcomers were trying to harvest without planting anything.

On the other hand, the grievances of the 'new breed' were many. They
alleged that Otukpo p o lit ic a l leadership was dominated by i l l it e r a t e s

who had no in te re st in a ttr a c tin g government p rojects to the area but

concentrated on enriching themselves through the p arty. Furthermore

(they m aintained), the grip of the 'old brigade' on Otukpo p o lit ic s

was so strong that young aspirants were v ir t u a lly denied entry into

p o lit ic s . Their anger was d ire c te d , in p a r tic u la r , at Mr Omaba Ogbo,

who, though not an Otukpo man, had been elected to represent Otukpo

in the State House of Assembly. The 'new breed' saw themselves as

revolutionaries who were out to destroy the 'old brigade' p o l it ic a l l y .

They proceeded to carry out what they described as 'a revolution from

w ithin' by tryin g to destroy the power-base of the 'old brigade' and

thereby making them p o lit ic a lly impotent.

E lection of Members of the Executive Committees of

Levels 1 and 2

In order to control Otukpo p o l it ic s , the 'new breed' had to

control Levels 1 and 2 of the Executive Committees of the p arty .

Although at the beginning of the c r is is both of the Executive

18
Committees were con trolled by the 'o ld b rig a d e ', fresh ele ctio n s

were to be held in March 1983. I t was now that the combined

experience of Mr Onojo, an ex-p o lice o f f ic e r , and Colonel Ode

outclassed the parochial thinking of the 'old b rig a d e '. In 1982,

Onojo started an informal organization known as Okete (a stove with

three p i l l a r s , s ig n ify ih g th e three d is t r ic t s represented in the

organization) in the three d is t r ic t s of Otukpo Local Government Area

Akpa, Oglewu and Otukpo. The aim of the OketB was to win the

forthcoming electio n s to Levels 1 and 2 Executive Committee«.

It s existence and operation were shrouded in secrecy and those in

the 'o ld brigade' did not know much about i t . It was even rumoured
 236

that the members of the organization were bound together by oath.

Between the end of 1982 and March 1983, a series of meetings was held

by members of the Okete during which decisions were taken about the

ca n dida tes to be presented fo r the e le c tio n . Mr Onojo was nominated

for the p restigiou s post of State Chairman, Colonel Ode was nominated

to contest the post of D is tr ic t Chairman, and the seat fo r Otukpo/

Akpa/Oglewu constituency in the Sta te House of Assembly was zoned to

Oglewu and a loyal member of Okete, Mr Nicholas O c h o jila , was picked

to contest i t .

The e le ctio n of the executive committee members for Level 1 of

the party was scheduled fo r 26 March 1983. Two o ffic e r s from the

n a tio n a l s e c re ta ria t of the N .P.N . - A lh a ji Adamu Ciroma and

Dr 0. Nwato - were sent to supervise the conduct of the e le c tio n .

The e le cto ra l arrangements were sim ila r to those used in d ire ct

elections in the ancient Greek c it y - s t a t e s . Every registered member

of the party had the vote which could only be exercised i f he was

physically present at the stip u la te d venue on e le ctio n day. The

fir s t ele ctio n on 26 March 1983 was between Colonel Ode - the candidate

of the 'new breed' - and Mr John Alechanu, the candidate of the

'old b rig a d e '. On the fa t e fu l day, members of the N .P.N . converged

at Upu v illa g e (located at the centre of Otukpo d is t r ic t and about

two-and-a-half m iles from Otukpo town). Supporters of each candidate

queued up behind him and were counted by the presiding o f fic e r s . No

sooner had the counting started than confusion broke out and the

election was temporarily suspended. The confusion was caused by

the dancing and sin gin g of supporters of the 'new b reed '. The la t te r

had e a r lie r sent out th e ir agents to count the number of people in

each lin e and had reported that th e ir candidate (Colonel Ode) would
 237

win (1233 votes again st 900 for Mr Alechenu).

The reaction to th is predicted re s u lt was spontaneous and

supporters of the 'new breed' c a rrie d Colonel Ode shoulder-high and

started v icto ry c e le b ra tio n s. They did th is before the presiding

o ffic e r s had c e r t ifie d the r e s u lt . In the con fu sion , and faced with

what looked lik e a serious d e fe a t, the 'old brigade' announced th e ir

withdrawal from the e le c tio n . They retired to the I j a Hotel to

consider what th e ir next lin e of a c tio n should be.

The ele ctio n on 26 March 1983 revealed the weakness of a d ire c t

and open e le c tio n . I t was im possible, in a highly-charged

atmosphere, to count p eacefu lly some 2000 people when each side had

so much at stake. The few presiding o ffic e r s were powerless to

control the situ a tio n and Dr Nwato, who was relaxin g in h is hotel

room instead of supervising the e le c tio n ,^ 0 gave them no a ssista n c e .

There was no doubt in the minds of everybody that the 'new breed' had

the support of nearly two-thirds of the Otukpo v oters present at the

venue of the e le c tio n , but the group's leaders over-reacted and

allowed passion to overtake th e ir reasonin g, thereby cre a tin g a

situ atio n which nearly robbed them o f th e ir w ell-deserved v ic to r y .

There was no doubt that the dancing and singing had disrupted the

electio n and the presiding o ffic e r s had two options before them -

either to d is q u a lify the candidate o f the 'new breed' or cancel the

e le c tio n . However, they did not take eith er action because of what

they saw at the voting cen tre. They found that most of the people

queuing in the 'o ld brigade' lin e were not from Otukpo at a l l but

were Tiv farmers brought in sp e c ia lly fo r the e le c tio n . The 'o ld

brigade' decided to bring in the T iv s because they could no longer

rely on the support of the Otukpo p eople. The problem with th is

arrangement was that the Tivs did not have much in te re st in what they

were doing and disappeared from the voting venue as soon as the

confusion started . When th eir services were required a g a in , they

were not a v a ila b le . I t was on the b asis of th is fa c t that Dr Nwato

accepted the d eclaratio n that Colonel Ode had won and ordered his

presiding o ffic e r s to proceed to Upu at about 9.00 p.m. to conclude

the election to the remaining o f f ic e s .

The decision to proceed with the e le c tio n at night was c e rta in ly

taken in the in te re st of the 'new b reed '. I f a new date had been

fix e d , the 'old brigade' would have had the opportunity to m obilise

support and to win. By in s is tin g that the e le ctio n should go ahead

immediately, the support-base o f the 'o ld brigade' was eroded and they

decided therefore to boycott the e le c tio n s . The supporters of the

'new breed' went back to Upu and a l l th e ir candidates were elected

unopposed to the other o f f ic e s . The 'old brigade' challenged th is

outcome by presenting a p etitio n in which they enumerated the

follow ing:

(i) rigging o f the ele ctio n :they asserted that the e le ctio n
had been rigged in favour of Colonel Ode by the 'new
breed' a ctin g in concert with the presiding o f fic e r s ;

( ii) influence on Dr Nwato: they asserted that Dr Nwato, who

was from party headquarters to supervise the e le c tio n ,
was influenced by Colonel Ode in whose hotel he had
lodged, p ointing out as proof that Dr Nwato had stayed
in h is h o tel room on e le ctio n day instead of being
present at the venue o f the e le c tio n ; and

( iii) sale o f reg istration cards:they alleged that re g istra tio n

cards had been sold to the 'new b re e d ', producing in
evidence 150 cards which had been bought fo r N200.00 by
one Mr A le g i.^ l

The p etitio n was unsuccessful and the State Se creta ria t of the

party r a tifie d the re s u lt of the e le c tio n , thus removing the 'old

brigade' from a p o sitio n of influence in Otukpo p o lit ic s . The control

 239

of Level 1 of the party ( d is t r i c t organization) is important because

it is used as an e le c to r a l co lle g e fo r the e le c tio n to Level 2 - the

local government o rg an izatio n . Whoever controls Level 1 is lik e ly

to control Level 2 since i t is the members of Level 1 who vote at

elections fo r Level 2. The 'new breed' exploited t h is procedure and

took control o f Level 2 executive of the Otukpo N .P .N . The new

executive members of Level 2 (L .G .A .) of Otukpo N .P .N . comprised the

following elected members:

(1) Chairman - Mr Godwin Ugboju

(2) Secretary - Captain Ogah Adoyi

(3) Treasurer - A lh a ji M. Mamuda

(4) F in a n cia l Secretary - Mr Inalegwu Onche

(5) Vice-Chairman - Mr Simeon Adole

(6) Vice-Chairman - A lh a ji Haruna Abu

Patrons:

(1) Mr Alechenu Icha

(2) A lh a ji Dairu Hamza

(3) Mr Ijegwa A daji

(4) Mr Echa Egwa22

A ll those mentioned above belonged to the 'new breed' of lead ers.

Having won the two e le c tio n s to Levels 1 and 2, the 'new breed'

focused th e ir atten tio n on the primary e le ctio n to the federal and

state le g is la tu r e s . For the House of R epresen tatives, they presented

Mr Garuba Ookwu to stand again st Mr Eigege E jig a , the candidate for

the 'old b rig a d e '; Ookwu won e a s ily . Mr Nicholas O c h o jila , the

'new breed' can did ate, defeated Mr Omaba Ogbo, the o f f i c i a l candidate

of the 'o ld b r ig a d e ', in the primary e le c tio n to the Otukpo/Akpa/

Oglewu con stitu en cy. However, the 'new breed' did not have everything

their own way, one of th e ir candidates being out-manoeuvred.

I
 240

Mr Benjamin Ameh defeated h is 'o ld brigade' opponent, Mr C h ristian Onu,

but the resu lt was not upheld by the N .P.N . se c r e ta r ia t in Makurdi

23
which declared that Mr Onu had won the e le c tio n . This issue

provoked a storm of p ro test from the members of the N .P.N . in

Onyangade. However, the State Secretariat refused to rescind it s

decision and Mr Onu was eventually presented as the N .P.N . candidate

in the e le ctio n to the State House of Assembly.

There were two reasons fo r the 'new breed's su ccess. F ir s t , the

Okete was a h igh ly d is c ip lin e d organization with the sole aim of

removing the 'o ld brigad e' from th eir leadership p osition s in Otukpo

p o lit ic s . They were able to organize e ffe c tiv e propaganda against

the 'old b rig a d e ', who only became aware of the danger when i t was too

la te . Secondly, the 'new breed' exploited the ongoing tra d itio n a l

co n flict in Otukpo (discussed in this chapter). The 'old brigade'

belonged to the three-kindred group and had always espoused th e ir

cause, as indeed they were doing at the time of the crises in respect

of three court cases again st the seven-kindred group. As a r e s u lt,

the 'o ld brigade' were d islik e d by the seven-kindred group which

constituted about h a lf o f the population in Otukpo. The 'new breed'

decided to turn the s itu a tio n to th eir advantage. Although both

Mr Onojo and Colonel Ode belonged to the three-kindred group, they

promised to give the seven-kindred group th eir backing in return for

their p o lit ic a l support. The seven-kindred group agreed and

mobilised th e ir supporters behind the 'new b re e d '. This was the

decisive s h if t which swept the 'o ld brigade ' from Otukpo p o lit ic s .

Following th is s e rie s of hum iliating d e fe a ts, the 'old brigade

declared to ta l war on the 'new b reed '. F ir s t ly , they refused to

co-operate with the members of the newly-elected executives of Levels

 2 41

1 and 2 on the ground that they had not been properly e le c te d .

Secondly, they engaged in open v io le n t clash es with members of the

'new breed'; one such clash nearly resu lted in the a ssa ssin a tio n
. 24
of Mr N. E. Onojo. As the struggle between the two fa c tio n s

gathered momentum, the 'o ld brigade' decided to play th e ir la s t card.

Some of th eir leaders had held key posts in the party fo r many years

and were on fr ie n d ly terms with some of the members of the sta te

executive committee (Level 3); they now intended to e x p lo it these

tie s. Their task was made easier because the 'b ig fo u r' were members

of the state executive committee and made use of the committee

meetings to canvass the support of fe llo w members of the committee,

and in th is were su cce ssfu l. Both the S ta te Governor and the State

Chairman supported them. The Chairman, Mr J . C. Obande, who is an

Idoma man and keenly in terested in Otukpo p o lit ic s , decided to support

the 'old b rigad e' when he learned that Mr Onojo intended to contest

the State Chairmanship. The Governor, fo r h is p a rt, decided to

support the 'o ld brigade' because he wanted to punish the 'new breed'

for supporting h is opponent, Mr E zekiel A kiga, during the gubernatorial

re-nomination e x e rc ise . In order to consolidate th e ir control over

the 'new b r e e d ', th e ir opponents decided to starve them of patronage,

funds and oth er party b e n e fits which normally emanated from the State

Secretariat. This situ a tio n became apparent when Mr Eigege E jig a ,

a strong supporter of the 'o ld b rig a d e ', was appointed a commissioner

in the State government without reference to the Otukpo lo ca l

organization o f the p arty. This was considered un con stitu tion al by

the 'new b r e e d ', who opposed i t . As i f th is was not enough,

Mr Ogweji Ikongbe was appointed a member of the prestigiou s

presidential campaign team. With these developments, the 'new breed

 242

were in a hopeless s itu a tio n . Although they were in control of Otukpo

p o lit ic s , th eir opponents had taken control of State p o l it ic s .

The E le ctio n of the State Chairman and the

F a ilu re of R e co n cilia tio n E ffo r ts

The e le ctio n of the Sta te Chairman afforded the 'o ld brigade' an

opportunity to te s t th e ir stren gth . The e le c to ra l arrangements were

such that the Tiv people had 50 per cent of the v o te s, and the Idomas

and the Igalas had 25 per cent each. The two candidates fo r the

election were Mr N. E. Onojo o f the 'new breed' and Mr Obande Obeya

who had the support of the Governor and the 'o ld b rig a d e '. Since the

post was zoned to the Idomas, one would have expected that the popular

choice of the Idoma people would have been elected at the State

Congress. But the e le c to ra l arrangements had a loophole which the

'old brigade' exp loited to th e ir advantage. As already noted, the

Tiv people had 50 per cent of the votes so that whoever had the support

of the Tivs was lik e ly to win. I t was at th is point that the a ction

of the Governor proved d e c is iv e . On e le c tio n day, the Governor and

the 'o ld brigade' convinced a l l the Tiv delegates to d e liv e r th e ir

bloc votes to Mr Obande Obeya so th a t, together with a few votes from

the Ig a la s , Mr Obeya had an easy victo ry over h is opponent.

In terestin g points to note are that the Idomas voted almost to a man

for Mr N. E. Onojo and that heavy bribery took p la c e . An N .P.N .

supporter, who p refers to remain anonymous, disclosed to the author

that the bribing o f the delegates alone cost Mr Obeya not less than

M600.000.00 (£300,000.00). Mr Onojo, the defeated candidate,

25
admitted that he had spent more than 1(200,000.00 (£100,000.00).

The ele ctio n of Mr Obeya led to widespread discontent among the

Idoma members of the p arty , who vowed not to vote for the Governor
in August 1983. Some Idomas saw the e le ctio n as a su b tle attempt by

the Tiv people to perpetuate th e ir domination over them. Mr Obeya

was seen as a business partner of the Governor and as a stooge rather

than a worthy chairman. The issue of the chairmanship e le c tio n was

felt seriously by almost every member of the party in Otukpo, and

marked the beginning of the decline in the p arty 's strength in the

area.

With the s ta rt of the campaign for the 1983 e le c tio n s , some party

members stressed the importance o f party u n ity , seeing t h is as the

precondition of e le cto ra l success. At the forefront of t h is crusade

for unity was Colonel Ode who wrote a le tte r to the 'o ld b rigade' in

which he expressed the n ecessity fo r peace:

"Dear Members,

I t is with the greatest sense of re sp o n sib ility that

I decide to w rite th is personal le tte r to you. It
is true that there was b itte rn e ss recently a ft e r the
la s t Levels One and Two ele ctio n s coupled with the
just-concluded nomination e x e rcise. This I regard
purely as p o lit ic s and nothing short or beyond t h a t .
And as sons of Otukpo we cannot and never can go
beyond that because of our Alekuu [ancestors].

In d iv id u a lly or c o lle c t iv e ly , we have already

achieved a measure of s o c ia l and economic development
in our s o c ie ty . More so , some have been duly
honoured by our elders with the tra d itio n a l t i t l e s
of U loja, Ojoko, Oaheguu, Odejo, Okpaohu and so on.
These t i t l e s are meant to unify us as Otukpos.

I t is with th is concept at the back of my mind

that I decided to write th is humble le t te r to you.

I t is a fa c t that the b ittern ess is from a l l of

us. We cannot continue in th is v ein . We have a
stake in Otukpo. I t is fo r us to make i t g reat for
the sake of our children born and yet to be born.

We should now eschew further b itterness and come

together both fo r our s o c ia l and p o lit ic a l fu tu r e .
I know that in d iv id u a lly , most of us are not looking
fo r p o lit ic a l p o st, a l l the same, we have to team up
 244

and present a common g o a l. Otukpo is the nerve centre

of p o li t i c s , as such we have to maintain that posture.

When we q u a r r e l, others w ill laugh at u s. They

pray fo r our d is u n ity fo r them to g a in . I take th is
opportunity to request that Mr Morgan Ogbole convenes
a get-to geth er fo r the fo llow in g to attend very soon:

(1) Mr J . 0. Qgbo (2) Mr A. Adama (Uloja) (3) Mr N. E.

Onojo (4) Mr 0 . Ikongbe (Okpachu) (5) Mr J . A. Adeka
(Odejo) (6) Mr Onyilokwu Idah (7) A lh a ji Suleman Ujo
(8) Capt. J . 0 . Adoyi (9) Mr I . Onche (10) Mr A . Alechenu
and (11) Mr John Alechenu.

Signed C o l. Chris Ode

16 May, 1983"

This le tte r did not improve the s itu a tio n since the 'o ld brigade' were

not interested in a r e c o n c ilia tio n m eeting. Their intransigence was

due to the fa c t that the p re v a ilin g situ a tio n was advantageous to them.

Being denied finance and patronage, the 'new breed' were lik e a bunch

of 'toothless bulldogs' - they could bark, but not b it e . R ealisin g

their predicament, th e ir leaders sought ways of reso lving i t and

strengthening th e ir p o s itio n . Each fa c tio n worked out i t s strategy

for the electio n campaign.

The E le c tio n in Otukpo

The aim of the 'o ld brigade' was to hum iliate th e ir opponents

in the e le c tio n s. To t h is end, they to ld th e ir supporters to vote

for the N .P.N . candidates in the p re sid e n tia l and gubernatorial

elections but not to vote fo r the p a rty 's candidates in the other

electio n s. The aim of t h is strategy was to make sure th at none of

the candidates of the 'new breed' was e le c te d . On the other hand,

the 'new breed' to ld th e ir supporters to vote for the p a rty 's

candidates in a l l the e le c tio n s except that fo r Governor. Their

enemies were the 'o ld b rigad e' and the Governor, whom they sought to
 245

humiliate in the e le c tio n s .

The e ffe c t of the c r i s i s on the N .P .N . campaign e ffo r t was

devastating. I t was very c le a r that the 'new breed' enjoyed the

support of the m ajority of the e le c to r a te , but th e ir a c t i v i t ie s were

greatly reduced by the n o n -a v a ila b ility of funds. Money fo r the

election campaign was dispatched by the State S e cre ta ria t d ire c t to

the 'old brigade' who were not popular with the e le c to ra te . As a

last-minute measure, the 'new breeds' decided to raise money lo c a lly ,

but the amount realised was n e g lig ib le when compared to the enormous

amount of money con trolled by th e ir opponents. They told th e ir

supporters to accept the bribes given to them by the 'o ld b rig a d e ',

but on no account to vote for Mr Aper Aku in the gubernatorial

election.

Another consequence of the c r is is was in d ire c tly to strengthen

the opposition party in the area - the Nigerian People's P arty .

By te llin g th eir supporters not to vote for some of the N .P .N .'s

candidates in certain of the e le c tio n s , the two N .P.N . fa c tio n s were

playing into the hands of the N .P .P .

The p arty 's p re sid e n tia l candidate, A lh a ji Shehu Sh agari, won

in Otukpo, although with a smaller m ajority than in 1979; th is was

a pointer to the things to come in the other e le c tio n s . A lh a ji

Shagari was successful because the two fa ctio n s had no grudge against

him. The next e le ctio n - the gubernatorial e le c tio n - uncovered the

reality of Otukpo p o l i t i c s . Mr Aper Aku, the incumbent N .P .N .

Governor, was heavily defeated; h is proportion of the votes in

Otukpo f e l l from 57.41 per cent in 1979 to 34.29 per cent in 1983.

Table 7.1 shows the d istrib u tio n of votes in the two gubernatorial

election s.
 246

TABLE 7.1

RESULTS OF THE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTIONS IN

OTUKPO IN 1979 AND 1983

Candidate Year Party Votes In v a lid Total % Vote

Scored Votes Votes 1 : 3
(1) (2) (31

Aper Aku 1979 NPN 17,392 749 30,292 57.41

Paul Belabo ✓ NPP 10,722 ✓ ✓ 35.40

Usman Ejembi ✓ PRP 955 ✓ ✓ 3.15

Chia Surma / UPN 474 ✓ / 1.56

No candidate / GNPP 749 / ✓ 2.47

Aper Aku 1983 NPN 23,089 - 67.312 34.29

Paul Unongo / NPP 41,297 - ✓ 61.35

Chia Surma / UPN 869 - ✓ 1.29

- ✓ NAP 646 - / 0.96

/ GNPP 916 - / 1.36

‘
/ PRP 506 - ✓ 0.75

Source: Fedeco Makurdi.

The defeat of the Governor in Otukpo was not only a shock to the 'o ld

brigade', who a l l along were convinced that they s t i l l had the area

under th eir g r ip , but was a lso viewed by the State Se creta ria t as a

disgrace to the p arty . The N .P.N . sta te executive committee reacted

to the resu lt by m obilising many prominent Idoma leaders to go and

talk to th e ir own people.

Given it s reversal in the gubernatorial e le c tio n , the N .P.N . was

determined to win the three other e le c tio n s that were impending. In

order to r e a lis e th is aim, a new strategy was evolved. In ad d ition

 247

to the huge amount of money which was pumped in to the area, extensive
26
propaganda a c t iv it ie s were organized in Otukpo. A sp ecial edition

of the p arty's newspaper - Destiny - was published on 16 August 1983.

It contained a r t ic le s w ritten by many prominent sons of Idoma, warning

. 27
the people of the danger of v o tin g for a m inority p arty . Mr Adejo

O giri, N .P.N . candidate fo r Benue-Central Sen atorial D i s t r ic t , wrote

that:

"The N .P.N . is firm ly entrenched at the centre and

a l l the in dicators appearing on the p o lit ic a l radar
point to the fa c t that a preponderance of sta te s in
th is country w ill be N .P .N .-c o n tr o lle d . There is
one path open to our people - to jo in the N .P .N . en
ma88e, vote fo r the N .P .N . and have a foodhold and
voice in government and government p o lic y . The
Ibos of Anambra and Imo have trick ed the Idoma into
b eliev in g that the N .P .P . has got a national spread
whereas i t has always been a t r ib a l union leaning
and liv in g on the d ic t a t e s of co lla p sin g Ibo
fra te rn a l cau cu s."28

Furthermore, the N .P.N . propaganda tried to warn the Idoma people

that they would not have a f a i r d eal i f they did not vote for the

N.P.N. Mr Godwin Okpe, N .P.N . Sen atorial Candidate fo r South-Central

Senatorial D i s t r ic t , stated th a t:

"There is nothing an N .P .P . le g is la to r can achieve

in Lagos and Makurdi. Why did Ode Ofikwu [N .P .P .
member of the State House of Assembly] resign from
the House in January? Because he was operating
as a m inority le g is l a t o r . The Idomas simply
cannot a ffo rd to remain in the m inority otherwise
they w ill be neglected in N ig e r ia ."29

Through i t s propaganda the party sought to persuade the people to

change th eir voting behaviour. No attempt was made to tackle the

root cause of the problem facin g the N .P.N . - the in ternal s p lit in

the party in Otukpo. Most of the leaders of the N .P.N . in Otukpo

were aware of th is problem. C h ie f Godwin Ugboju, the Otukpo L .G .A .

Chairman of the N .P .N ., said :

 248

"The N-P-P- may be a force to reckon with but in tra ­

party fa c tio n s w ithin the N .P .N ., more than the N .P .P .
i t s e l f , were responsible fo r our fa ilu r e in the
gubernatorial e le c tio n . The fa c t is that there were
N .P .N . members in our midst who were bent on seeing
the N .P .N . f a i l at the e le c tio n s , and they did
everything to ensure t h is . I personally caught
several of them red-handed. Many are strong members
of the p arty . When the remaining ele ctio n s are done
w ith , we plan to deal with these saboteurs. We w ill
expel them from the party fo r a n ti-p a rty a c t i v i t i e s .
I must also say that the weak re la tio n sh ip between
the State Executive of the party and the Otukpo L .G .
chapter has contributed in a way to our fa ilu r e in
the la s t e le c tio n s . The State Executive of the party
has never given any e ffe c tiv e recognition to the
present executive o f the N .P.N . in Otukpo. This is
un fortun ate, as the situ a tio n alien ated many o f our
members which in turn made them vulnerable to the
designs of the tr ic k s te r s in our midst. The State
Executive of the party should strengthen it s
re la tio n sh ip with us and give us stronger backin g."

As fa r as Otukpo p o lit ic s were concerned, N .P.N . propaganda did

not make much impact and the c o n flic t continued as b efo re. With the

defeat of the incumbent Governor, the 'o ld brigade' trie d desperately

to repay the 'new breed' in th e ir own c o in . They created obstacles

which would make i t d i f f i c u l t for the supporters of the 'new breed' to

be successful in subsequent e le c tio n s. Their immediate aim was to

make sure that the N .P .N . candidates fo r the House of Representatives

and State House of Assembly were not e le c te d . In the case of the

election to the House of R epresentatives, they were not su ccessfu l -

the seat was won by Mr Garuba Ookwu, the candidate of the 'new b reed '.

Mr Ookwu's success was due to the size of h is constituency - the

Otukpo Federal Constituency - which comprised the three follow ing State

con stituen cies! Otukpo/Akpa/Oglewu, Ugboju/Adoka/Onyangede, and

Agatu/Ochekwu. The a c t i v i t ie s of the 'o ld brigade' were concentrated

in the f i r s t con stitu en cy, where Mr Ookwu was defeated by his N .P .P .

opponent, Mr Ejembi Eko. However, r e s u lts from the two other

constituencies changed the situ a tio n and gave overall victo ry to

l
Mr Ookwu. The 'new b reed ', however, were not su ccessfu l in the State

Assembly e le c tio n as the N .P .N . candidate, Mr Nicholas O c h o jila , was

defeated by Mr Isaac Ugbabe, the N .P .P , candidate, There were many

reasons fo r h is d e fe a t. F i r s t l y , the 'o ld brigade' had a personal

grudge again st him fo r defeatin g Mr Omaba Ogbo (one of the leaders

of the 'o ld brigad e') in the primary e le c tio n . He was looked upon as

a tool of the 'new breed' who must be taught a p o lit ic a l lesson . To

this end, they m obilised every possible resource against him. They

pointed o u t, fo r example, that he was not an Onje (an Otukpo

indigene) - a t e llin g point since the Otukpo people had always wanted

a son of the s o il to represent them in the State Assembly. In fa c t ,

this same sentiment had been used during the early stages of the

cris is again st Mr Omaba Ogbo, who was an A ilko (an indigene of Ajobe).

While the 'new breed' presented a candidate who was an Aagbo (a

se ttle rs' group in Oglewu), the N .P .P . put up an Onje candidate -

Mr Isaac Ugbabe. The message from the 'o ld brigade' to the Otukpo

people was simple - " In the S ta te Assembly e le c tio n vote O nje." Not

only was Mr Nicholas O ch o jila from the Oglewu d i s t r i c t , but two issues

in the la t t e r d i s t r i c t a ffe c te d his e le c tio n adversely. He belonged

to a s e t t le r s ' group in Oglewu - hence h is t i t l e of Aagbo, whereas

the t i t l e of the re a l Oglewu people was Oono. I t was alleged that

if he was e le cte d , he would use the powers at h is disposal as a

le g is la to r in favour of the s e tt le r s ' group in Oglewu. The second

issue was the minor c o n flic t between the Oglewu and Ochobo people.

Ochobo is part of Oglewu d i s t r i c t , but had trie d in recent times to

secure recogn itio n as a separate d i s t r i c t . When the State government

expressed i t s w illin gn ess to create a separate d i s t r ic t for Ochobo,

some e lit e s from Oglewu, including Mr O c h o jila , petitioned against i t .

 ■■I

250

This p etitio n was now used as a propaganda weapon against Mr O ch o jila

and, p red ictab ly , the Ochobo people refused to vote fo r him. They

believed that i f he was elected he would b lo ck the creation of Ochobo

d istric t.

Conclusion

This chapter has examined the emergence o f ruling e lit e s in

Otukpo and the sharp d iffere n ce s between them, re su ltin g in a c r i s i s

situation. The f i r s t group of e lit e s - the 'o ld brigade' came

into being as a resu lt of th e ir success in the commercial se cto r,

p articularly the beer trade. They used t h e ir wealth to acquire

p o litica l leadership and were determined to hold on to i t . For a

long time th e ir in tention was not realised sin ce a new group - the

'new breed' - emerged to challenge th e ir dominance in both the

p o litic a l and commercial spheres. The eventual outcome of the e l i t e

cris is in Otukpo was a complete 're v o lu tio n ' in which a new e l it e

group emerged to replace both the old ones.

At th is ju n tu re, i t is necessary to ask whether the groups

which were engaged in the c r is is can be described as power e l i t e s .

C. Wright M ills defined a power e l it e as:

"Men whose p osition enables them to transcend the

ordinary environment of ordinary men and women;
they are in a p osition to make d e c is io n s , having
major consequences. Whether they do or not make
such d ecisio n s, is less important than the fa c t
that they do occupy such p ivotal p o sitio n s: th eir
fa ilu r e to a c t , th e ir fa ilu r e to make d ecisio n s,
is i t s e l f an act that is often o f greater
consequence than the decision they do make. For
they are in command of the major h ie ra rch ies and
organizations of a modern s o c ie t y ."31

This d e fin itio n is by no means exhaustive, but i t brings out the

essential featu res of the power e l i t e . Put s u c c in c tly , the power

l
 251

elite are the few who govern.

Given the s itu a tio n in Otukpo, the 'o ld brigade' could be

described as the power e lit e because they con trolled the economy and

held p o lit ic a l leadership p o s itio n s . Their dominance of the

p o litica l sphere enabled them to have a say in the socio-economic

aspects o f the community, thus re in fo rcin g th e ir position which had

depended in the f i r s t place on th e ir commercial success. For

example, the award o f con tracts by the State government was

channelled through them. Moreover, they had the decisive say in

the a c t i v i t ie s of the lo ca l adm in istration .

The power e l i t e ('o ld b rig a d e ') in ottfkpo came into being as a

result o f modern economic in s t it u t io n s . But as soon as i t was firm ly

established in power, i t sought to create a m onolithic and closed

elite system from which other groups were excluded. This decision

led to the decline in the strength of the power e l i t e . Closed power

elites are u sually found in th e o cra tic p o lit ic a l systems and in

trad itio n al o lig a r c h ie s . They cannot e x ist in open modernising

societies where pressure from new e l it e s to be integrated in to the

p o lit ic a l process is continuous. Modernisation in Otukpo gave rise

to the 'o ld b rig a d e '. Since the modernisation process was

continuous, the new power e l i t e had, in turn , to accommodate other

new e l i t e s i f it was to avoid revolutionary pressures. Socio-economic

forces were creatin g a p lu ral so c ie ty in Otukpo, the c o ro lla ry of

which was p o lit ic a l p lu ralism . But the e lit e s preferred to pursue

a m onolithic path. The pressures from below and the lack of

'c ir c u la tio n ' above created a s itu a tio n of r ig id it y in the e l it e

structure which was broken by a new and revolutionary group - the

'new b r e e d '.
 252

W hat happened in Otukpo was a microcosm of Third World p o lit ic s .

A fte r p o lit ic a l independence and a tw ilig h t of lib e r a lis m , most Third

W orld countries stea d ily d r ifte d into the abyss of d ic ta to r s h ip . In

su b -Sah a ran A fr ic a , in t h e ir attempt to remain in power, most of the

lea d e rs of the power e l i t e s - lik e Dr Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Sekou

Touré of Guinea, Hamani D io ri of N ig e r, and A lh a ji Amadu Ahidjo of the

Cam eroons, as well as a host of other lead ers, adopted a one-party

syste m . Needless to sa y , the eventual outcome in the great m ajority

of cases was a prolonged period of in s t a b ilit y , leading to the

32
emergence of m ilita ry o lig a r c h ie s . In Latin America, the desire

to hold on to power in d e fin ite ly led to personalised d icta to rsh ip s by

individuals lik e Raphael Leonides T r u jillo in the Dominican Republic.

José Mario E lasio Ibarra in Ecuador, Manual Prado in Peru, Justos

Rufiano Barros in Guatemala, José H ila r io Lobez in Columbia, ju st to

O'* t
mention a few. I t is conceivable that the problem of e l it e

’ circu la tio n ’ is s t i l l a dominant theme in the Third World p o lit ic a l

process, as i t ce rta in ly is in Otukpo.

 253

FOOTNOTES

1. A discussion of in tra -p a rty c o n flic t in the F ir s t Republic is

contained in Nigerian P o litic a l Parties by Richard L . Sklar
(Princeton U n iv ersity P ress, 1964).

2. The discussion here is re stric te d to the N ation al Party of

Nigeria because the party was seen as the only in s titu tio n
through which p o lit ic a l power could be obtain ed. About
90 per cent of the prominent men in the area belonged to the
party. One leading Otukpo man who did not belong to the
N.P.N. was Mr B. 0 . A ttah , the owner of the Otukpo H otel.
Mr A ttah 's a sso cia tio n with those who co n stitu te d the top
leadership of the N .P .P . started in the F ir s t R epu b lic, when
he was the Benue D iv isio n a l President of the defunct N .C .N .C .
He decided to jo in h is old colleagues when e le c to r a l p o lit ic s
re-started in 1978.

3. Talcott Parsons, The Social System (London: Routledge & Kegan

Paul, 1967), p. 4 . A lso, discussion of the a c tio n frame of
reference is contained in T alcott Parsons and Edward A. S h ils
(eds), Towards a General Theory o f Action (New York: Harper &
Row, 1962), passim.

4. International Encyclopedia o f Social Sciences re v . ed. (1968),

s .v . " C o n flic t : P o lit ic a l A spects".

5. J . E laigw u ,"S elf-R egu la tio n in a T raditional S o c ie ty " , Benue

Plateau N ew sletter , No. 11, V o l. 5 (1975).

6. Ivan Chetwynd, Seed Time (Makurdi: Sp irita n P r e s s , 1973), p. 7.

7. Ib id .

8. V irtu a lly a l l the e lit e s received th e ir education at the hands

of the m ission s, eith e r Methodist or C a th o lic . Indeed,
education was the key to p a rticip a tio n in the modern secto r.
Most educated people no longer had any regard fo r tra d itio n a l
in s titu tio n s and v alu es.

3. This was done because Otukpo was considered to be the centre of

Idoma D iv is io n . A fte r the move, Otukpo became the centre of
Idoma p o l i t i c s , trade and education.

10. The three lo c a l governments were: Otukpo,Okpokwu and Oju.

11. The Idoma Youth A ssociation ( I .Y .A .) was a c u ltu r a l organization

formed by prominent Idoma sons lik e Mr Joseph Omakwu,
Mr Innocent Audu Ogbe, C o l. Anthony Ochefu, Mr Simon Ofikwu,
Mr Agbo Igomu and Mr Igoche to promote the u n ity of the Idoma
people. The I .Y .A . was to be the vanguard o f the Idoma people
in modern p o l i t i c s . I t enjoined a l l Idomas to :
 254

(i) a c t lik e other N igerians by being eth n ica lly

con scio u s;
( ii) be th e ir b ro th e r's keeper; and
( i i i ) not to o v e r - c r it ic is e any Idomaman.
In it s short period o f existen ce (1976-1981) the I .Y .A . achieved
some measure of su ccess. When one o f i t s members, Mr Agbo
Igomu, was involved in a p o lice case, Mr J . Omakwu not only
defended him without charge but a l l the twenty-two foundation
members of the A sso ciatio n were in court with him. Again,
when Mr Andrew Idakwo was involved in a le g a l case, Lawyer
Joe Omakwu defended him without charging any fee.
A fter the 1979 e le c tio n I .Y .A . wrote a le tte r of
con gratu lation to a l l those who won and organized a reception
for them. I .Y .A . a ls o championed the movement fo r the creation
of more lo c a l government areas in Idomaland. Above a l l , I .Y .A .
sponsored the formation of a d is c ip lin a ry organization known as
IPONU, a pan-Idoma d is c ip lin a r y organ ization , composed of the
follow ing:
(i) Oah Idoma (Chief) - Chairman, and
( ii) one rep resen tative from each of the twenty-two
d i s t r i c t s in Idoma.
A fter the 1979 e le c tio n , the a c t iv it ie s o f I .Y .A . started to
decline because the N .P .N . accused it s members of supporting
the N .P .P . Mr Eigege E jig a wrote a p e titio n accusing them of
being an inform al in s t itu t io n of the N .P .P . He cite d the fa ct
that Mr Jo e Omakwu, who was the patron o f I .Y .A ., was also the
Chairman o f the N .P .P . Following th is accusation I .Y .A .
declined in in flu en ce as more of it s key members resigned or
were d ism issed .

12. Mr E jiga E ig e g e , "Formation of New P o lit ic a l Forum in Idomaland"

(A Press R elease)

13. A c h ie fta in c y con test in Otukpo is u su ally a protracted a f f a i r .

Chief Ocheibu Okplefu suddenly died and l e f t the post vacant.
The con test fo r the vacant stool was between Mr Okpani Ugboju
and Mr E lla Okudo.

14- Martin L ip s e t, The P o litic a l Man (Garden C ity , 1960), pp. 48-50.

15. Prominent Otukpo men decided to jo in the N .P.N . because they

were convinced that the party was going to form the next
government of N igeria and they wanted to be on the winning
sid e. They also argued that the N .P .N . would be more
sympathetic to the Idoma cause than the N .P .P . wheich was
considered to be an Ibo p arty.

16. Mr O j i j i Alegwu, in an interview held in Otukpo, June 1983.

17. Mr 0. Ogbo, in an interview held in Otukpo, June 1983.

18. The 'old b rigad e' had a good grip on Otukpo p o lit ic s before the
e le c tio n . However, the four-year period which members of both
Executive Committees served had expired almost a year before new
e le ctio n s were h eld .

I
 255

19. This was responsible fo r th e ir su ccess. Since the 'o ld brigade'

did not know of i t s e x iste n ce , they could not penetrate i t .

20. This behaviour was unexpected in view of the fa c t that he was

sent to Benue S ta te fo r the sole purpose o f conducting the
e le c tio n .

21. Mr John Alechenu, in an interview in Otukpo, June 1983.

22. Mr Godwin Ugboju, in an interview in Otukpo, Ju ly 1983.

23. Prince Bawa, in an interview in Otukpo, Ju ly 1983. Prince Bawa

was the person who o ffic ia te d at the e le c tio n . When he learned
that the re su lt which he had submitted to the State S e c re ta ria t
had been changed he complained to the Governor, but the la tte r
told him to "leave the matter lik e th a t" .

24. Mr N. E. Onojo, in an interview in Otukpo, Ju ly 1983.

25. Ib id .

26. This was a panic measure taken by the N .P.N . members when they
realised that p o lit ic a l power was slip p in g away from them. The
money was used fo r b ribing the e le c to r a te .

27. D estiny, 16 August 1983.

28. Ibid.

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid.

31. C. Wright M ills , The Power E lite (Oxford U niversity P re s s , 1956),

pp. 3-4.

32. J . s. Coleman and C . G. Rosberg (eds), P o litic a l P a rties and

National Integralism in Tropical A frica (Berkeley: U n iv ersity
of C a lifo r n ia P ress, 1964).

33. R. j . Alexander ( e d .) , Latin American P o litic a l P a rties (New

York, 1973), passim.
 CHAPTER EIGHT

THE GREEN REVOLUTION

This chapter examines a major programme of the N .P .N ., the

object being to see how th is programme a ffe c ts the fortun es of the

party. The N .P .N . in h e rite d from the m ilita ry government the problem

of food shortages which began in the la te 1960s. Before then,

Nigeria was s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t in food. In the p re -c o lo n ia l period (in

peasant communities) every member of the community was a farmer and

he made sure that there was enough food for h is fa m ily . Wealth was

measured by the number o f children and wives that an in d ivid u al had

since every c h ild or w ife worked on the fam ily farm.

The B ritis h c o lo n ia l government used the idea o f la rg e -s c a le

farming which aimed at producing goods fo r export. This experiment

did not in any way a f f e c t the le v e l of production of sta p le fo o d s tu ffs .

However, the next B r it is h experiment - Western education - had a long

term e ffe c t on the le v e l of food production. The B r it is h introduced

Western education in the 1920s and by the la te 1930s there were schools

in every part o f the cou n try. These schools enrolled children who in

former times would have helped on the fam ily farm and subsequently

would have become farmers themselves. Instead, they took up jobs which

were not related to farm ing.

Also in the 1960s, due to the exigency of the c i v i l war, the army

was increased from a mere 10,000 men to over 2 00,000 men. Most of the

recruits were drawn from the farming population.

By the 1970s the Gowon government was confronted with the

problem of food sh o rtages. It reacted by launching, in 1972, the

National A ccelerated Food Production Programme ( N .A .F .P .P .) , which was

 superseded by Operation Feed the Nation (O .F .N .) in 1976.1

N eith er of these programmes resolved the food c r is is and the problem

p e rsiste d when the m ilita ry withdrew in 1979. By adopting a gricu ltu re

as i t s p r io r ity , the N .P .N . was simply follow ing in the footsteps

of the army.

The Green Revolution in Benue State

The N .P.N . won the gubernatorial e le ctio n in Benue State in 1979.

As soon as the Governor was sw orn-in, he took steps to set up the

necessary machinery to implement the p o lic ie s of h is p a rty . Since

the election campaign had been based on the Green Revolution programme,

the party would be assessed on i t s success in implementing the

programme.

Mr. Aper Aku enumerated the ob jectives o f the Green Revolution as

follows:

(i) to make the state s e lf - s u f f ic ie n t in food;

(ii) to provide adequate a g r ic u ltu r a l raw m aterials fo r a g ro -a llie d

in d u strie s; and
. 2
( iii) to improve the lo t of the rural population.

In order to r e a lis e these o b je c tiv e s in Benue S ta te , two organizations -

the Green Revolution Council and the Green Revolution Committee - were

set up. The Green Revolution Council was responsible fo r laying down

policy gu idelin es fo r the programme. The Green Revolution Committee

was responsible fo r implementing decisions taken by the C ou n cil. It

was composed of rep resen tatives from various government m in istries

4
and headed by a re tire d c i v i l servan t, Mr. Ihinda Asa.

The f i r s t ta s k to be undertaken by the Green Revolution Committee

was that of land c le a r in g . This project involved the c le a r in g , stumping

 258

and conserving of good a g r ic u ltu r a l land for cropping a l l over the

state. The aim was to cle a r 57,000 hectares o f land (1,000 h e cta re j

per constituency). By December, 1982, about 17,000 hectares were

cleared, though only 6,037 of th is area (about 3 6 .4Z) were cropped.^

Land clearin g did not help most of the fan n ers. In fa c t i t was

organized to enable the N .P .N . adm inistration in the sta te to s te a l

government money. Between 1979 and 1982 a t o t a l of N33.03 was said to have

been spent on th is p r o je c t. The work carried out did not j u s t i f y

this level of expenditure. Contracts fo r land c le a rin g were awarded

to supporters of the party who in turn bribed government and h ig h ly

placed party o f f i c i a l s . Furthermore, most of the cleared land was not

cropped.

There were many reasons why the farmers d is lik e d cropping the

land. The con tractors responsible for stumping and c le a rin g knew

nothing about fanning seasons and by the time that they had fin ish e d

clearing a s ite the p lan tin g season might well be over. Secondly, the

cleared s ite s were very fa r from the v illa g e s . Farmers complained of

the distance which they had to tra v e l saying that by the time they got

to the farms, they were too tire d to work. A ls o , they did not

understand the co n d itio n of the s o il in areas which had been cle a re d ;

most of those who had trie d cropping in cleared land had poor y ie ld s .

The state government reacted to th is poor response by forming 57

agricu ltu ral cooperative unions to take over from individual farmers.

The government also posted an a g ric u ltu ra l superintendent to each

site to give tech n ica l services to the farmers. However, th is la s t

Q
minute e ffo r t did not improve the s itu a tio n , as is shown in the table

below.
T A B L E 6 . 1 : L A N D D E V E L O P M E N T S C H E M E IN B E N U E S T A T E A S A T D E C E M B E R , 1 9 8 2

T o ta l H e cta re s
T o ta l H e cta re s T o ta l Ready fo r T o ta l H ectares
Zone C o m m itte d t o
Cropping Remarks
P r o p o se d
C o n tra cto rs
Cropped

1 15,000 ha 7,000 ha 3,3 7 9 .3 5 ha 2,020 ha 60.0% cropped

2 1 2 ,0 0 0 h a 7,750 ha 3 ,3 7 6 .0 0 ha 1,239 ha 37.0% cropped

3 14,000 ha 6,750 ha 4 ,4 2 3 .3 ha 1,739 ha 39.3% cropped
4 16,000 ha 10,750 ha 5 ,3 9 4 .3 ha 1,039 ha 19.3% cropped

T o ta l 57,000 ha 32,250 ha 16,572.95 ha 6,037 ha 36.4% cropped

Zone 1 W e s te r n zo n e (A y a n g b a )

Zo ne 2 W e s t-C e n tr a l (O tu k p o )

Zone 3 C e n tra l (Gboko)

Zone 4 E a ste rn (A d ik p o )

So u rce: F e d e r a l M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e , M a k u r d i.
 260

A g ro -S e rv ic e Centres

The Green Revolution Committee esta b lish ed agro-service centres

throughout the s t a t e . The lo c a tio n of these centres was: Wanune,

Tyowanye, Zaki-Biam, Ja to -A k a , Korinya, I t o , Naka, Ugboju, Utonkon,

Agasha, Daudu, Mede, Ikpayongo, Abeda-Tiev, Obussa, S a t i, L e s s e l,

9
Gbatse, Ichama, Agbagber and Tor-Donga. The aim of these centres

was to make farm in p u ts , such as tr a c to r s , f e r t il is e r s and in s e c tic id e s ,

readily av a ila b le to the farm ers. In the f i r s t year of it s op eration ,

the Green Revolution Committee bought 250 tra cto rs which were

distributed to the a g ro -se rv ic e ce n tre s. The tracto rs were hired to

the farmers with a 50% subsidy. This system did not b e n e fit most of

the farmers who could not a ffo rd the cost o f h irin g ; only the few

wealthy farmers in the community b e n e fite d .

The agro -service centres were also responsible for d is trib u tin g

fe r t ilis e r s . Since the inception of the Green Revolution programme

in 1979 a to ta l of 64,172.08 metric tonnes (valued at N14.2 m illio n s)

of assorted f e r t i l i s e r s were bought and d istrib u te d to farmers a t a

highly subsidised p r ic e . The breakdown was as follow s:

1979/80 - 14,427.55 m etric tonnes

1980 - 16,861.18 m etric tonnes

1981 - 24,036.75 m etric tonnes

1982 - 8,995.60 m etric tonnes

(June)

There were two main problems associated with the d istrib u tio n o f

fe r t iliz e r s : lo ca l government areas which strongly supported the

opposition party were starved o f f e r t i l i z e r s and the p rice was also

in fla te d . F e r t ilis e r s were not a v a ila b le in areas lik e Agatu,

Ochekwu and Turan. The o f f i c i a l price fo r a bag of f e r t il iz e r was

N2.50, bu t, according to Mr. Ogo Ukpabi, the price at Ito was

N5.00.10

Pest and crop diseases were real menaces to farmers. To curb

them, the Committee purchased a large consignment of chemicals fo r

d istrib u tio n to farm ers. Chemical stores were constructed at Makurdi,

Gboko, Adikpo, Otukpo and Idah and four crop protection lab orato ries

were b u ilt at Adikpo, Anyangba, Makurdi and Gboko.11

The provision of liv e s to c k and fis h received a good deal of

attention from the Green Revolution Committee. Fish farms were

established at various p laces in the s t a te . Slu ice gates and

embankments were constructed on the lakes for the purpose of con­

serving the fis h stock population. Furthermore, fis h inputs were

sold at a subsidized rate o f 50Z to farmers. F in a lly , cold storage

f a c i l i t i e s such as ice p la n ts , deep fre e ze rs, portable generators and

. .
refrigerated trucks were made av a ila b le to fish farmers.
12

About 2,000 hectares o f land was acquired for goat and sheep

ranches at Vandeikya and Onyagede. Poultry demonstrations and

holding centres were estab lish ed in many towns of the s ta te . (Two

were established in each lo c a l government area with a capacity of

2,000 birds each .)

The various p rojects embarked upon by the Green Revolution

Committee were not only ambitious but also laudable. However, most

of them did not go beyond the drawing board stage and by the sunnier

of 1980 had ground to a h a l t . The reasons are c le a r . F ir s t ly , the

government was only in terested in the contract aspect o f the programme

which, because of b rib ery , benefited both the o f f i c i a l s and the p a rty .

Secondly, the o f f i c i a l s who were responsible for implementing these

projects were corru pt. Chemicals purchased for crop p rotection , as well

as poultry and sheep, were sold by these o f f ic i a l s who pocketed the

 262

money received.*^

The Relationship Between the Federal and State Green Revolution

Programmes

Both the fed eral and Benue s ta te governments were co n tro lle d by

the N.P.N. which had adopted the Green Revolution as it s c e n tra l fo cu s.

Federal in s titu tio n s were esta b lish e d in Benue State to h elp promote the

Green Revolution Programme and supplement the a c t iv it ie s o f the state

Green Revolution Programme. These federal in stitu tio n s were: the

Green Revolution Coordinating O f f ic e , the Nigerian Grains Board, the

Lower Benue River Development A u th o rity , the Ayangba A g ric u ltu ra l

Corporation and the Central Bank.

The Green Revolution Coordinating O ffic e was a c le a rin g house

for a l l the fed eral in s titu tio n s connected with the Green Revolution

prograime in the s t a t e . I t a lso served as an intermediary between

these federal in s titu tio n s and the state government. The main complaint

made by the Coordinator was that the Secretariat was not f u l l y operational

because of lack o f funds.

14 . . .
He had to spend most of h is time commuting

between Makurdi and Lagos, seeking funds to operate h is o f f i c e .

The Lower Benue Basin Development Authority was esta b lish ed by

the Federal Government to boost irrig a te d a g ric u ltu re , liv e sto c k and

in frastru ctu ral development. The contribution to a g r ic u ltu r a l

development made by the A uthority in Benue State was immense. Between

1979 and 1983, the Authority p a rticip a te d in the follow ing aspects of

the Green Revolution Programme:

(1) A gricu ltu ral In p uts. T ra cto rs, equipment and other m aterial

inputs purchased included F i a t , Steyr and Massey Fergusson

tr a c to r s , sp rayers, h a rv e ste rs, f e r t il is e r s and agro-chem icals.

F e r t iliz e r s acquired during the period under discu ssion amounted

 to 10,000 tonnes.

(2) Loans. A g r ic u ltu r a l loans of about N4.7 m illio n were given to

farmers.

(3) Food Crops. A t o t a l area of 8,572 ha was planted with food

crops, 232 ha w ith o i l seed crops and 38 ha with tre e s. Food

crop production recorded an output of 28,249 m etric tonnes of

grain . Root, tuber and banana crops amounted to 1,850 metric

tonnes, while v egetab le production was put at 4,200 metric

tonnes.

(4) Livestock P roduction. The authority engaged in the production

of eggs, b ro ile rs and turkeys. About 12,000 b ro ile rs and

5,000 turkeys were raised and sold in 1982.^

The Nigerian G rains Board opened a zonal o ffic e in Makurdi in

December, 1981. It s operations were hampered by poor finance

and inadequate storage f a c i l i t i e s . Due to the storage problem,

maize was only stored a t Enugu; the Board purchased 41,812 bags

of maize in 1982. Paddy r ic e , however, continued to be stored

at both Enugu and Makurdi and 713.90 tonnes was purchased in 1982.

The Ayangba A g r ic u ltu ra l Development Project was an integrated

rural development p ro je c t jo in tly financed by the World Bank and the

Federal and State Governments, The p roject area covered 13,150 aq. km.,

representing 1.5Z of the to ta l land area o f N ig e ria . The project was

expected to serve about 150,000 farm fa m ilie s engaged in a gricu ltu re

in Ankpa, Dekina, Idah and Bassa lo c a l government areas. The project

was also expected to increase crop production through improved

 264

practices and extension services, and liv e sto c k development through

improved veterinary s e r v ic e s . In fra stru ctu ra l development included

1,300 km o f feeder roads, 180 w ells and a project headquarters at

Ayangba. ^

In 1982 the A .A .D .P , embarked on the production of tuber crops

such as yams, cassava and grains lik e m aize, rice and m ille t. The

A.A.D.P. also p articip ated in liv e sto ck production. The e ffo r ts of

the authority were d irected towards p ig s , c a t t l e , sheep, rabbits and

poultry production. The pig programme has so far produced 1,132 p ig s ,

while poultry production between January 1981 and June 1982 stood at

62,939 b ird s. ^

The a c t i v i t ie s of the A .A .D .P . were adversely a ffe cte d by fin a n c ia l

problems. Between January and June 1982 funds for the project

continued to d eclin e - the subventions due from both the Federal and

State governments were no longer forthcoming. The table below shows

the decline in revenue o f the A .A .D .P .

The involvement o f the Central Bank with the Green Revolution

programme became necessary when the Federal Government established

the A g ricu ltu ral C redit Guarantee Scheme Fund. The purpose of the

Fund was to provide guarantees fo r loans granted by the commercial

banks for a g r ic u ltu r a l purposes. The management of the fund was under
20
the A g ricu ltu ral C redit Guarantee Scheme Board and the Central Bank.

The a g ric u ltu ra l purposes for which loans could be guaranteed

by the Fund were those connected with:

(a) the establishm ent or management o f plantations fo r the

production of rubber, o i l palm, cocoa, c o ffe e , tea and sim ilar

crops;

(b) the c u ltiv a tio n or production of cereal crops, tuber, fr u its

of a l l k in d s, co tto n , beans, groundnuts, sheanuts, baniseed,

T A B L E 8 . 2 : T H E D E C L I N E IN T H E R E V E N U E OF A Y A N G B A A G R I C U L T U R A L D E V E L O P M E N T

PROJ E C T , 1982

F u n d in g A g e n cy E x p e c te d R e c e iv e d

S t a t e G overn m ent N 3.4639m N1 .Om

F e d e r a l G overn m ent N1.8828m NO.433m

W orld Bank NO.9975m N 1.386m

T o ta l N 6 . 3442m N2.819m

Source: G r e e n R e v o l u t i o n O f f i c e , Maku r d i .
T A B L E 9.2: T H E D E C L I N E IN T H E R E V E N U E OF A Y A N G B A A G R I C U L T U R A L DEVELOPMENT
P R O J E C T , 1982

I
F u n d in g A g e n cy E x p e c te d R e c e iv e d

S t a t e G overn m ent N 3.4639m N1 .Om

F e d e r a l G overn m ent N1 .8828m N O .4 33m

W orld Bank NO.9975m N 1.386m

T o ta l N 6 . 3442m N 2 .8 1 9m

Source: Green Revolution Office, Makurdi.

 vegetab les, p in eap p les, bananas and p la n ta in ; and

(c) animal husbandry - p o u ltry , p iggery, c a t t le rearing and fis h

farming.

The guarantee covered 80* of the loan and the farmer had to

provide se cu rity fo r the remaining 20Z. Acceptable s e c u ritie s were:

(a) a charge on land in which the borrower held a legal in te re st

or a rig h t to farm, or a charge on a ssets on the land

including fix e d a s s e ts , crops or liv e s to c k ;

(b) a charge on the moveable property of the borrower;

(c) a l i f e assurance p o lic y , a promissory note or other negotiable

secu rity ;

(d) stocks and shares;

(e) a personal guarantee, and

21
(f) any other se cu rity acceptable to the banks.

As mentioned e a r li e r , the Fund was managed by the Central Bank

which had the rig h t to give d ire c tiv e s to the commercial banks on the

ways in which they were to give the loans to the farmers. The Central

Bank gave two d ir e c tiv e s to a l l commercial banks: these sp e cifie d that

8Z of the t o ta l lending fund o f every commercial bank must be a v a ila b le

for a g ric u ltu ra l loans and that the in te re st rate should be 6 per ce n t,

i .e . 1 per cent higher than the normal lending r a te . Furthermore,

the d ire ctiv e s s p e cifie d that i f a commercial bank fa ile d to grant

loans up to the required 8Z, the s h o r t fa ll would be transferred to

the loan fund o f the N igerian A g ricu ltu ra l and Cooperative Bank. Any

money so tran sferred would not a ttr a c t any in te r e s t.

Most o f the managers of the commercial banks who were interviewed

expressed a d is lik e fo r the scheme. They said that the 6Z rate of

interest charged was too low fo r the risk involved. They would prefer
 267

to have the 8% of th e ir funds earmarked for a g ric u ltu ra l loans

transferred to the a g ric u ltu ra l bank without in terest rather

than risk g iv in g loans to fanners who would not repay them. Most

of the managers refused to give the fanners a loan because these

farm ers could not provide the 20X guarantee required of them. Sm all

farmers neither had landed property nor c e r t ific a te s of occupancy

on the lands which they farmed. The managers maintained the view that
.
the Central Bank should provide a 100% guarantee.
22

On the other hand, fraudulent Nigerians saw the loans as c h a rity .

According to A lh a ji K.A. Smith, most o f those who applied for a loan

23
did not even own a farm.

During the year 1982, the to ta l loans guaranteed in Benue State

stood at N158,692.25 for 19 b e n e fic ia r ie s . As at May, 1983, o n ly 8

2A
loans t o t a llin g N78.430.00 were guaranteed for the year. Comparatively,

Benue State was on the lowest rung of the ladder, as the table below

shows.

In Benue State the Bank of the North disbursed the sum of

N240.695.25 to 29 farmers in 1983. This was followed by the F ir s t

Bank of N igeria which disbursed a t o t a l of N659,351 to 22 farm ers.

The Union Bank and the A frican Continental Bank, with three and four

rural branches re sp e ctiv e ly , hardly p articipated in the scheme a t

a ll. The National Bank of N igeria and the United Bank for A fr ic a

disbursed loans that represented le ss than 3.5% of the t o t a l. The New

25
Nigerian Bank did not approve any loan in 1983.

Commercial poultry keeping received the highest loan of

N585.271.25, shared among 15 farmers. This amount represented 51.6%

° f the to ta l loans guaranteed under the scheme. Following c lo s e ly was

food crop farm ing, which had the la rg e st in terms of spreads a to ta l

 268

Tart F 8.3: CUMULATIVE LOAN GUARANTEED BY AGRICULTURAL GUARANTEE SCHEME

------- FUND ON STATE BASIS AS AT DECEMBER 1981

SPNO State No. of B e n e fic ia rie s Amount X

1 Anambra 191 4,617.3 4.1

2 Bauchi 563 7,090.7 6.4

3 Bendel 214 11,570.1 10.4

4 Benue 37 983.3 0.9

5 Bomo 54 1,178.5 1.1

6 Cross-River 94 2,718.2 2.4

7 Gongola 88 4,504.5 4.0

8 Imo 208 4,693.2 4.2

9 Raduna 563 7,090.7 6.4

10 Kano 426 9,103.7 8.2

11 Niger 157 1,390.1 1.2

12 Ogun 83 9,799.0 8.8

38 2,877.5 2.7
13 Ondo

236 13,113.1 11.8

14 Oyo

109 4,042.2 3.6

15 Plateau

72 6,491.8 5.8
16 Rivers

322 2,877.5 2.7

17 Sokoto

145 4,999.9 4.5

18 Kwara

67 10,696.0 9.6
19 Lagos

3,686 111,468.5 100Z

Total

Source: Central Bank, Makurdi.

TABLE 8.4: PERFORMANCE OF AGRICULTURAL CREDIT GUARANTEE SCHEME FUND
IN BENUE STATE (1983?

SPNO No. of No. of

Bank Amount Z
Branches B e n e ficia rie s

1 F irst Bank 6 22 N659.351.00 58.19

2 Bank o f the North 4 29 N240.695.25 21.24

3 Union Bank 4 2 N78.016.00 6.88

4 A frican Continental Bank 5 1 N50.000.00 4.41

5 National Bank » 1 N35,000.00 3.08

6 United Bank of A fr ic a 1 2 N32.500.00 2.86

7 New N igeria Bank 1 - - -

8 Union Bank (Lokoja) - 4 N37,500.00 3.3

22 61 N1,113,062.25 100Z

Source: Central Bank, Makurdi

 270

sum of N504.566.00, representing 44.52 of the to ta l loan, was shared

among 41 farmers. Crop farming received only #40,225.00, shared

between four farm ers. Only 0.262 of the to ta l loan went to animal

husbandry (see table below).

Only nine lo ca l government areas benefited from the scheme in

1983. Gboko lo ca l government area had the largest number of

b e n e ficia rie s, while Otukpo lo ca l government area received the

highest loan (see tab le below).

A to ta l o f 14 fan n ers, representing 22.952 of the b e n e fic ia r ie s

of the scheme, had repaid the loans in 1983; the to ta l amount repaid

was #84,000.00 or 7.42 o f the loan. Thus, only a n e g lig ib le amount

of the loan was repaid. Some farmers used the loan for other

purposes, such as marrying more wives or building new houses. The

table below gives inform ation on repayments.

Given the various aspects of the Green Revolution programme

discussed above, i t is c le a r that the N .P.N . did not re a lise i t s g o a l.

The programme benefited a few supporters of the party, but had no fa r -

reaching impact on the a g ric u ltu ra l se c to r. Despite the huge amount

of money spent on the programme, N igeria s t i l l imported nearly 202

of it s food requirements. I t was because of th is situ atio n that the

Nigerian press changed the name of the programme to "Brown R evolution ".
 271

TABLE 8.5: BREAKDOWN OF LOANS ACCORDING TO FARMING ACTIVITIES

SPNO Type of Farming No. of Loans Amount X

1 Food crop 41 N504,566.00 44.5

2 Poultry 15 N585.271.25 51.6

3 Tree crop 4 N40.225.00 3.6

4 Animal Husbandry 1 N3.000.00 0.26

N 1,113,062.25 100%
 271

TABLE 8.5: BREAKDOWN OF LOANS ACCORDING TO FARMING ACTIVITIES

SPNO Type of Fanning No. o f Loans Amount Z

1 Food crop 41 N504.566.00 44.5

2 Poultry 15 N585.271.25 51.6

3 Tree crop 4 N40.225.00 3.6

4 Animal Husbandry 1 N3,000.00 0.26

H I ,113,062.25 100Z
 272

TABLE 8.6: PERFORMANCE OF AGRICULTURAL LOANS ON A LOCAL GOVERNMENT

BASIS IN 1983

Number of
SPNO Local Government Area Amount
B e n e ficia rie s

1 Otukpo 6 N370.351.00

2 Makurdi 8 N233.950.00

3 Gboko 22 N211,987.25

4 Dekina 14 N147.050.00

5 K atsin a-A la 4 N93.016.00

6 Bassa 2 N33.500.00

7 Ankpa 3 N28.000.00

8 Idah 1 N4.000.00

9 Vandeikya 1 N5.000.00

10 Kvande - -

11 Gwer - -

12 Oju - -

13 Okpokwu - -

61 N1,113,062.25

Source: Central Bank, Makurdi

 27 3

TABLE 8.7: FULLY REPAID LOANS AS AT MAY 1983

SPNO Name Bank Date of Final

Amount
Payment

1 Iorhom Uchia B .O .N . Gboko N5.000.00 16 Sept. 1982

2 W. Abdullahi 0. F .B .N . Ayangba N6.000.00 15 Ju ly 1982

3 Mallaro A. Edache F .B .N . Ayangba N4.000.00 15 Ju ly 1982

4 Moses Inabo F .B .N . Ayangba N4.000.00 15 Ju ly 1982

5 Miss Marcy Ochoga B .O .N . Makurdi N5.000.00 25 May 1983

6 M. Bako B .O .N . Gboko N5.000.00 16 Sept. 1982

7 I . I . Setnben B .O .N . Gboko N5.000.00 12 O ct. 1982

8 Akula A li B .O .N . Gboko N5.000.00 12 O ct. 1982

9 Abuul Lerel B .O .N . Gboko N5.000.00 12 Oct. 1982

10 Vembe Ajkwa B .O .N . Gboko N3.500.00 16 Sept. 1982

11 J . E . Abbah B .O .N . Makurdi N I ,000.00 4 Feb. 1983

12 Ashiaka Tynngu B .O .N . Gboko Deceased loan w ritten

o ff)
13 John Iortim B .O .N . Makurdi N2.500.00 9 Dec. 1982

14 Amile, C. Form F .B .N . Makurdi N30.000.00 14 May 1982

15 A lh aji M. Idachaba F .B .N . Ayangba N5.000.00 8 June 1981

Total N84,000.00

Source; Central Bank, Makurdi

 274

FOOTNOTES

1. Both of these programmes were introduced by the M ilita ry

Government. General Gowon introduced the National Accelerated
Food Production Programme ( N .A .F .P .P .) , while General Obasanjo
introduced the Operation Feed the Nation programme.

2. One Year o f C iv ilia n Administration in Benue S ta te , published by

the D irecto rate of Inform ation, Makurdi, 1980.

3. Ib id .

4. Ib id .

5. Benue State Today (Makurdi D irectorate o f Inform ation).

6. Mr. J . Omakwu, interviewed in Otukpo in Ju ly 1983.

7. Mr. Oga Agbara, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

8. Mr. 0. Okoro, interviewed in Makurdi in Ju ly 1983.

9. Benue State Today (Makurdi: D irecto rate of Inform ation).

10. Mr. Ogo Ugbabi, interviewed in Ju ly 1983.

11. Benue State Today (M inistry of Inform ation, Makurdi).

12. Ib id .

13. Mr. 0. Okoro, interviewed in Makurdi in Ju ly 1983.

14. The Green Revolution (M inistry of Inform ation, Makurdi).

15. Ib id .

16. Ibid .

17. Ibid .

18. Ib id .

19. Ibid .

20. The Annual Report by the Green Revolution Coordinating O ffic e ,

Makurdi, 1982/83.

21. Ib id .

22. A lh aji K.A . Smith, interviewed in August 1983.

23. Ibid .

24. Annual Report (Central Bank, Makurdi).

25. Ibid .
 CONCLUSION

In the introduction to th is study, the a b ilit y of Benue State o f N ig e ria

to o p e r a t e a d e m o c r a t i c s y s t e m o f g o v e r n m e n t i n t h e S e c o n d R e p u b l i c was t e s t e d

against fiv e v a r ia b le s . These were: p o lit ic a l p a rticip a tio n , p o lit ic a l

so c ia liz a tio n , p o lit ic a l c u ltu r e , p o lit ic a l values and the p o lit ic a l economy.

By these te s ts the State was found wanting and many of the problems which

had been experienced in the F ir s t Republic recurred. Indeed, i t was the

re a lisa tio n o f these problems that led the m ilita r y to carry out extensive

in stitu tio n a l and stru ctu ra l reforms before they handed over power to the

c iv ilia n s in 1979.

One of the problems of p o lit ic a l p a rticip a tio n in the F ir s t Republic

was that informal in s titu tio n s such as c h ie fs , local government courts and

the p o lic e , which should have remained a p o lit ic a l, became involved in

partisan p o l i t i c s . Ethnic a sso ciatio n s were also p o lit ic is e d . The reforms

introduced by the m ilita ry aimed at detaching these informal stru ctu res

from p artisan p o l i t i c s . Empirical evidence from Benue State in the Second

Republic showed that the overt involvement of these structures was reduced,

though c e r ta in ly not ended. T rad itio n al rulers were s t i l l a c tiv e : they

did not p a rtic ip a te in p o lit ic s openly or d ir e c tly , but used interm ediaries

to get in touch with the e le c to ra te . The denial of the right of opposition

groups and p arties to operate in Benue Sta te became a big problem in the

Second R epublic. A few years a fte r assuming power, Aku succeeded in

elim inating opposition groups in the N .P .N . His struggle with

Mr. Isaac Shaahu ended in h is favour and was the signal for the 'purge'

of h is p o lit ic a l opponents from the p a rty . Aku's success in the stru g g le

was due to h is powers as an executive governor which were derived from the

C o n stitu tio n . The system of government in Nigeria in the F irst Republic

 276

was the Westminster model of parliam entary democracy. In each region the

executive branch of government was made up of a ceremonial Governor and a

Premier who was the head of government., The C on stitu tion of the Second

Republic gave considerable execu tive powers to the State governors (State

governors combined both executive and ceremonial functions) who could use

them for good or bad purposes. U n fo rtun ately, Mr. Aku abused his o f f i c e .

He had major confrontations with the le g is la tiv e arm of government. When

the State House of Assembly ob jected to h is plan to bu ild luxurious

commissioners' qu arters, he disregarded the objection and went ahead with

the con struction . Again, when he fixed new school fees fo r primary schools

in 1982, the State House of Assembly rejected them, but the Governor

issued a d ire ctiv e to a l l lo ca l education o ffic e s to introduce the new fe e s .

A fter elim in atin g opposition groups from the N .P .N ., Aku turned h is

attention to the other p a rtie s . He starved th e ir members into submission

by denying them contracts and patronage. Public servants who were suspected

of being sympathetic to the opposition p arties were dism issed. An example

of th is was the Governor's removal of Mr. Agbara Ogah from the chairmanship

of the Benue Educational Supply Company because h is lo y a lty to the N .P.N .

was s u s p e c t .^

Although Aku was responsible for r e s tr ic tin g p o lit ic a l p a rtic ip a tio n ,

he was not responsible for the la c k of p o lit ic a l so c ia liz a tio n in the S ta te .

A fter the 1979 e le c tio n , le g is la to r s from the State House of Assembly were

sent to the United States of America to understudy the p resid en tial system

of government. While in the United S ta te s , the le g is la to r s were attached

to State le g is la tiv e houses where they watched, at f i r s t hand, the

proceedings of the State Congress. The duration of th e ir stay was two weeks.

The v is it s were more of a h olid ay than a serious study of the American

system of government.
 277

The (re s id e n tia l system of government was not only new in N ig e ria ,

but most of those who entered p o lit ic s in the Second Republic did so for

the f i r s t tim e. The democratic system of government e n ta ils compromise

and bargaining, and these were s k il l s which the inexperienced p o litic ia n s

of N igeria's Second Republic lacked. There are many examples o f mistakes

made in Benue State which derived from the lack of experience in government.

The aim of every government budget is to balance expenditure again st

revenue. In Benue S ta te th is was not done and in the summer of 1981 the

State government was no longer able to pay the sa la r ie s and wages of State

employees on a regu lar b a s is . Yet i t was at th is very time that the

government decided to e sta b lish three new Advanced Teacher Training C o lle g e s,
. . (2 )
six new Teacher T raining Colleges and nine new secondary sch ools.

Predictably th is d e cisio n led to a serious fin a n c ia l problem fo r the

government. The N .P .N . contractors who were employed to build these co lle g e s

and schools received more than h a lf of the money due to them but then
(31
abandoned work on these p ro je c ts . Again, take the case of overseas

scholarships: these were awarded, but money was not made a v a ila b le to the

students studying abroad. Between 1981 and 1983 over one hundred students

were offered overseas sch olarships. These students proceeded to th e ir

various u n iv e rs itie s abroad , but t«e government made no arrangement to pay

their allowances and many of them had to abandon th e ir studies and return

to N igeria. The issue o f the b u ria l expenses of Joseph Tarka was yet

another situ a tio n which revealed the incompetence o f the Aku government.

After the b u ria l of Mr. Tarka in 1980, the N .P .P . accused the

government of spending government money on the b u ria l arrangements. Mr. Aku

ienied th is charge, only to accept i t a few days la t e r . I t is in te re stin g to note

that there was no p rovision for such expenses in government regu latio n s,

yet the government unwisely spent over M100.000.00 of government revenue

on the funeral expenses.

 278

Next we take the p o lit ic a l cu lture v ariab le* The adverse e ffe c t

of ethnic p o lit ic s on the process of p o lit ic a l modernization was realised

by those who drafted the C o n stitu tio n of the Second Republic. To this

end, they took steps to include c o n stitu tio n a l provisions which would prevent
• (4)
ethnic p o lit ic s . U n fo rtu n a te ly .th is attempt fa ile d and ethnic p o lit ic s

were practised in the Second R epublic, e s p e c ia lly in Benue S ta te . The

major ethnic groups in the State were the T iv , the Idoma and the Ig a la ;

there were also minor groups such as E tu lo , Igedde and the Bassa-Nge.

Ethnic tension was la te n t among these groups from the inception of the

State in 1 9 7 6 ^ and became manifest when party p o lit ic s were restored in

1978. The f i r s t seriou s crack in the e d ific e appeared in 1980 when the

Ig a la people demanded a separate state of th e ir own, to be called K o g i . ^ On

realising the danger which th is demand posed fo r the p o lit ic a l s t a b ilit y o f

Benue S ta te , Mr. Aku promptly warned those a g ita tin g for the establishment

of a Kogi State not to do anything which would d e sta b iliz e the S ta te . ^

Within a few months, a s p lin te r group emerged within the Kogi State movement
(81
and demanded the cre a tio n o f Okura S ta te . I t was at this stage, too,

that the Tiv - the la rg e st ethn ic group in the State - pressed for the

settin g up of a Binda S ta te . ^ This was followed a few weeks la te r by a

request by the Idoma people for a New Benue S ta te .

The State creatio n issue was an interm ittent nightmare which hunted

every regime in N ig e r ia 's p o lit ic a l h is to r y . Successive regimes had

produced what they considered the solu tion to the perennial problem. The

Gowon regime had created twelve States out o f the four Regions of the F ir s t

Republic; these had been increased to nineteen by General Mohammed. But

far from being s a t is f i e d , the demand for more States increased a fte r each

exercise. I t is important to note that the objective conditions which

necessitated the creation of more States before 1979 had changed. The two
 279

main reasons for the o r ig in a l demands fo r new S ta te s were fe a r of

p o litic a l domination by a m ajority e th n ic group and the uneven structure

of the component parts of the federation^ Dost-1979 denands were

expressed in terms of a desire to fo s te r economic development»

I t can be argued that the nineteen States created by General Mohammed

v irtu a lly resolved the State cre a tio n question . With the redrawing of the

country's in te rn a l State boundaries, the fear of m ajority domination ended.

The subsequent economic argument fo r cre a tin g new States was a cover for

p o litic a l ambition - economic development could c e rta in ly not be guaranteed.

Agreed, new roads, markets, dams e t c . would be constructed; but such in fr a ­

structural developments could be c a rrie d out under the e x is tin g State stru ctu re .

Furthermore, the p ro life r a tio n of bureacracies in the newly-created States

was lik e ly to swallow up the lio n 's share o f whatever subvention was received

from the Federal Government, leavin g l i t t l e or nothing over fo r economic

development. Moreover, the creation o f more S ta te s would fu rth er increase

the powers o f the Federal Government at the expense of the S ta te s , thereby

acceleratin g an e x is tin g trend, nam ely,the incorporation of important

unitary elements into Nigerian government.

The demand for the creation o f more States led to serious ethnic

c o n flic ts in Benue S ta te . The m ajority o f the Idoma people decided to

support the N .P .P . because the party was at the fo refron t of the demand

for a New Benue S ta te . A lso , the disagreement between Mr. Aku and h is

deputy was due to the fa c t that w hile the former supported the Kogi State

movement, the la t te r supported the Okura State movement.

The struggle among e lit e s fo r str a te g ic posts also found expression

in eth n ic p o lit ic s . Mention has been made of the tension that b u ilt up

in 1979 between the Tiv and the Idoma over the e le c tio n of the Speaker

of the S ta te House o f Assembly.(11) E th n icity was used as a cover for

 280

individual ambition and obscured the real motive of the e lit e s which was

to plunder the meagre resources o f the S ta te . Once he had obtained power,

a leader set asid e the eth n ic cause which he had championed and became

pre-occupied with siphoning public funds into h is own pocket.

Turning to p o lit ic a l v a lu e s, i t is one thing to create p o lit ic a l

in stitu tio n s and quite another to ensure that people behave in accordance

with the requirements of such in s t itu t io n s . This was the dilemma facin g

the p o st-m ilitary p o lit ic s of N ig e ria . The changes introduced by the

m ilitary (1966-1979) which were expected to influence the p o lit ic a l process

in the Second Republic (1979-1983), were both stru ctu ra l and in s t itu t io n a l.

Among the stru ctu ra l changes was the creation of more States which we

discussed above. Whereas the stru ctu ra l changes were expected to have an

in direct e ffe c t on the p o lit ic a l process, the in s titu tio n a l changes were

aimed d ire c tly a t a ffe c tin g p o lit ic a l behaviour. The main in s titu tio n a l

changes were embodied in the 1979 C o n stitu tio n .

At State le v e l, the C o n stitu tio n made provision fo r a strong

executive Governor. The separate powers of the Governor and the Premier

in the F irst Republic were concentrated in the executive Governor under

the Second R e p u b l i c . A l t h o u g h there was co n stitu tio n a l provision for

checks and balances among the three arms of government, they were rendered

useless in p ra ctice i f one branch of government dominated the oth ers. In

Benue State the Governor was able to dominate both the le g is la tiv e and

ju d ic ia l branches because of h is control o f the party organization . Between

1979 and 1983 the Governor not only exceeded his co n stitu tio n a l powers but

h is actions were also a negation of democratic p ra ctice and v a lu e s, Aku

converted the N .P .N . into an instrument of personal d icta to rsh ip . He was

head of a government whose main aim was to plunder the fin a n cia l resources

o f the S ta te . Corruption, which became a way of l i f e under the Aku

 280

individual ambition and obscured the real motive o f the e lit e s which was

to plunder the meagre resources o f the S ta te . Once he had obtained power,

a leader set aside the ethnic cause which he had championed and became

pre-occupied with siphoning p ub lic funds into h is own pocket.

Turning to p o l i t i c a l v a lu e s, i t is one thing to create p o lit ic a l

in stitu tion s and q u ite another to ensure that people behave in accordance

with the requirements of such in s t it u t io n s . This was the dilemma facing

the p o st-m ilitary p o lit ic s of N ig e r ia . The changes introduced by the

n ilitary (1966-1979) which were expected to in flu e n ce the p o lit ic a l process

in the Second Republic (1979-1983), were both stru c tu ra l and in s titu tio n a l.

Among the stru ctu ral changes was the creation of more States which we

discussed above. Whereas the s tru c tu ra l changes were expected to have an

indirect e ffe c t on the p o lit ic a l p rocess, the in s t itu t io n a l changes were

aimed d ir e c tly at a ffe c tin g p o l i t i c a l behaviour. The main in s titu tio n a l

changes were embodied in the 1979 C o n stitu tio n .

At State le v e l, the C o n stitu tio n made p rovision for a strong

executive Governor. The separate powers of the Governor and the Premier

in the F irst Republic were concentrated in the executive Governor under

the Second R epublic. Although there was c o n stitu tio n a l provision for

checks and balances among the three arms o f government, they were rendered

useless in p ra ctice i f one branch o f government dominated the others. In

Benue State the Governor was ab le to dominate both the le g is la tiv e and

ju d ic ia l branches because of h is control of the party organization. Between

1979 and 1983 the Governor not on ly exceeded h is c o n stitu tio n a l powers but

his actions were a lso a negation o f democratic p ra c tic e and values. Aku

converted the N .P .N . into an instrument of personal d icta to rsh ip . He was

head of a government whose main aim was to plunder the fin a n c ia l resources

of the S ta te . Corruption, which became a way of l i f e under the Aku

 281

adm inistration, was widespread for two reasons. F i r s t , p o litic ia n s viewed

p o litic a l o f f i c e as a means of acquiring w ealth. The aim was to recoup what

vereoften considerable e le ctio n expenses and make as much money as nossible In

the shortest p ossib le tim e. Related to t h is was the fa c t that the behaviour

of the Governor encouraged corruption. For example, in order to win support

for a second term of o f f i c e , he bribed the Speaker o f the House o f Assembly

with the g i f t o f a car and gave a car to each o f the chairmen o f the lo ca l
. , (13)
government co u n cils in the S ta te . Corruption also flourished because of

the b e lie f o f the p o litic ia n s that they could not be punished. Since the

N.P.N. was in power and they were in the 'good books' of the p a rty , they

were confident that the Governor would always protect them. There was also

the fa c t that corruption by government o f f i c i a l s was not re stric te d to any

single in d iv id u a l. I t was an organized exercise lin k in g con tractors,

government o f f i c i a l s and p o litic ia n s , so that a l l those involved had a

vested in te re s t in p rotecting i t . Thus, when an a ffid a v it of corruption was

sworn again st Mr. Aku, no contractor was w illin g to t e s t ify against him.

Perhaps corruption was accepted by the m ajority of the people in

Benue State because of th e ir economic con d itio n . The assertion that

democracy cannot operate su ccessfu lly without some modest economic

development was vindicated in the e le c to r a l p o lit ic s of Benue S ta te . The

people were poor and vulnerable to manipulation by unscrupulous p o lit ic ia n s .

The N .P .N . exp loited to it s advantage a situ a tio n where, because of the

non-payment o f s a la r ie s and wages to workers, the amount of money in

circ u la tio n before the e le ctio n was r e s tr ic te d . Consequently, the people

were more su sceptible to bribery. The b rib in g process was h igh ly organized

so that money and goods went to at le a st 80 per cent of the e le c to ra te ,

including community leaders who were sworn on oath to support the N.P.N.

it is necessary to mention at th is juncture that while a ll the p o lit ic a l

 282

parties were involved in b rib e ry , the N .P .N ., the party in power in the

State, was most prominent. I t also seemed to have more money at i t s

disposal than the other p a r tie s .

As to the p o lit ic a l economy of Benue S ta te , i t can be argued that

e c on om ic con ditions in th is poox sta te w ere not co n d u c ive to the s u c c e s s fu l

w o rkin g of a democratic system of government. This supports the view of

S. M. L ip set when he sa id :

"From A r is to t le to the present, men have argued

that on ly in a so cie ty in which r e la t iv e ly few
c it iz e n s lived at the le v e l of real poverty
could there be a situ a tio n in which the mass of
the population in t e llig e n t ly p a rtic ip a te in
p o lit ic s and develop the s e lf-r e s t r a in t
necessary to avoid succumbing to the appeals of
irresp o n sib le demagogues."(14)

The preceding d iscussion of the re la tio n sh ip between our fiv e variables

and the p o lit ic a l process in Benue State has brought to lig h t some common

problems of s o c ia l scien ce . These problems are both th eoretical and

em p irical. The f i r s t problem rela te s to the fa c t that despite i t s claim

to be s c i e n t i f i c , so cia l science methodology has an inherent weakness which

a ffe c ts it s a p p lic a tio n to a concrete s itu a tio n . So cial science claim s to

use the s c ie n t if ic method - the observation of a concrete s itu a tio n , the

c o lle c tio n and c la s s if ic a t io n of data, the creation and testin g of hypotheses,

and the framing o f laws. S o c ia l science i s , th erefore, opposed to

rationalism and knowledge by in tu itio n . Knowledge to the so c ia l s c ie n tis t

is a p o ete rio ri. The fa c t i s , howey«*-, that .the s c ie n t ific

method is not very su ccessfu l in the so c ia l sciences because of the nature

of the object of study - the behaviour o f so cia l in stitu tio n s and human

b ein gs. The data upon which so cial science is based cannot be reduced to

laboratory conditions and manipulated fo r experimental purposes. Individuals

attach meaning to th e ir behaviour which varies from one individual to another.

 283

Ind e e d , the v a r ie t ie s of meanings attached to p o lit ic a l behaviour have

made it d i f f i c u l t fo r so c ia l s c ie n t is ts to carry out o b je c tiv e research.

S u b jectiv ity, no doubt, also has an adverse e ffe c t on the so cial sciences

yet is impossible to elim inate com pletely. Moreover, the p o lit ic a l

culture of the people in every given so c ia l formation a ffe c ts the

p o litic a l process. The d iscussion of Benue State has shown how personal

interests were instrum ental in shaping the p o lit ic a l behaviour of the

N.P.N. and the other p o lit ic a l p a r tie s . Furthermore, c u ltu r a l issu es,

including e th n ic ity , songs and myths, permeated modem p o lit ic s .

Karl Popper was against s o c ia l science methodology, or what he

described as 'h is t o r ic is m ', because o f it s p red ictive inadequacy. He

asserted that s o c ia l science phenomena cannot be predicted with any

degree of a c c u r a c y . R u n c i m a n argued that any s o c ia l science prediction

could be reversed by the conscious action o f human b e i n g s . T h e

modernization school predicted that the tra n sfe r of democratic in stitu tio n s

and values would re su lt in democratic p o lit ic s in N ig e r ia . Consequently,

Great B rita in was ipao facto expected to create the image of her own

p o lit ic a l system in N ig e ria . I t was th is supposition which led some

scholars to study the p o lit ic s o f N igeria through a lib e r a l democratic

telescope. As a co ro lla ry to th is fo cu s, a mirror image was evolved:

this was the idea of comparing the working of the newly transferred

p o lit ic a l in s titu tio n s in N igeria with those of the o ld e r democracies.

After observing Nigerian p o litic s in the F irst Republic, John P.

Mackintosh asked th is question:

"With this stock of British institutions now

increasingly adapted to Nigerian conditions,
is the result a democracy? The term has to
be considered in it s different meanings. I f
democracy exists only where certain sp e cific
institutions can be identified - a two-party
system, free electio n s, parliamentary control
of the executive - the answer is that a ll these
do not occur in N ige ria ." (17)
 Since independence, N igeria has gone through three successive

stages in her p o l i t i c a l evolution and is now in the fourth stage. The

fir s t stage - 1960-1966, which is usually referred to as the F irst

Republic - saw the emergence of indigenous p o lit ic a l leaders who inherited

the government from the B r itis h . This stage ended abruptly with the

m ilitary in terven tion in 1966; 13 years of m ilita ry ru le follow ed. The

third stage began in 1979 with the formal handing over of power to a

dem ocratically e le cte d government. And with the return of the m ilita ry to

power on 30th December 1983 we are now firm ly in the fourth sta g e . During

the fi r s t s ta g e , trappings of the Westminster model o f parliamentary

government were experimented w ith. But the experiment faltered as

p o litic a l p ra c tic e became out of step with the democratic in stitu tio n s

established. There follow ed a period of in s titu tio n a l fr a g ilit y and

prolonged in s t a b ilit y which was brought to an end by the m ilita ry in terven tion .

When the m ilita r y intervened, the f i r s t task to which they addressed them­

selves was the co rre ctio n of the anomalies in the coun try. This was done

with a view to removing the stru ctu ral imbalance among the component parts

and also to e lim in a tin g the regional in terests which had dominated party

p o litic s in the F ir s t Republic. I t can be argued th a t the m ilita ry

government did i t s best to create a benign and congenial environment fo r

a democratic system o f government in N ig eria. It was, therefore, l e f t

to the c iv ilia n s to operate these in stitu tio n s and stru ctu re s. The acid

test came a ft e r the e x it of the m ilita ry in 1979. The return of the

m ilitary in the la s t week of 1983 showed that the c iv il ia n p o lit ic a l

class had once again fa ile d .

A close look a t p o lit ic a l behaviour in p o st-m ilita ry N igeria shows

that the behaviour o f the leaders le f t muth to be desired in terms of

the in s t itu t io n a lis a tio n of democratic values and p ra c tic e s . A vailable

evidence bu ttresses the view that lib e r a l democratic values and p ractices

did not acquire s t a b i l i t y , r e lia b ilit y and a c c e p ta b ility . The scoreboard

 284

Since independence, N igeria has gone through three successive

stages in her p o l i t i c a l evolution and is now in the fourth stage. The

fir s t stage - 1960-1966, which is u su a lly referred to as the F irst

Republic - saw the emergence of indigenous p o lit ic a l leaders who inherited

the government from the B r it is h . This stage ended abruptly with the

m ilitary in terven tion in 1966; 13 years o f m ilita ry rule follow ed. The

third stage began in 1979 with the formal handing over of power to a

democratically e le c te d government. And with the return of the m ilita ry to

power on 30th December 1983 we are now firm ly in the fourth stage. During

the f i r s t sta g e , trapp in gs of the Westminster model of parliamentary

government were experimented w ith . But the experiment fa lte re d as

p o litic a l p ra ctice became out of step with the democratic in s titu tio n s

established. There follow ed a period o f in s titu tio n a l f r a g il it y and

prolonged in s t a b ilit y which was brought to an end by the m ilita ry intervention

When the m ilita r y in terven ed , the f i r s t task to which they addressed them­

selves was the c o rr e c tio n of the anomalies in the country. This was done

with a view to removing the stru ctu ra l imbalance among the component parts

and also to e lim in a tin g the regional in te re sts which had dominated party

p o litic s in the F ir s t R epublic. It can be argued that the m ilita ry

government did i t s best to create a benign and congenial environment fo r

a democratic system o f government in N ig e ria . I t was, th erefore, l e f t

to the c iv ilia n s to operate these in s titu tio n s and stru ctu res. The acid

test came a ft e r the e x it of the m ilita ry in 1979. The return of the

m ilitary in the la s t week of 1983 showed that the c iv ilia n p o lit ic a l

class had once again f a ile d .

A close look a t p o lit ic a l behaviour in p o st-m ilita ry N igeria shows

that the behaviour o f the leaders l e f t mush to be desired in terms of

the in s t itu t io n a liz a tio n of democratic values and p ra c tic e s . Available

evidence bu ttresses the view that lib e r a l democratic values and practices

did not acquire s t a b i l i t y , r e l i a b i l i t y and a c c e p ta b ility . The scoreboard

 285

showed that democratic p ra ctices lagged well behind democratic exp ectatio n s.

Sadly, modernization has not achieved i t s predicted goals in N ig e ria .

However, we have to recognise that so c ia l s c ie n tis ts are creatures o f the

environment in which they work and d ie so cia lise d into the value system of that

environment. The tru th o f th is becomes cle a r when we try to op e ra tio n a lise

the concepts that we use. For example, because we have been s o c ia lis e d into

the Western tr a d itio n of scholarship, we tend to a ssociate p o lit ic a l

modernization with W esternization and the c e n tr a liz a tio n o f p o lit ic a l

authority. This leads us into the error of considering any tra d itio n a l

behaviour as undemocratic. However, not a l l tra d itio n a l behaviour is

harmful to p o li t i c a l development. As Whitaker showed fo r Northern N ig e ria ,

modern p o lit ic a l in s titu tio n s can c o -e x ist with tra d itio n a l in s titu tio n s

in a harmonious r e la tio n s h ip . In sum, the author is of the view that

modernization theory needs to be constantly re-defined in the lig h t o f the

prevailing c u ltu r a l and h is t o r ic a l con text.

 286

Footn otes

1. Apart from th is ca se , there were dism issals in other government

departments a ls o . These included Mr. Bath Oche, John Agbo and
Mr. Gusah.

2. The Advanced Teacher Training C olleges were located at O j i , Ankpa and

Makurdi. The government issued a d ire ctiv e that not more than fo rty
students were to be admitted to each co lle g e annually. This was
considered by many people to be a waste of government funds.

3. Mr. O j i j i Alegwu, interviewed a t Otukpo in Ju ly , 1983.

4. The Constitution o f Nigeria 1979 (Lagos: Government P r in te r , 1979).

5. C o l. Abdullahi S h e llin g , the f i r s t M ilita ry Governor of the S ta te ,

realised th is and when.he was swearing in the f i r s t set of commissioners
in 1976, he cautioned them to serve the people irre sp e ctiv e of trib e and
creed and not to allow themselves to be influenced by t r ib a l considerations
to the detriment of the S t a t e 's adm inistration.

6. This was the f i r s t State movement in Benue S ta te . I t was dominated by

the Idah group and led by C o l. Ahmadu A li and Emmanuel Afawodi.

7. James 0 . O jia k o , le t Four Years o f Nigeria Executive Presidency: Success

or Failure (Lagos: D aily Times, 1983), p.226.

8. This movement was very popular with the Ankpa group. I t s leaders were
Mr. Isa Odoma and Simeon Onekutu.

9. A fu lle r d iscu ssio n of the Binda State movement is to be found in the

appendix.

10. Facts on the New Benue State are to be found in the appendix.

11. The contest was between the su ccessfu l Tiv candidate, Mr. Ayua Num,
and the Idoma can did ate, Mr. Audu Ogbe.

12. The Constitution o f Nigeria 1979, op.a it .

13. The Nigerian Triumph, I I November, 1982.

1«. S . M. L ip s e t, P o litic a l Man (London: Mercury Books, 1966), p .50.

15. W. G. Runciman, Social Science and P o litic a l Theory (Cambridge U niversity

P ress, 1971), p .1 3 .

16. Ib id .
17. j . p. Mackintosh et a l . , Nigerian Government and P o litic s (London:
A llen and Unwin, 1966), p.625.
 287

APPENDIX A

TARKA’ S LETTER TO POLITICAL LEADERS IN BENUE STATE

(Date not given , but approximately January 1980),

Dear Zeremo Avaan

Luga lyortyom
Ugor Iwoor,
Greetings to you all. I am not at home now but you who are there
are my eyes and ears, especially you M r. Ugor Iwoor.
I have spoken to Takema, Governor Aku and Minister Shaahu in
peace. I asked sou to help these sons o f ours with the heavy
responsibilities they now shoulder and make sure they are united so
that they can speak w ith one united voice. I f people now talk o f Tiv in
Benue State it is because^you all encouraged me with your moral
support to achieve this.
You should all come together and iron out your differences in such
a manner that there w ill be no squables amongst you. Make sure you
all help Governor Aku w ith the enormous task o f Governing Benue
State. You elected G overnor Aku to his present position and it is you
who w ill also advice him on matters that will be o f meaningful
progress. I am convinced that the meeting I held here with Governor
Aku and Minister Isaac Shaahu in the presence o f M r. Takema as a
witness w ill be o f immense importance fo r the progress o f our party in
Tiv in particular and Benue State in general.
Give my warmest greetings to all party leaders. I am now getting
much improved in health and I hope I w ill be back home soon.
I wish all o f you a long life. You should please inform M r.
Orngudwem to accept that appointment given to him by Governor
Aku; Mrs. Agundu too should also accept hers. j am

Your boy,
J.S. TA R K A .

Source: Tyu-Abeghe, Senator Tarka ie Dead (Makurdi: Satoa, 1980).

\
 288

■
■
■
■
APPENDIX B

■
TARKA'S LETTER TO THOMAS DEGARR

Mt. ilio m a t Peggt** No 1 tiw o Couit

State SlMtfit« Gfcuccaf«* Avenue
National fatty c< lende«, NUI, (ngland
Bcnuc State
mutili, Seoul Sfa/* 14 Match l i m
l<)tua
Piai Thema*,
I licitoli yout Und tette* a lio' day« back whitat I wa* on
OKI o< ay peiiodtc ad«****f«a to the Puacui Glad Noapitat,
1e n d e n , »Am I Naue iimvid »Am I Navi i i i i u i l vciy good
tuataiot and I Savi teapenacd laacaaty Iowa* i t aucceaafut
cull and diachatge. lifffc <» to aay that 1 have legomcd
•y body infig*#* ao ¿a* t that ay ftiend* eictain of bow |aat
I aa impending to tuataiat and iigaanang ay weight.
I mid not aay too auch about youl new and diaceinmg p o t a t i o n
at S t a t t Siciitaiy of oui Paity. Sufficient aa to aay that with
you* peu t ciptiacncc and oigannataonat ability you ait Boat
auatid <oi tbaa vtly aapoitant poaataon, which an youl caat
dcaeive* tbi baidiat woibang atiatioy aanci you know aa we aiik.
do, tb* .aa * agiang and lltaidang Cnaaaaan whole aabataon bt- R
coat* ao aetf ciatmd that a l t of ua bave bun obliged to
contuve to plop baa up fo* tbi aake of at. Vou watt theiefoie
know nactty bow to tun tbc office and tbi oiganaiation.
0n ay Iituin flow tbaa buidcnaoat tlap I intend to act boa I
can aaaiat you aoiatty and aatv***¿¿d' Meanwhite, tig youl
beat*to keep tbi Polly togetbei baaed on tbe oiaganat atiategy
and tocat biancb walking aiiangeocnt* wbicb you bave inbliitld.
to not attow tbc goveinaint aachineiy to get Band up with tbi .
Paity nachineiy. Pthciwiae, tbi goveinnent watt becoae a paity .
governami bun fion tbt goveinaint bouat tblougb tbi politicai
adviaoi, wbo bin«elf baa beep a veiy ationg and woitby oigan-
iiang aicittaiy in tbt paat and witi now bt powtl bungiy to I un
tbi f iitd wolf of tbc paity and bia official /ob aa potiti eat
advaaoi to tbi governo*. Pula aboutd be tbi govtliBint paity in
linui State end not tbc Paity o| G ovematnt aa coat people bave
atteapted to aakc it.
ta a tty , t*y to coopeiate with tk l Governo* and hi* M in ia te li!!
itp ie a e n ta tive * in the pu b lic aeivice ao aa not to c i t a t i a
daviaion in tbc S tate . The aaae aboutd apply to tbc new
C ubeiaatoiia! lia e io a P ffic c * via a via thehe to
lo ca l p aity Bacbineiy.
Naiaony abould be you* watekwold and you auat th c ic fo ii tiead
• it b caution in aide* not to upact the a p p lica n t.. Pteaae
convey to a l l tb t aoaen te a d cia , tbe n aît p a ity leaden* and tbe
youth wing atout tbia neaaage and in fo ia in p a it ic u la i, you*
■ otbei, that abe abould é t a it to w oliy about By health aa bu
the giace of God t have etiabed baeh in to the dawn of health
lathe* than the pleaching* of an antagon iit who wiahed ne to
elid e into deep daihneaa ao aa to aataafy th ei* unwoithy
oaten taiiou a-in oidin aie anbitiona, fo* laeh of d c e iit to a tlv e
appicatiahip the way tone of ua had done with the lih 'a and
the bwoiowo'a.
I aiah you the beet o f tuek in youl d i f f i c u l t tank and
lo ate you v tiy toon and fuithen d ieeu ii *•■ **/ *** “ 7
i i i u t * BcntioBi/V" th ie la t t e * . May Ood bt with you and a lt
that aie you i t lag aid* and
buy aineg
(J L .
'r-mrrnr’mr
29

Sa to s, 1980).
Source: Tyu-Abeghe, Senator Tarka io Dead (Makurdi:

\
 289

APPENDIX C

Binda State Movement

Tarka's House,
Gboko.

8th September, 1981

DEMAND FOR THE CREATION OF BINDA STATE OUT OF THE PRESENT

BENUE STATE

Ladies and Gentlemen of the Press:

It is our greatest pleasure to welcome you to th is very important

press conference. I t is very important because we are presenting to you

for the a ssim ila tio n of the general p u b lic the fa c ts and figures p ertaining

to our demand fo r a BINDA STATE to be created out of Benue State as you know

it now.

You may wish to re fe r to th is body h ereafter as the BINDA STATE

MOVEMENT. This movement has membership and support in and from twelve lo c a l

government areas in Benue S ta te . Those o f us here who are members of the

movement represent only a cross section o f the people who are in d iv id u a lly

and c o lle c t iv e ly s o lid ly with us. O f f i c i a l s of the movement include among

others:

1. Dr. Aker G a jir - Chairman Ushongo L .G .A .

2. Mr. Vincent T. Shirsha - Vice Chairman Nagi L .G .A .

3. Engr. M. B is ib i A ti - Secretary Katsina Ala L.G .A

4. Mr. J . V. Ayaka - A sst. Secretary Ambighir L .G .A .

5. Mr. Mbachiantim Manger - Treasurer Guma L .G .A .

6. Mr. D. A. Humbe - P u b lic ity Sec. Gwer L .G .A .

7. Mr. M. D. Awuhe Akaasah - Organising Sec. Vandeikya L .G .A .

8. Mr. Ioron Gbaah - F in a n cia l Sec. Gboko L .G .A .

 290

9. Mr. Ity u Abeghe - Auditor Makurdi L .G .A .

10. Mr. Nder Anye - Auditor Gboko L .G .A .
11. Mr. Terwase Kogi - Legal Adviser Ukum L .G .A .
12. Mr. Ako Zungwe - Chairman, P o lit ic a l Subcommittee
Kwande L .G .A .

13. Mr. S . J . I . Akure - Chairman, Adm inistrative Subcommittee

Konshisha L .G .A .

14. Mr. P. J . K. Igyu - Chairman, Cultural & H isto ric a l Subcommittee

Katsina Ala L .G .A .

15. Dr. D. I . Saor - Chairman, Economic and Finance

PATRONS

1. C hief Michael Ugor Iwoo - Grand Patron Ambighir L .G .A .

2. Mr. Denen T o fi - Patron Ambighir L .G .A .

3. Mr. Jo o ta r Tyodugh - Patron Gboko L .G .A .

A. Mr. U r l i j i Kpandeor - Patron Guma L .G .A .

5. Mr. F . Ityokula Igbor - Patron Gwer L .G .A .

6. Mr. Orkuma Yaaya - Patron Katsina Ala L .G .A .

7. Judge Angwe Asen - Patron Monshisha L .G .A .

8. Mr. G . I . Kajo - Patron Kwande L .G .A .

9. Mr. T . T. A ji - Patron Makurdi L .G .A .

10. Mr. M. K. Kornyi - Patron Nagi L .G .A .

11. Agwaza Aluga - Patron Ukum L .G .A .

12. Mr. Aga Inyamikume - Patron Ushongo L .G .A .

13. Mr. T ille y Gyado - Patron Vandeikya L .G .A .

In addition to the above, a l l the chairmen and cou n cillo rs of the

caretaker committees of the twelve lo c a l government areas concerned are f u l l

and a c tiv e members and supporters o f the movement. Binda State Movement has
 291

its headquarters in T ark a's House, Gboko.

Permit u s , la d ie s and gentlemen to inform you that a REQUEST w ill soon

be submitted to the N ation al Assembly and the Benue Sta te House of Assembly

to create BINDA STATE w ith it s headquarters in Makurdi, out of the present

Benue S ta te . Binda S ta te is the desire and hope of a l l the people of the

twelve local government areas concerned who have unanimously mandated us to

present th eir case to the appropriate b od ies. The proposed sta te con sists

of the follow ing lo c a l government areas: Ambighir, Gboko, Guma, Gwer,

Katsina A la , Konshisha, Kwande, Makurdi, N agi, Ukum, Ushongo and Vandeikya.

These put together are greater both in land area and population than for

instance the proposed Okura S ta te , Taraba S ta te , Kogi S ta te , Middle Belt

S ta te , to mention ju s t a few.

The people of the proposed Binda S ta te are known throughout the world

for th eir h o s p ita lity t o , and fr ie n d lin e s s with th e ir neighbours. In keeping

with th is custom and tr a d itio n th e re fo re , although the proposed state is

defined by the twelve lo c a l government areas mentioned above, the door is

s t i l l le f t open to any conmunities outside this area who desire to go with

us to rise up and jo in forces with us. We are always ready to co -e xist with

fellow N igerian s. Our demand for Binda State is not borne out of m alice,

p reju d ice, or h atred. Rather i t is based on the wishes of the people

buttressed by the hard fa c ts o f h is to r y , economic fa cto rs c a re fu lly and

honestly considered, and of course the Supreme Law o f the land, that is the

C o n stitu tio n .
Ladies and gentlemen, I crave your indulgence to elaborate minimally

on the fa cto rs enumerated above. We b e lie v e to the beat of our knowledge

that the request fo r Binda State ia legitim ate and c o n s titu tio n a l. Every

N igerian haa a c o n s titu tio n a l rig h t to choose how he should be governed.

We believe that we are not exempted from e xercisin g that co n stitu tio n a l r ig h t.
 292

Binda State is the c o lle c t iv e choice of the people geared towards the

betterment o f ourselves and Nigerians in general.

The h isto ry of s ta te a g ita tio n in th is part o f the country is well

known. The a g ita tio n fo r a Middle Belt State during the years of the

First Republic is s t i l l fresh in our minds. That stru ggle which was for

the betterment of the m inority peoples of the then Northern N igeria was

championed by our most loved Senator C hief Dr. J . S . Tarka (may h is soul

rest in p erfect peace) one of N ig e ria 's most illu s t r io u s sons ever borne.

It is disheartening and painful to note that during that painstaking

struggle, most of our immediate neighbours abandoned us on the street and

joined the then government in power (which constituted near impossible

barriers to the fu lfilm e n t of our b ir th r ig h t, and enjoyed high positions

in Kaduna and government sponsored in fra stru ctu ra l developments in th eir

lo c a lit ie s ) . The stru g g le was s t i l l on when the m ilita ry intervened in

January 1966.

With the coming into power by the armed forces the need to create more

states was too obvious to repeat here. Consequently Benue Plateau S ta te ,

among others was created in 1967, comprising Benue and Plateau Provinces

as they were before January 1966. Again these very ungrateful neighbours

of ours moved from Kaduna into even higher government p osition s in Jo s . As

i f that was not enough they went ahead with d e lib e ra te ly calcu lated and

treacherous attempts to blackmail us before others in Benue Plateau S ta te .

In the face of a l l these provocations we remained calm and dedicated. We

are fu lly aware of the various attempts by both in d ivid u als and groups

amongst our neighbours to portray us as u n c iv iliz e d savage and aggressive

people. We are aware too that th is was done for purely s e lfis h in terests

of those concerned. Although they completely fa ile d we no longer wish to

be subjected to such inhuman in s u lts . A separate Binda State is the only

answer.
 When again the m ilita r y declared th eir in te n tio n to create more sta te s

by 1976 these neighbours were at i t again. This time some opted to remain

in Plateau State oth ers opted fo r Gongola S ta te . Y e t others who f e l t they

could not alone c o - e x is t with us fought tooth and n a i l and brought in th e ir

'Kith and Kin' to jo in them to fig h t the imaginary domination. Our people

however, then l a n d e d Benue State based on the old Benue Province as i t

was before January 1966. The re su lt of these neighbours a ttitu d e is that

we now have today as Benue State with the Igalas coming to jo in th e ir

'Kith and K in '. We have no 'K ith and K in ', and we would lik e to remain as

such . I f Binda S ta te is created there w ill be no more fear of domination

forever here in Benue S ta te . We are s t i l l being accused of lord in over

others by the same o ld fo rce s. We have never been in a position to oth ers.

Irrespective of what others f e e l , we believe that i t is not an offence to

be numerous; a ft e r a l l there are other ethnic groups more numerous than we

are in th is country.

When the J u s t ic e Nasir Boundary Adjustment Panel v is ite d Benue, the

stand of our people on that issue was very clear and convincing. Yet that

panel completely ignored r e a lity and preferred the lopsided recommendations

which were la te r implemented by the Obasanjo regim e. With the creation of

Binda State such anomalies w ill cease to e x is t , once and for a l l .

In add ition i t is obvious that Binda State i f created, w ill bring

the government nearer to the people and hasten the pace of even development

in the area concerned. I t is also pertinent to add that i t is sensible to

create two n early equal states out of Benue State rather than taking less

than one-third o f Benue as a sta te and leaving over two-thirds as another

s ta te . In other words we advocate that the 'K ith and Kin* whatever that

means be given a s ta te of th e ir own.

Economically Binda State when created w ill be very v iab le indeed.

 294

It is blessed with a lo t of economic p o te n t ia lit ie s . The mineral resources

include lim estone of high q u a lity and a host of other m inerals.

In the f i e ld of a g ricu ltu re our prospects are very b rig h t. We have

yams, r ic e , cassav a, m aize,guinea corn, m ille t, cowpeas, livestock and

fish a ll enough to feed the whole of N igeria when fu ll y harnessed.

The r iv e r s Benue and Katsina Ala with their trib u ta rie s not only

provide an important navigable water-way but also a source of abundant

water for ir r ig a t io n and e le c t r ic it y generation.

The proposed Binda State has the basic in fra stru c tu ra l f a c i l i t i e s

such as ro a d s, railway lin e s , b ridges, airports and telecommunication

f a c i l i t i e s which need a l i t t l e e ffo r t to get them fu ll y developed.

The proposed State has one of the greatest human resources in N igeria.

The people o f th is area were the p illa r s of the Nigerian army in a l l its

campaigns from the F ir s t World War through to the C iv il War of 1967-70.

We also s ig n if ic a n t ly contributed to the development of the then Benue

Plateau S t a te and sim ila rly we are contributing to the development o f Benue

S tate. We are also proud that we have also no less contributed to the

private s e c to rs of the then Benue Plateau State and the present Benue S ta te .

With a to ta l land area of about h a lf of the present Benue S ta te and a

population o f over 2.2 m illio n according to the 1980 p ro je ctio n s, we are

certain ly over q u a lifie d to be given a state of our own.

We have equally a strongly established ch ie fta in cy in s titu tio n and

sh all m aintain the respect for our c h ie fs in keeping with the

Federal w ish to respect the said in s titu tio n and the appreciation o f its

role in the development of the n ation.

In view of our b e lie f in the unity and oneness of the Federal Republic

of N igeria and our commitments to even development and the allayment of

fears of domination over others which can only be enhanced by the creation
 295

of more s t a te s , and in view o f the fa c t that we have had f u l l consultations

with our people at a l l le v e ls and have hereby ascertained the true wishes

of our people fr e e ly expressed, we hereby resolved to have Binda State with

headquarters at MAKURDI. In pursuance o f th is our resolution we w ill embark

on the co n s titu tio n a l processes prescribed in the co n stitu tio n o f the

Federal Republic of N ig e r ia , 1979.

To th is end we have been mandated to in it ia t e action immediately at

a ll le v e ls fo r the implementation of th is Resolution.

Sgd.
Sgd.
Engr. M. B is ib i A ti
Dr. Aker G a jir
Secretary
Chairman
Binda State Movement
Binda S ta te Movement
 296

APPENDIX D

MOVEMENT FOR THE CREATION OF NEW BENUE STATE

PRESS RELEASE

The demand fo r the cre a tio n of a BINDA State comprising the twelve

TIV Local Government Areas of Benue State with it s Headquarters in MAKURDI

has added a new dimension to the a g ita tio n fo r the creation of new sta te s

in the country. H itherto only the movements for the creation of KOGI and

OKURA S ta te s were activ e in Benue S ta te . These movements fo r the creation

of Kogi and Okura States cover s ix Local Government Areas o f IGALA and BASSA

parts o f Benue S ta te .

With these various sta te movements what is now le f t o f Benue Sta te as

presently co n stitu ted are the fiv e Local Government Areas o f Ado, Apa, O ju,

Okpokwu and Otukpo. These fiv e Local Government Areas comprising the I DOMA

and the IGEDE have resolved to be constituted into a NEW BENUE STATE with

headquarters at OTUKPO.

We recognise that the creation of states on trib a l or ethnic b asis is

no panecea for the i l l s of th is nation. But as long as m aladm inistration,

inequitable d is trib u tio n o f am en ities, unequal opportunities for appointments

and promotions plague th is country within the present s t a t e s , there w ill

continue to be demands fo r the recon stitu tion of these adm in istrative u n its.

We from the fiv e Local Government Areas have h ith e rto contributed a l l

our e ffo r t s towards making Benue State a success. This we have done with

a s p ir it of great s a c r ific e and toleran ce. But i t would now appear that a l l

our e ffo r t s have been in v a in . Since the two other component ethnic groups

in Benue State have not decided to go th eir own separate ways, we have no

option but to demand a sta te o f our own.

We have abundant and in con trovertib le evidence that the TIV, the
 297

largest ethnic group, accounting for some 512 of the population have been

holding the rest of the people in the state to ransom. In the circumstances,

therefore, we cannot but agree with both the Tiv and the Ig a la that Benue

State as presently co n stitu te d be dismantled.

The amount of venom, the su sp icio n , the disenchantment, the veiled

threats, the in cred ib ly rid ic u lo u s assertion s and the delib erate provocations

contained in the statem ents launching the demands for the creation of

KOGI, OKURA and p a r tic u la r ly BINDA Sta te s make the demand fo r the creation

of a NEW BENUE STATE im perative.

In our present circum stances we have no a lte rn a tive but to appeal to

the Federal Government th a t as fr e e , law-abiding and ever loyal citize n s

of this great country, we fiom the fiv e Local Government Areas are fu lly

en titled to the p ro te ctio n of our persons, our p rop erties, our lands, our

rights and our le g itim a te in te re sts by the Federal might.

We are launching t h is movement fo r the creation of a NEW BENUE STATE

to emphasise to the Federal Government, that we do not expect to be

indiscrim inately lumped with any other group in the event of the creation

of more states in th is coun try. We wish to be on our own.

With a population o f over one m illio n and endowed with vast human

and natural resources, we believe firm ly that we in the proposed NEW BENUE

STATE have a l l the a ttr ib u te s and p o ten tial to co n stitu te a viable s ta te .

Arrangements fo r the formal launching of the movement for the creation

of a NEW BENUE STATE are at an advanced stage. The e sse n tia l documents

for presentation to the National Assembly are being prepared. An itin erary

for a tour of various p arts of the Federation to acquaint indigenes of

the proposed NEW BENUE STATE with the la te s t developments w ill be published

sh o rtly .
 297

largest ethnic group, accounting for some 512 o f the population have been

holding the r e s t o f the people in the state to ransom. In the circum stances,

therefore, we cannot but agree with both the Tiv and the Ig a la that Benue

State as p resen tly co n stitu te d be dismantled.

The amount o f venom, the susp icion , the disenchantment, the veiled

threats, the in cre d ib ly rid ic u lo u s assertion s and the d elib erate provocations

contained in the statements launching the demands for the creation of

KOGI, OKURA and p a r tic u la r ly BINDA States make the demand for the creation

of a NEW BENUE STATE im perative.

In our present circum stances we have no a lte rn a tiv e but to appeal to

the Federal Government th at as fr e e , law -abiding and ever loyal c itiz e n s

of th is great coun try, we from the fiv e Local Government Areas are fu lly

e n title d to the p ro tectio n o f our persons, our p ro p erties, our lands, our

righ ts and our le g itim a te in te re sts by the Federal m ight.

We are launching th is movement fo r the creation o f a NEW BENUE STATE

to emphasise to the Federal Government, that we do not expect to be

in d iscrim in ately lumped w ith any other group in the event of the creation

of more sta te s in th is cou n try. We wish to be on our own.

With a population o f over one m illio n and endowed with vast human

and natural resources, we b eliev e firm ly that we in the proposed NEW BENUE

STATE have a l l the a t tr ib u te s and p o te n tia l to co n stitu te a viable s ta te .

Arrangements fo r the formal launching o f the movement for the creation

of a NEW BENUE STATE are at an advanced sta g e . The e sse n tia l documents

for presentation to the N ational Assembly are being prepared. An itin e ra ry

fo r a tour o f various p arts of the Federation to acquaint indigenes of

the proposed NEW BENUE STATE with the la te s t developments w ill be published

sh o rtly .
 297

largest ethnic group, accounting for some 51% of the population have been

holding the re st of the people in the s ta te to ransom. In the circum stances,

therefore, we cannot but agree with both the Tiv and the Ig a la that Benue

State as p resen tly co n stitu ted be dism antled.

The amount of venom, the su sp icion , the disenchantment, the v e ile d

threats, the in cred ib ly rid icu lo u s a sse rtio n s and the deliberate provocations

contained in the statements launching the demands for the creation of

KOGI, OKURA and p a r tic u la r ly BINDA Sta te s make the demand for the c re a tio n

of a NEW BENUE STATE im perative.

In our present circum stances we have no a lte rn a tiv e but to appeal to

the Federal Government that as fr e e , law -abiding and ever loyal c it iz e n s

of th is great country, we from the fiv e Local Government Areas are f u l l y

en titled to the protection o f our persons, our p rop erties, our lands, our

rights and our legitim ate in te re sts by the Federal might.

We are launching th is movement fo r the creation o f a NEW BENUE STATE

to emphasise to the Federal Government, that we do not expect to be

indiscrim inately lumped with any other group in the event of the c re a tio n

of more sta te s in th is coun try. We wish to be on our own.

With a population of over one m illio n and endowed with vast human

and natural resources, we b eliev e firm ly that we in the proposed NEW BENUE

STATE have a l l the a ttr ib u te s and p o te n tia l to co n stitu te a v ia b le s t a t e .

Arrangements fo r the formal launching of the movement for the c re a tio n

of a NEW BENUE STATE are at an advanced s ta g e . The e sse n tia l documents

for presentation to the N ational Assembly are being prepared. An itin e r a r y

for a tour o f various parts o f the Federation to acquaint indigenes of

the proposed NEW BENUE STATE with the la t e s t developments w ill be published

shortly.
 Long Live THE NEW BENUE STATE, Long Live THE FEDERAL

REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA.

Dr. E. I . OBE V. G . O'KWU, ESQ.

(Chairman) (Secretary)
 APPENDIX E

Request for the Creation

of a
New Benue State
out of the
Present Benue State
 I
300

NEW BENUE STATE M OVEM ENT

c/o Senator Ameh Ebute.
The National Assembly,
Parliament Buildings,
Tafawa Balewa Square,
Lagos.
December I, 1981
The Clerk of The National Assembly,

Parliament Buildings,

Tafawa Balewa Square.

Lagos.

Sir,

REQUEST FOR THE CREATIO N OF

NEW BENUE STATE:

We forward herewith in accordance with the provisions of section 8 ( i) (a) i-iii)

of The Constitution of The Federal Republic of Nigeria 1979 A F O R M A L REQUEST for

the creation of N E W BENUE S T A T E out of the existing Benue State, with

headquarters at OTUKPO.

The request is presented on behalf of the people of the geographical area comprising
Five of the 23 Local Government Areas of the present Benue State of Nigeria. The five
Local Government Areas are:* Ado. Apa, Oju, Okpokwu and Otukpo Local
Government Areas.
The five Local Government Areas are represented by:-
(i) 2 members in the Senate;
(>>) 4 members in the House of Representatives;
(>ii) 12 members in the Benue State House of Assembly;
(■v) There are no democratically elected Councillors

And the request hereby submitted is supported by>

(*) I member in the Senate

(ii) 3 members in the House of Representatives
(>ii) 12 members in the Benue State House of Assembly.
 301

Thus, the necessary Constitutional requirements as to the support of two-thirds majority

of members representing the area demanding the c r e a t i o n of a new State in the
National Assembly, House of Assembly of the State and the Local Governments
ol the Area for the request have been satisfied.

These five Local Government Areas are blessed with abundant valuable but
largely untapped mineral and other natural resources. Located in the zone of transition
between tropical forest and guinea savana lands the population produces a large variety
of agricultural products ranging from the root and tree crops characteristic of tropical
forest regions to the grain crops and livestock associated with tropical grasslands. We
can boast of more than adequate availability of administrative, technical and professional
manpower. We have the requisite potential and the c r e a t i o n of a
NEW BENUE STATE
will certainly quicken the pace of economic development in this part o f Nigeria.

The position of these five Local Government Areas in the present Benue State is
utterly hopeless and the future looks most d i s m a l and bleak. Their case is a peculiar
and pathetic one. It is our hope that everyone concerned with this all-im portant exercise
of the creation o f States w ill appreciate their position.

The composition o f the Benue State House o f Assembly gives the T iv an absolute
majority: 30 seats out o f 57 seats. This means that even the democratic process can
be used, and has been used, to hold all the other ethnic groups in Benue State to ransom.
This was the case during the election of the Speaker of the Benue State House of
Assembly in October, 1979. In a S t a t e comprising three clearly identifiable,
relatively large but unequal ethnic groups, if the Governor came from one o f the groups
and the Deputy Governor from another the Speaker o f the House should have come
from the third ethnic group in the spirit o f the “ Federal Character" enshrined in the
Constitution of the Federal Republic o f Nigeria, 1979. But using their absolute majority
in the Benue State House o f Assembly, the Tiv who produced the Governor voted
democratically” to elect one o f themselves as the Speaker.
 302

Given (he relatively low political sophistication and the powerful influences of

ethnicity in Nigerian politics, this situation could be perpetuated for ever. Therefore to

leave the five Local Government Areas and for that matter, the other ethnic groups as an

appendage to. and entirely at Ihe mercy of the Tiv, in the present Benue State would be

tantamount to consigning them to constitutional bondage. The indigenes of the five Local

Government Areas would be permanently doomed.

Since the A rm y handed power over to civilians in October 1979, the number of

Local Government Areas in Benue State has been progressively increased from thirteen to

thirty four.

1979 1980 1981«

No. of Approx o /o No. of Approx o /o No. of Approx o /o

L. G. As of Total L.G .As o f Total L. G. As of Total

TIV 6 47 12 52 18 53

IGA LA 4 30 6 26 9 26

IDOMA 3 23 5 22 7 21

Total 13 100 23 100 34 100

(The latest eleven to be created are yet to be assented to and constituted by the Governor.)«

It is evident from the above table that since the inception of civilian administration

in Benue State, the T iv , combining their powerful positions in both the Executive and the

Legislative Arms of Government, have been able to alter dramatically the ratio of Local

Government Areas in the State in their own favour.

Since there is no end to this process in sight, the day might not be very far o ff when

a Tiv Gubrnatorial candidate could depend entirely on T iv votes not only to win the

nomination but also to satisfy the costitutional “ safeguards" for becoming Governor of

Benue State.
 303

All the other demands for the creation o f new St le- < ut o f the present Benue State

i.e. the demands for the creation o f Xogi.O kura and Cinda States, explicitly cxlude these

five Local Government Areas o f Ado. Apa. Oju. Okpokwu and Otukpo. The demand for

a Binda State, in particular, serves emphatic notice on the other ethnic groups and

particularly those from the five Local Government Areas o f Ado. A p a . Oju.Okpokwu and

Otukpo. that the Tiv no longer desire continued association w ith these other people in

Benue State as presently constituted.

We do accept that the Tiv are a "peace-lov ing" people. But we arc also aware from

the facts of recent history that when political passions arc aroused matters could be very

different.

O ur request is rooted in a genuine desire to ensure peace, harmony and stability

particularly in the area o f the present Benue State and in Nigeria as a whole. Our case is

based on the convincing desire for self-determination and for enhancing the welfare and

pi ogress o f our people. The institutions o f State and even the letter o f the constitution,

have been manipulated in too many ways to be enumerated here, to place the people

from these five Local Government Areas o f Ado, Apa, Oju.Okpokvvu and Otukpo, in a

position of severe disadvantage in the distribution of amenities and in appoinments,

promotions and the disposition of Staff. It is in these circumstances and in the light of

the bleak prospects ahead that we now make the demand and formally request the

National Assembly to initiate action to create a

NEW BENUE STATE.

The creation of a New Benue State will give the people of these five Local Government
Areas, Ado, Apa, Oju, Okpokwu and Otukpo, a sense of belonging and guarantee our
greater participation in Nigeria's politics and economy. It will undoubtedly bring the
Government nearer to our people.
In the New Benue State, we envisage that political and administrative posts, educational
institutions and other social and economic projects will be fairly and evenly distributed to
the component Local Government Areas to ensure that everyone's welfare and progress
«re catered for.
 304

The are» of the proposed Nrw Penue State it about 15,000 sq. km. Its population
of about one million comi ares favourab y with several States in the Federation and is,
<nfact. bigger than some African nations like The Gambia, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and
Botswana; some European countries like Luxumburg and Malta; and bigger than States
like New Hamphshire, Idaho and Wyoming in the United States o f America.
These five Local Government Areas are historically affiliated, culturally compatablc
and economically similarly oriented. From time immemorial they have co-existed in peace
and harmony to the extent that the boundaries between the ethnic groups are purely
imaginary and exist only on administrative maps.
THEREFORE, we the elected representatisesand accredited leaders of the geograghical
area comprising the following Local Government Areas: Ado, Apa, Oju Okpokwu and
Otukpo, who have been mandated by our people to demand the creation of

NEW BENUE STATE

which shall compose the geographical area of the five L.tcal Government Areas enumerated
above, hereby request the National Assembly to initiate action and to pass AN ACT o f the
National Assembly for the purpose of creating the aforesaid State. The land area or
territory of the proposed State is aptly described in the Map attached as aonexture “ A " .

Yours faithfully,
for and on behalf o f the
NEW
,
BENUE STATE
7
MOVEMENT

2. Senator Andrew A. Abogede

3. Hon. David Attoh

U» Hon, Samuel 0. Adoyi

5. Hon, A. Eigege EJiga

6• Hon, David Agi

 ?
MAP or PROPOSED NEW BENUE STATE
 306

‘ t

Now Bonne S ia lo M - . . .111

0 o Sen ator V n c h 1 Bute
T h e N a tio n a l \ " c m h l > .
Parliam en t B u ild in g * .
T a la w .i B u lcw .i S q u a re .
Lago*.

D ecem ber I . 19X 1

The C le rk o f T h e N a tio n a l A sse m b ly .

Parliam ent B u ild in g s ,
Tafaw a B a le « a S q u a re .
Lagos.

S ir,
R E Q U E S T E O R f H E ( R f A T IO N O f

NEW Bl N U I S IA M

(S E C T IO N X (a ) (1) O P THI C O N S T I T U I IO N (>l

IH I I I 1)1 R M R E P U B L IC O f N K il K IM
19797

1. W hereas by section 8 su b -se ctio n ( 11 ( a ) (1) o f the C o n s titu tio n o f the fe d era l

R e p u b lic o f N ig e ria , 1979. A n A c t o f the N a tio n a l A sse m bly fo r the pu rpose o f

creating a new State sh a ll o n ly be passed if:-

(a) a requ est, su p p o rte d by at least t ^ o -lh ir d s m a jo rity o f m em bers representing

%
the a re a d e m a n d in g the cre a tio n o f the new State in each o f the fo llow ing

namely:-
( i) “ The Senate and the House of Representatives."
2. And whereas the area demanding the creation of New Benue State includes Ado,
Apa.Oju.Okpokwu and Otukpo Local Government Areas within Benue Stule; und
the members of the Senate and the House of Representatives are respectively
at follows:-
Senate: 1. Ameh Ebute (Benue South East District)

2. Andrew A. Abogede (Benue Central West District)

House of Representatives:-
1. Hon. David Attah Okpokwu East Constituency
2. Hon. Samuel 0 . Adoyi Okpokwu West Constituency

3. Hon. A. Eyigege Ejiga Otukpo Constituency

4. Hon. David Agi Oju Constituency

 307

>0
3. Now therefore by section 8 sub-section (1) (a) ( i) of the Constitution of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria 1979, we the undersigned members of the Senate and

the House of Representatives representing the area mentioned above hereby

request the National Assembly through the President of the Senate and Speaker

of the House of Representatives to pass or cause to pass an Act of the National

Assembly creating a new State out of the present Benue State and the new State
i
shall be known and called

NEW BENUE STATE

which said State shall comprise Ado, Apa, Oju, Okpokwu and Otukpo Local

Government Areas o f the present Benue State of Nigeria. The headquarters of

the proposed State shall be at Otukpo.

Name Constituency S ig n r - i a r c s 1 / \
■7 7 »’ ' 7 1

I. B enue S o u th E ast
“ “*
Se n a to r A m e h E b u te

2. S e n a to r A n d re w A b o g e d c B enu e W est C e n tr a l ---- --------—

3. H o n . D a v id A tiafa O k p o k w u E east

4. H o n . Sam uel 0 . A d o y i O k p o k w u W est J L : -

3. H o n . A . E y ig e g e E jig a O tu k p o

H o n . D a v id A g i O ja
 308

New Benue State Movement,

c/o Senator Ameh,
The National Assembly,
Parliament Buildings,
Tafawa Balewa Square,
Lagos.

December I, 1981.

The Clerk o f The National Assembly,

Parliament Buildings,
Tafawa Balewa Square,
Lagos.

REQUEST FOR THE C R E ATIO N OF

NEW BENUE STATE

(SECTION 8 ( I ) (a) ( li) OF THE C O N STITU TIO N OF

THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC O F NIG ER IA 1979)

I. Whereas by section 8 sub-section ( I ) (a) ( i i ) o f the Constitution o f the Federal

Republic o f Nigeria, 1979, An Act o f the National Assembly fo r the purpose o f

creating a new State shall only be passed if>

(a) a request, supported by at least two-thirds majority o f members representing

the area demanding the creation o f the new State in each o f the following

namely:-
(I) The House of Assembly in respect of the area.
2. And Whereas the area demanding the creation of New Benue State includes Ado,
Apa, Oju.Okpokwu and Otukpo Local Government Areas within the Benue State;
and the members of the Benue State House of Assembly representing the area
demanding the creation of New Benue Sate are respectively as follows:-
1. H o n . A u d u I. O g b e b O tu k p a C o n s titu e n c y
2. „ Elias 1. Ekpirt Ig u m a le / U to n k o n C o n s titu e n c y
3. „ S. O . Ude A g ila / U la y i / Ijig b a m C o n stitu e n cy
4. m J . 0 . Obeya O k p o g a / O r o k a m C o n s titu e n c y
3. h T tu d d e u s O k o O rub i O w u u k p a / Icb a m a C o n s titu e n c y
6. m O . S . O fik w u E d u m o g a C o n s titu e n c y
7. h A . O m in g b e O d e h Iged c C o n s titu e n c y
» Peter. O . E ru U w o k w u C o n s titu e n c y
9. „ O han de O deh Ito C o n s titu e n c y
10. „ Paul A . O deh U g b o ju /A d o k a / O n y an ged c C o n stitu e n c y
IL „ Abu Edo A g a tu / O c h e k w u C o n s titu e n c y
12. „ Jo s e p h O m a h a O g b o A k p a / O tu k p o /Oglew u C o n s titu e n c y
Now therefore, by section 8 sub-section (1) (a) ( ii) of the Constitution of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria 1979, we the undersigned members of the Benue State

House of Assembly, representing the area mentioned above hereby request

the National Assembly to pass or cause to pass, through the President of the

Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, an Act of the National

Assembly creating a new State out of the present Benue State to be known and

called

NEW BENUE STATE

which said State shall comprise Ado, Apa, Oju, Okpokwu and Otukpo Local

Government Areas of the present Benue State of Nigeria. The headquarters of

the proposed State shall be at OTUKPO.

Name Constituency

Hon. Audu Ogbeh Otukpa

„ Elias I. Ekpiri Igumalc/Utonkon

S. O. Ude Agila/U layi /Ijigbam

J. O. Obeya Okpoga /Orokam

» T h ad d eu t O k o O rub i O w u u k p a / Icb a m a

Name

Hon. 0 . S . O fik w u
„ A . O m m g b e O d eb

,, Peter O . E ru

» Obande O deh

m P au l A . O d e

h Abu E d o

» Jo se p h O m a h a O g b o
 310

13

New Benue Stale Movement,

c /o Senator Amch Ebute,
The National Assembly,
Parliament Buildings,
Tafawa Balewa Square,
Lagos.
December 1, 1981.

The Clerk of the National Assembly,

Parliament Buildings,
Tafawa Balewa Square,
Lagos.

S ir ,

REQUEST FOR CRE ATIO N OF

NEW BENUE STATE

(Section 8 ( I ) fa ) ( iii) of the Constitution

o f the Federal Republic of Nigeria 19797

1. Whereas by section 8 sub-section ( I ) (a) ( iii) of the Constitution of the Federal

Republic of Nigeria, 1979, “ An Act ol the National Assembly for the purpose of
creating a new State shall only be passed if:-

(a) a request, supported by at least two-thirds majority of members

representing the area demanding the creation of the new State in each of
the following namely:-
( iii) “ The Local Government Councils in respect of the area."2
3

2. And whereas the area demanding the creation of New Benue State includes Ado,
Apa, Oju, Okpokwu and Olukpo Local Government Areas within Benue Slate:
3. And whereas the Local Government Councils for Ado, Apa, Oju, Okpokwu and
Otukpo Local Governments have been dissolved by order of the Governor of
Benue State made pursuant to section 102 o f the Benue State Local Government
Law No. 14 o f 1976 and
i. There are no democratically constituted Local Government Councils for
these areas; and
ii. There are no Councillors democratically elected in the area of the proposed
New Benue State.
 *
311

14

IN THE HIG H COURT OP JUSTICE OF LAGOS STATE

SWORN A F FID A V IT :

I, Senator Ameh Ebute, male, Christian, Member of the National Assembly of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria do hereby swear and state as follows; That;

1. I am mandated by the Representatives of Ado, Apa, Oju, Okpokwu and Otukpo Local

Government Areas of Benue State of Nigeria to swear to this affidavit on their behalf.3
4

2. I have seen part I to the First Schedule to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of

Nigeria 1979 wherein the Benue State is describs as contain ng the following 13 Local

Government Areas>

1. Ankpa 1. Kw ande

2. Bassa 9. M ak urdi

3. D e k in a 10. O ju

4. Gboko II. Okpokw u

5. Gw er 12. O tu k p o

6. Id a h 13. V a n d e k iy a

7. K a t s in a A l a

3. T h e proposed N e w Benue S ta te com p rises o f the L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t A re a s o f O j u ,

O k p o k w u an d O tu k p o show n in P art I o f the F irst S c h ed u le t o th e said C o n s titu tio n .

4. S in c e the said C o n s titu tio n c a m e in to o p eratio n on O c to b e r I , 1979:-

( i) The O kpokw u L ocal G o v e rn m e n t A re a has been split in to A d o and

O k p o k w u L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t A re a s by Law .

( ii) T h e O tu k p o L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t A r e a bas been split i n t o A p a an d O tu k p o

L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t A r e a s by L aw .

( iii) T h e O ju L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t A re a rem ains in ta ct.

 312

5. There a r e now fiv e L o cal G overn m en t areas in the p ro p o s e d N e w Benue

State n a m e ly :-

I. Ado

ii. Apa

iii. O ju

iv. Okpokwu

v. O tu k p o .

6 T h e e le c te d c o u n cils o f th e a fo re sa id L o c a l G o v e r n m e n ts h av e been d iso lv ed

and e a c h o f the five L o c a l G o v e r n m e n ts is now m a n a g e d b y a C a r e -T a k e r

C o m m itte e a p p o in ted b y th e G o v e r n o r o f B e n u e Sta te b y v irtu e o f h it pow ers

under s e c tio n 102 o f the B e n u e S ta te L o c a l G o v e r n m e n t L a w N o . 14 o f 1976 as

such there a re no d e m o c r a tic a lly electe d c o u n c illo r s in th e a re a o f the p ro p o se d

New B e n u e S ta te .

7. T h e request h as been sign ed b y the fo llo w in g representatives a s show n b e lo w :-

L egislativ e H o u s e N u m b e r o f M em b ers S ig n a to r ie s

Senate 2
F ederal H o u s e o f R ep s. 4 3

Benue H o u s e o f A sse m b ly 12 12

T h a t I sw e a r to th is a ffid a v it b o n a fid « * " d in- '’ rie' c o m n lia n c e w 4»' /

p ro v isio n s o l the O a th s A c t o f 1963.

Aineh E B u te
( D e c la r a n t ) .

SW O R N t o a t the H ig h C o u r t

R egistry , O T U K P O th is 2nd dav

of Feb. 1982.

BEFORE M E:

C O M M IS S IO N E R FOR 0
 313

i APPENDIX F

INTERVIEW RECORDED ON TAPE

I DOMA AREA

Chief Jacob Obande N .P .N .

Mr. O gw iji Ikongbe Il

Hon. Audu Ogbe II

Chief Abutu Obekpa II

Hon. Omaba Ogbo II

Hajiya Aroina Zakari II

Mr. Adakole Adama II

Mr. O j i j i Alegwu II

Hon. Oche Udeh II

Mr. Alechenu Icha II

Rtd. C o l. C hris Odeh II
Mr. Ogezi Oche II
Mr. Ochapa II
Mr. Dominic Urrà II
II
Mr. P a trick Ugbeikwu
II
Mr. Akochi Adeka
II
Mr. Jack Agaba
II
Mr. Augustine Uwodi
II
Mr. Sunday O gw iji
II
Mr. John Aboyi Alechenu
II
Mr. C . E. Ajunwa
II
Mr. Vincent Ookwu
II
Mr. Unogwu Aboh
II
Mr. Baba Odangla
II
Mr. Adejo O g ir i
II
Mr. Eigege E jig a
II
Mr. Eka Onajo
II
Mr. John Agbo
II
Mr. John 0 . Aja
Rtd. C o l. A. Ochefu N .P .P .
il
Rtd. C apt. Usman Ejerobi
ii
Mr. Samuel Adoyi
ii
Mr. Peter Uloko
ii
Mr. Boniface Ebute
ii
Mr. Elaigwu Igomu
ti
Mr. John I . Enekele
ti
Mr. Isaac Ugbabe
ii
Mr. Orinya Oche ii
Mr. Orinyaa A gbaji ii
Mr. Agbara Ogah ii
Mr. Moses Idajo ii
Mr. P a trick 0 . Ukpabi
ii
Mr. Joe Oroakwu
ii
Mr. B. U. Attah
ii
Dr. Edwin Ogbu
ii
Mr. Edin Obe
 314

I IDOMA AREA (co n t.)

Mr. Ameh Diga N .P .P

Mr. Ejembi Eko It

Mr. E lla Abogonye U .P.N

Mr. Obogwu A jeinu N .A .P
Hajiya Ochenehi Aguchi it

IGALA AREA

Hon. Emmanuel Adegbe N.P.N

Hon. John 0 . Egwemi ti
Prince Bawa it
Hon. Abu J ib r in it
Mr. Emmanuel Atawodi ii
Mr. Musa Ikani it
Mr. Michael Umaru 111a U.P.N
A lh a ji A lfa Bele N .P.P

TIV AREA

Hon. Ahinda Atoza N.P.N

A lh. Danladi Umoru II
Hon. Pius Agom II
Mr. Muendega Jib o II
B a rriste r Ashieka II
II
Hon. Bature Aga
Chief Emmanuel Atongo N .P .P
II
Mr. Thomas Degarr
Mr. Chia Surma U.P.N
II
Mr. Isaac Shaahu
II
Tor Gbor
f WARNING!

. PROPAGANDA AGAINST 1R. PAUL UNONGO

TO BENUE VOTERS
THINK OF THESE FACTS
.P A U L U N O N G O c » O o August 6. IM 2 *t Owern « I I 'h r guest of the loio state
I hr IMS got ha doctor«I« i Cio n rami nt Mike AM I rcprairal the •

10. When T A L L I 'S O U C O and myself travelled from Ron

Lagoa to December I M 2 . I told him of these disclosures by I
uho was Ms political aide up to I M O He mai tamed etnearaas

t A F R IC A N C O N T IN E N T A L B A N K L T D
T O E X P A N D H B JV L A A A C O C
r effectively a I

i like Beaue effectively'

aPAULUNON GO.
Reject the a u a for he I
■he Ood feeetea Rfaddret S H C M U A H A G A M m appreemuon for the role
U N O N G O plaved m the pre-electioa days appointed him the F IR S T

PoBndoa a Irehmrtinu with a large Shahs-Nationa l Cocnpanv with I t . fro m the above » is our conclusions that P A U L U N O M G O is
gm rten M Eaglaad ia wMch owe MMe A M aow of Ow crri played politica 'y and financially an unstable character
W and u anonymous lin e r to P w d g ia l S M EM U
■ r - i v f <me h irer waa Iwvaadgaiad by Me (N g O I and B u m a a a m a t he
■ A M P A U L U N O N G O w a a “ transferred" from steel m inm ry. D Reject M m :— P A U L U N O N G O .
rafter P A U L i m dM M e A M M m m , M < h < M of the , * P A U L . pMme tell me b o r a t e h o . r L imend to gmKrmc fund, to
1 * Zrmt' Lamtom. The facts are on one repay the A C R loans owned by M M a t s C n i_ | of C w a a r i a which yoa
m t the founder, chairman snd G U A R A N T O R ?
 316

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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BENUE STATE GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS

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'Pace S e tte rs" (Makurdi: Government P r in te r , 1980).

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"Shagari in Benue S ta te" (Makurdi: Government P r in te r , 1981).

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FEDERAL GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS

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"Agricultural Incentives” (Lagos: Government P rin te r , 1981).

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THE GREAT NIGERIAN PEOPLE'S PARTY ( G .N .P .P .)

"The Con stitu tion o f the G .N .P .P ." (Lagos: Academy Press, 1978).

"The Manifesto o f the G .N .P .P ." (Lagos: Academy Press, 1978).

"The Programme o f the G .N .P .P ." (Lagos: Academy Press, 1978).

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 J 18

"The Programme o f N .A .P .” (Lagos, 1983).

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UNPUBLISHED UNDERGRADUATE THESES AT THE AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY,

ZARIA, NIGERIA (DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT)

Abafi, B. N ., The Problems o f P o lit ic a l Integration: The Case Study o f

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NEWSPAPERS

The Daily Times (Lagos) The Nigerian Punch (Lagos)

The Nigerian Conoord (Lagos) The Nigerian Tribune (Ibadan)
The Nigerian Guardian (t.agos) The Nigerian Triumph (Kano)
The Nigerian Herald (Ilorin ) The Nigeria Voice (Makurdi)
The Nigerian Observer (Benin)

JO H N RYLA N D
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