Notes for a History of Peruvian Social Anthropology, 1940-80 [and Comments and Reply]

Author(s): Jorge P. Osterling, Hector Martinez, Teófilo Altamirano, Henry F. Dobyns, Paul
L. Doughty, Benjamin S. Orlove, Henning Siverts, William W. Stein and James M. Wallace
Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 24, No. 3 (Jun., 1983), pp. 343-360
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for
Anthropological Research
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CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Vol. 24, No. 3, June 1983
? 1983 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, all rights reserved 0011-3204/83/2403-0003$1.75

Notes for a History of Peruvian Social

Anthropology, 1940 801

by Jorge P. Osterling and Hector Martinez

THE PROFESSIONAL PHASE of the development of social anthro- stituted the foundations of present-day Peruvian ethnology.
pology in Peru begins with the institutionalization of the Taking into account all its limitations, we have called this
teaching and practice of social anthropology in Peruvian uni- article "Notes....." It is simply a first step on a long and very
versities, a process that coincides with the efforts of non-Peru- difficult journey that we hope will be enriched by contributions
vian anthropologists to study Peruvian society and culture. and critical comments from our colleagues. In future works we
What might be called the "nonprofessional phase" of its devel- will try to continue this study by analyzing the assumptions,
opment has been fully analyzed by Marzal (1981) and Tamayo scope, and limitations of the work dealt with here.
Herrera (1980); we shall attempt to sketch the highlights of A number of articles dealing with social anthropology in Peru
the professional phase. in a broader context, or specializing in certain aspects of it,
The wide spectrum, necessarily descriptive, that we are have already been published, among them those of Matos Mar
presenting is the first stage of a project that will occupy us over (1949), Trujillo Ferrari (1952), Montoya (1972-73), Millones
the next few years. An effort such as this will obviously involve Santa-Gadea (1973), and Arambur(u (1978). Bibliographies are
inadvertent omissions, the more so because the period in ques- in a sense also preliminary contributions to this endeavor, in
tion was characterized by invaluable contributions in the publi- particular those of Martinez, Cameo, and Ramirez (1969),
cations of limited circulation (often mimeographed) that con- Garcia Blazquez and Cordova (1969), Matos Mar and Ravines
(1971), Mart'inez (1980), and Perez and Caceres (1981).
' This article was translated by Raquel E. Ciria. Because the development of social anthropology in Peru is
strongly linked to particular institutions or projects (research
or applied), we will present these institutions and projects in
JORGE P. OSTERLING, now an independent consultant (his mailing strict chronolog -al order.2 We will begin, however, with a brief
address: 2942 S. Columbus St., A-1, Arlington, Va. 22206, U.S.A.), review of the work of the scholar Luis Valcarcel, a Peruvian
formerly taught anthropology at the Pontificia Universidad
anthropological institution and the driving and shaping force
Cat6lica del Per(i and social sciences at the Universidad del Paci-
fico in Lima. Born in 1945, he was educated at the Seminario
in the building of the discipline in Peru.
Conciliar de Santo Toribio (high-school teacher's degree with
majors in philosophy and religion, 1967), the Pontificia Univer-
sidad Cat6lica del Perfi (B.A., social sciences, 1971), and the VALCARCEL
University of California, Berkeley (Ph.D., 1977). He was a visiting
scholar of the Center for Latin American Studies and Documenta-
tion in Amsterdam in the winter of 1981. His publications include If one were forced to name the single most significant fo
"Migration and Social Mobility in Peru: The Case of Juan Perez" Peruvian ethnology during the 1930s and 1940s, it would
(Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers 47-48:28-43), "The 1970 to be the jurist, historian, journalist, politician, and ethn
Peruvian Disaster and the Spontaneous Relocation of Some of Its
Luis Valcarcel Vizcarra. Valcarcel was born at Ilo (Moqueg
Victims: Ancasino Peasant Migrants in Huayopampa" (Mass
Emergencies 4:117-20), "San Agustin de Pariac: Su tradicion in 1891. His parents took him to Cuzco when he was a yea
oral" (Debates en Antropologia 5:189-224), "La reubicaci6n de los and he lived there until 1930. Then, for political reasons
vendedores ambulantes de Lima: eUn ejemplo de articulaci6n moved to Lima, where he remained from then on.
politica?" (America Indigena, in press), and De campesinos a pro- The 1920s in Peru were characterized by deep reflection on
fesionales: Migrantes de Huayopampa en Lima (Lima: Fondo
Editorial de la Universidad Cat6lica, 1980). the national identity and on the major structural problems
facing the nation. The country was suffering the long civilian
HkCTOR MARTfNEZ received his Ph.D. in anthropology at the dictatorship of Augusto Leguia (1919-30) and feeling the effects
Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos in 1962 and is now of the world economic crisis. The intellectual milieu also in-
Associate Professor at that university. Among his major works
cluded ideas born out of the agrarian Mexican Revolution and
are Las migraciones internas en el Peru (Caracas: Monte Avila,
1969); the Javier Prado Prize-winning Las migraciones altipidnicas the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. A series of books that have be-
y la colonizaci6n del Tambopata (Lima: Centro de Estudios de come classics in the Peruvian social sciences appeared in this
Poblaci6n y Desarrollo, 1969); El gxodo rural en el Peru (Lima:
Centro de Estudios de Poblaci6n y Desarrollo, 1976); Migraciones 2 This procedure has, however, left us no place to discuss a number
internas en el Perg: Aproximaci6n critica y bibliografia (Lima: of works that are landmarks in Peruvian social anthropology, among
Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1980); and Jenaro Herrera: Una them Bourque and Warren (1981); Doughty (1968); Isbell (1974,
experiencia de colonizaci6n en la selva baja (Lima: Coteru, 1981). 1976); Mangin (1967); Mayer and Bolton (1980); Nufnez del Prado
Bejar (1975a, b); Smith (1971, 1975); Tschopik (1951); and Zuidema
The present paper was submitted in final form 20 Iv 82. (1964).

Vol. 24 * No. 3 * June 1983 343

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context (see, e.g., Castro Pozo 1924, Haya de la Torre 1927,
Mariategui 1928, Garcia 1930, Basadre 1931, Belaunde 1931);
Valcarcel's Tempestad en los Andes (1972 [1927]) was among
them.
Tempestad en los Andes represents the principal expression of
the indigenist currents of the 1910s and 1920s. In it Valcarcel
maintains that, as a result of the Spanish invasion and coloni-
zation, Peru is a state shaped by two nationalities in irrecon-
cilable conflict. Cuzco is the bastion of the first nationality, the
mother culture; Lima is the symbol of the invading culture and
the expression of an adaptation to European culture. Arguing
that crossbreeding will not resolve this conflict, Valcarcel says
that the only solution is a return to our Inca roots (pp. 23-25):
"culture will come down again from the Andes ... the race, in
the forthcoming cycle, will reappear in a dazzling form, haloed
by its eternal values . . . it is the event that marks the reemer-
gence of the Andean peoples on the stage of the cultures. ..."
During his lengthy stay in Cuzco, Valcarcel had been drawn to
the indigenist movements Tradicion and Resurgimiento (Val-
derrama et al. 1979, Marzal 1981, Tord 1978) and had become
one of their main spokesmen. In addition to minor works and
journalistic articles he published another important piece, "Los
nuevos indios" (1927), in this period.
In 1930, his support for Luis Sanchez Cerro (president 1930-
33) motivated him to go to Lima. As he explains (in conversa-
tion, August 8, 1981), his opposition to the Leguia regime
caused him to be called, when the regime fell, to help resolve
the deep political crisis that eleven years of it had created. He
was first placed in charge of the Museo Bolivariano and then,
a few months later, became director of the new Museo Nacional
(Decree of April 9, 1931), which he remained until 1964. The
Museo Nacional was charged with "the preservation and study
of all relics of Peruvian history belonging to the state," and
therefore it was divided into two departments: anthropology,
to study man and culture from the pre-Columbian period, and
history, to deal with the later phases. The Revista del Museo
Nacional appeared in 1932. Up until 1964 (vol. 33), Valcarcel
was its editor, and it was and is the main forum for the best
Peruvian and foreign ethnologists and archeologists. Now
edited by Valcarcel's former student Rosalia Avalos de Matos,
it has recently published its 44th volume. At about the same
time, by a decree of April 23, 1931, the Instituto de Antro-
pologia and the Instituto de Historia were created at the Uni-
versidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (UNMSM) in Lima.
These institutes were to work in close collaboration with appro-
priate departments of the university. Thus the institutional-
ization of the teaching and practice of Peruvian anthropology
can be traced to 1931.
Some 15 years later, when Jose Luis Bustamante y Rivero
took over the presidency as leader of the Frente Democratico
Nacional, Valcarcel was appointed Minister of Education. As
minister, he created the Instituto de Estudios Historicos and
the Instituto de Estudios Etnologicos, as components of the
Museo Nacional de Historia (Supreme Decree of November 30,
1945), and the Museo de la Cultura Peruana (Supreme Decree
of March 30, 1946). The Instituto de Estudios Etnologicos,
first affiliated with the Museo Nacional de Arqueologia, became
attached to this latter museum. At the same time, the UNMSM
established its Instituto de Etnologia y Arqueologia, where
Valcarcel taught until 1967. His influence in high governmental
circles made it possible in 1946 for him to set in motion the
Instituto Indigenista Peruano, of which he became the first
the direction of the American archeologist Gordon Willey of
director. In this period of his life he published numerous articles
Smithsonian Institution. It was the first project systematically
on popular medicine, folklore, architecture, planning, and other to bring together Peruvian professors and students in ethnology
varied topics, an introduction to ethnology, several books on and archeology. Ambitious in its scope, it involved seven
the prehistory of Peru, and Ruta cultural del Per - (1965 [1945]).
American and Peruvian academic institutions. Its main purpose
Valcarcel is one of the few social scientists also conversant with
the great humanistic tradition.
THE HANDBOOK OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS
The publication of the seven volumes of the Handbook of South
American Indians (Steward 1946-57) marked the beginning of
a long and fruitful collaboration between Peruvian and foreign
scholars. The goal of producing a concise summary of existing
data to serve as a general reference for academic work, a text-
book for students, and a guide for the common reader (Steward
1946-57, vol. 1: 2) had first been enunciated in 1932, when the
National Research Council appointed a committee chaired by
Robert H. Lowie of the University of California and made up
of John M. Cooper and Leslie Spier to explore the possibility of
producing such a work. The collective effort started at the
beginning of World War II and employed more than 100 social
scientists, including Peruvians Luis Valcarcel, Hildebrando
Castro Pozo, and Rafael Larco Hoyle.
For us there is particular interest in volumes 2 (Andean
Civilizations) and 3 (Tropical Tribes of the Forest and Savanna),
edited by Julian H. Steward and the French ethnologist Alfred
Metraux respectively. The two editors collaborate, in the
second of these volumes, on an exhaustive analysis of tribal
organizations in the Peruvian jungle. Valcarcel contributes
three articles, "The Archeology of Cuzco," "The Andean
Calendar," and "Indian Markets and Fairs"; Castro Pozo, then
an official at the Ministry of Labor and Indian Affairs, is the
author of "The Social, Political, and Economic Evolution of the
Communities in Central Peru"; and Larco Hoyle, at the time
director of the Larco Herrera Museum at Trujillo, offers "The
Archeology of the Central Andes." The rest of the authors are
American: Wendell C. Bennett (Yale University), "Introduc-
tion to the Sierra Andes"; John Howland Rowe (Peabody
Museum, Harvard University), "The Inca Culture at the Time
of the Conquest"; George Kubler (Yale University), "The
Quechuas during the Colonial Period"; Bernard Mishkin
(Columbia University), "Contemporary Quechuas"; Harry
Tschopik (Peabody Museum), "The Aymaras"; and Weston
La Barre (Rutgers University), "The Uru-chipaya."
The arrival in Peru of these ethnologists and ethnohistorians,
some of them quite young, was closely associated with the
founding of the UNMSM's Instituto de Etnologia y Arqueo-
logia in 1946. Valcarcel has suggested that their fieldwork sowed
the seeds of modern Peruvian social anthropology. He particu-
larly acknowledges the support of Bernard Mishkin, when the
American scholar was studying the community of Kauri, near
Cuzco, in the creation of that institute (Valcarcel 1947:194).
John Rowe, now at the University of California, Berkeley,
was also to play an important role from 1942 onward in the
organization and consolidation of the archeology and anthro-
pology section of the Universidad Nacional San Antonio Abad
in Cuzco. By 1943 John Gillin, Richard Schaedel, Harry
Tschopik, Fernando Camara, and Julio de la Fuente had joined
Rowe in Cuzco, and together they made that center of anthro-
pological studies the best in the country. Oscar Nunfiez del Prado
and Gabriel Escobar are outstanding students from those years.
Rowe has continued his Andean studies to this day. His teach-
ing activities have been enriched by the organization in 1960
of the Institute of Andean Studies and its journal Nawpa Pacha.
THE VIRUJ PROJECT
The Viriu Project was begun at the end of World War II
was to study the present-day modes of life of the inhabitants
of the Virui Valley (La Libertad). Among the participants wer

344 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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Jorge C. Muelle, later a professor at the UNMSM's Instituto Osterling and Martinez: PERUVIAN SOCIAL ANTIHROPOLOGY
de Etnologia y Arqueologia; Oscar Niunez del Prado, later
director of the Kuyo Chico Project; Allan Holmberg, to become Perft Indigena also contains rich ethnographic material, ideas,
the director of the Peru-Cornell Project; and Humberto and opinions on the so-called Peruvian native problem (see
Ghersi, one of the first students of the institute just mentioned.
Martinez and Samaniego 1978).
As a result of this project, several articles appeared in the At present there seem to be the beginnings of a revival of the
Revista del Museo Nacional (and see Nufnez del Prado 1951), Instituto Indigenista Peruano as a decentralized agency of the
and Holmberg published his well-known "The Wells That Ministry of Labor and Social Promotion.
Failed" (1952).

THE PERU-CORNELL PROJECT

THE INSTITUTO INDIGENISTA PERUANO
The Peru-Cornell Project was part of the Culture and Applied
The creation of the Instituto Indigenista Peruano was a con- Social Science Program of Cornell University. Begun at the end
sequence of the First Interamerican Indigenist Congress in of World War II, it was influenced by the experience acquired
Patzcuaro, Mexico, in 1940, which recommended the establish- by applied anthropologists in the 1940s and by the theoretical
ment of the Instituto Indigenista Interamericano. This insti- assumptions of Malinowski's "practical anthropology" (see,
tute, legally based on an international convention, was charged e.g., 1945). It presupposed strategic intervention through action
with coordinating and encouraging indigenist policies all over oriented towards the raising of the standard of living of econom-
America. Contracting countries were to organize national insti- ically depressed populations. It was to be applied to five com-
tutes to stimulate interest in and provide information on native munities in different parts of the world: Bang Chan (Thailand),
topics to individuals and to public or private institutions. The Senapur (India), Nova Scotia (Canada), the Navajo (U.S.A.),
institutes were also to carry out studies of particular interest and Vicos (Ancash, Peru). Allan Holmberg was in charge of
to each country. Their functioning, organization, and regula- the development of the program in Peru.
tion belonged to the national jurisdictions in question. Then directing the Vir(u Project and lecturing part-time at
On January 19, 1943, the Peruvian Congress, by Legislative the UNMSM, Holmberg selected the Vicos hacienda, the sub-
Resolution No. 9812, approved the convention. Later, by Su- ject of Vazquez Varela's (1952) doctoral dissertation, as a native
preme Resolution of May 15, 1946, it organized the Instituto group of very low economic status. Furthermore, the hacienda
Indigenista Peruano as a decentralized office of the Ministry of belonged to the Public Benefit Society of Huaraz and was
Justice and Labor. The institute began operating, under Val- available for rent. It was located in the Callejon de Huaylas
carcel's direction, on February 21, 1947. Its functions included,and had a monolingual Quechua population of 2,000, spread
among others, research on various aspects related to aboriginal over an area of some 7,600 hectares. It was to be the object of
populations, sponsorship of scientific research on their living a series of studies and practical activities for almost two de-
conditions, collaboration with domestic and foreign institutionscades. The project was inaugurated in 1952, based in the Insti-
in the study of these topics, advice on legislation and resolutions tuto Indigenista Peruano, and in Holmberg's (1966:16) words
addressed to their welfare, and the publication of a journal. It it attempted:
undertook a series of investigations and participated in con- a) On the theoretical side... to conduct a form of experimental
crete indigenist actions both on its own and in collaboration research on modernization processes that are . .. in progress in
with the Peru-Cornell Project, the Puno-Tambopata Program, many parts of the world;
and the Proyecto de Integracion y Desarrollo de la Poblacion b) On the practical side ... to help this community to change from
Indigena. From 1947 until 1966, the institute's development a position of relative dependence and submission in a highly re-
stricted and provincial world to a position of relative independence
was characterized by scarcity of human and material resources
and freedom in the framework of Peruvian national life.
and a lack of official support. This led to its becoming part of
the Ministry of Labor and Indian Affairs, a move by which it The project provided opportunities for learning and practice
lost its independence without solving its problems. The bulk of for several classes of students from the Instituto de Etnologia
the institute's work at this stage consisted of the publication of y Antropologia, UNMSM. Many of these students are still
Perui Indigena, the implementation of studies on comunidades active in anthropology: Francisco Boluarte, Angelino Camargo,
and haciendas, the building up of its library, and limited partic- Victor Carrera, Hernan Castillo, Alberto Cheng, Teresa Egoa-
ipation in the Vicos and Puno projects. vil, Juan Elias Flores, Humberto Ghersi, Daniel Gutierrez,
When the institute assumed responsibility for the research, Federico Kauffmann, Hector Martinez, Aida Milla, Abner
evaluation, and training activities of the Proyecto de Integra- Montalvo, Rodrigo Montoya, Alejandro Ortiz, Pedro Ortiz,
cion y Desarrollo de la Poblacion Indigena in 1966, it acquired Cesar Ramon, Arcenio Revilla, Humberto Rodriguez, Carmen
sufficient funding to organize seven research groups (each com-Rojas, Miguel Ruiz, Eduardo Soler, Froilan Soto, Jorge Trigo,
posed of two anthropologists, an agronomist, and a social and Mario Vallejos.
worker) spread over an equal number of "Zonas de Accion Going beyond Vicos, the project also carried out research in
Conjunta." This, the institute's most fruitful phase, continued
other Andean communities. Cornell graduates were basically in
until 1969; then, by an article in Decree-Law 17.716, the charge of the operations, among them David Andrews (Paucar-
Agrarian Reform Law, its staff became the Peasant Communi-tambo), Stillman Bradfield and Paul Doughty (Huaylas), Joan
ties Office, part of the General Office of Agrarian Reform and
Snyder (Recuayhuanca), William Stein (Hualcan), John Hick-
Rural Settlement. After a period of inactivity, the personnel ofman (Chichera), Jeanette Anderson (Sayan), and Nadine Han-
this office was scattered because the institute's director thought
sen (Arequipa). Professors and students from Yale, Harvard,
it was time to implement what was already known in theory.and Chicago also participated in the studies.
A number of the studies listed by Garcia Blazquez and Cordova Together with Holmberg, the physician Carlos Monge
(1969) date to the 1966-69 period; Martinez (1969b) describes
Medrano, as director of the Instituto Indigenista Peruano and
their nature and scope. These works and others prepared at the
codirector of the project, played an important role, as did suc-
institute contain rich ethnographic material that has so far cessive field directors William Mangin, William C. Blanchard,
been used only to a very limited extent. (It inspired, for ex- and Mario Vasquez. Henry F. Dobyns served as the project's
ample, Montoya's A proposito del car4cter predominantemente coordinator in Peru.
capitalista de la economia peruana actual [1970].) The journal Holmberg and some of his associates prepared a good intro-

Vol. 24 - No. 3 * June 1983 345

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duction to the project, Vicos: Mgtodo y prdctica de antropologia
aplicada (1966), and it produced articles by Dobyns (1964),
Mangin (1960), Martinez (1959), and Montalvo (1957).
THE PUNO-TAMBOPATA PROGRAM
THE PLAN NACIONAL PARA LA INTEGRACION
DE LA POBLACION INDIGENA
The Plan Nacional para la Integracion de la Poblacion Indigena
(PNIPA), created in December 1959, was oriented towards the
"integration" of the Indian population into national life, ap-

The Puno-Tambopata Program was part of the Andean Pro- plying the experience acquired in the Peru-Cornell Project and

gram of the United Nations and its specialized agencies (ILO, the Puno-Tambopata Program. It was strongly influenced by
FAO, WHO, UNICEF, and UNESCO), which involved a Mexican anthropology, mainly through the works of or direct

series of communities in Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador. It origi- contact with Gonzalo Aguirre Beltran, then director of the
nated basically in the International Labor Organization's Instituto Indigenista Interamericano. It was the only project

concern with Latin American Indian problems and its acknowl- emphasizing applied anthropology in Peru that was developed
edgment that a large sector of the population remained outside with human and financial resources clearly belonging to the
nation. Over a period of five years it mobilized the efforts of
existing social legislation. At ILO's regional meeting in Mon-
tevideo in 1949, an Experts' Committee on Indian Labor was two provincial universities. As a public agency, PNIPA was
formed. When the experts ended their deliberations, they subordinated to the Ministry of Labor and Indian Affairs. Its
recommended to ILO the establishment of a joint mission to president was Carlos Monge Medrano. The ministry also had
study the problem of Latin American countries with a large two other agencies dealing with indigenist activities, the Insti-
proportion of Indians. This was to be undertaken in consulta- tuto Indigenista Peruano and the Office of Indian Affairs, and
tion and coordination with the UN and its specialized agencies jurisdictional problems were common.
and also with the Organization of American States. Seeking national scope, the PNIPA organized five depart-
The joint mission included experts on several areas and was mental programs. In practice they involved a limited number
presided over by the New Zealand anthropologist Ernest of communities, paradoxically because of limited government
Beaglehole. The mission visited the various countries for a support. The Ancash and Puno Programs were in a sense a
period of four months in 1952 and, after consulting with their continuation of the Peru-Cornell Project and the Puno-Tambo-
respective governments, produced a regional plan based on pata Program, respectively. The Ayacucho Program, limited to

individual projects for each of the countries. The plan was a series of communities in the Cangallo Pampa microregion,
presented to the UN Board of Technical Assistance in 1953. It was the charge, both in its technical and in its administrative
was approved in the same year and submitted for consideration aspects, of the Universidad Nacional San Cristobal at Huaman-
to the Bolivian, Peruvian, and Ecuadorian governments. ga. The Cuzco Program was sponsored by the Universidad
In the Peruvian case, the plan suggested the introduction of Nacional San Antonio Abad. Centered in the Kuyo Chico/
two programs, the Puno-Tambopata (Puno) and the Muqui- Pisac/Calca microregion (which included 12 communities), it
yauyo (Junin)-the latter being the community studied by prompted an interesting pilot project in applied anthropology

Adams (1959). Only the first of these was implemented. Accord- under Oscar Nuinez del Prado's direction (see Niunez del Prado
ing to Martinez and Samaniego (1978), the Puno-Tambopata 1961). He points out (1973) that the program's main goal was
Program had three phases: (a) between 1954 and 1957, experi- to raise the Indians' consciousness with regard to the possibility
mentation and demonstration, under the direction and full of resisting the exploitative system to which they were sub-
responsibility of the Andean Program; (b) between 1957 and jected by the mestizo population of Pisac. The Apurimac Pro-
1961, extension of the activities of the so-called Aymara bases gram was established only in PNIPA's final year. It was limited
of Chucuito and Cacmichachi and the Quechua base of Taraco to the Uripa and Mu-napucro communities of Chincheros dis-
to neighboring communities, the emphasis being on the training trict, Andahuaylas, and its direction was placed in the hands of
of members of those communities; and (c) starting in 1961, an agronomist.
transfer of the direction and executive responsibility to Peru- The PNIPA was in a way replaced, in 1966, by the Proyecto
vian officials and adoption of the Plan Nacional para la Inte- de Integracion y Desarrollo de la Poblacion Indigena, with a
gracion de la Poblacion Indigena. U.S. $20,000,000 loan from the Inter-American Development
Social anthropologists were associated with the development Bank. The Consejo Nacional de Desarrollo Comunal was
of the program from its inception. Beaglehole, presiding over created to implement it. Since then, all the projects implement-
the joint mission, helped design the various national programs. ed in Peru have had an economicist and technological orienta-
William C. Blanchard was program director from 1956 on. tion. Social anthropologists have not been consulted or have
Abner Montalvo served as associate director. Ra(ul Galdo played only a secondary role.
studied the communities on the shores of Lake Titicaca, Hector
Martinez high-plateau migrations to the Tambopata, and THE UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL MAYOR DE SAN
Pedro Ortiz the Villurcuni hacienda (see Galdo Pagaza 1962a, MARCOS
b; Martinez 1969a; Ortiz Vergara 1963a, b), along with topics
strictly dealing with applied activities. The establishment of the Instituto de Etnologia y Arqueologfa
In spite of its theoretical and applied relevance, the Puno- as a section of the Facultad de Letras, UNMSM, in 1946, with
Tambopata Program did not become a center for ethnological Luis Valcarcel as its first director, marked the beginning of the
research or applied anthropology as did the Vicos and Vir(u institutionalization of social anthropology in Peru. Jorge C.
projects, perhaps in part because it was an interdisciplinary Muelle (1903-74), a learned anthropologist and archeologist,
research and applied program including agronomists, primary- was in charge of courses on anthropological theory and under-
school teachers, physicians, social workers, mechanics, and took a series of field investigations. Some of their results ap-
carpenters as well as anthropologists. A group of researchers peared only timidly in articles such as "Estudios etnologicos en
from the Universidad Nacional Tecnica del Altiplano, with Viriu" (1948a), "Pacarectambo: Apuntes de viaje" (1945b), "La
financial support from Dutch Technical Cooperation, is evaluat- chicha en el distrito de San Sebastian" (1945a), and "El estudio
ing the impact of the program. Furthermore, Jeff Rens, former del indigena" (1948b). During the '40s Muelle worked in close
Principal Adjunct Director of ILO and an advocate of the coordination with the Museo de la Cultura Peruana and eth-
Andean Program, in collaboration with some of its participants,
nologists from the Smithsonian Institution such as Mishkin,
is writing a history of its development and reflections on what
Holmberg, and Ozzie G. Simmons, director of the Lunahuana
was once a program with international presence. Thus, even Project (1949-52). The first graduates of the institute were Jose
today, the program remains the subject of a series of discussions.Matos Mar (Tupe: Una comunidad del area del Kauke en el

346 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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Per(u, 1948), Rosalia Avalos (El ciclo vital en la comunidad de
Tupe, 1950), Mario Vasquez Varela (La antropologia cultural
y nuestro problema del indio, 1952), and Humberto Ghersi
(Practicas funerarias en la comunidad de Vir?u, 1950). During
the '50s continuity was provided by the first professors, to
which Jose Matos Mar and others were added as visiting
teachers. The number of students increased, and they partici-
pated in projects conceived by the institute or sponsored by
international cooperation.
The Huarochiri-Yauyos Project (1953-55) was designed by
the institute and sponsored by the Wenner-Gren Foundation.
Among others, its participants were Jose Matos Mar, Julio
Cotler, Francisco Boluarte, Teresa Guillen, and Eduardo Soler.
Their theses were to become classics; most of them are included
in the book Las actuales comunidades indigenas de Huarociiri en awarded the Javier Prado Prize.)
1955 (Matos Mar 1959) and in the Revista del Museo Nacional
(see Boluarte 1959, Guillen Araoz 1953, Soler 1959). Cotler's
Los cambios en la propiedad, la comunidad y la familia en San
Lorenzo de Quinti (1959) is also relevant.
During the '50s Hector Martinez, Abner Montalvo, and
Pedro Ortiz participated first in the Peru-Cornell Project and
then in the Puno-Tambopata Program. Federico Kauffmann
and Ra?il Galdo, authors of a series of works related to these
first experiences in applied anthropology, joined the Project and
the Program respectively.
The Shantytowns Research Project, directed by Jose Matos
Mar and mainly sponsored by the National Housing Corpora-
tion, involved students in the institute and the English architect
John Turner. The census undertaken in the context of this
project and several case studies of shantytowns mark the
beginnings of urban anthropology in Peru (and see the later
contributions of Doughty [1970] and Uzzell [1972, 1974a, b,
1980]). William P. Mangin returned to study the mental health
of the inhabitants of Lima's shantytowns in 1957-58, collabo-
rating closely with Humberto Rotondo, a professor of psychia-
try at the UNMSM, and of course with Matos Mar and Turner.
The main product of this project was the Estudio de las barriadas
limefias (Matos Mar 1966). Mildred Merino de Zela's doctoral
dissertation "El cerro San Cosme: Formacion de una ba-
rriada" was awarded the Javier Prado National Prize for the
Promotion of Culture.
In this period the presence of Jose Maria Arguedas (1911-
69) was also important, first as a student in the institute and
later as head of the Instituto de Estudios Etnologicos of the
Museo Nacional de Cultura. In 1957 he earned his B.A. with
the thesis "La evolucion de las comunidades indigenas," which
was also awarded the Javier Prado Prize. In 1956 he published
his classic article "Puquio: Una cultura en proceso de cambio."
His comparative study of communities in Leon (Spain) and
Peru (1963) is also worthy of mention.
An important event in this decade was the Conference on
Anthropological Sciences of 1951, commemorating the quadri-
centennial of the UNMSM. This was the first international
anthropological meeting to be held in Peru, and it involved such
renowned specialists as Luis Valcarcel, Carlos Monge Medrano,
Paul Rivet, Hugo Pesce, Wendell Bennett, Pedro Weiss, Ozzie
Simmons, and Maria Reiche.
Among others, the following were professors at the institute
during the 1960s: Luis Valcarcel (director), Jorge Muelle,
Pedro Weiss, Jehan Vellard, Pedro Villar Cordova, Jose Matos
Mar, Jose Mejia Valera, and Anibal Ismodes. Others were
added to or substituted for these for variable lengths of time,
among them Jose Maria Arguedas, Gabriel Escobar, Julio
Cotler, Luis Lumbreras, Hector Martinez, Federico Kauff-
mann, Carlos Delgado, Emilio Mendizabal, Stefano Varese,
and Mario Vazquez. The number of students was relatively
large, and many of them are still in anthropology.
The Chancay Valley Project was conceived as a field for
study and practice in the beginning of the 1960s. Under Jose
Matos Mar's directorship, it involved Heraclio Bonilla, Olinda
Vol. 24 - No. 3 *
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Osterling and Martznez: PERUVIAN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Celestino, Carlos Degregori, Cesar Fonseca, Fernando Fuen-
zalida, Jurgen Golte, Rodrigo Montoya, Walter Quinteros,
Humberto Rodriguez, Luis Soberon, Teresa Valiente, and Jose
Luis Villaran, each of whom earned his/her B.A. degree with a
thesis related to some aspect of this coastal microregion (see,
also, e.g., Fuenzalida et al. 1968).
Special mention must be made of Emilio Mendizabal Lozack
(1922-79), who, as a student and later a professor at the insti-
tute (1966-76), wrote such distinguished articles as "Pacaraos:
Una comunidad en la parte alta del valle de Chancay" (1964)
and "La difusion, aculturacion y reinterpretacion a trav6s de
las cajas del imaginero ayacuchano" (1963-64). (The latter was
The '60s were notable for the active participation of students
in the institute's life. Through the Center for Anthropology
Students they published Cuadernos de Antropologla, with con-
tributions by both students and faculty.
Social anthropology at the UNMSM was influenced by the
fruitful and meaningful presence of many foreign scholars as
professors, researchers, or both. In chronological order, the
following were important:
Ozzie G. Simmons, as a member of the Smithsonian Institu-
tion's Institute of Social Anthropology, worked in Peru be-
tween 1949 and 1952. He particularly studied Lunahuana,
assisted by his student Alfonso Trujillo Ferrari (at present a
professor at the Free School of Sociology in Sao Paulo, Brazil).
Of special importance are Simmons's articles "El uso de los
conceptos de aculturacion y asimilacion en el estudio del cambio
cultural en el Per(u" (1951), "The Criollo Outlook in the Mestizo
Culture of Coastal Peru" (1955), and "Drinking Patterns and
Interpersonal Performance in a Peruvian Mestizo Commu-
nity" (1959).
Jehan Vellard, a French physician and ethnographer, taught
at the institute in the '50s. He is well remembered as a keen
specialist on South American ethnography and particularly on
the Urus.
Jacob Fried, of McGill University, established the first links
between anthropology and psychiatry through a study of mi-
gration and mental health in which professionals from the
Workers' Hospital joined members of the institute. Fried's
(1960) article "Enfermedad y organizacion social" is well
known in Peru.
Fran?ois Bourricaud, a sociologist from the University of
Bordeaux, is important for having linked anthropology and
sociology in his 1956-57 courses. He also introduced to the
UNMSM, among others, Karl Marx, Vilfredo Pareto, Max
Weber, Marcel Mauss, Georges Gurvitch, and Robert Merton.
He is better known for his work on the Peruvian bourgeoisie and
the formation of the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Ameri-
cana. In our field, his Cambios en Puno: Estudios de sociologia
andina (1967) is of interest. Julio Cotler and Carlos Fajardo
are outstanding among his students.
Henri Favre, an anthropologist from the Institut des Hautes
Etudes de l'Amerique Latine, directed the Huancavelica Project
between 1963 and 1965. Products of that research were his
"Algunos problemas referentes a la industria minera de Huan-
cavelica" (1965) and "Evolucion y situacion de la hacienda
tradicional de la region de Huancavelica" (1976 [1956]). Favre's
students-Cesar Cerdan, Augusto Escribens, Fernando Fuen-
zalida, Carlos Tincopa, Luis Tord Romero, Teresa Valiente, and
Jose Villaran-published articles on their own findings.
Juan Comas, as a visiting professor sponsored by the OAS,
taught courses on physical anthropology and American pre-
history in 1962. This indicates the broad scope of the UNMSM's
curriculum at the time. (Pedro Weiss had long taught the first
of these courses.) Comas's critical observations on the Peru-
Cornell Project and the Puno-Tambopata Program were
important.
June 1983 347
 John V. Murra has been connected with Peru since at least
1955, when he graduated from the University of Chicago. In his
dissertation, recently published (1978), on the organization of
the Inca state, one can find the origins of his interesting works
on Andean economic and ecological complementarity, which he
calls "vertical control of a maximum of ecological levels." He
develops this idea in Formaciones econ6micas y politicas del
mundo andino (1975), which has had wide impact on Peruvian
ethnological studies. His students Cesar Fonseca and Enrique
Mayer have done outstanding work on the Chaupihuaranga
(Huanuco), Cafiete, and Mantaro Valleys.
William Mangin and Donald Sola, of Cornell, William W.
Stein, of the University of Miami, Rolando Mellafe, of the
University of Chile, and Anibal Buitron, an Ecuadorian an-
thropologist who was an official in ILO's regional office, were
also professors at the UNMSM, for shorter periods, during the
'50s and '60s, and they may not have been the only ones.
In 1969 the promulgation of the University Law generated a
crisis in the UNMSM that meant the scattering of most profes-
sors in the institute and eventually Jose Matos Mar's resigna-
tion as director. After a lengthy period of crisis, the institute
has been reassembling its teaching staff with UNMSM gradu-
ates, some of whom have returned to Peru after postdoctoral
studies abroad.
Some of its present professors are Roberto Arroyo, a former
researcher of the Mantaro Valley from the Instituto Indigenista
Peruano and now dedicated to urban anthropology; Blas
Gutierrez, also from the IIP, in its Cuzco department, who is
interested in medical anthropology and finishing postgraduate
studies in France; Cesar Fonseca, another former IIP re-
searcher, continuing his research in ecological anthropology;
Hector Martinez, formerly connected with several projects of
native development in Peru and now concentrating on internal
migration and jungle colonization; Rodrigo Montoya, a student
of the Peruvian economy, currently focusing on ideologies and
poles of regional development; Oliverio Llanos, now doing
graduate work in Rumania after having studied rural problems
in Cajamarca and in the community of San Pedro de Casta;
Roman Robles, who has studied the colonization of the Alto
Huallaga by victims of the 1972 earthquake in the Callejon de
Huaylas and is now researching peasant participation in the
war with Chile of 1879-83; Rosina Valcarcel, who has re-
searched the segregation of blacks in Lima and aspects of
social
class and ideology; and Jose Vegas Pozo, who is especially
interested in Cajamarca's cooperatives. During this period the
teaching of anthropology at the UNMSM has also involved
Luis Millones and Alejandro Ortiz.
Emilio Choy (1915-76) was, as Alejandro Romualdo has said,
"the most modest of our scholars and the wisest of our friends
and teachers." Choy participated in conferences on history,
ethnohistory, archeology, and anthropology and supervised
many UNMSM students. Antropologia e historia (1979) gathers
some of his valuable but scattered work (and see also 1955,
1960, 1966).
THE PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD CATOLICA
DEL PERtY
In April 1953 the Seminar on Anthropology was established at
the Riva Aguiero Institute under the direction of Jehan Vellard
and the sponsorship of Onorio Ferrero. It represented the birth
of social anthropology at the Pontificia Universidad Catolica
del Per(u (PUCP). At the time Vellard was a visiting researcher Alejandro Camino, another PUCP graduate, who also studied
at the Instituto Frances de Estudios Andinos, part of the French at the University of Michigan, has been interested in Amazo-
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He had previously conducted re-
search among the natives of Alto Xingui (Brazil) and Tierra
del Fuego (Chile) and among the Guarani of Paraguay. He was
later to become a professor in the School of Social Services and,
from April 1957 through late 1962, in the Faculty of Letters of
348 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY
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the PUCP. In those years he also studied the Lake Titicaca
Urus and the Peruvian and Bolivian Aymara.
The seminar was organized as a small circle conceiving an-
thropology in a broad sense as a group of sciences that requires
teamwork. Its main activities were round tables, talks, and
analyses of research in progress. Aida Vadillo, at the time an
anthropology student at the UNMSM, played an important
role, becoming the seminar assistant.
In 1957 Vellard organized the Patronato de Apoyo a la
Antropologia, presided over by Jose Luis Bustamante y Rivero
and including Jose Agustin de la Puente, Augusto Dammert
Le6n, and Leopoldo Chiappe, among others. It became an
important agency for anthropological work at the PUCP, spon-
soring ethno-anthropological studies of the Yagua of the upper
Amazon. Aida Vadillo was its field director, based at Pebas.
Between late 1957 and August 1960 the Yagua Project collected
a series of valuable data, some of which were incorporated into
several articles.
At the beginning of the 1960s ethnology at the PUCP experi-
enced a slight decline due to Vellard's moving to other countries
in his diplomatic capacity and Aida Vadillo's being appointed
General Secretary of the recently created Universidad Comunal
del Centro (now Universidad Nacional del Centro del Per(u).
After occupying that position from February to October 1960,
Vadillo travelled to Europe for further study, returning to the
PUCP only in 1964. In 1965, the university administration
attempted to bring new life to the Ethnology Section of the
Faculty of Letters by placing it in her hands.
Parallel activity was taking place in the Institute of Social
Studies, directed by the Jesuit Father Ulpiano Lopez, and it led
to the creation of a faculty of social sciences with four major
fields of study (anthropology, sociology, economics, and politi-
cal science) with the assistance of the Dutch Catholic univer-
sities of Tilburg and Nijmegen. In 1967 the Ethnology Section
was incorporated into this faculty with the status of a depart-
ment of anthropology. The Spanish paleoanthropologist Emi-
liano Aguirre of the Universidad Complutense de Madrid was
the department's advisor. Aguirre, who joined the university in
1968 as a visiting professor, was of the opinion that the depart-
ment should offer social anthropology courses oriented towards
sociocultural change and physical anthropology courses cen-
tered on the origins of Peruvian man and the diversification of
American races. Mario C. Vasquez and Carlos Delgado were
invited to teach social anthropology, but the idea of a section on
physical anthropology was not pursued.
With Aguirre's return to Spain and the eventual resignations
of Delgado, Vadillo, and Vasquez, new professors, some of
whom had done their graduate work overseas, filled their places.
The development of anthropology at the PUCP in the 1970s is
distinguished by the diversity of its professors' theoretical and
methodological orientations:
Teofilo Altamirano Rua is a graduate of the UNMSM and
the University of Durham (England) and a student of British
professors Bryan T. Roberts and Norman Long, in their work
in the Mantaro Valley. His return to the PUCP meant the
beginning of his work in urban anthropology, with a focus on
regional associations (see Altamirano Rua 1980).
Carlos E. Arambur(u Lopez de Romafia, a PUCP graduate
with a thesis supervised by Jorge Dandler, did graduate work
at Cambridge University before obtaining a Master's degree in
demography at the London School of Economics in 1976. He is
engaged in intensive studies of migration (see Arambur(u 1981)
and economic anthropology at the PUCP.
nian ethnic minorities (see Camino 1977) and traditional An-
dean ecology and agriculture. He is the editor of Amazonfa
Persuana, a journal published by the Centro Amaz6nico de
Antropologia y Aplicacion Practica.
Fernando Fuenzalida Vollmar, who studied at the UNMSM
and at the universities of Warsaw and Manchester, specializes Osterling and Martinez: PERUVIAN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY
in anthropological theory and social organization (see Fuenza-
lida Vollmar 1970), while maintaining an interest in Andean This agreement also covered the carrying out of cooperative
beliefs (see 1965, 1979). linguistic studies, the collection of anthropological data on
Manuel M. Marzal joined the department after studying herbs, dyes, etc., the study of legends, songs, and other folkloric
anthropology with Angel Palerm at the Universidad Ibero- materials, the phonographic recording of each language, the
americana (Mexico). He is the main force behind studies on building up of photograph collections, and the preparation of
Andean religiosity (Marzal 1971, 1977) and the history of Latin articles for a journal on Peruvian anthropology to be published
American indigenism (1981). by the ministry. On practical matters, the ILV promised broad
Enrique J. Mayer graduated from the London School of cooperation with all organizations interested in scientific re-
Economics and did doctoral studies at Cornell University. A search on tribal organizations; interpreters for educational,
specialist on economic anthropology (see Mayer B. 1974) and health, etc., officials; linguistic training for rural teachers;
Andean ecology, he moved to Mexico in 1978 to direct the preparation of primers in native languages for reading and
Research Department of the Instituto Indigenista Interameri- writing; translations into the native languages of useful works
cano and currently teaches at the University of Illinois. for the Indians; the fostering of sports, patriotism, and co-
Luis Millones Santa Gadea, a graduate in history of the operative spirit; the eradication of "vices"; and collaboration
PUCP, joined the department after graduate work at the on advanced courses in linguistics to be organized by the min-
University of Illinois at Urbana. His main interests are Andean istry. The ministry promised to give the ILV office space at its
ideology, millenarianism, and belief systems (see Millones headquarters, to negotiate the granting of licenses for the
Santa Gadea 1964). operation of planes, and to obtain appropriate tax exemptions.
Giovanni Mitrovic has earned Licenciado and Master's The ILV began operating in April 1946 with the arrival of the
degrees at the PUCP. At present he is in the analytical stage firstof
group of 18 linguists. Their numbers increased to cover a
a study of medical diagnosis as a conversational phenomenon. large proportion of the Amazonian native groups.
Alejandro Ortiz Rescaniere is a UNMSM graduate, a former In relation to the agreement's practical aspects, or what
student of Jose Maria Arguedas and Claude Levi-Strauss, and might be called applied anthropology, in 1952 Minister of
is now devoted to the structural analysis of Andean myths (see Education Juan Mendoza Alvarado conceived the Peruvian
Ortiz Rescaniere 1973, 1980). Bilingual Education System. This was a pioneer effort to
Juan Ossio Acufia, a history student of Onorio Ferrero, at- achieve literacy and "incorporation" of the Amazonian natives
tended Oxford University, where he produced an important into the Peruvian nationality in accordance with the dominant
study on Guaman Poma's work and later received his Ph.D. ideology of the period. Because of the scope of the task, the
His studies are on social organization and Andean symbolism minister requested the ILV's collaboration. The activities
and ritualism (see Ossio Acufia 1973). developed under this system extended from 1953 to 1969. One
Jorge P. Osterling is a graduate of the PUCP and also of the type of program, at the community level, established more than
University of California, Berkeley, where he was a student of 150 bilingual schools headed by 300 native teachers belonging to
George M. Foster. He has broad interests in urban anthro- 19 ethnolinguistic groups (1969 data). A second type, in Yarina-
pology (Osterling 1980, 1981a, b). cocha (the ILV's headquarters, near Pucallpa), dealt with the
Stefano Varese, still another PUCP graduate, taught Ama- supervision of those schools and the tasks undertaken by their
zonian ethnology up to 1971. He was a distinguished student of teachers, in collaboration with the ILV's technical staff. The
Vellard and Ferrero and has produced a classic study of the ministry also organized, implemented, and annually evaluated
Campa of the central jungle (Varese 1968; see also 1974). courses for the training of teachers for literacy campaigns and
Mildred Merino de Zela, mentioned earlier, has done out- adult education.
standing work in the study and teaching of Peruvian folklore, A cursory evaluation of 35 years of work by the ILV has to
mainly implemented through the Centro de Documentacion y acknowledge some astonishing results in the area of the transla-
Apoyo del Folklore Peruano, a branch of the Riva Aguiero tion of the Bible into native languages, but in the strictly
Institute that she founded and sponsored. academic area-linguistics and anthropology-the results have
been limited. This is especially so in that the findings of the
ILV's investigations and its training capabilities have not been
THE INSTITUTO LINGtMSTICO DE VERANO widely shared with the Peruvian academic community. It was
only in late 1979 that it published Educaci6n bilingiie: Una
Setting aside the current criticism from some quarters and experiencia en la Amazonia peruana (Prado Pastor 1979), an
defense from others, the Instituto Linguiistico de Verano (ILV) important 520-page volume with contributions on the Jivaran,
of the University of Oklahoma is an important element in the Cashivo, and Arahuaca languages, among others.
development of ethnological research in Peru's Amazonian
region and in the process of change in the numerous tribal
organizations, especially in the religious sphere. The ILV's work THE INSTITUTO DE ESTUDIOS PERUANOS
in Peru and other Latin American countries is closely related to
that of Wycliffe Bible Translators, Inc.; in general, the staff of The Instituto de Estudios Peruanos (IEP) was founded in 1964
the two organizations is the same and under a single director- after a working meeting at Huampani. It was chaired by then
ship. The main task of these two organizations is collaboration Minister of Education Francisco Miro Quesada, and included,
with the multidenominational Protestant apostolate through among others, Valcarcel, Arguedas, Matos Mar, and Maria
translations of the Bible into as many aboriginal languages as Rostworowski. In due time the IEP became one of the most
possible. According to the ILV's founder, there are more than important private institutions concerned with issues in the
3,000 different languages in the world, and more than 2,000 of social sciences.
them are lacking in biblical texts. This is the implicit context Luis Pasara, in his article "Politica y ciencias sociales en el
of the agreement signed on June 28, 1945, between the ILV Percu" (1978), presents several interesting hypotheses about the
(represented by William Cameron Townsend, its director) and IEP's founding. He suggests that some of the founding mem-
the Peruvian government (through its Minister of Education bers had played a very active role in the Movimiento Social
Enrique Laroza) to "develop a cooperative program to research Progresista in the 1950s and that a few of them had even
the native languages in the Republic, especially in the Amazo- become a kind of weekly study group. Among others, this
nian jungle." group is said to have included Valcarcel, Matos Mar, Jorge

Vol. 24 - No. 3 * June 1983

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Basadre, Jorge Bravo Bresani, and the brothers Augusto and THE SITUATION TODAY
Sebastian Salazar Bondy. Be that as it may, the IEP was
established during Fernando Bela(unde Terry's first govern- It is quite out of the question to summarize in a few pages what
ment (1963-68), when several of its members held important has happened in Peruvian social anthropology during the last
posts in universities and public administration. 40 years. This is even more so in view of the fact that at present
The IEP developed out of the UNMSM research project 7 of Peru's 35 universities grant higher degrees in anthropology:
earlier mentioned on the Chancay Valley microregion, which the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Lima), the
was directed by Matos Mar under an agreement with the New Universidad Nacional San Antonio Abad (Cuzco), the Univer-
York State School of Industrial and Labor RelatiQns at Cornell sidad Nacional de San Cristobal de Huamanga (Ayacucho), the
University signed by William F. Whyte and Lawrence K. Universidad Nacional de Trujillo (Trujillo), the Universidad
Williams. In 1967 the IEP began publishing the results of this Nacional del Centro (Huancayo), the Universidad Nacional de
research, along with earlier investigations by scholars such as San Agustin (Arequipa), and the Pontificia Universidad Cato-
Henri Favre. Another important element in the IEP's develop- lica del Per(u (Lima). The Baccalaureate in Anthropology is
ment was the support given it by a number of Peruvianists in granted by all universities, which also award the professional
the United States and Europe, together with its association with degree of Licenciado in anthropology (of which an estimated 50
such foreign professors as Murra, Bourricaud, Favre, and have so far been awarded). The Master's degree in anthropology
Frangois Perroux. Equally important was its organization, is granted only by the Academic Program of Higher Studies of
almost singlehanded, of the 1970 XXXIX International Con- the PUCP (since 1972, only 16 have been awarded). Doctoral
gress of Americanists in Lima. studies were suspended by the military government in the early
Strongly influenced by Perroux, the IEP frequently orga- '70s, but some 25 Peruvian anthropologists had already been
nized round tables in which members or invited scholars pre- awarded that degree in the country before the suspension, and
sented progress reports or research results, many of them in others have since received it from U.S. and European univer-
mimeographed form. Besides developing original research, it sities.
is undoubtedly Peru's most important publisher, in both the At present there is the prospect of a new stage of high aca-
number and the selection of titles. Its director, Jose Matos Mar, demic productivity in Peruvian anthropology. An increasing
not only has provided it enthusiasm and dedication, but also number of professional journals and specialized books are being
has been influential in getting financial support from a number published in Peru. All this is taking place after a period of
of foreign institutions and foundations. critical stagnation generated by the University Law of 1969,
The IEP has managed to develop a core made up of an inter- which compounded one of the worst crises on record in Peruvian
disciplinary group of professionals with degrees in social anthro- universities. Many young anthropologists have begun to return
pology. Some of these have become specialists in other areas. to Peru after periods of higher training in important foreign
For example, Heraclio Bonilla is a specialist in economic history graduate schools to enrich students with their knowledge.
and the author of El minero en los Andes (1974), one of the few
anthropological studies on the topic; Julio Cotler is one of the
best-known political scientists in Peru and the author of Clases,
estado y naci6n en el Pers (1978); and Carlos Ivan Degregori is Comments
a political analyst and chief editorialist of El Diario de Marka.
by TEOFILo ALTAMIRANO
Departamento de Ciencias Sociales, Pontificia Universidad
NEW CENTERS FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH Cat6lica del Pers, Lima, Peru. 16 xi 82
This article is a well-organized introduction to Peruvian social
During the 1970s there was constant creation of centers for anthropology, accurately summarizing the major stages of its
social research. In Peru as a whole, it is estimated that there development and the names, dates, and work of the people
are now more than 100 of these centers. Basically, they are small involved in it. However, perhaps for lack of information on
groups of a fundamentally interdisciplinary nature-anthro- what has been done at the provincial level, it overemphasizes
pologists and sociologists at work on problem solving with the work of Lima-based anthropologists; more could be said
regard to the main social issues of the country. Only a few on anthropological work in provincial universities.
examples can be given here. The Centro Amazonico de Antro-
pologia y Aplicacion Practica (CAAAP) and the Centro de
Investigaci6n y Promocion Amazonica (CIPA) are the two by HENRY F. DOBYNS
main centers dealing with ethnic minorities in Peruvian Center for the History of the American Indian, The Newberry
Amazonia. The first, already mentioned, publishes the best Library, Chicago, Ill. 60610, U.S.A. 9 XII 82
local journal in the field, Amazonia Peruana. It has also pub- Osterling and Martinez correctly write that it is very difficult
lished valuable studies predominantly of an ethnographic and to summarize briefly 40 years of Peruvian social anthropology.
ethnohistorical nature. CIPA was founded in 1977, and its It is equally difficult to comment or augment significantly their
board of directors is devoted to counselling the Amazonian outline in 500 words.
population on obtaining title to its lands. More recently, it One important omission is that Luis Valcarcel installed
has begun to publish a series of studies on ecological, legal, Abraham Guillen M. as National Museum photographer.
ethnic, and health problems in native communities (see, e.g., There, and from his own studio, Guillen created a major visua
Chirif 1979). In the area of Andean studies, the more importantanthropology of Peru years before John Collier, Jr., labeled
centers are the Instituto de Pastoral Andina, with its journals this genre (Dobyns and Guillen 1970).
Allpanchis Phuturinga and Pastoral Andina; the Centro de A primary reality of Peruvian social anthropology not men-
Estudios Rurales Andinos "Bartolome de las Casas," which has tioned is Native Andean American high-altitude adaptation.
published valuable volumes on Andean oral tradition as well as One cannot accurately comprehend Andean social behavior
autobiographical testimonies; and the Instituto de Estudios without understanding that native populations are adapted
Sociales, which publishes another local classic, the journal genetically to an oxygen-short environment. Carlos Monge
Critica Andina. All these research centers have incorporated Medrano (1948, 1949) discovered this biological reality and
into their staffs young professionals who combine research tasks long directed the research institute studying the phenomenon.
with advising communities on their main legal and human- Discussing Valcarcel and nonacademic projects, the authors
rights problems. imply a fundamental characteristic of Peruvian social anthro-

350 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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pology. Foreign and government support significantly developed Osterling and Martinez: PERUVIAN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY
it. Social anthropologists and their findings have, moreover,
influenced governmental policies and programs. Peru. The CPP staff measured success in terms of institutional
After the armed forces seized power in October 1968, General-change (Dobyns, Doughty, and Holmberg 1965). This meant
President Juan Velasco A. recruited Carlos Delgado 0. (1969) studying numerous communities. Peruvian provincial univer-
as principal speech writer. The National Planning Institute sity anthropology student teams led by a staff Ph D. or experi-
paid his salary. Long secretary to the American Popular Revo- enced national investigator analyzed eastern-slope Paucartambo
lutionary Alliance party's leader, Delgado had studied anthro- (Andrews et al. 1965), western-slope stock-growing Pararin
pology at Cornell University. Less than a year later, the regime(Doughty and Negron 1964), Mantaro Valley progressive
recruited Mario C. Vazquez V. as the second highest official of Chaquicocha (Castillo et al. 1964), and decaying Mito (Castil-
the Agriculture Ministry's General Bureau of Agrarian Reform. lo et al. 1964), measuring institutional changes in many valley
Thus, lessons social scientists learned at Vicos and elsewhere communities (Maynard 1964) and describing an upper Callejon
influenced programs the military regime imposed. Guiding de Huaylas disintegrating farm village (Castillo et al. 1964). A
action with policy science research, Vazquez assembled the bonus volunteer-written study described Ticaco, a western-
largest Peruvian social science research unit yet-approxi- slope Aymara colony (Korb 1965). Doughty (1964, 1972, 1976)
mately 90 individuals trained in various disciplines. became CPP Lima research coordinator in 1962-64, beginning
Two decades earlier, Monge assumed the presidency of the studies that materially advanced scientific understanding of the
Instituto Indigenista Peruano and converted that paper tiger primate-city roles that migrants play.
into a precedent-setting action agency. He contracted with The U.S. Agency for International Development contracted
Cornell University (Cornell Peru Project), the International with Cornell for a regional rural development demonstration
Labor Organization (Puno-Tambopata Project), Cuzco Uni- effort. Maynard (1965) headed the Ecuador team working with
versity (Kuyo Chico Project), and the University of Huamanga the Institute of Agrarian Reform and Colonization. Paul H.
(Pampas de Cangallo Project). Thus, Monge sowed the seeds Ezell (1966) led the Bolivia team working with the Indian
that produced a bumper crop of government-sponsored social Institute and COMIBOL until Vazquez moved there. Susan
anthropological research. Bourque (Bourque et al. 1967) led the Peru team studying the
How a United States university became committed to Peru- development potential of one western-slope district. Then rural
vian policy research and action deserves some explanation. sociologist Earl W. Morris (1968) led the CPP during a study of
Leonard H. Cottrell, R. Lauriston Sharp, and Alexander H. simultaneous action and research in a western-slope mixed-
Leighton conceived a long-range comparative study of culture farming village constructing its farm-market access road.
change and obtained Carnegie Corporation of New York fund- The binational CPP terminated in 1966. USAID funding
ing. They recruited Allan R. Holmberg to join Cornell's faculty ended. Holmberg died in October. The twice-extended 1952
and direct Peruvian research. Study participants did not pre- accord lapsed. Vazquez's (1967) 370-title bibliography of
suppose strategic intervention. They learned during their over- Peruvian social science English-language publications showed
seas investigations how to intervene strategically and foster the massive CPP contribution. Dobyns, Doughty, and Lasswell
cultural change (Dobyns et al. 1967). Monge, Holmberg, and (1971) edited a general summary of strategic Vicos interven-
Vazquez originally anticipated studying changes rural electri- tions and their consequences. Himes (1981) wrote a critical
fication would generate. They established the Cornell Peru analysis of the Vicos experiment.
Project (CPP) and intervened only after a deglaciation flood United States university demand for professors placed former
washed away the hydroelectric dam (Holmberg and Dobyns CPP personnel possessing first-hand experience with the real
1969). Andean social world in numerous institutions. Middlebury
CPP personnel carried out phased studies outside Vicos College has Andrews, Smith College Bourque, the University
reflecting increasing anthropological knowledge about Peruvian of Florida Doughty, San Diego State University Ezell, Rhode
society. Many more were published than Osterling and Mar- Island College Maynard, Iowa State University Morris, Syra-
tinez indicate. Ghersi B. (1959-61) conducted a baseline study cuse University William P. Mangin, Stanford University Clif-
of a mestizo trading village, while Vazquez (1952) first analyzed ford R. Barnett. Delgado died working for UNICEF. FAO sent
Vicos, stimulating imitative intergroup relations analyses. Then Vazquez to Honduras as an agrarian reform consultant.
Snyder (1957) studied the Recuayhuanca Indigenous Com-
munity and Stein (1961) the half-hacienda, half-autonomous
Hualcan hamlet, while Holmberg, Vazquez, and others inter- by PAUL L. DOUGHTY
vened in Vicos. Anthropology Department, University of Florida, 1350 GPA,
Another Carnegie Corporation of New York grant in 1959 Gainesville, Fla. 32611, U.S.A. 14 xii 82
funded studies of different community types and other regions:Osterling and Martinez have taken an important initiative by
a political district without haciendas (Doughty and Doughty beginning an examination of the development of modern Peru-
1968), an Aymara-speaking zone near Lake Titicaca (Hickman vian sociocultural anthropology, a task obscured by popular
1975), an eastern-slope colonizing population (Andrews 1963), fascination with Andean prehistory. ("Somewhere in the world
migrants to the coastal steel mill/port of Chimbote and to once a month," a colleague once remarked, "a book is published
Lima (Bradfield 1963), squatters in urban Arequipa (Rund on the Incas!") This concise and evenhanded summary from a
1966), and rural education throughout the intermontane Calle- Peruvian point of view makes a significant contribution to
jon de Huaylas (Vazquez 1965). Additional funding supported modern anthropology by aiding all of us to place our interests
Cornell sociologist J. M. Stycos's study of Peruvian fertility, in national, historical, theoretical, and methodological con-
with Cara E. Richards (1963) in Lima supervising interviewers texts (Doughty 1977). The authors do not, perhaps rightly,
studying at the National School of Social Work. Institutionally, attempt any critical analysis of the developments they describe.
a CPP research coordinator with a Ministry of Labor and Indian Their effort is more an "ethnohistory" of the subject, a contri-
Affairs office in Lima superseded the Vicos field director. bution to understanding the recent international growth of
Dobyns (1964, 1966, 1970) served in 1960-62. Organizing a anthropology. In the case of Peru, anthropology has changed
1961 symposium, Dobyns and Vazquez (1963) stimulated an- radically from its early beginnings and even from its state only
thropological and other research on internal migration, probably
20 years ago.
the most important domestic phenomenon of this century. Through the early 1960s, the relatively small number of
The U.S. Peace Corps asked Cornell University anthropolo- Andean scholars worked in a "gemeinschaft" atmosphere which
gists to evaluate the achievements of its first volunteers in included persons from all the anthropological fields, something

Vol. 24 - No. 3 . June 1983 351

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which is no longer true by and large. The Peruvian anthropolo- 66), the UN and U.S. foreign-assistance-funded programs in
gists at that time could still largely be found at San Marcos southern Peru (1959), and others mentioned here. What is in-
University, the Peruvian Indian Institute, or one of the three teresting in these developments is the special influence of
Lima museums. Oscar Nufinez del Prado and his colleagues held particular individuals, such as Valcarcel, Holmberg, Rowe,
forth in Cuzco, the other pole of anthropological concentration. Muelle, Schaedel, Vazquez, Murra, Matos, and Whyte. For
For foreigners, there was a "clubhouse" of sorts, the Pension example, some 30% of all the cultural anthropologists working
Morris, located in Bre-na, near downtown Lima. It was a gra- in Peru at the time of Holmberg's death in 1966 had been
cious and crumbly old mansion which reportedly had been Max trained or sponsored by him.
Uhle's home, where Kroeber may have stayed. According to my conservative estimates (gathered from
The two-storey adobe building (bulldozed away in 1969), with acquaintanceship, the AAA Guide to Departments, bibliogra-
ample surrounding porches, was centered on a hectare-sized phies, and the like), there are about 145 sociocultural anthro-
lot above whose walls towered some very tall palm trees. Behind pologists with U.S. university doctorates specializing in Peru-
the house was the semblance of a lawn on which one might sit vian research. Of these, over 85% received their doctoral
in a sturdy garden chair while observing animated games of degrees after 1960. The same is no doubt true of Peruvian and
"sapo" played by guests at siesta time. This establishment on European professionals as well. I cannot estimate the present
Orbegoso Street was reigned over by the aging and marvelously number of the latter. While in 1947 there were about 20 Peru-
opinionated English-Peruvian Nora Bryson de Andrade, her vian professional anthropologists of all kinds, today Osterling
daughter, and a star boarder. In the living room, beneath the and Martinez estimate that there are approximately 91 in the
encircling balcony, the well-worn overstuffed furniture was sociocultural field alone.
normally weighed down by a good sample of transitory North This explosion of interest has obviously led to an ever increas-
American and (occasionally) European anthropologists and ing expansion of research topics. In contrast to the status of
their student proteges, particularly in the months from June to research in 1944, when the Handbook was written, today bib-
September. It was here, with proper references from my mentor, liographic references indicate that over 600 different places have
Allan Holmberg, that my wife and I were first given rooms inbeen studied at least once by social anthropologists and some 65
Lima. full ethnographic descriptions of communities and regions have
Old Lima: High ceilings, old leather furniture, ingenious been published, although few are readily available. The quantity
Victorian plumbing, stiff servants serving stiff pisco sours, and, of journal articles is vast.
above all, anthropological tales of Peru, anthropological gossip, The authors mention the Inter-American Development Bank
and people you wanted to meet. In 1960, the Pension Morris program that replaced the PNIPA in 1966. This program, de-
was the place where a newcomer could be "properly" initiated spite its budgeting of about $1,000,000 for research and its em-
into Peruvian studies in the semimodern comfort of Max Uhle's ployment of some 26 Peruvian anthropologists for almost three
legacy. Archaeologists covered the porches with potsherds, and years, squandered its opportunity. The anthropologists could
various unseen persons regularly left dusty niches filled with hardly be blamed for this failure, because the lawyer who di-
sleeping bags and other equipment to await their return, some- rected the program denigrated the value of any social science
day. Occasionally Peruvian colleagues were invited in for cock- input. Anthropologists and others were employed only because
tails and dinner at this formidable "gringo" establishment, an it was required by the IDB (personal communication, Frank
adventure if not a culinary treat. I always had the feeling that Griffiths). A further disappointment was the decision to "clas-
they trod observantly and with caution (did they make notes sify" all of the research and thus limit its distribution, even
later?). though some 63 reports were issued (Martinez et al. 1968:
This "clubby," elite-intellectual atmosphere was already 494-521).
doomed. Dozens of new scholars were on the scene, and more These changes in Peruvian studies have had major repercus-
seemed to appear daily. "Who are all these people?" asked Johnsions on the circulation of professional information. No am-
Murra at a mid-1960s anthropology meeting of those who now bience like the old Pension Morris exists. The Instituto de
crowded into the Andean sessions to hear him talk on "verti- Estudios Peruanos formalized that role for many social scien-
cality" and cultural ecology. tists. The IEP, however, has also been engulfed by the growth
Just how recent these developments have been is made clear of the disciplines. Despite the increase in Peruvian journals and
by examination of the landmark Handbook of South American other publications such as those of the IEP, these works still
Indians (Steward 1946-57). Here we discover that all of the ma- struggle for widespread readership and support beyond im-
terial in it on the central Andes was written by just 15 persons. mediate "Peruvianist" circles and networks.
Noted Steward in the preface (p. xxvi): "not over half a dozen In contrast to U.S. and European anthropologists, Peruvian
such studies [ethnological] have been made heretofore ... de- colleagues have not been united in effective professional orga-
spite the practical as well as scientific importance of under- nizations to which most belong. There have been attempts to
standing modern Indians." At that time, the total number of form such organizations from time to time. In 1966-67, for
Andeanists of all kinds did not exceed 45, and of these probably example, the Asociacion Peruana de Antropologos included
half were truly active. The 1938 Directory of Anthropologists virtually all Peruvian social scientists and had regional affili-
recorded 20 Peruvian specialists (Tax 1975). The Handbook's ates in Ayacucho, Cuzco, and Huancayo. This organization,
articles on sociocultural matters were written by Mishkin, aided by the newly emergent government organization La Casa
Valcarcel, Castro Pozo, Tschopik, and LaBarre and cited only de la Cultura, elected Mario Vazquez Varela its first president,
40 contemporary works among them. Mishkin's summary of with the aging Luis Valcarcel as honorary president. Its initial
contemporary Quechua culture, which stood for years as the enthusiasm resulted in an impressive three-day meeting, with
standard English reference, was little more than a single com- 53 papers on internal migration and social stratification in
munity study in which he made reference to but eight other Peru and the publication of an excellent annotated bibliograph
contemporary works. Today a review article on Quechua and (Vazquez 1967). Within a year or so, unfortunately, the orga-
Andean life would be a staggering task. nization faltered. Since then there have been other national
The origins of the modern growth in Peruvian studies lie, meetings in Peru, under different sponsorship, at irregular
as the writers point out, in Lufs Valcarcel's multifaceted con- intervals.
cerns: ethnohistorical, Indianist, applied-political, and ethno- In consequence of the growth of institutions and numbers of
graphic. It subsequently received its principal stimulus from a anthropologists, community life, squatter settlements, and
series of externally funded, cooperative institutional projects: migration have been extensively researched, llama trains fol-
the Virui Valley studies (1947), the Cornell Peru Project (1951- lowed to their trail's end, sex-role studies begun, and Andean

352 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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cultural ecology examined. Nevertheless, substantial lacunae
still exist, and comparative syntheses are missing. Peruvian
anthropology, like its international counterparts, has both
benefited and suffered from its rapid growth, spun off in pat-
terned reflection of the past, like so many lineages with their
founding patriarchs. The great anthropological classic, the
Handbook of South American Indians, requires a contemporary
successor to summarize and provide new orientation to a com-
plex field which is increasingly enriched by new contributions
now scattered throughout publications on four continents.
by BENJAMIN S. ORLOVE
Division of Environmental Studies and Department of Anthro-
pology, University of California, Davis, Calif. 95616, U.S.A.
20 xi 82
The authors have chosen to give their article a limited scope.
They examine the "professional phase of the development of
social anthropology in Peru," which, they state, "begins with
the institutionalization of the teaching and practice of social
anthropology in Peruvian universities." From their description,
Peruvian anthropology has continued to develop by expanding
and by moving into other, closely related contexts, particularly
museums, research institutes, and national and international
development projects. The effort of the authors seems to be
directed at compiling as complete as possible a list of the names
of anthropologists, research sites, and institutions which sup-
port research. This task is a useful one and offers interesting
details of the intellectual biographies of some anthropologists.
Given this aim and the brevity a journal article imposes, the
authors have had to treat some themes, such as the topics of
research, very briefly and entirely omit others, such as theoreti-
cal orientations.
This article gives the impression that the main characteristic
of Peruvian anthropology has been undifferentiated growth.
The names of new students and professors, research sites and
universities are added to the list, but anthropology does not
appear to change qualitatively over time. The article does not
present the debates within Peruvian anthropology which give
it much of its vitality.
These debates, however, are not solely of an academic sort,Boring as this paper is, it does nevertheless contain a section
such as those that might characterize biochemistry or astro-
physics. Peruvian anthropology is intimately linked to Peru-
vian society, and debates tend to reflect conflict within Peru-
between classes, ethnic categories, regions, political parties,
interest groups-and concern over the relations between Peru
and a wider international order. Many Peruvian anthropolo-
gists view the position of the intellectual in society as a complex
and often ambiguous one; they are often conscious of the mul-
tiple implications of research in intellectual and other circles
(Alberti and Mayer 1974).
This article has chosen not to address these questions directly,Bufalo, Amherst, N.Y. 14261, U.S.A. 1 XII 82
although it does suggest that Peruvian anthropology has passed
from its "pre-professional" origins to a "professional" stage,
marked by scholars who participate as academics or as experts
in projects and institutes. Brief mention is made of a few social mination under conditions of imperialist domination. I have no
action projects; more extensive treatment is given to mis-
sionaries and programs deemed worthy of funding by govern-
ment ministries and international agencies.
It is difficult, however, to separate the presence of Indians
and peasants as an object of discussion in the classroom and the
office from their presence as subjects of social, political, and
economic action. The agrarian reform of 1969, language policy,
educational reform, the increasing pressure of urban squatter
settlements all reflect this latter sort of presence (Salomon
1982). They encouraged the expansion of Peruvian anthropolo-
gy, providing empirical topics of study, suggesting theoretical
orientations, influencing the roles anthropologists could play.
In other words, an intellectual history of Peruvian anthro-
pology is weakened if it is not also a social history. The authors Peruvian foreign debt service of well over half the value of the
Osterling and Martinez: PERUVIAN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY
indicate their concern to carry their initial efforts forward.
This task will require not only the enlargement they propose of
the bibliography, but an expansion of the questions they ask.
by HENNING SIVERTS
Museum of Culture History, Department of Anthropology,
University of Bergen, J. Frieles gt. 3, N-5000 Bergen, Norway.
15 xi 82
The title of this paper indicates to me an exposition of the
intellectual development of Peruvian social anthropology. My
expectations have not been fulfilled. Instead of a presentation
of theoretical and methodological trends, we meet a list of
names and dates. In lieu of a thematic or regional focus we are
offered an array of projects and institutions.
It is symptomatic that "the professional phase of the develop-
ment of social anthropology in Peru begins with the institu-
tionalization [my emphasis] of the teaching and practice of social
anthropology in Peruvian universities. . . ." And since a "non-
professional phase" of anthropology apparently has been
noticed and described, we are anxious to learn what the con-
trasting "highlights" of the professional phase are supposed to
be. After having read this paper I am still confused, and I
would not be able to tell the difference between the two phases
unless participation of foreign anthropologists and the injectio
of capital from abroad are considered (by the authors) a suffi
cient condition and a satisfactory description of professionali-
zation.
Apart from these shortcomings-in my view, that is-I find
it rather maladroit of the authors, in their endless name-drop-
ping, to omit a number of the anthropologists (mostly profes-
sional), Peruvian and foreign alike, who have done substantial
research in the Montania during the last decade, such as Brent
Berlin, Elois Ann Berlin, John Bodley, Michael F. Brown,
William M. Denevan, Andres Ferrero, Rafael Girard, Jose M.
Guallart, Marlene Dobkin de Rios, Eric Barry Ross, Janet
Siskind, Henning Siverts, and Luis M. Uriarte, to mention
only a few.
on the powerful position and impact of the Summer Institute
of Linguistics, which, relevant or not to the subject at hand,
is revealing in itself. The list of references may possibly convey
part of the missing information by reflecting some of the inter-
ests and ideas preoccupying some anthropologists working in
Peru.
by WILLIAM W. STEIN
Department of Anthropology, State University of New York at
The authors have done splendidly in tracing the growth of social
anthropology in Peru. This development has contributed greatly
to Peruvians' positive self-evaluation and striving for self-deter-
criticism of their "first step," but, rather, eagerly await future
works expanding and elaborating on the outline presented here.
My general comment is to indicate my profound respect,
appreciation, and admiration for the high quality of Peruvian
Peruvianist work, which has been of great utility to me. It is all
the more praiseworthy considering Peru's relative poverty in
consequence of the country's decapitalization by foreign inter-
ests. For example, Anaya Franco (1979:29), utilizing figures
from the U.S. Department of Commerce, shows how a net U.S.
investment in Peru of $371,000,000 between 1950 and 1971
generated a profit of $1,691,000,000, of which $1,162,000,000
left Peru for the United States (for every entering dollar, $4.50
left the country), and Stepan (1978:287) projects a current

Vol. 24 * No. 3 * June 1983 353

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 country's exports. Under such conditions, research support and by JAMES M. WALLACE
other scholarly resources are scarce, and it is truly marvelous Department of Anthropology and Sociology, North Carolina
how Peruvian researchers extend their small share through State University, P.O. Box 5535, Raleigh, N.C. 27650, U.S.A.
collective endeavors and the exchange of scholarly substance. 7 xii 82
This is not to deny that some scholarly empires exist and that
Osterling and Martinez have done us the service of putting in
economic marginality creates some lumpen-scholars (i.e., those
one place the names, events, programs, and institutions associ-
with no access to the means of intellectual production), but I
ated with the modern history of Peruvian social anthropology.
rather think I am acquainted with a greater number of better-
However, I am disappointed that they did not go beyond the
remunerated nonproducers and producers of expensive but
descriptive note-listing style they have employed. They do not
useless material where I currently work than in Peru.
attempt to write a history, and I hope they plan to do so in a
Second, since the authors generously make reference to some
future publication. The work at hand is tantalizing for its
of my Peruvian work, I provide here a comment on my 31
promise of continued work on this very important enterprise.
years in this activity which might be called, to paraphrase the
Peru is one of those places that has been a crossroads for inter-
subtitle of Mangin's (1979) recent self-reflection, "Peruvian
national scholars of all the social sciences. Ideas, philosophies,
Studies and Me." If Peruvian works have been useful to me, it
methodologies, and people from all over the globe have met
would not seem that I have returned equal utility to Peru.
here and in the process have learned much about Peru, anthro-
Regrettably, a great part of my own production has been
pology, Peruvians, and themselves. A history of Peruvian social
directed toward North American, rather than Peruvian, col-
anthropology would probably reflect the history of Western
leagues and students. This is not simply a consequence of my
anthropology, and so here we could learn much about what we
early striving for professional status and rewards, an under-
anthropologists have accomplished.
achievement that hardly distinguishes me from hordes of other
This history is a very imposing task, one which the authors
common academicians, but involves greater inabilities. My
have shied away from for reasons that are themselves a part of
work on Hualcan (Stein 1961), referred to in the article, has
had, as far as I perceive it, rather little impact on Peruvian the history-factions and politics. This is clear at least from the
social anthropology. This may be just as well: when I arrived polite treatment that the professors at the UNMSM and the
PUCP receive. In contrast, the ILV, everybody's scapegoat, is
in Peru in 1951, I was a young ignoramus in search of an exotic
criticized, as it is safe and expected that they receive criticism.
field experience with "the Indians." It was a rude shock to dis-
In Peruvianist anthropology it seems that all of us have sinned,
cover that the term "Indian" was employed as social abuse, not
because no one wants to cast the first stone in print.
as an ethnic label, and that Peruvian countrypeople constituted
the poorest and most powerless class in what I later called a Still, I have some additions to make to the "Notes...
First, more discussion should be given to anthropology at the
"servile social order" (Stein 1981:9-12). The term is "mis-
leading" (Pearse 1975:60); and, certainly, it misled me. I had UNMSCH of Ayacucho. In the mid-'60s, R. T. Zuidema,
S. Palomino, U. Quispe, S. Catacora, John Earls, and others con-
not been trained to examine the social relations of production
tributed some outstanding studies in ethnography and eth-
(nor had my teachers), and so I absorbed the viewpoint of the
nology. It is no accident that such outstanding people as Mil-
dominant class: I confused ideology with reality and made the
lones, Mayer, B. J. Isbell, and B. Isbell have had strong ties to
gross error of blaming the victims of oppression and exploita-
the University of Illinois, where Zuidema teaches. In addition
tion for their condition. I applied terms like "passivity," "psy-
to these people, mention should also be made of Efrain Morote
chic masochism," and "underachievement," failing to grasp
Best and Osman Morote Best for their contributions to Peru-
what Porshnev (1978:139) calls the "historical changeability
vian folklore and anthropology from the Ayacucho area. In
of the character and traits of an ethnos." Later, of course, I
recent times, anthropology at the UNMSCH has suffered from
managed to discover that Peruvian countrypeople have demon-
strated on numerous occasions a vigorous opposition to their governmental cutbacks, but it remains an important place for
the history of Peruvian social anthropology.
oppressors (see Stein 1982). Meanwhile, in consequence of my
In the same way, we must also consider the important work
tendency to view the world from a metaphysical closet, and my
that has been carried out at the Plan de Fomento Linguistico
lumpen condition at the time as an academic hack, when I
Aplicado started by Alberto Escobar and energetically directed
arrived in Lima in 1959 with a Fulbright lectureship I was not
by Inez Pozzi-Escot. Works by Gary Parker and Donald Sola
at all prepared to aid the development of Peruvian social anthro-
pology. My students' awareness of reality was so much greater were supported by this program. It also undertook an important
than my own that our roles should have been reversed. (I experimental bilingual education program in Quinua, Ayacucho.
Escobar has also contributed other important works outside of
belonged in the "transicion" [preparation for first grade in
Peruvian schools] to political economy.) this program. In addition, there have been many other people

I suggest, therefore-and this applies equally well to other inside and outside Peru associated with PFLA, Pozzi-Escot,
and Escobar who have made important contributions.
North American scholarship that may be indigestible in Peru-
Even though I also think that the ILV deserves criticism for
that what I chauvinistically saw as "aid" was, rather, to para-
its poor information-dissemination record, it has produced a
phrase another title (that of the work of Lapp6, Collins, and
Kinley [1980], which demonstrates how the international "aidlarge number of linguistic volumes and has also made an inter-
establishment" allies itself with imperialistic designs and pur- esting attempt at bilingual education in both the selva and the
poses), an "obstacle" to Peruvian scholarly development. Thussierra (Ayacucho). The Ayacucho program is especially interest-
it is entirely possible that Peruvians ignore some research ing in view of the PFLA program in Quinua mentioned above.
Finally, I think one major criticism to be leveled at the
results, of which I only cite my own, not because of their
authors is their failure to include archeology and physical an-
"arribismo," "fierce and malicious tactics of competition," and
thropology in their notes. Peruvian social anthropology's his-
"more subtle tendencies to ignore intellectual debts and the
tory is intimately entwined with archeology, especially, so the
research achievements of others"-charges made by Himes history is incomplete without it. I also fault the authors for not
(1981:182-83), an economist in the Ford Foundation-and not discussing at all the critical evaluation of Peruvian anthro-
even because of their relative inability to buy books, but be- pology made by Arambur(u (1978), but since he and the authors
cause such underdone scholarship does not really assist in the are colleages. . . I certainly hope that the history of Peru-
development of the kind of consciousness Peruvians are workingvian anthropology can be written. I am glad Osterling and
on. Martinez also aspire to that end.

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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Reply
by JORGE P. OSTERLING
Arlington, Va., U.S.A. 15 I 83
Many thanks to the seven colleagues who have taken the time
to comment on our article, especially those who have enriched
it with their supplementary information. Thanks also to the
CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY staff in charge of translating this
article from the Spanish and editing the English version. The
quality of their work speaks for itself. I have twice discussed
the comments by phone with Hector Martinez, and he has
asked me to prepare our reply. In it we address a number of
points raised by the commentators and supplement the infor-
mation contained in the article. After explaining how and why
we decided to write the article, we discuss the environment that
has shaped Peruvian anthropology; the existing information
resources; influential individuals; problems of communication;
studies conducted outside Lima; the training of Peruvian an-
thropologists; social and political influences; and studies of
tribal societies.
While Dobyns and Doughty supplement the information we
offered and place Peruvian social anthropology in perspective
(Dobyns quite accurately emphasizing the influence of anthro-
pology on policies and programs in Peru), Altamirano urges us
to comment on the work of "provincial" (i.e., non-Lima-based)
scholars and institutions. Stein takes a Marxist approach. Un-
fortunately, along with work which may be of lesser value, he
discounts the many valuable contributions of non-Peruvian
scholars to the study of Peru. However, he also recognizes the
difficult conditions under which Peruvian scholars work.
Finally, Orlove, Siverts, and Wallace seem to have misunder-
stood our intentions, which were to present notes for a history
of Peruvian social anthropology as only the first step in pre-
paring such a history.
The difference between native Peruvian anthropology and
"Peruvianist" studies as practiced in the U.S.A. and Western
Europe is an issue that we broadly discussed while preparing
the article and one that has been the source of many comments.
At an informal gathering in 1979, we discussed the urgent
need for a study of the development of Peruvian social anthro-
pology in the post-World War II years (i.e., after Steward's
Handbook of South American Indians), a period that coincided
with the conferring of the first social anthropology degrees by
Peruvian universities. (We called this period "the professional
phase" because earlier studies had been done by colleagues
from other fields who lacked formal anthropological training.)
During these conversations we commented upon the fact that
very few colleagues of the younger generation were familiar
with the beginnings of our field in Peru. It seemed to us possible
to suggest that during the past 40 years Peruvian as well as
non-Peruvian "Peruvianist" anthropologists had engaged in
almost every possible anthropological field of expertise and
that within each of these different theoretical as well as political
factions might be distinguished. We noted that no major syn-
thesis had been written since the Handbook; that the majority
of Peruvian anthropologists did not work in academia, but were
engaged more in public administration (e.g., Office of the Prime
Minister, Ministry of Agriculture, National Institute of Plan-
ning) or in privately sponsored research; and that the results
of current research, both applied and theoretical, were not
readily available within the country. We also noted that most
of our colleagues were working 12 to 14 hours a day at two or
three different jobs and that most of the best publications were
of limited circulation, many of them mimeographed.
Perhaps 70-80% of Peruvian anthropologists since the '40s
have been civil servants, usually under the immediate super-
vision of an economist, agronomist, or lawyer, while fewer than
20-30%o have been engaged in traditional academic-related future publications.
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Osterling and Martinez: PERUVIAN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY
activities. In the United States, for example, the situation has
been quite the opposite: the great majority of anthropologists
have been engaged in academic-related activities and only re-
cently, in the last ten years, have as many as 10-20% of Ameri-
can anthropologists (i.e., what are called "professional" anthro-
pologists in the United States) become engaged in nonacademic
activities. This observation led us to discuss such issues as the
nature of anthropological research, professional ethics, and
publication. While very few Peruvian scholars were doing
"classical" academic research, the great majority of them were
constantly engaged in short-term social evaluations or social
surveys, usually of peasant or tribal communities, for strictly
practical purposes (e.g., land reform, land titles, water rights).
A major difference between their work and that of their
foreign colleagues was that, since it was performed in the con-
text of the civil service, in many cases it helped to determine
social policy. (In others, it was never considered!) More often,
these studies were discussed in staff meetings usually chaired
by nonanthropologists and followed guidelines drawn up by
colleagues in other professions. In some cases, reports were
openly discussed with informants, offering a very rich oppor-
tunity to improve them through feedback. However, there
remained the issue of the immediate implications of the anthro-
pological study for the community or group studied.
Another issue we discussed was the unemployment crisis. In
1969 the military government had entered upon an ambitious
land reform program and in the process strengthened the
national Office for Peasant Communities; Mario C. Vfazquez was
made its chief. Three years later the office was absorbed by the
Sistema Nacional para la Mobilizacion Social (SINAMOS),
which was intended to become the nation's major social agency
and of which the anthropologist Carlos Delgado became vice-
minister. SINAMOS began recruiting anthropologists, sociolo-
gists, and political scientists, thus creating a demand for pro-
fessionals and an artificial "boom" at the universities. In 1977,
the government closed down the agency, and this generated a
terrible unemployment crisis for our colleagues, a crisis that
coincided with general unemployment, sharp currency devalua-
tions, and decline in purchasing power. It was in this context
that some professionals had shifted to other government agen-
cies, while many of them had decided to organize the more than
100 research centers we have mentioned. These centers received
the gracious support of many international foundations for
their activities and publications.
Considering, as Doughty states, that in the U.S.A. alone
there are about 145 Ph.D. dissertations dealing with Peruvian
ethnology and that more than 600 places (mostly rural peasant
communities) have been studied, we decided to adopt a more
institutional approach. We made this decision also in the light
of the fact that we would have had to review all the Peruvian
B.A. theses (some of them resulting from original research and
of a quality and size comparable to American doctoral disser-
tations) as well as Licenciado, Master's, and Ph.D. theses and
the major government anthropological reports and publica-
tions. (This work remains to be done.) To follow up on Stein's
remarks on how anthropological studies are conducted in Peru,
this paper was written without the benefit of grant money,
research assistants, computers, photocopying machines, or ac-
cess to adequate libraries. It was impossible for us to "distill"
every single one of the publications dealing with contemporary
Peru which are available in Peruvian, American, and Western
European libraries. (Many of these, incidentally, are unavail-
able in Peru.) Therefore we made the conscious decision to
prepare an article for CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY in the hope that
it would generate, as an academic "catalyst," a discussion of
people, issues, and trends that would ease the writing of major
June 1983 355
 A very important issue explicitly raised by Stein and Wallace Cuzco has the oldest department of anthropology outside
and implied by Orlove is that in order to understand Peruvian Lima. There, thanks to the enthusiasm of John H. Rowe and
social anthropology one must consider factionalism and what to the timely assistance of John Gillin, Richard Schaedel, Harry
could be called "academic politics." Despite the fact that this Tschopik, and others, an excellent research center was organ-
is a highly sensitive issue, we think we must refer to it, at least ized during World War II, one that trained a generation of
very briefly, both from a Peruvian and from a broader inter- outstanding professors including Oscar N(ufiez del Prado, well
national point of view. known for his studies in Kuyo Chico (English version, 1973),
The feuds, within Peru, well known but usually not openly Sicuani (1962), and Puerto Maldonado (1962), and Gabriel
acknowledged, between what could be called the current "gate- Escobar, known by his research on the highly dynamic com-
keepers" and those to come have often prevented scholars of munity of Sicaya (1973). Among contemporary scholars, the
all generations from gaining information and/or obtaining significant work of Jorge Flores Ochoa since the early 1960s has
grants and fellowships. They have also stood in the way of the focused on the alpaca herdsmen of the altiplano, a major con-
publication of materials and the national or international expo- tribution to the study of ecology, economy, and culture (Flores
sure of research results. Delgado (1968) published a critical Ochoa 1964, 1968, 1977). This topic has become one of the most
study of this phenomenon and its implications. On the inter- challenging themes for anthropologists interested in studying
national level, we think that it is possible to highlight, as
southern Peru's peasantry. Ricardo Valderrama Escalante and
Doughty correctly comments, the special influence of a few Carmen Escalante Gutierrez's (1977) life history of one of
such scholars as Holmberg, Rowe, Schaedel, Murra, Doughty, Cuzco's wholesale market porters includes reflections on his
and Zuidema, from American universities, and Long and early peasant childhood and his traumatic incorporation into
Roberts, from British universities. These scholars, through urban and national society as interpreted through traditional
their research and publications, not only developed the major Andean symbols and myths.
trends of "Peruvianist" anthropology, but also became gradu- Ayacucho's department of anthropology is the subject of a
ate-school advisers to a rather large number of American and recently published preliminary report by Enrique Gonzales
Peruvian anthropologists, many of whom are now distinguished Carre (1982). After commenting upon the very important role
professors or research associates. These scholars do not always played by many distinguished Peruvian and American scholars
share points of view-a fact that deserves our respect. To in this part of the country since the "re-opening" of this univer-
present an oversimplified example, while Holmberg, Doughty,sity on July 3, 1959 (it was closed in 1886), he contrasts what
Long, and Roberts place a very strong emphasis on studies of he considers the basic student motivations in the early 1960s
contemporary social phenomena and on social change, Rowe, with those of the early 1970s. He describes the situation of the
Schaedel, Murra, and Zuidema stress, each from his own per- early 1960s as follows: "The purpose of studying the profession
spective, the urgent need for ethnohistorical research on the of anthropology in that period responded to a need to prepare
Andean tradition. The major trends in the theoretical and ap- either to become an official of a public or private agency, to
plied work of non-Peruvian "Peruvianists," can, we think, be participate in development or national planning projects or in
traced to the academic ambiance of a relatively small number of academic research, or to get involved in teaching" (p. 134). A
American and British departments of anthropology (e.g., couple of pages later, he summarizes his ideas about his students
Cornell, California-Berkeley, Texas-Austin, Illinois-Urbana- in the early 1970s in the following terms: "In recent years those
Champaign, Manchester, Durham, and, more recently, Florida- who begin studies of anthropology within social sciences do it
Gainesville). It is no accident that almost all of our commen- bearing in mind that it implies a sort of training in political
tators are or have been faculty members or students in one of science that will provide them with a unique and exclusive
these places. background enabling them to participate as motivators and
Altamirano highlights a major characteristic of Peruvian transforming elements of the society in which they live and
social anthropology also discussed by Doughty: the lack of with which they feel violently dissatisfied" (p. 136).
continuous communication and feedback among scholars work- We believe that Gonzales Carre's description of student
ing within Peru. Since no Peruvian anthropological association interests in Ayacucho can easily be applied to the national
exists, there are few forums for the exchange of research results situation. During the 1960s and more intensively in the 1970s
and ideas. Some of these few are such journals as the Revista there was a growing conviction on the part of an ever larger
del Museo Nacional (with a strong emphasis on archeology and number of Peruvian anthropologists that they should be doing
ethnohistory), Amazonia Peruana (specializing in lowland what Stefano Varese called "an ethnology of urgency" (Varese
tribal societies), Allpanchis (specializing in highland peasant 1969): undertaking research acknowledging that anthropolo-
societies), and Debates en Antropologia. Another important gists work with very poor human beings and that, cognizant
opportunity to exchange research results and ideas has been of the concerns of these people and the realities of their lives,
offered by the periodic conferences on "Man in the Andean they have an ethical commitment to provide the data and
World," largely concerned with ethnohistorical interests. Many ideas for timely, sensitive, and effective national and interna-
outstanding contributions in Peruvian social anthropology have tional development policies. If this sounds political, it is im-
been made by scholars working in non-Lima-based institutions portant to remember, to paraphrase Orlove, that the anthro-
who publish only in Spanish and in limited-circulation formats. pologist doing fieldwork in Peru is not a "white-gowned micro-
Furthermore, as Dobyns points out, most of the research done biologist in his lab." While he is developing rapport with his
by anthropologists working for the Peruvian government over informants, he tacitly assumes an ethical responsibility to work
the past 40 years has either been treated as classified or has very hard at improving their living conditions while he is pub-
failed to be circulated through inertia. A classic example is lishing books, giving lectures, and gaining international prestige
Chirif and Mora's (1976) carefully prepared and edited Atlas thanks to "his Indians." In this context, reciprocity is only to
de Comunidades Nativas, a 248-page compendium of basic infor- be expected as just and fair.
mation on our more than 53 ethnolinguistic groups that includes In response to my request for their comments on the article,
an excellent collection of maps and bibliography. This work is a Jorge Recharte and Adriana Soldi, former PUCP graduate
must for every Peruvianist library but is currently a rare book students currently pursuing Ph.D. degrees in anthropology at
despite its recent publication. Cornell, pointed to the strong influence of interdisciplinary
Altamirano comments on the need to expand more on what training in Peru. For example, most upper-division under-
has been done at the "provincial level." As we indicated, Peru graduate students in anthropology take compulsory courses in
currently has seven departments of anthropology that award history, sociology, and statistics. (In the particular case of
degrees, five in the "provinces" and two in Lima. the PUCP, three upper-division courses are on Durkheim,

356 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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Weber, and Marx.) They also suggested that any review of
Peruvian anthropological research in the 1970s and perhaps
earlier ought to consider the valuable contributions of such
distinguished Peruvian historians as Waldemar Espinosa (1971).
Pablo Macera (1977), Franklin Pease (1973, 1978), and Maria
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1961, 1977).
A third point made by Recharte and Soldi was that to under-
stand the major theoretical themes, the cases chosen for study,
the methodology used, and the publishers of the results, it was
essential to take into account the social and political atmos-
phere of the period under consideration. For example, they
remind us, Jose Maria Arguedas (1911-69)-a native Quechua-
speaker from the highland town of Andahuaylas (Apurimac)
and one of Peru's most distinguished novelists as well as an
anthropologist-began studying the Andean world in terms of
the dichotomy "Indian-White," considering himself an Indian
and using the "White" social category as a negative reference
group. However, over the years he began to accept the notion
of a process of mestizaje (a kind of acculturation) that would
not, however, abandon indigenous values. As Marzal (1981:
484-89) was to comment, Arguedas was in this endeavor simply
projecting his personal experience onto all the Quechua-speak-
ing Peruvian peasants who would eventually become accul-
turated and participate actively in the "dominant" Spanish-
speaking national society (cf. Arguedas 1975).
Peruvian anthropological research in the Amazon Basin
began very late compared with studies done in the highlands.
Varese's La sal de los cerros (1968), an in-depth study of Campa
society and the changes in it under Spanish colonization, con-
tinues to be, as Pease (1979:178) comments, "the most com-
plete study of a Peruvian ethnic society." Since the late 1960s,
thanks to the strong influence of Varese both in academic and
in governmental circles, Peruvians have begun to work inten-
sively on tribal societies. A very important institution of these
years was the Division of Amazonian Populations created in
1970 within the national Office of Peasant Communities.
Varese was its first chief. A year later it changed its name to
become the Division of Native Communities of the Jungle. In
1972 it was incorporated into SINAMOS, and in the late 1970s
it was virtually closed down (i.e., left with only two employees).
Among the valuable academic and applied work of these years
in the Peruvian jungle were, simply to cite a few foreign
scholars, Berlin's (1976; Berlin and Berlin 1975) long-term
ethnoscientific studies among the Aguaruna of the Alto Mara-
fnon River, Bodley's (1973) study of Campa trade patterns,
Denevan's (1970) study of Campa subsistence, D'Ans's (1975)
study of Cashinagua mythology, Johnson's (1975) work among
the Machiguenga of southern Peru, Jordana's (1974) collection
of Aguaruna and Huambisa myths and stories, Siskind's (1973)
study of the Sharanahua, with emphasis on the effects of the
powerful hallucinogenic drug ayaluasca, and Weiss's (1975)
detailed study of the Campa belief system. On the applied
level, the Division of Native Communities worked very hard
to ensure that all tribal societies would soon gain legal titles to
their land. As late as 1971 the most recent legislation on the
subject was a 1909 law that eased the government sale of
jungle land for "development" purposes (Law 1220). Strong
lobbying had to be done to get new legislation that would
protect the rights of our native population. Varese began the
work in 1970; he was succeeded by me in early 1972 and I by
Chirif and Mora later in that year. Finally, in June 1974 the
military government drafted Law 20653, intended exclusively
to guarantee the rights of tribal societies. It is not a perfect
piece of legislation, but it is an improvement on what went
before it.
In speaking of tribal societies, special mention should be
made of certain Roman Catholic missionaries who preceded
anthropologists in the study of these societies and in the
struggle to guarantee their rights. To mention only a few of
these, in the Aguaruna and Huambisa area the Jesuit Jose
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Osterling and Martinez: PERUVIAN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Maria Guallart has been working very hard for the last 30
years; in the Iquitos area the late Father Jes(us San Roman
gave his life for the natives' cause; and in the Pucallpa area th
French Canadian priests have played a very active role in
guaranteeing the Shipibo's and Conibo's legal titles to their
land.
We believe that there is an urgent need for a document tha
sets forth the basic facts, names, and circumstances in a
descriptive way, without any other pretensions, as a first ste
toward a critical analysis of more than 40 years of anthropologi-
cal research in Peru. Before getting involved in highly sophist
cated discussions and polemics, then, we have here attempte
to assemble these elements, recording the people, projects, an
institutions that have been the major contributors to Peruvian
anthropology.
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