Women and marriage of the 17th century 1

An analysis of the women and marriage of 17th century Kandyan kingdom in relation to

Robert Knox’s Historical Relations of the Island Ceylon.

The specifics chosen for this study are women in the Kandyan society during the 17 th

century to early 18th century which represents the early period of the Kandyan kingdom
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 2

of Srilanka’s history. What I have intended to do in my study is to give a generalized idea

of the women in the Kandyan kingdom and the marriage system.

The Kandyan kingdom was founded by knig Sena Sammatha Vikramabahu. At that

time large majority of the people were sinhala Buddhists though there were small
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 3

communities of other ethnic groups such as Nayakaras, Brahmins and Muslims.

 Women and marriage of the 17th century 4

(Map of 17thcentury Kandy)

Robert Knox’s historical relations of the island of Ceylon, is the earliest text providing

some information to draw a fairly detailed picture of the situation during the reign of

King Rajasinha II when the Kandyan Kingdom was as its most explicit form of socio-

political development

Knox can be supplemented by sinhala writings of the time, and some references in the

Dutch records. The 17th century then becomes the referent period of the “ideal construct”.

Popular literature, folk poetry and folk lore exhibit a range of opinions and views as well

as contemporary land transfer records which reflect the actuality of the life and the

society. However Robert Knox was not imagining things but only wrote down what he

observed and heard. Thus it could be considered as an anthropological study because of

 Women and marriage of the 17th century 5

the element of ‘participant observant’ is evident, which can be taken as a true description

though he was selective in doing so, and prejudiced in explaining what he saw. Knox

some times and folk sources always was not writing about kings and queens but village

folk and their daily affairs.

This study is focused on the Sinhala Buddhist women of the Kandyan country. The

Period selected represents one in which there was the early western mercantile capitalist

intrusion into an oriental country. Whilst the low country seem to have circumed foreign

to rules and its ramifications both on social organizations and economic pursuits,

Kandyan kingdom remained somewhat free of total subjugation and acculturation. The

Kandyan society represents a variant form of oriental despotism empowered by a

feudalist structure, with which British imperialism had to contend within the early 19th

century. There could have been contacts between the sinhala women and those of other

country’s communities which must have had mutual influences, particularly in dress

forms and folk rituals.

The primary sources are sinhala literary writings of the period. Much of it remained

unpublished. However in all literary accountants we encounter men and priest’s writings,

because female writings were rare and not recognized. Thus we only get information

about our subject from a male’s point of view.

The Nelum Kavi1, gives an account of women and their household affairs. Thus

indigenous sources might be useful in countering the prejudices inherent in the writing of

Knox and the other foreign observers. The literature composition of the 17th century was

mostly in verse.

1
A form of oral lyric/poem tradition which is sung spontaneously by men and women participating in the
harvesting.
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 6

There is a substantial collection of folk poems and folk lore which represents the oral

tradition of ethnic history. Most of the folk lore is in lay tradition, unlike the sinhala

literary works. This is highly religious bias. It talks about common people and their daily

affairs. Sinhala literary works mostly compromises the praise songs of the nobles and

royalty. Some of the folk ritual literature directly deals with women’s illness and

infirmities as well as individuality in uncovering the “sacred realm” 2 of deities and

demons and their relationship with humans who reflect a hierarchical ordering of male

and female deities and spirits. This is a gendered hierarchy similar to that in the world of

humans. They also reveal sacred ideology and social institutions that sustained and

validated gendered hierarchy of society at the time.

A major source of the study of the seventeenth century Kandyan society is Robert

Knox’s Historical Relations published in 1681. He spent nearly 20 years in Kandyan

Territories as a prisoner of King Rajasingha before his escape to England. The Historical

relation of Ceylon is one of the most and the first important historical work concerning

Sri Lanka written in English. It was primarily written to introduce English readers to the

strange ways of an exotic people living in the Kandyan kingdom of ancient Srilanka in

about 17th Century. Even during his time this book was widely read, appreciated and

translated into a number of European languages. So it would have been read by both king

and commoner to wet their curiosity to know details about the life and activities of the

Kandyan kingdom about which they could have known from mere hearsay.

“Early writers such as Ryhys, Davids (1877) commenting about Knox’s Historical
Relations noted: “this most valuable work is thoroughly trustworthy. Knox and
his companions were not confined in any prison, but in separate villages, where
they were allowed to go in and out among the people.” (Daily mirror)

2
The pantheon of the Sinhala Buddhist ideology
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 7

However Knox’s ethnographic record has been critically examined by many

sociologists who cautioned the reader to several limitations accusing Knox of his

prejudiced observations, bias and scanty objective references. As opposed to this

Commenting on the same book Ralph Peires said:

‘‘if Knox’s Perennial classic is remarkable for its almost uncanny accuracy it also
exhibits the intimacy which can only be gained by a participant observer who has
spent a considerable time among the people he studies, participating in their way
of life’” (daily News)
Further to emphasize the fact that Knox is a man of truth, these letters written for him

to the publishers by his predecessors reveal its integrity.

“At the court of comities for the East India company to the 10th of august 1681
We esteem Captain Knox a man of truth and integrity, and that his relations and accounts
of the island of Ceylon (which some of us have lately perused in manuscripts) are worthy
of credit, and therefore encouraged him to make this fame public.

August 8th 1681

Mr. Chief Well,

I perused Captain Knox’s description of the Isle of Ceylon, which seems to be written
with great truth and integrity and the subject been new containing an account of people
and country little known to us; I conceive it may give great satisfaction to the curious,
and may be well worth your publishing Chr. Wren” (Knox, 1681).

In the Historical relation Knox gives much information about the Kandyan society

during his time and deals on a variety of sensitive subjects such s the caste structure,

marriage customs, religious practices and beliefs, the judicial system and the political

system. Most of the information given by him has been drawn from his personal

experience and from various reliable sources he had come in contact with through the

years as he had been wandering in the Kandyan villages and meeting people of various

strata in society who had taken a liking towards him.

 Women and marriage of the 17th century 8

Because of this reason Knox’s Historical relations had become one of the most

important source books of the Kandyan society. The first part of this book deals with the

social organization and stratification and the latter part deals with the personal story of

his capture and escape from Sri Lanka. He writes in detail about the island’s geography,

agriculture, natural history, people, social structure and the history of the Kandyan

Kingdom and its administration. It is interesting to note that Knox had no intention

whatsoever of publishing his book until he was encouraged to do so by those who read

his script such as Sir.Josiah Child of the East India company and John Strype. The royal

society of London too contributed largely toward the publication of this book.

In his description of the social conditions of the Kandyan Kingdom Knox deals very

much with marriage and marriage customs prevalent at that time. And also affairs

concerning men and women. When considering about women, a descriptive narration of

the life cycle of women and the rights of passage, rights and obligations of the woman as

a daughter, sister, wife and a mother, The conceptual distinction between family and

household along with marriage which is the mode of reproduction, And examination of

the Kandyan social order or social stratification briefly about its caste system, marriage

patterns and its inheritance rules are discussed by him. Although various writers

criticized about Knox’s prejudiced observations of women and forms of marriage

prevailed in the Kandyan society, I believe that his study was fairy distributed since his

life in Sri Lanka was not a short time. Besides he is an alien to this country. Although

some may consider that the subjective observation is biased I believe that as a sailor he

himself had a little experience in family affairs since he spent most of his time in the sea.
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 9

Robert Knox was born in London on February 1641. Son of a Sea faring Englishman

and a god fearing extraordinarily pious mother. At the age of 14 he went to see for the

first time on his father’s new ship, The Anne trading along the Indian Coast. He returned

London in 1657 to find his mother having died the previous year. He had already taken to

the sea as a calling despite his father’s early protestations, and the refitted Anne. It sailed

on the 21st of January 1658 on “That fatall Voyage” in which says Knox in his

autobiography,

“I lost my father and myself and the prime of my time for business and
preferment for twenty three years tell Anno 1680”. In 1659 Knox’s wrecked ship
reached the east coast of Sri Lanka. During their stay of between 3-4 months in
Kottiyar bay. (Knox, 1681)
Knox, his father, and sixteen members of the crew were taken prisoner by the king’s

men in April 1660 and removed to Kandy. How he employed his time during lonesome

and dragging confinement of 19th and half years with fortitude resource and extemporary

self discipline is now a celebrated scenario, and needs no establishment here. His beloved

father and pilot of his life died on 9th February 1661and Knox then only twenty remained

for another eighteen years living in four different villages close to kandy before escaping

from the last, Eladetta , on the 22nd September 1679 and fell in to the hands of Dutch on

the 18th of October, 1679 at the coastal fort of Arippu. He was taken from Colombo to

Batavia arriving on the 15th January 1680, and started his homeward voyage from Bantan

on the Ceaser arriving in England in September 1860 almost 23 years leaving on that ill

fated expedition with his father.

This account shows that he spent nearly 20 years and was in his thirties when he

escaped the island. He spent almost a considerable amount of his life span as a youth and

as a prisoner on the island. Thus his experience on this island could not be visualized as
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 10

an entirely alien form of observation for as a child he had only spent ten years in England

and even in that decade he was seafaring with his father. In that situation Knox might

have been exhibited himself in various lands alien to his motherland, because it was

stated that his father was a business sailor. Nowhere in his autobiography had Knox

stated that he was uncomfortable by the comforts he received from the indigenous

society. Knox manage to cope himself yet he was somewhat separated by the Kandyan

people itself, because they were very caste biased. However these observations and the

method is of course a participant observation. What Knox experienced in England as a

child and what he experienced in the island of Ceylon as a youth is thoroughly contrary

but not contradicting. As Lankans we should be thankful to Knox for recording his

observations which has become a source book for generations of students and scholars of

the island’s society in medieval times, The participant observation although in his time of

recording was not a methodological study as per used by anthropologists, he manages to

establish a fair amount of the seventeenth century Kandyan Society.

Knox being a Christian tendered to view the foreign people whom he observed as

“Heathens” and their customs and habits as been repugnant to a “true believer”. The

geographical area familiar to Knox was no more than twenty square miles to the North

and North East of Gampola and Kandy. Hence it was very restricted and generalizing

from that knowledge to the whole of the Kandyan territory and its inhabitants.

The social strata with which he had frequent intercourse are that of the lower classes

of Kandyan society starting from a farmer to slaves. And his sociography was thus very

restricted. The information on the ruling hierarchy and the socio political conditions is
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 11

not derived from first hand knowledge

but what he saw. Knox himself doubted

the variety of his observations.

“Although I have been now for

seven or eight years in this land,
and by this time came to know
pretty well the customs and
constitutions of the nation, yet I
would not trust my own
knowledge……….” ((Knox,
1681, p. 271).

Life stages of women

The Buddhist society with the

concepts of birth, and rebirth also

reckons stages of infancy, childhood and

adulthood. If women wifehood and

motherhood. In the Kandyan society the relevant values have two sources those of

Brahmin origins and those of Buddhist morals.

“Childhood, in Sinhala folk poem exhibits an ambience in relation to the desired

sex of a new born baby. However there was a problem if there was an absence of
a male child in a family, possessing property. In the Kandyan society this was an
issue erupted through the institution of Binna marriage. Yet daughters were not
treated as ‘a curse’ and a burden as it was in some other rigidly particular
cultures” (vimaladharma, 2003)
One test of the rigidity of a particular society is the social sanction given for female

infanticide. This is the extension in the extreme of the logic of son preference. Indigenous

literary evidence for such practices in Sinhala society is rare. Knox has noted the

preference of infanticide due to the belief of the people in astrology which predicts

whether the child will bring good or evil hour. He alleges that people often destroyed

their new born infants who had evil planetary influences.

 Women and marriage of the 17th century 12

“They had no mid wives, but the neighboring good women come in to and do that
office. As soon as the child is born the father or some friend apply themselves to
an astrologer to inquire whether the child be born in a prosperous planet and a
good hour or in an evil. If it is found to be in an evil they presently destroyed it by
starving it or letting it lie and die, or by drowning it, putting its head in to a vessel
of water, or burying it alive, or else by giving it to somebody of the same degree
with themselves, who often will take such children, and bring them up by hand.
For they say that the children will be unhappy to the parents but no one else. But
it is very rare that the first born is served so. Him they love and make much of it,
but when they come to have many then usual it is by the pretence of the child
being born under an unlikely planet to kill him and this is reputed no fault and no
law of the land taken cognizance of it” (Knox, 1681, p.94-95).
This observation of Knox explains the life style of the Kandyans. This could have

occurred due the reason of having a considerably large family and so having too many

mouths to feed. The reason a system of polyandry was practiced here in the first place

was also due to the reason of having unbearably large and extended family sharing the

same roof. When we consider Kandy’s geographical location it was the area of central

highlands in which it had natural rivers, waterways hills and rocky mountainous terrains.

The prominent location of the Kandyan kingdom with its cool climate has greatly

contributed to protect the independence of the nation. Thus the hilly areas did not help

much to produce crops. The production of food was not ample enough like in the

Anuradapura which were once prosperous kingdoms, although this kingdom was not

active when Kandyan kings regained. Yet the geographical location and the scarcity of

land where they could cultivate was a reason to engage in polyandry. So the land which

the family shared would not be divided if the brothers were married to one woman alone.

Because of this selective female infanticide, there were not many women left to pair with

men in monogamous marriages, which therefore resulted in the resort to polyandry.

Knox makes the observation that,

“ where their houses consist but of one room, the children that are of any years
always go and sleep in other houses among their neighbors, which please them
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 13

better than their own. For so they come to meet with bedfellows, nor doeth it
displease the parents, if young men of as good quality as themselves become
acquainted with their daughters, but rather like well of it; knowing that their
daughters by this means can command the young men to help and assist them in
any work or business that they may have occasion to use them in. And they look
upon it so far distant from a disgrace, that they will among their consorts brag of
it, that they have the young men thus at their command” (Knox, 1681, p. 92)
Knox’s observation cannot be rejected off hand, for the practice of young men sleeping

away from home, and in this manner choosing their future wives, accords well with the
3
concept of marriage, particularly that of cross cousin marriage, and that of binna

marriage. Thus it was the young male who went out to sleep for the night. Further they

were from the poorer strata of society, who could not afford a house with more than one

room. Of course, the question arises that if everybody had but a one- roomed house, then

how could the quest ‘ sleeper for the night’ be accommodated and in a manner that he

had undisturbed company of the female. There was then an opportunity to discover and

test each other out before a man and woman bedded out more permanently, which is

noted by Knox.

It was the duty of the parents to give their daughters in marriage in due time, otherwise

she could bring disrepute to the mother. Note that what is hinted is that when parents fail

to find a suitable partner, the daughter might find one of her own choice, irrespective of

whether the parents approved of it or not. Another meaning is that, remaining single she

could yet “misbehave” in finding her own sexual gratification and that could bring shame

on the mother. It is enigmatic why only the mother should suffer shame alone and not

share it with the father. The partiality to blame the mother could be explained, had the

incident referred to the daughter of a binna marriage.

3
Husband moving to the wife’s residential area/virilocal or uxorilocal residence
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 14

“Wifehood The Buddhist typology of the wife, covers 7 types 4, ( Sapta bharya)
ranging at the extremes from the ones to be praised to the ones to be condemned.
The Anguttara Sattaka Nikaya classifies the wife as falling into one of seven
categories. These were the vadhaka (shrew), Chaurya (kleptic), svami (lordly),
matru (motherly), bhagini (affectionate) sakhi (friendly). The behavioural
qualities which characterize each type are also enumerated, in the next birth, the
first three will be born in the hell and the last three are destined to be reborn in
heaven” (vimaladharma, 2003)

These higher goals are difficult, if not impossible to be achieved ordinary lay wives.

Therefore, norms for the wife are framed in a more mundane mode. The Yasodarawata5

Illustrates these norms, in the form of an exhortation to the readers by the author, at the

end of the narration of the story of Yasodara, to emulate her to obtain merit and heavenly

bliss in the next birth. These exhortations are: never to look sharp at the husband even

indirectly: live without dissension; not to demand things one desires without taking the

facility and ease of the husband into consideration; not to use speech that hurts the

4
Categories of women based on the attitudes towards their husbands
5
Sacrifice and virtuous conduct exuberantly extolled in the didactic portion at the end of
the Vessantara Jatakaya.
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 15

husband; in husbands distress treat him even better than during times of fortune; observe

marital fidelity (patidam); not become disheartened at husband’s sickness. –Knox’s

ethnographic detail about the free association of young men and women before the

formal marriage, and that “They do not matter or regard whether their wives at the first

marriage be maids or not” is contradicting to the traditional Buddhist belief.

But we find that in the Kandyan society of the seventeenth century, and even later,

hypogamy was not discountenanced and on the contrary, allowed as a variation. In

 Women and marriage of the 17th century 16

hypogamous marriages, virginity was not a supreme consideration, as it would be in a

hypergamous marriage.

The Buddhist position on the reciprocal behavioral norms of husband and wife is given in

the Sigalvoda Sutta and couched in secular terms. The husband’s duties towards the wife

are showing sammana6, avoiding disrespect, not committing adultery, bringing honor,

supplying ornaments. The wife’s duties are: good management of household affairs,

looking after the servants and workers, not committing adultery, conserving the wealth

earned by the husband, diligence in household chores. It would be obvious that these

norms would apply strictly in the case of those families who had servants, workers and

wealth. It also suggests that nevertheless, personal behavior in avoiding adultery and

shoeing mutual respect for both husband and wife and good and diligent household

management in the case of the wife were required from all cases in society. Thus the

requirements across classes were simple: marital fidelity and mutual respect.

The role of mother was an honored one, which accorded some power and respect for

the woman. The reproductive role of motherhood was on the other hand valued for what

it was.

Knox observed that the Sinhalese considered the sight of a ‘big – bellied’ (pregnant)

woman as a good omen. On the other hand, a barren woman was a bad omen, and she is

condemned as a sinner.

The Hindu concept of pativtra required of the wife to remain unmarried after the

husband’s death and for the high caste women even satipuja7 was ordained. She was

confined to perpetual widowhood. This role together with the practice of child marriage

6
A term for ‘respect’ in paali.
7
self immolation
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 17

resulted in young girls condemned to bear the inauspicious label of widowhood in Hindu

Society.

Kandyan society did not ordain such a harsh situation for the widow. She could

remarry and do so several times. In her old age the widowed woman was supported by

her grownup children even if her latter were daughters. However Knox noted that

sometimes widowhood was not taken seriously in the Kandyan Kingdom. In his

observation about the casual nature of marriage in the Kandyan kingdom he says

“The chief farmer of the town where I dwelt for years, died and my house was
adjoined under the same roof, therefore could not but take notice that the second
or third night after his death my landlady had another husband to comfort her. It
was so common none but I admired at it. Which was because I had not been long
in this country? After wards I saw it was the common custom.
This statement brings out the fact that widowhood and the concept of pativata was not

observed seriously in the Kandyan kingdom. In comparison to the Hindu women this

practice though a common custom in the seven -tenth century Kandyan kingdom, can be

considered unacceptable in this day and age, because there are values, norms, morals also

ethics guarding this society. And it is evident that religion has not been taken seriously in

the seventeenth century Kandyan setting. However even in the past women folk’s rights

over inherited property was the same even if they were widows. Since a married woman

retains rights over her inherited property and her husband’s, she was not altogether

dependent on others. There are several land transfer deeds written by widows who gifted

their properties to persons, often children, who looked after them in their old age. Even

though the Kandyan marriage laws and marriage laws were enacted in 1815 Knox notes

that “The lands of soldiers killed in battle, were exempted from the marala tax levied on

the death of any person, which was a relief to the family of the fallen soldier” (Knox. Pg)
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 18

This statement indicates that widows and their children were looked after even by the

authority.

Robert Knox was a sailor and he was mostly at the sea traveling, thus such a society

which existed in the Kandyan kingdom might have amused him immensely. The

background he comes from which was England, at that time was a very traditional

country. Which checked upon rules, morals and ethics unlike now. But in the 17 th

century, Srilanka was very westernized, we can see through his record which was an

objective observation although biased to certain extent, gave him a cultural shock,

because England’s society where he was brought up was not at all going in to the

extreme of finding bed mates at an early age. England’s women were very well educated.

Although some scholars’ state that he is being biased I believe that he merely states his

observations. Considering the state of the Srilanka society then and now I feel that we

used to be far ahead in cultural development than now. Some of the cultural practices we

had in the 17th century are experienced by the western countries now. A term also is

applied to this which is known as ‘modernization’ and ‘westernization’. Thus the

question arising here is whether Srilanka in 17th century was westernized in its own way?

The Kandyan Scenario

Exploring the reality of the world that the seventeenth century Kandyans faced and

lived in would require that the interplay between the various structure elements and

ideological sources and the dynamics of the interfaces have to be laid bare.

“Two keys concepts subsumed in the patriarchy theory are sex class and family.
Women’s subordinate’s affects all women and thus women are treated as a single
class in society, though other axes of class such as economic and ideological may
cut across.Domination by men is the predicament of all women, and results from
their ‘difference’ as women. Some scholars indeed treat women as forming a ‘sub
society’ or ‘sub culture’. The key social unit in which domination originates and
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 19

is perpetuated is the nuclear family and variations thereof, which organizes the
sexual division of labor, production and reproduction, power relations, property
ownership, marriage and socialization of the children which in each case confirms
the ideology of patriarchy” (vimaladharma, 2003)
Kandyan society was structured upon the twin principles of class and caste. The rules

governing the ownership and exploitation of land on the one hand, and the production

and expropriation of services on the other, defined the relative hierarchy of the classes

and castes respectively. Land was acquired by inheritance from parents, purchase from an

owner or grant from the king. Services were organized by the state on the basis of caste to

which one was born. A person’s position in the structure of property ownership and in

organization of services, determined his and his family’s relative status. Knox observes

that

“Among this people there are divers and sundry casts or degrees of quality, which
is not according to their riches or places of honor the king promotes them to, but
according to their descent and blood. And whatsoever this honor is, be it higher or
lower, it remains hereditary from generation to generation” (Knox, 1681, p. 124)
The caste hierarchy, particularly for those at the top, ensured the perpetuation of the

notion of the purity of blood and descent. Pativata becomes an ideal in the patriarchal

ordering of the control of female sexuality. It was essential that woman’s sexuality be

controlled.

The above information emphasizes the objective of patriarchal control of the sexuality

of the woman as that of strengthening the family. In the context of the Kandyan family

too this objective can be valid, but it takes different and even contrary forms in which

that control is exercised. In addition to the multiplicity of forms of marriage and

associated behavioral patterns available to the Kandyan men and women such as

polyandry, binna marriage, cross- cousin marriage, the practice of the “gift of the wife”,
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 20

would suggest prima facie, that male control of female sexuality is indeed undermined by

the males themselves. This throws overboard the principle of pativata.

Knox provides instances such as that of ‘gift of wife’ and of the cuckold, where the

Kandyan males were directly responsible for the subversion of the pativata principle.

Also it indicates that people felt inferior when they entertain a high caste villager that

they wouldn’t even mind sharing their wives or daughters. They thought that it is a

privilege. This was because of the social stratification system and the social setup. This is

a way to identify the fact that social inequality is not only prevalent, but also recognized,

institutionalized and even justified in all societies. I would like to add that it was

powerfully evident in the ancient society than in the contemporary. Rather than the caste

stratification now it is one’s class which is important. Although the measurements used to

define a class and a caste status was the same then and now. Visible and measurable

differentials such as income, occupations, living conditions and housing also subjective

features such as inequalities recognized by people for purposes of group formation, social

interaction and measurement of status and honour.

“In some cases the Men will permit their wives and daughters to lay with other
men. And that is, when intimate friends or great men chance to lodge at their
houses, they commonly will send their wives or daughters to bear them company
in their chamber, neither do they reckon their wives to be whores for lying with
them that are as good as or better than them”. (Knox: 175)
This particular mode of articulating hospitality was repugnant to Knox for whom the

women were no more than whores, he says “though I think they all be whores yet they

abhor the name of Veosou which is whore” (Knox, 1681, p. 92) for the concerned parties,

husband, wife, daughter, nor for the society at large, there was no conception of the

practice as repulsive, which of course was correctly noted by Knox himself. Their view
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 21

was not resulting from a ‘false consciousness’, but one that reflected and expressed the

ruling social ethic, which accorded hospitality a high rank order. Perhaps it was a cultural

survival from an earlier ‘primitive’ stage of Sinhala society. Giving one’s wife to

entertain their guest was also included in the hospitality package. Quite a contrast when

observing today’s society and the values of hospitality. Even though Knox states that

Kandyan people were highly hospitable, I doubt whether this act of hospitality is

acceptable. Then again the social stratification system as discussed above explains why

they used to entertain their guests in such unholy manner. As a sociology student I further

state that the values of the Kandyans are declining or that people have become more

civilized? I would settle for the latter.

According to Knox there were no strict ideas about virginity in the early Kandyan

society. As he says “They do not matter or regard whether their wives at the first

marriage be maids or not” Commenting on adultery Knox says that there was a traditional

belief that a man had the right to kill the wife and the adulterer if they were caught in the

act. This shows that there was a strong social attitude against adultery.

Even the king has condemned adultery and Knox says:

“He allows not in his court whoredom or adultery, and many times when he hears
of the misdemeanors of some of his nobles in regard to women he not only
executes them, but severely punishes the women, if known: and he hath so many
spies but there is but little done which he hath knows not of” (Knox, 1681, p. 91)
Public prostitution and adultery was thus prohibited in the Kandyan Kingdom. He says

“Indeed here no public whores allowed by authority. In the city some have
followed that trade has often times by the king’s order have been severely
punished by whipping and having their hair and ears cut off, but in private few or
none can exempt themselves (Knox, 1681, p. 91).
Knox was making an inference when he stated that, “It is a law here, that if a man

catches another in bed with his wife, he may, be it whosoever, kill him and her, if he
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 22

pleases” (Knox, 1681, p. 92). However, he observes that, “And unless he catch them in

the act he dos not much trouble himself to prove himself a cuckold; cuckold being so

common, that it is not here regarded.” (Knox, 1681, p. 92).

The two ‘cases’ of adultery given by Knox, are interesting for they provided evidence

of the mechanisms adopted by the women to cope with such instances. In the one she

escapes with the paramour, that is she ‘elopes’ and abandons her burdensome husband

and begins life anew with a new husband. In this case the rule noted by Knox that, “If a

woman goes away from her husband without his consent, no man may marry her, until he

first be married” (Knox, 1681, p. 92).

The trend of Knox’s ‘cases’ and of the folk poem is, that seventeenth century Kandyan
women and men gave little prominence to the very foundation of pativata principle,
marital fidelity. The above argument is not that there was unbridled promiscuity in the
Kandyan society of the seventeenth century. On the contrary it is rather limited and even
alien in explaining the sexual behavior of the people. Also as opposed to the fact that in
some cases men give their women willingly to other men to be entertained. Here mainly
the element of jealousy is at work at all stages human emotions are the same.
The behavioral and ideological features subsumed under the concept of promiscuity,
are not universal across time or across cultures, but only relatively defined.
In the Kandyan society of the seventeenth century, the deviations from the prescribed

pattern there were many. But equally true, is that there was a choice of several permitted

patterns, but not a single overarching one. There were contradictions arising from the

flexibility that a multitude of prescribed behavioral norms permitted. The contradictions

were contained by the several structural devices adopted by society to deal with them. In

this sense, the concept of promiscuity, as is understood today, can have only a single

meaning, to the exclusion of other meanings that the Kandyans invested it with. For

example, crossing the caste boundaries in sexual liaison was treated as more than

promiscuous and indeed as an offence meriting death, or worse still, ‘social death’ where

a transgressing high caste woman would be banished and handed over to the outcaste
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 23

Rodiyas8. On the other hand, extra-marital liaisons between a woman and a man of the

same or a higher caste was peremptorily dismissed. In the same manner, one could view

Knox’s typically puritanical moral pronouncements on the affirmation of the ideological

relatively of the concept of promiscuity. Yet it is important to note that if it was not for

him no one would ever know that this system existed in Kandyan kingdom altogether,

even though his observations are recorded in a puritanical vein. In Contemporary society,

inter-caste marriages are common and tolerated, and even treated as an indicator of

secularism, egalitarianism and social progress. Whether society has evolved in a

direction, morally and ethically ‘superior’ to that, which prevailed in the seventeenth

century, are a different and a philosophical question.

Kandyan Marriage

There is no sinhala word similar in meaning to the English word ‘couple’. The letter

denotes a strong conjugal and emotional bond between individuals divinely united in

matrimony. The sinhala word “yuwala” (pair) “Yuwathi pathi” belong to the written and

classical tradition. The modern word to be “joduwa9” The modern day implication is that

a couple once united in marriage and solemnized by the church or “registered” by the

state, the union can only be dissolved by the death of one partner or by resort to formal

divorce proceedings. In the seventeenth century Kandyan society, Knox observed that, at

a simple ceremony of exchange of goods and gifts also food, man woman were “firmly

married to live together so long as they can agree, For if they disagree and dislike one

another they part without disgrace, Men and women commonly wed four or five times

before they settle themselves to their contention” (Knox, 1681, p. 91-2).

8
A caste which occupied in begging as their livelihood
9
A pair
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 24

In marriage much weight age was given to one’s caste and rank and the marriage

ceremonies. Especially of the poor, were very simple and royal marriages were conducted

with much pomp and pageantry. The Kandyans were strictly caste ridden and caste

played the most dominant role in all their marriages. In this connection Knox says: “It is

not accounted any shame or fault for a man of the highest sort to lay with a woman far

inferior to himself nay of the very lowest degree”. (Knox, 1681, p. 91).When persons

married slaves too went with them and this practice had been common in the Kandyan

kingdom. Knox’s account also indicates early marriage of girls in the Kandyan kingdom.

Several references to the dowry system are found in the book and it is stated that the

dowry was accepted by the society as the exclusive property of the wife and the husband

had no claim to it whatsoever.

Regarding the practice of giving dowry Knox mentions that;

“they do not give according to their ability a portion of cattle, slaves and money
with their daughters, but if they choose to mislike one another and part asunder
this portion must be returned again, and then she is fit for another man, being as
they account however the worse for wearing” (Knox, 1681, p. 91).
This is of course a common practice in the contemporary society too. It was even

common to Knox who was a foreigner. In Elizabethan era when daughters were given

away slaves were also sent with them.

According to Knox, the Kandyan society encourages the early dissolution of marriage

and remarriage was a common practice. Regarding this Knox observes; “but their

marriages are but of little force or validity for they disagree and mislike one another, they

part without disgrace. Both men and women do commonly wed four and five times

before they can settle themselves to their contentment.” (Knox, 1681, p. 91-3).
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 25

In a document written in 1713 A.D, the sinhala term for marriage is given as “Nakam

kireema10” marriage was a matter for the family which either gave away or brought in a

daughter or, brought in a son in law as binna partner to the daughter.

There were variations which were occasioned by individual, as against grouped

decision. Those are cases of elopements, or simply paring together of poor folk, which is

either case involved no ceremony and family gathering. For the affluent, ceremony and

family gathering were the occasion for a “magula11”

Sinhala kinship system was patrilineal in that ancestry was reckoned from the male.

The Kandyan system shows a gradient which contains at one end the prestigious

aristocratic form and at the other end the ordinary or the commoner forms which are

practiced by most ordinary villages. Knox gives a description of the wedding ceremonies

of both types.

“And sometimes they use this ceremony, the man is to stand with one end of the
woman’s cloth about his loins, and she with the other. And they pour water on
both their heads wetting all their bodies which been done are firmly married to
live together, so long as they can agree” (Knox, 1681, p. 90).
This was the aristocratic form of the wedding which seems to be similar to, if not

copied from the Hindu custom. Knox’s observations also shows that Kandyan society’s

traditions and customs was largely affected and influenced by other ethnic traditions

encompassed by other ethnic groups which dwelt among the Kandyan villages. Early

seventeenth century society was also composed of many socially stratified and ethnically

differentiated clusters of people as we can see today is the same.

Thus, the rationale of marriage in Kandyan kingdom was considered to be the

consummation of a ritual union of the two sexes, as distinct from casual intercourse for

10
Literally the establishment of kingship relations that is in alliance between two parties.
11
auspicious event, ceremony which term by itself stood for marriage
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 26

pleasure, copulation between unmarried people having no ritual value. It was also a use

of women for purely utilitarian objective to further the interests of the men and of the

family in the public arena, for by such favors to the intimate and the great, the chances of

acquisition of property and wealth, or position and status is enhanced.

Although a universal definition to marriage can be as such an institution in which

newly married couple share their biological needs within a given socio cultural

environment and sharing economic resources to provide social needs of newly born

children to provide legal protection to maintain their social relationship within a given

social environment.

Monogamous Marriage

There were two forms of marriage.

• Diga(patrilocal residence)

• Binna (virilocal or uxorilocal residence)

In the diga marriage the girl is given away and she goes to live with her husband and his

kinfolk. Usually a dowry in land, cattle, household goods or jewelry was given to the

woman by her parents, and this was exclusively owned by her which she would bequeath

to her own children. On the other hand under binna arrangements, a husband was brought

in to the woman’s house. The husband would not bring in property but, only manage the

wife’s property. The children of binna marriage inherited land, family name and status

from the mother. The avaessa marriage between cross-cousin was one that could combine

features from the other two types, and thus added flexibility. It was more in the nature of

an extension of diga form. Depending on the circumstances of the married couple lived
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 27

either with the wife’s parents or with husband’s parents or in their own house in the same

village else where.

Polygamous Marriage

They were two forms of polygamy both socially accepted. One where the man had

more than one wife and the other called polyandry where one woman had more than one

husband. Both forms were prevalent in seventeenth century Kandyan society. Knox

reported that “in this country, even the greatest, hath but one wife, but a woman often has

two husbands for it is lawful and common with them for two brothers to keep house

together with one wife and the children do acknowledge and call both fathers”

(Knox, 1681, p. 91-3).

Knox was subjected to the cultural shock, which is why he sees polyandry as a

disgusting pattern of marriage. But the Kandyans had a reason behind such matrimony

Polyandry in pre modern times in Kandyan society is noted that it was an accepted form

of marriage, usually formed by brothers, the number varying between 2-5, though

kinsmen in the category of cousins were also admitted. The consent of the wife as well as

that of the eldest male partners was required to admit other junior partners. The property

of the partners were held more often as individual property though less frequently as joint

property, but in either case the offspring inherited such parental property. The sexual

rights of the partners were usually apportioned by the wife, and often it was at the wife’s

instance that a younger brother would be admitted as a partner. The economic benefit of

the system was that there additional labour and income added to the common pool of the

household. Though the most common feature were for landless people to adopt the

polyandrous form in order to halt the fragmentation, there were instances reported that
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 28

when persons with considerable property too entered in to a polyandrous union. The

polyandrous form was not a stable one, for it was common for the union to breakup soon

for individual partners forming their own monogamous unions. When one partner died

and if there were only two brother partners, it was usual for the surviving partner to

continue the union as a monogamous one.

The effects of the several forms of marriage available to Kandyans, on gender

relations and on the situation of women could be probed from the view point of women in

terms of the degree of freedom and choice allowed her and the benefits that accrue

directly to her. In the context of endogamous marriage, in the sense that both parties were

from a single kin group, and that the future marriage partners are sort of pre determined,

it allows for a greater freedom of behavior to the women. They tend to grow up in the

company of male cousins and thus to know each other a long time before marriage. The

future husband and wife are no strangers in such circumstances. They grow up together

expecting to marry each other, as a matter of right. Even misbehaving before marriage

committed by either of them could therefore be overlooked. There was no fear of

crossing the caste lines because only the kinsfolk belonging to the same caste were

involved.

Degree of freedom in a society where there was free association between the sexes

which allowed “trial marriages”, “gift wife” as hospitality, polyandrous union, it is

logical that the rigid enforcement of the pativata principle and hence the male’s control of

women’s sexuality, is made impossible, there could not be chastity tests nor could

women offenders be punished unless they transgressed the caste distinctions. To the

extent these social forms were woman friendly. The fact that the woman owned and
 Women and marriage of the 17th century 29

diposed of her own property in her own right under any one of the marriage forms,

allowed her a measure of independence from her husband, and thus deprived men of their

rigid patriarchal control.

The rules of the caste system inscribed a double standard of evaluating sexual behavior. It

prohibited hypogamous marriages or casual sexual affairs for women with men of a

caste lower than one’s own, but excluded the men from the same requirement.

“ yet for the men it something different, it is not accounted any shame or fault for
a man of a highest sort to lay with a woman far inferior to himself, nay of the very
lowest degree, provided he eats nor drinks with her, nor takes her home to his
house as a wife. But if he should which I never knew done he is punished by
magistrate either by fine or imprisonment, or both. And also he utterly excluded
from his family, and accounted thenceforward of the same rank and quality, that
the woman is of who he hath taken.” (Knox, 1681, p. 92).
To the extent there was a male control of woman’s sexuality, which worked out in two

different directions. Where caste lines were crossed in the choice of sexual partners

whether for casual or enduring encounter, the woman was punished the most, if not, her

behavioral laxity was tolerated. For transgressing caste rule in sexual relations, the

outcome was either death or being given as slaves to the Rodiays, for the women, and for

men it was a mild social ostracism. Thus the concept of patriarchy had two different

empirical outcomes; in one instance it was strengthened while in the other it was diluted.

In either case women were treated as belonging to a single sex class irrespective of

economic differentiation. Thus facts in Knox’s historical relation about the Kandyan

society women and marriage of the 17th century give us a good idea of the social structure

of the then Kandyan society

 Women and marriage of the 17th century 30

Works Cited

Knox, R. (1681). Historical Relations of the island ceylon. london: Navaranga

booksellers and publishers.
vimaladharma, K. P. (2003). women in kandyan kingdom of the 17th century. peradeniya,
Sri Lanka: varuni publishers.