The Nawabs of Bengal

The Bhagirathi flows on, sluggishly. Its stillness mocking at the fury it has shown many a time
changing course and engulfing history. The history of Murshidabad and the Nawabs.

In only about two centuries and a half, time and tide have ravaged the city. Today, only a few
monuments remain to tell the tale of Murshidabad’s glory. The scene of mighty events that shaped
the fate of the Indian polity is now covered in the dust of crumbling palaces and mosques. But they
are not devoid of life. The cracked edges, shattered mortar, and scattered fragments still simmer
with the passions of those who had lived it.

Enter the ruins. The humble brick, broken and naked now, reveals a new texture, more tangible and
exciting, a new colour, brighter and more alert. The bricks no more make up a wall. The wall makes
up their showcase. Each has a story to tell. Stories of love and hate, of valor and treachery, and of
intrigue. Stories of the rise and fall of the Nawabs of Bengal. Behold, the durbar is in session.

The history of Murshidabad opens with Murshid Quli Khan as its first actor. He was the Diwan of
Subah Jinnat-ul-Belaod Bangala, the Subah of Bengal, the paradise of nations as Emperor Aurangzeb
called it.

Born a Hindu, Murshid Quli was adopted young by a Persian noble, Hajji Safi Isfahani and named
Mohammed Hadi. He traveled with his master to Persia and learnt from him his first lessons in
revenue. On Safi’s death he returned to India and took up a job in the Mughal court. Destiny’s child
as he was, it was not long before he was noticed by Aurangzeb. Soon Mohammed Hadi was
honoured with the title Kartalab Khan and promoted as the Diwan of the richest province of the
Empire, Subah Bangla. The seat of the government – Dacca.

The year was 1701. It was when Queen Anne reigned in England and the English merchants were
already trading in Bengal along with the French, Dutch and Armenians. The last of the great
Mughals, Aurangzeb had virtually yielded the imperial scepter and the Marathas were plundering
the resources all over the empire. As it turned out, the times were more than just the turn of a
century.

Kartalab Khan decided to move from Dacca after the Subadar of Bengal; Prince Azam, made an
attempt to kill him. He shifted his Diwani establishment to Maksudabad in 1704. Situated on what
was known as the island of Cossimbazar, Maksudabad was bounded by the rivers Padma, the
Bhagirathi, and the Jalangi. It was secure and more centrally located in the Subah. The small
nondescript town began its journey to glory.

Cossimbazar was a trading centre. The English, the French and the Dutch already had significant
presence there. Shifting the Diwani made it easier for Kartalab Khan to supervise the rising European
trade. Today, only the graves of the European adventurers stand testimony to their heydays.

Nothing however remains to mourn the common man who suffered under Kartalab Khan’s
governance. He ruled with an iron hand. Revenue increased manifold amidst severe persecution of
defaulting subjects. Zamindars dreaded his oppressive revenue system. Wealth accumulated in his

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coffers. He was happy and so was the emperor. Pleased with his work, Aurangzeb conferred upon
him the title of Murshid Quli Khan. Later, in 1719 he named his capital Murshidabad after his own.

1707. Aurangzeb dies marking a series of weak successions. Till 1719 there were as many as eight
Mughal rulers. The empire began to shrink rapidly. By 1714 there ceased to be any Emperor’s
representative in Bengal. During this time Murshid Quli’s rise was phenomenal. He became, in
succession, the Deputy Subadar of Bengal and the Subadar of Orissa. In 1717 he emerged as the full
Subadar. The reign of the Nawabs of Bengal had begun.

Murshid Quli Khan’s administration witnessed the rise of the great Marwari banking family of Jagat
Seth. They were expats from Nagar of the Marwar region of Rajasthan. Manikchand and Fatehchand,
a father-son duo of the family, were the first to steer their business to dizzying heights. Emperor
Farrukhsiyar conferred on them the hereditary title Jagat Seth, meaning the bankers for the world.
True to it, minting the royal currency, collection of two-third of the total revenue, fixing interest
rates and exchanging foreign currency was their monopoly. They were also into the lucrative money
lending business. Their clout grew such that the Mughal Emperor sent Khelat to them every time
such an honour was sent to the nawab.

Meanwhile, another act was being played out in Calcutta. The English merchants were celebrating a
new firman they had obtained from Emperor Farrukhsiyar. It confirmed the old right enjoyed by the
company since 1651 of carrying on trade in Bengal without any customs duties in return for an
annual payment of 3000 rupees. But they had not counted Murshid Quli Khan. The jubilation was
short-lived. Murshid Quli would curb the power of the Company to reasonable limits. The seed for a
long and dirty conflict was sown.

Little has survived the ravages of time to take us back into Murshid Quli’s time. The only structure of
his times that still stands is the magnificent Katra Masjid although in mute testimony to his bigoted
cruelty. The Nawab finding his health declining very fast ordered for building his tomb with a
mosque and a Katra, or square with shops. That was done, in record time. The Hindu temples were
used as a ready source of building material and it is said that not one was left standing in
Murshidabad or within about four miles from the city. The servants of Hindus of all ranks were
forced to work on the new structure, unless their masters paid for their release. And the buildings
were completed in just one year in 1723. Murshid Quli lies buried in the sepulture, under the stairs
of the mosque. He believed that, being so placed, the dust from the feet of worshippers would
absolve him from all his sins.

Murshid Quli’s death in 1727 precipitated high drama, so intrinsic to royal successions. It was father
against son. Murshid Quli had bestowed the responsibility of Bengal on his grandson Sarfaraz Khan.
But Suja-ud-Din, Murshid Quli’s son-in-law, who was posted as Nayib Nazim of Orissa, was not happy
with the idea of being employed under his son. With support from Mughal Emperor Muhammad
Shah in Delhi, Suja-ud-Din enthroned himself as the Nawab. It is said that the House of Jagat Seth
was instrumental in procuring the imperial firman for Suja-ud-Din. With his accession, the office of
the Nawab of Bengal became hereditary.

The new nawab was a contrast to his predecessor. He loved luxury and adorned his capital with
splendid buildings and gardens. Of his many edifices only the Tripolia Gate survives. Later in his life
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he ceased to exert himself and left the affairs of the government in the hands of a small coterie.
They were the real power behind the throne. Suja-ud-din died on 13 March, 1739 after a peaceful
twelve year rule.

Suja-ud-din’s son Sarfaraz Khan proved to be a disaster as a Nawab. He displeased the powerful
coterie who turned foes. It appears that he did not even receive the customary confirmation from
the Mughal Emperor. And what followed was war. Alivardi Khan, then the Deputy Governor of Bihar,
took the lead in the conspiracy. In April 1740, he revolted openly and challenged the Nawab in a
battle at Giria. It ended in the defeat and death of Sarfaraz Khan.

Alivardi immediately seized the throne. Jagat Seth was once again the kingmaker. Alivardi soon gave
proof of unusual vigour and wisdom. But opposition did not die out. The supporters of Sarfaraz,
headed by Rustam Jung rose in open defiance in Orissa. A powerful section of Afghans also revolted.
Alivardi met the situation boldly. Rustam Jang was disarmed and the Afghans were suppressed. But a
more serious danger loomed large.

Lured by the prospect of plundering the richest province, 40,000 mounted Maratha marauders
raided Bengal. They ravaged and looted without discrimination. Wide areas were depopulated.
Trade and agriculture suffered terribly. The raids, locally known as Bargi Raids, were so ingrained in
the Bengali psyche that folklores and lullabies survive even today.

The Maratha raids became an annual affair in Bengal. Alivardi took recourse to various devices to get
rid of them. During the third raid in 1744, Alivardi invited the Marathas for peace talks. Twenty-two
confident Maratha generals arrived at Alivardi’s tent at Mankarah, led by Bhaskar Pandit. The
Nawab’s men pounced upon the unsuspecting Marathas and killed them. But the raids did not end.
It continued for another seven years. In 1751 Alivardi finally was forced to accept the Maratha terms
and agreed to pay Chauth and surrender the surplus revenue of Orissa.

Alivardi didn’t have much peace in his tenure. Mir Jafar Khan, a trusted general of the Nawab
together with Ataullah Khan, conspired to seize power. But they were exposed. The contingent of
Mir Jafar Khan was dissolved and Ataullah Khan was dismissed. Mir Jafar’s name would later become
synonymous with treachery, but that story would take a few more years to unfold.

In 1750, Alivardi Khan encountered the unkindest blow of all. His grandson, Siraj-ud-Daula, whom he
had always treated with lavish kindness, and whom he had nominated as his successor, headed a
rebellion against him. The revolt was weak, and was promptly put down.

From here on, till 1756, when Alivardi Khan died, formed the only quiet period of his reign. Being a
devout Muslim, he chose to spend his time in performing devotions, reading the Quran, and
attending to all his duties as a Nawab.

The English merchants continued to be an annoyance. Right from Murshid Quli’s time they had acted
as independent Zamindars rather than traders. They continuously abused the privileges granted to
the British East India Company and resorted to private trade. The Company’s agents even
participated in local conflicts, especially during the struggle for succession. It was a more profitable

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venture than normal commercial operations. Alivardi was well aware of these developments. But
Alivardi did not act against them, for he believed that the English had no ill against him.

English intentions became clearer in 1752, when Fort William in Calcutta started to form a militia. In
two years, they had acquired fifty-nine cannons, and recruited many soldiers. Contemporary records
show that along with the French they had already given thought to the occupation of Bengal.

Alivardi’s death in April 1756 left two immature youths, Shaukat Jang and Siraj-ud-Daula, his
grandsons, as his only possible successors. Shaukat Jung was far away in Purnia and could not put up
a fight. Siraj-ud-Daula, the apple of Alivardi’s eye, at twenty-three years of age finally ascended his
long assigned throne. The date – April 10, 1756.

History has painted Siraj in all possible colours and not without good reason. The short span of his
reign of just fifteen months had packed love, hate, conspiracy, intrigue, treachery and a tragic end,
elevating him almost to a classical tragic hero.

Siraj-ud-Daula was the fortune child in the family. It was soon after his birth that Alivardi Khan was
appointed the deputy Subadar of Bihar. So his grandfather had unbridled affection for him. This
superstitious affection proved to be a fatal blight for Siraj. It led him through a riotous early life. He
grew into a haughty, dissolute and reckless youth. Then Alivardi Khan declared Siraj-ud-Daula to be
his heir to the nawabship of Bengal, in spite of the seniority of at least three relations. Consequently,
when he assumed power, Siraj had more foes than friends both within his family and his court.

Meanwhile another chain of events had started rolling. In the early 1750’s in England, the lucre from
Bengal had made the East India Company a national institution. The Company and the English
government became political allies. The traders underwent a metamorphosis into imperialist
swashbucklers. By the time Siraj ascended the throne, Murshidabad had become the hotbed of
political intrigue.

The English merchants as usual did not keep themselves aloof from the court intrigues. Fuelling fire
to the succession game, the English had thrown their weight around Shaukat Jung and Ghaseti
Begum, Alivardi’s eldest daughter and the main adversary of Siraj. But it was not to happen.

Siraj showed unusual dynamism in dealing with his adversaries. The first target was Ghaseti Begum.
He stormed her palace at Moti Jheel, seized her wealth and placed her in confinement. He made
changes in high government positions. Mir Madan was appointed Bakshi in place of Mir Jafar.
Mohanlal was elevated to the post of Peshkar of his Dewan Khana. Hakim Beg, a close associate of
Alivardi and the powerful Excise Inspector was banished from Bengal on charges of corruption.
Eventually Siraj-ud-Daula suppressed Shaukat Jang, governor of Purnia, and killed him in a clash.

The supersedure of Mir Jafar and the banishment of Hakim Beg did not go down well with the court
elites. They were alarmed that the Nawab would withdraw the privileges they had enjoyed
unquestioned for so long. The rise of a new inner circle of the Nawab consisting of Mohanlal, Mir
Madan and Khwaja Abdul Hadi unnerved them. The House of Jagat Seth, at that time headed by
brothers Mahtab Roy and Maharaj Swarupchand, had the highest stake and went on planning for

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what they had done many a time before – being a kingmaker. Within weeks of his accession, Siraj
was in mortal danger.

Siraj was not happy with the English. He, as the direct political disciple of his grandfather, was aware
of global British interest of colonization and hence, resented British politico-military presence in
Bengal. He had three main grievances against the British – first, the unauthorized fortifications of
Fort William, second, illegal private trade and shameless abuse of dastaks or clearance certificates
by the company servants, and finally illegal shelter given to the Nawab’s erring subjects. The nawab
asked the British to take measures to remove his grievances and sent several diplomatic missions to
Calcutta. But the Fort William Council rebuffed the diplomatic demands and insulted the Nawab’s
envoy. The stage was set for a showdown.

The first link in a chain of incidents leading to the decisive battle at Plassey was the capture of
Cossimbazar by the Nawab’s forces on 20th May 1756. The English chose defiance. This was
followed by an attack on Fort William. Siraj launched his offensive on the morning of June 16th and
by the afternoon of the 20th, he was its master.

Murshidabad was also buzzing with activity. Secret conferences were held at Jagat Seth's house and
the deposition of Siraj-ud-Daula was decided upon. A mutual division of the treasury was made. The
plan of the white and the red treaty was then devised. While everything was being finalized the
English company's forces under Robert Clive and Charles Watson was moving towards Bengal.

The fleet entered the Hooghly River in December and moved against Calcutta on 2nd January 1757.
The garrison of 500 men surrendered after offering a scanty resistance. Calcutta was recaptured.

On 9 January 1757, the English force stormed and sacked the town of Hooghly. The Nawab
reiterated by marching to Calcutta. Clive’s forces attacked the Nawab’s camp on 5th February. Some
fighting took place but nothing decisive occurred. It ended four days later with the Treaty of
Alinagar. The Nawab agreed to restore the Company’s factories, allow the fortification of Calcutta
and restore former privileges.

The treaty however was merely a stopgap agreement. Siraj had news that Ahmad Shah Abdali was
getting ready to raid eastern India. In such an event a friction with the English would be undesirable.
The English feared an alliance of the French with the Nawab. In a show of force Clive attacked and
destroyed Chandernagar on 24th March. The fate of the French in Bengal was sealed.

The Nawab was infuriated on learning of the attack on Chandernagar. The Nawab moved a large
division of his army under Rai Durlabh to Plassey, on the island of Cossimbazar 48 km south of
Murshidabad.

Meanwhile, Clive got wind of the conspiracy at the court to overthrow the Nawab. The conspirators
included Mir Jafar, Rai Durlabh, Yar Lutf Khan, a front-man of Jagat Seth and Omichand, a Sikh
merchant and several officers in the army. Clive didn’t waste time. A deal was struck between the
English and Mir Jafar to raise him to the throne of the Nawab in return for support to the British in
the field of battle and the bestowal of large sums of money upon them as compensation for the
attack on Calcutta. Mir Jafar’s treachery was in black and white now.

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On 14th June, Clive sent a declaration of war to Siraj. Siraj got wind of Mir Jafar’s activities and
ordered an attack on his palace in suspicion of his alliance with the British. He obtained a promise
from Mir Jafar to not join the British in the field of battle. But he failed to measure the extent of
conspiracy which spread from Murshidabad to Calcutta.

On the 22nd June, the English army crossed the river Bhagirathi and advanced towards Plassey. The
Battle of Plassey had begun.

Battle it was not. At most it was a skirmish. John Wood, a British soldier, who was present at Plassey,
observed: 'such was this great and decisive battle by which a kingdom was conquered without there
having been a general assault'.

It lasted no more than a few hours, and indeed the outcome of the battle had been decided long
before the soldiers came to the battlefield. Betrayed by Mir Jafar, and deserted by his army, Siraj-ud-
Daula lost the skirmish at Plassey on 23rd June 1757. With the loss of 23 men Clive won for the
Company virtual control over a province larger than the British Isles.

Siraj disguised himself and escaped northwards on a boat. His intention was to escape to Patna. But
he did not reach far. On July 2nd when he was at Rajmahal, he was betrayed by a fakir. He was
imprisoned and brought back to Mir Jafar’s palace at Murshidabad. Immediately on his arrival Siraj
was murdered by the orders of Mir Jafar’s son Miran, his childhood friend.
According to the contract with the English, Mir Jafar became the Nawab, but he is remembered
more as a traitor. The imposing gate to his palace became known as Nimakharam Deori; meaning
Traitor’s Gate. It still stands in shameless defiance. In his last years, in the ignominious repose of the
throne of Bengal, as Lord Clive’s Jackass, he developed leprosy - a loathsome end to a loathsome life.
The days of the English protectorate began. With it began the years of pure loot and outright
plunder. The richest province of India was reduced to a pauper state. It resulted in a devastating
famine in 1770 which wiped out about a third of the total population.
Meanwhile the making and unmaking of the nawab was on. Mir Jafar was replaced with Mir Quasim,
his son-in-law who was deposed only to make way for Mir Jafar again. Finally in 1765 the East India
Company procured the Diwani of Subah Bangla from the Mughal emperor Shah Alam. The Nawabs
became the pensioners of the British.
In 1880, the title of Nawab of Bengal was abolished and later in 1891 a lesser title of Nawab of
Murshidabad was introduced. It continued till 1969 when it was finally abolished by the Government
of India.
Like a faint crescent of the former glory of Murshidabad stands a much later day edifice, the
Hazarduari along with an imposing Imbabura. And remain the ruins. Murshidabad today is the great
graveyard of buried historical treasure. At every step the visitor treads on historic ground and meets
with marks full of meanings. Once, from the pinnacles of the turrets of seven hundred mosques, the
voices of seven hundred muezzins rent the air of the crowded city, five times a day. Nothing
remains.
Yet Siraj lives on. The verdict of history is that whatever might have been his fault; Siraj-ud-Daula
neither betrayed his master nor sold his country.
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