Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2010-02-12 2010-12-10 Embassy
10RIYADH184 SECRET
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Classified By: Ambassador James B. Smith for reasons 1.4 (b) and
(d).
Summary
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4
¶1. (S) Saudi Arabia is officially still studying the issue of whether to
associate with the Copenhagen Accord on Climate Change. Behind
the scenes, we understand serious discussions are taking place about
which road will best serve the Kingdom’s long term interests. On one
hand, Saudi Arabia’s lead climate change negotiator has criticized
the Copenhagen process in private and in public, arguing that the
UNFCCC process is the only acceptable legal framework. On the
other hand, Saudi officials are very eager to obtain investment
credits for Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) and other technology
transfer projects that will only become available once an agreement
has been reached. Saudi officials express concern about the impact a
transition to a low-carbon energy mix will have on the country’s
revenue stream at a time when it faces enormous financing needs to
transform its economy to create jobs for its young, growing
population. It also fears imposed economic costs associated with
“demonizing” oil. Part of the explanation for this schizophrenic
position is that the Saudi Government has not yet thought through all
the implications of a climate change agreement, in part because it
may not fully understand the various demand scenarios. There
appears to be a growing sense within the SAG that it may be in
danger of becoming isolated on climate change, which may prompt a
re-examination of its position. Saudi officials have suggested that
they need to find a way to climb down gracefully from the country’s
tough negotiating position. More sustained engagement in
coordination with other governments, particularly if pitched as an
effort to develop partnership, may help them do so. End Summary.
5
for support for the Copenhagen Accord (ref H), Al-Sabban said
Saudi Arabia was still studying the accord to determine its position.
The SAG cares about the environment, but it also must care for its
citizens, he said.
¶4. (C) Asked about tangible actions to reach national climate change
goals, Al-Sabban said Saudi Arabia’s nationally appropriate actions
would include carbon capture and storage (CCS) credits. He
emphasized Saudi Arabia’s need for technology transfer and foreign
direct investment to mitigate
the adverse impact that emissions-reducing policies may have on the
Kingdom. Al-Sabban said the SAG had closely studied climate
change policies’ potential negative impacts. The Kingdom will need
time to diversify its economy away from petroleum, he said, noting
that a U.S. commitment to help Saudi Arabia with its economic
diversification efforts would “take the pressure off climate change
negotiations.”
6
¶6. (C) Senior Advisor to the President of Meteorology and
Environment (PME) Fawaz Al-Alamy told Econoffs January 27 the
U.S. and Saudi Arabia share the same values on climate change, but
have different negotiation tactics. Al-Alamy, who joined PME in late
2009 and led Saudi Arabia’s World Trade Organization (WTO)
negotiations, said Saudi Petroleum Minister Ali Al-Naimi wants to
move forward in UNFCCC negotiations. (Note: PME sends three
representatives with Al-Sabban to climate change negotiations. End
note.) Al-Sabban’s negative approach to negotiations “disheartens”
him, as does the ongoing “blame game” on climate change. Saudi
Arabia, like China and India, needs to behave like an emerging
economy rather than a developing country, he said. Al-Alamy noted
he had met the previous day with both the Chinese and the Indian
Ambassadors to the Kingdom to discuss climate change.
7
creates a “phobia” of climate change talks, he said. The Saudis also
resent the U.S. when it makes decisions “without consulting its
friends.” Al-Alamy said Saudi Arabia, and Al-Sabban in particular,
needs to feel like a partner of U.S. decision making.
¶9. (S) Minister Al-Naimi has consistently been rational and practical
in talking with western delegations about climate change, noting that
Saudi Arabia had to address its development concerns, but conceding
that the world needs to work together to address climate change.
These reassuring statements stand in sharp contrast to Al-Sabban’s
public comments, such as questioning the science behind climate
change just before Copenhagen, and his often obstructionist
behavior, as reported by a number of Embassies in Riyadh, during
working-level negotiations. Senior Ministry of Petroleum officials
have reassured us after each of Al-Sabban’s public outbursts over
the last six months that he has been “tamed” and brought back onto
the reservation. The frequency and number of times that Al-Sabban
steps out of line, and the apparent lack of any sanction, raises
questions about the real Saudi position on climate change.
8
that was not legally binding but indicated some goodwill towards the
process without compromising key economic interests. The Prince
intimated to EconCouns that Al-Sabban would not long retain his
position, and said the challenge for Saudi Arabia was to find a way to
“climb down” from its negotiating position.
Comment
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¶12. (C) All indications are that Saudi officials are intensely
discussing what position the country should take. We believe that the
message is getting through, that there is a broad consensus among
countries that tangible action needs to be taken now to address
climate change. We also think that Saudi leaders are beginning to
understand that they are in increasing danger of being left behind.
They do have significant, legitimate concerns about how this process
will affect their long-term livelihood. Our conversations, however,
with officials in Finance, Petroleum and the other economic
ministries suggests that they have not done sufficient economic
analysis of the various scenarios to understand what the real impact
of a climate change agreement might be. Such a discussion might
help provide the kind of dispassionate basis to address legitimate
Saudi concerns, while also making a better case for the need to take
action to mitigate increasing emissions. We take as an encouraging
sign the fact that several Saudi officials have noted to us that the
Kyoto agreement only runs for two more years, suggesting that some
at least understand the need to chart a more assured future course.
We take the suggestion seriously that we help the Saudis find a way
to climb down from their current position, ideally by offering the
hand of partnership, which may help persuade the rest of OPEC to
follow suit. For now, we believe that success will require a sustained,
broad engagement with Saudi leadership, as we think the problem is
more than just a rogue negotiator, but some broadly shared fears
about the future, and uncertainty about the way forward.
SMITH
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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2008-05-14 2010-12-07 Embassy
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Classified By: Deputy Chief of Mission Michael Gfoeller for reasons
1.4
(b) and (d)
--------------------------------------------- ---------
¶3. (S) Satterfield asked what support this concept had from Siniora
and from other Arab states. Saud responded that “Siniora strongly
supports,” but that only Jordan and Egypt “as well as Arab League
11
SYG Moussa” were aware of the proposal, lest premature surfacing
result in its demise. No contacts had been made with Syria on any
Beirut developments, Saud said, adding, “what would be the use?”
An “Easier Battle to Win”
-------------------------
¶4. (S) Saud said that of all the regional fronts on which Iran was
now advancing, the battle in Lebanon to secure peace would be an
“easier battle to win” (than Iraq or on the Palestinian front).
Satterfield said that the “political and military” feasibility of the
undertaking Saud had outlined would appear very much open to
question. In particular, attempting to establish a new mandate for
UNIFIL would be very problematic. Satterfield said the US would
carefully
FRAKER
12
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2009-05- 2010-12- Embassy
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Classified By: CDA David Rundell for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).
¶1. (S) Summary: The Saudi regulatory system offers the al-Saud
regime a means to manipulate the nation’s print media to promote its
own agenda without exercising day-to-day oversight over journalists,
and Saudi journalists are free to write what they wish provided they
13
do not criticize the ruling family or expose government corruption.
In addition, most media in Saudi Arabia--print and electronic--are
owned by royal family members, and accordingly self-censorship is
the order of the day. In comparison to a few years ago, however, the
media business in Saudi Arabia is dynamic, fueled by increased
demand by Saudi and pan-Arab audiences, new licensing agreements
with US and other international media, and an unprecedented level
of openness to outside ideas.
//Family Business?//
¶3. (S) Embassy press officers met recently XXXXXXXXXXXX.
According to Shuaa Capital, a Gulf-based financial services firm,
SRMG is the largest publisher in the country, with a global
readership well in excess of 180 million and an aggregate market
share of 46.1%.
¶5. (S/NF) It is worth noting, however, that other Saudi editors we’ve
spoken to always refer to the Saudi Research and Marketing Group
as being “owned” by Prince Salman, despite the fact that
XXXXXXXXXXXX told us that he is not a shareholder and the
official holdings of XXXXXXXXXXXX amount to only ten percent of
the company. When this was noted by emboff to one of our press
contacts, he told us that it was well-known that Prince Salman owns
SRMG and controls its direction through his son Faisal.
14
//New Direction//
¶6. (S)XXXXXXXXXXXX is representative of a trend we have noted
in all media here: the increase of well-educated, relatively pro-US
Saudis in editorial positions. Technocratically-minded with a
journalism degree from a US university, XXXXXXXXXXXX told us
that the entire SRMG organization has been directed to adopt a
“professional, western-style approach” to the media that would both
increase revenue and reinforce “modern ideas” that the SAG
leadership wishes to purvey as an antidote to extremist ideology.
15
18 year old demographic in short presentations of three minutes or
less. He also said that the stations website, Arabiya Net, appeals to a
pan-Arab audience and gets about 100,000 visitors per day. Al
Arabiya and other MBC channels, he said, present programming
that they hope counters the influence of al-Jazeera and fosters
“moderate” perspectives among the country’s youth.
16
dissemination of western ideas (MBC and Rotana are in a bitter
battle for market share) it is easy to understand why
XXXXXXXXXXXX, XXXXXXXXXXXX and XXXXXXXXXXXX
believe that this programming is having a profound effect on the
values and worldviews of Saudi audiences. During the recent Eid
holiday, Rotana’s “Fox Movies” channel repeatedly aired two
mawkish US dramas (again with Arabic subtitles) featuring
respectful, supportive American husbands dealing with spouses
suffering from addiction problems--in one case gambling (lost the
kids’ college funds and then told her college professor husband it was
because he was boring) and the other alcohol (smashing cars and
china when she RIYADH 00000651 003 OF 004
wasn’t assaulting the husband and child.) These films and others
broadcast over the Eid offer models of supportive behavior in
relationships, as well as exemplary illustrations of heroic honesty in
the face of corruption (“Michael Clayton”) and respect for the law
over self-interest (“Insomnia.”)
¶16. (S) The Kingdom’s chattering classes aren’t the only ones
noticing the movement towards moderation and rapprochement with
the outside world that is reflected in print and television media.
XXXXXXXXXXXX told us that religious conservatives call the
Saudi newspaper “Al-Watan” (owned by Prince Khaled al-Faisal)
“Al-Wathan”--the idol. XXXXXXXXXXXX said his network is
referred to as XXXXXXXXXXXX, and that pan-Arab daily “Al
Sharq al Awsat,” with its distinctive green-colored pages, is known as
17
“Khadraa al Domon”--”green plant from the dung heap,” a
metaphor from one of Prophet’s hadiths warning young men of
feminine corruption wrapped in meretricious allure.
¶17. (S) Extremist elements, said all of these contacts, have been
largely deprived of their public voice in the media and on television,
but remain a diminished but still potent force in Saudi Arabia. When
reporting officer noted the enormous security progress that allowed
him to sit outside a crowded Starbucks less than two blocks away
from the Jeddah Consulate--something that would have been
unthinkable two years earlier--XXXXXXXXXXXX shook his head.
“You (Americans) still have to be careful. They’re still out there,” he
said, referring to violent extremists.
//Okaz//
¶18. (S) In a meeting with Jeddah CG and XXXXXXXXXXXX,
XXXXXXXXXXXX was blunt when asked about SAG efforts in
countering extremist thinking. “King Abdallah was here,” he said,
pointing around his well-appointed office XXXXXXXXXXXX in
Jeddah. “He told us that conservative elements in Saudi society do
not understand true Islam, and that people needed to be educated”
on the subject. King Abdallah, he said, used a metaphor of a donkey
to explain how the religious police use the wrong approach. “They
take a stick and hit you with it, saying ‘Come donkey, it’s time to
pray.’ How does that help people behave like good Muslims?”
XXXXXXXXXXXX quoted the king as saying.
¶19. (S) XXXXXXXXXXXX also told us that he had taken over the
XXXXXXXXXXXX establishment only two months ago at the
direction of the Minister of Information, and that one of his first
orders of business was to enact dramatic cuts in the sprawling
editorial division. It was clear by the direction of the conversation
that XXXXXXXXXXXX, intends to make sure that the paper falls in
line with the SAG’s message.
//The Stick//
¶20. (S/NF) Although all chief editor positions in Saudi Arabia must
RIYADH 00000651 004 OF 004
be approved by the Minister of Information, it is the job of the
Ministry of Interior (MOI) to take action against editors and writers
who refuse to follow government directives and policies. In the past,
the MOI played a largely reactive role in this regard through its
Supreme Information Council, which would discuss questionable
18
material and order editors to be scolded or fired, or at times ban
publication of the paper for a certain period of time.
19
Rundell
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SUMMARY
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22
now convinced that sufficient punishment had been inflicted
upon the Houthis to have taught them a lesson and to put an
end to their border harrassments.
Is it Really Over?
--------------
¶3. (S/NF) The Embassy DAO was told by senior Saudi Air Force
officers on December 22 that Saudi fighter aircraft had
continued to launch attack against Houthi targets in recent
days, sustaining the high tempo that started in the second
week of November. Saudi television was airing footage as
recently as December 21 showing Saudi tanks and artillery
firing in the border area, and Saudi soldiers launching
mortars and firing machine guns. A digest of other key press
reports from recent days is below:
23
the nation, and to remind that those who seek to bring the
nation down are deviant in their thoughts. End Comment.)
24
Iran: Still the Bogeyman?
--------------------
What's Next
----------
25
establish the Saudi kingdom. The Houthi battles will be
intensively studied in the months ahead, including how they
revealed Saudi military shortcomings. The Saudi military,
particularly the Air Force, resorted to the use of enormous
firepower (despite low munitions inventories) that proved to
be inadequately precise and minimally effective against
fighters maneuvering and dug into rugged mountain terrain.
Among questions that merit attention will be to what extent
should the Saudi military restructure itself to respond to
such asymmetrical threats, why the Saudis responded to the
Houthi challenge as such an urgent existential threat, and
whether the perceived inability or unwillingness of the U.S.
to more rapidly provide emergency munitions resupply to the
Saudis in their perceived hour of need will ramifications for
our military to military partnership. These and related
issues will be the focus of forthcoming Embassy analyses.
SMITH
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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2009-12- 2010-12- Embassy
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¶G. RIYADH 1633
Classified By: Amb. James B. Smith for reasons 1.4 (A), (B) AND (D)
SUMMARY
-------
28
and not allow the use of their territories against us. ...
The crux of the problem with the Saudi regime is not the
territory or the border but because we faced Yemeni
aggression from its territories."
¶4. (C) This possible olive branch offered by the Houthis was
apparently not accepted by the Saudis, as the next day the
Saudi newspaper Al-Yawm reported that Saudi tanks, heavy
artillery and planes "pounded the stronghold of the
infiltrators fortified in Al-Jabri inflicting heavy losses
including the deaths of 340 infiltrators and the destruction
of the deserted houses where the enemies were taking refuge."
The actual number of Houthi deaths has not been confirmed,
but both Al-Riyadh and Al-Watan reported on 12/28 that the
village of Al-Jabri was recaptured by Saudi forces. For
their part, the Houthis say there were 31 air strikes on
Al-Jabri.
¶6. (S/NF) We have also heard that Prince Khalid was pressed
to stand down the ground forces because of King Abdullah's
growing ire over three particular issues: 1) why it has taken
so long to expel the ragtag Houthi fighters, 2) how there
29
and protection of his father Prince Sultan. At minimum,
within the Saudi leadership Prince Khalid's reputation as a
military leader appears to have been damaged, perhaps ruling
him out as an eventual successor to his father as Defense
Minister.
¶7. (C) For the last two months, the Saudi military has
employed massively disproportionate force in its effort to
repel and clear the lightly armed Houthi guerillas from the
border area. Day and night aerial bombardment and artillery
shelling have been the main instruments of what is
increasingly regarded within the Saudi military as an
embarrassingly long campaign that was poorly planned and
executed that brought unexpectedly high Saudi casualties
(exact number not known - officially 73 deaths), many
apparently from friendly fire. Nonetheless, the conflict has
been carefully spun as a heroic and successful struggle to
protect Saudi sovereignty.
¶8. (C) During the campaign, the Saudi military turned to the
U.S. for emergency provision of munitions, imagery and
intelligence to assist them to operate with greater
precision. The U.S. military responded with alacrity to the
extent possible, primarily by flying in stocks of ammunition
for small weapons and artillery. However, the great majority
of Saudi requests remain bogged down in the FMS contacting
process or in interagency reviews. Prince Khalid and several
senior Saudi Air Force officers have complained that the U.S.
has not rallied to support Saudi Arabia during its hour of
greatest need. As the Saudi military services seek to divert
blame for the poor management of the Houthi operations in the
weeks ahead, it can be expected that such criticism of U.S.
support will continue, if not sharpen.
SMITH
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Reference IDCreated Released Classification Origin
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SUMMARY
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it a priority to avoid strikes against civilian targets.
Based on the assurances received from Prince Khaled, the
Ambassador has approved, as authorized in reftel, the
provision of USG imagery of the Yemeni border area to the
Saudi Government. End summary.
32
HOW THE TARGETS WERE SELECTED
-----------------------------
¶5. (S/NF) The Ambassador told Prince Khaled that the USG is
looking to Saudi Arabia to help bring an end to the Houthi
fighting soon. Prince Khaled responded that Saudi Arabia is
"looking for ways to end this conflict in a way that fosters
good relations." He said that he met with President Saleh
last Wednesday to discuss Houthi ceasefire terms, and they
agreed that, so long as the Houthis deliver on the terms they
offered, there should be news about a ceasefire "within a
COMMENT
------
33
¶6. (S/NF) Prince Khaled, in addressing the Ambassador's
concerns about possible targeting of civilian sites appeared
neither defensive nor evasive. He was unequivocal in his
assurance that Saudi military operations had been and would
continue to be conducted with priority to avoiding civilian
casualties. The Ambassador found this assurance credible,
all the more so in light of Prince Khaled's acknowledgment
that mistakes likely happened during the strikes against
Houthi targets, of the inability of the Saudi Air Force to
operate with adequate precision, and the unreliability of
Yemeni targeting recommendations. Based on these assurances,
the Ambassador has approved, as authorized in reftel, the
provision of USG imagery of the Yemeni border area to the
Saudi Government. While the fighting with the Houthis
appears to be drawing to a close, the imagery will be of
continuing value to the Saudi military to monitor and prevent
Houthi incursions across the border as well as enhancing
Saudi capabilities against Al-Qaeda activities in this area.
SMITH
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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2006-12- 2010-12- Embassy
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was up to $12 billion in Iranian assets in Dubai-based banks.
xxxxxxxxxxxx also discussed the failure to establish a charities
commission, and the need to replace the head of Saudi's
financial intelligence unit, as well as the King's personal
security measures. End Summary.
¶3. (S/NF) xxxxxxxxxxxx saw Dubai as the problem for this new
initiative. He said Dubai has 8-12 banks with extensive
links with Iran, holding up to $12 billion in Iranian assets.
xxxxxxxxxxxx indicated he had met with MBR and MBZ and that
MBZ
was supportive of our efforts. We need to send someone
quickly to the UAE to freeze these assets before the Iranians
begin to unload them. In addition, he continued, the Saudi
Monetary Authority should issue a caution to Saudi banks to
refrain from Iranian transactions or else jeopardize their
international dealings.
36
forces and building perimeters. The more dangerous threat,
in his view, is a SCUD missile launch from Iran, which could
happen with short or no notice. The Iranians would target
Saudi facilities at Ras Tanura and Jubail, also perhaps the
US bases in Qatar and Bahrain, which would cause the Saudis
to be involved as well, he said. His concern was that
tightening sanctions on Iran will cause Iran to up the ante,
triggering an escalation leading to a missile launch. Given
the possibility of this scenario, he speculated on the option
of a pre-emptive strike. "I would rather be on the offensive
since we are the target," he said, later adding that he meant
a state of military readiness, not offensive action. xxxxxxxxxxxx
stressed that this sense of urgency came from King Abdallah,
he was not freelancing. He added that he, Prince xxxxxxxxxxxx and
Prince xxxxxxxxxxxx were getting together an "Iran
to-do list."
Counterterrorism Cooperation
----------------------------
37
comfortable with what he sees. Oman, xxxxxxxxxxxx continued,
thinks it's safe because it is too far away. xxxxxxxxxxxx said he
hoped the December 9/10 GCC Summit would include a clear
statement on counterterrorism cooperation.
38
they would find another use for them.
Gfoeller
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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2009-05- 2010-12-05 Embassy
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http://www.spiegel.de
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40
declare cash over certain amounts.
-- (C) The MOI is concerned about funds flowing to Hizballah
from the Saudi Shi'a community.
-- (C) The political situation in Pakistan affects MOI's
intelligence cooperation with Pakistan's ISI.
¶3. (C) Holbrooke asked how the U.S. was working with the new
FIU. DAS Glaser said FIU cooperation will enable Saudi
Arabia to plug into the global terror finance context. The
U.S. has tested the Saudi system with three requests and has
received a good response. Glaser added that Saudi success in
rolling up domestic terror cells has had a positive impact
but the need now was to target financial donors and networks
that channel the funds to AQ and the Taliban. The daily work
of exchanging information with Saudi Arabia was going well.
41
said Saudi Arabia was working to create a
"coherent plan" on terrorist finance that included
establishing a legal basis for taking action against
financiers. The MOI had no problem targeting organizations,
he said, but preferred to go after financiers on an
individual basis: "the bad apples, not the whole barrel," he
said. With the FIU in place, he said, the MOI would be
better able to "turn leads into tangible evidence" and follow
up with counterpart authorities in other countries. "We used
to call Dubai the 'Black Hole'," of terrorist finance, he
said. Glaser agreed with the need for a comprehensive
strategy. He said he understood the Saudi approach to focus
on individuals rather than organizations, but there was
another more common model that focused on organizations as
part of a broader terrorist network.
¶7. (C) Holbrooke noted that Pakistan was also a center for
terrorist financing through Islamic charities and asked
whether the Saudis were monitoring the large Pakistani
community in Saudi Arabia, and whether the Saudis were
consulting with the governments of Pakistan, India, and
Bangladesh about the issue. xxxxxxxxxxxx said the Saudis had
detained numerous individuals from these countries and were
seeking cooperation to investigate their activities. He
42
added that "we talk to ISI (Pakistan's intelligence agency)
and get a good response, but we think ten times before
approaching them; things are changing there and we are
advised to be careful." Political unrest and new ISI
leadership were the principal changes, he said. As a result,
he concluded, "We only trust face-to-face transmission of
information." The MOI had shared information with ISI on
Pakistanis in Saudi Arabia suspected of terror finance, but
ISI had not responded.
U.s.
Saudi Arabia
xxxxxxxxxxxx, Ministry of
the Interior
43
Major General xxxxxxxxxxxx,
xxxxxxxxxxxx
Ministry of the Interior
xxxxxxxxxxxx, Ministry of
the
Interior
xxxxxxxxxxxx
FIU briefers
Rundell
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45
¶1. (C) Ambassador Holbrooke, Embassy Riyadh warmly welcomes
you to Saudi Arabia, which, by virtue of its historical and
cultural ties to Central Asia; personal relationships between
Saudi, Afghani and Pakistani leaders; financial power; and
leadership of the Muslim world, can play a central role in
implementing the President's strategy for Afghanistan and
Pakistan. Your visit comes at a time of great potential but
great uncertainty: the Saudi-Afghan relationship appears to
be warming up, while the traditionally close Saudi-Pakistani
relationship has grown increasingly strained. The Saudis are
broadly supportive of our approach to Afghanistan and
Pakistan, but occasionally express skepticism about our
timing or our approach. Your visit provides an opportunity
to mine the Saudis' wealth of experience in dealing with
Afghanistan, Pakistan, and extremism, and further explore
ways to translate our shared goals into action in the unique
Saudi context. We have requested meetings with xxxxxxxxxxxx.
46
the King's desire to keep some distance and maintain his
credibility as a potential reconciliation mediator.
47
process in Pakistan makes the Saudis nervous, and they appear
to be looking for "another Musharraf": a strong, forceful
leader they know they can trust. In his January meeting with
General Jones, the King cited President Zardari as an
impediment to denying terrorist safehavens, calling him an
"obstacle" and "a rotten head" that was infecting the whole
body. He maintained that the Pakistani Army was capable of
being a strong partner for the U.S., and opined that U.S.
development assistance would rebuild trust. He asserted that
that the Army was staying out of Pakistani politics in
deference to U.S. wishes, rather than doing what it "should."
FM Saud told General Jones that we must reach out to tribal
leaders and separate "those we could work with" from "those
we must fight." He believed that using the military to fight
extremists posed certain dangers, and that the credibility of
the army must be maintained. The Saudis were pushing
Pakistan's civilian leaders to work together, but "compromise
seemed alien to Pakistani politicians."
48
raise funds has deteriorated substantially, and that it is
now in its weakest state since 9/11. The Kingdom is also
cooperating more actively than at any previous point to
respond to terrorist financing concerns raised by the United
States, and to investigate and detain financial facilitators
of concern. Nonetheless, sustained engagement is required to
maintain the current momentum, particularly in providing the
Saudis with specific details and actionable information.
Your visit provides another opportunity to welcome the
progress Saudi Arabia has made, and reiterate the importance
that President Obama and the USG place on curtailing
fundraising activity by global terrorist groups in Saudi
Arabia, particularly those that undermine the stability of
Afghanistan and Pakistan.
49
is led by CIA.
50
Smith
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Al-Faisal at his home in Jeddah on February 6. Saud
described the February 2 arrests of ten suspected terrorism
financiers in Jeddah and Medina as a positive step that could
well result in other leads and arrests. On the proposed
Charities Commission, Saud said that the SAG is leaning
toward establishing a government entity that directly
disburses charitable funds. He characterized engagement with
Iran as a two-pronged approach involving frank dialogue and
security pressure. "We will supply the logic and you supply
the pressure," he said, adding that the US Navy's recent
strengthening of presence in the Gulf was a good example of
the force element. In response to APHSCT Townsend's request
to use SAG influence with Arabsat to block Al-Manar
broadcasting, Prince Saud replied that Iranian-financed
cultural centers in Lebanon, Iraq and Afghanistan are a
greater source of Iranian influence in the region than
Al-Manar television. On Arab-Israeli issues, Prince Saud
hoped Secretary Rice would return to the region soon to
address the "key substantive issues" of Jerusalem and
Palestinian refugees. In a subsequent private meeting,
APHSCT Townsend renewed US concerns about the Saudi
Ambassador in the Philippines; Saud said that the ambassador
would be ending his tour shortly. END SUMMARY.
53
Commission, which was announced two years ago but not yet
implemented. She noted that it could be set up in either of
two ways: as a government body which is responsible for
disbursing charitable donations; or as a regulatory body to
oversee acts of the private charities, which is the way the
US does it. She stressed that a decision, either way, is
needed. Saud said the SAG was leaning towards an
organization that has direct responsibility for disbursing
charitable funds. He noted there are Islamic law
implications, implying that these implications are slowing
down the decision process but are important to consider
carefully. APHSCT Townsend raised the issue of continuing
activity by remnants of the UN-sanctioned al-Haramain
organization. Saud responded that any proposed illegal
transfers are being monitored and stopped. By following the
trail of illegal transfers, the SAG has found and stopped the
source of funding in many investigations-- sending a strong
preventative message to others engaging in similar, illegal
activities. APHSCT Townsend thanked Prince Saud for the
SAG's efforts in this area
Iraq, he noted.
54
Iranians; we need a joint policy of frankness and security
pressure, he stressed. Strengthening the US Navy presence in
the Gulf sent a good message. "You provide the pressure and
we'll provide the logic," he said.
¶6. (C) APHSCT Townsend said that Hizbollah does not appear
to the US to have toned down its rhetoric, and she raised the
request for Saudi help with Arabsat to block the broadcast of
al-Manar television. Blocking al-Manar would help reduce
Hizbollah's sphere of influence, she said. The French have
agreed not to permit the broadcast of al-Manar, she noted.
Prince Saud replied that the "more important problem" is the
Hizbollah cultural center, which exercises greater influence
than al-Manar television and could be closed down by the
multi-national forces, he asserted. The Iranians also fund
such centers in Afghanistan and Iraq, he said.
55
clear guidelines and goals, which are applied to both sides
of the conflict. He said he expects Secretary Rice to return
to the region, to meet with Prime Minister Olmert and
President Abu Mazen. He said he hopes she will address the
substantive issues - Jerusalem and Palestinian refugees --
and noted that it has been seven years since anyone has
discussed the status of Jerusalem. The side issues, for
instance opening a passage between Gaza and the West Bank,
should be handled at a different level, by Assistant
Secretary Welch, he suggested.
SIPDIS
¶10. (S) Prince Saud then raised in the private meeting the
Saudi Embassy in Washington's problems with the US bank that
handles the Embassy account. He asserted that the US bank is
performing audits on the Saudi Embassy bank accounts beyond
what is required by US law, and asking inappropriate and
aggressive questions. He noted that the Saudi Embassy enjoys
diplomatic immunity. If this is the bank's initiative, he
asked for USG intercession. APHSCT Townsend said we would
look into it.
OBERWETTER
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FOR KKOLEVAR AND WBRYAN, DEPARTMENT FOR P
SMULL, NEA
GCRETZ, S/CT AND NEA/ARP
58
ARAMCO officials on Oct. 27 and 28, with the introductory briefing
consisting of a three-hour presentation. The conclusion is that the
Abqaiq facility’s safety standards are world-class and its current
security measures would counter a repeat of the Feb. 2006 failed Al
Qaeda VBIED attack, but Abqaiq remains highly vulnerable to other
types of sophisticated terrorist attacks. DOE provided concrete steps
for the Saudis to enhance and harden Abqaiq’s security architecture.
¶4. (S) MBN was impressed with DOE’s Abqaiq VA and expressed
his appreciation for DOE’s work. He ordered his staff to immediately
implement DOE’s recommendations to improve Abqaiq’s security
and requested DOE to perform further VAs. The Ras Tannurah oil
facility was named as the next site to be assessed, with its VA to be
conducted as soon as possible. It was agreed DOE would establish
three VA teams dedicated solely to evaluating Saudi Arabia’s critical
infrastructure sites, which number approximately 100. These DOE
teams would be joined by MOI members who would learn the
necessary skill sets from DOE to then perform their own individual
VAs of sites. The goal would be MOI to eventually take the lead in
VAs of all remaining sites, with DOE supporting the MOI VA teams.
This would maximize the number of sites able to be assessed in the
shortest time period. DOE also invited MOI, ARAMCO and
CENTCOM to join them at Sandia Labs to wrap up the Abqaiq
assessment and demonstrate the models used in formulating their
recommendations. This visit is expected to
RIYADH 00001619 002.2 OF 003
be conducted by the end of 2008.
¶5. (S) It was noted during the presentation that the ARAMCO
officials were uneasy with MOI encroaching onto their territory.
ARAMCO expressed concern that “Too much security will make it
too hard for us (ARAMCO) to do our jobs in producing oil.” While it
was telling to see firsthand some the interagency disputes within the
SAG, an MOI official in a sidebar confided in us that ARAMCO’s
concerns would be addressed, but that MBN, who reportedly has the
final say in the protection of Saudi critical infrastructure, would not
allow Saudi oil facilities to be left vulnerable, regardless of
ARAMCO’s complaints.
¶6. (S) This same MOI official mentioned that the protection of Saudi
critical infrastructure is expected to eventually be 25% of MOI’s
budget. MOI’s current annual budget is approx. USD 1 billion. The
protection of Saudi critical infrastructure will likely lead to a
significant increase in MOI’s budget as the FSF alone will be 35,000
59
strong, minimum, with an additional 20 per cent more forces for port
and border security. DOE’s security projects and future to-be-
determined JCCIP programs with other USG agencies will add even
more to MOI’s budget requirements.
--------------
OPM-FSF STARTS
--------------
¶7. (S) The draft LOR for OPM-FSF prepared by CENTCOM was
presented to MBN. This draft explicitly lays out on one page the
exact wording for the SAG’s formal request to the USG to establish
OPM-FSF. MBN directed his staff to prepare such a letter for his
signature. Once we receive this letter, CENTCOM will then respond
with a Letter of Acceptance (LOA) which will allow CENTCOM to
begin building up OPM-FSF’s personnel and equipment structure.
MOI indicated they plan to present the formal Saudi LOR to GEN
Petraeus when he visits the Kingdom, currently scheduled for Nov. 8.
--------------------
JOINT WORKING GROUPS
--------------------
¶8. (S) A related discussion item was the role of the Joint Working
Groups (JWG). It was previously established there would be three
JWG: FSF, Industrial Security and Internal Security (Reftel B).
During our recent meetings, it was clarified and agreed to that
“Joint” will refer to USG-SAG only, not inter-agency. When these
working groups meet, it will be a single USG voice in dialogue with a
single SAG voice. Inter-agency USG discussions will take place at the
JCCIP Cell in Riyadh or in Washington.
60
forward as quickly as possible to enhance the protection of Saudi
Arabia’s critical infrastructure with the priority being its energy
production sites. MBN related how his grandfather, King Abdulaziz,
had the vision of forming a lasting strategic partnership with the
United States. MBN stressed he shared this vision, and wants the
USG’s help to protect Saudi critical infrastructure. He commented
that neither the Kingdom nor the U.S. would be comfortable with the
“French or Russians” involved in protecting Saudi oil facilities. “We
built ARAMCO together, we must protect it together.” MBN also
confirmed his travel dates to Washington will be Nov. 5 to 7.
¶11. (S) MOI officials queried us on the exact date U/S Wm. Burns,
P, would travel to the Kingdom for the meeting of the Joint
Commission on Critical Infrastructure Protection and Border
Security. The SAG expects it to be in mid-December after the Eid al-
Adha (set to end Dec. 12), and request confirmation as soon as
possible of P’s exact travel date so they can prepare the appropriate
agenda. Post requests the Department’s confirmation of P’s exact
travel dates to Saudi Arabia for the next JCCIP.
-------
COMMENT
-------
¶12. (S) The Saudis now feel energized by DOE’s VA, DOE’s
subsequent proposals and CENTCOM’s assistance in establishing
OPM-FSF. Likewise, they recognize many of their energy facilities
remain at risk from Al Qaeda and other terrorists who seek to
disrupt the global economy, and vigorously urge we continue
assisting them to counter this threat. RUNDELL
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Prior to this meeting, Treasury and GRPO officials shared with
Mabahith detailed information on the financing of the Taliban and
other terrorist and extremist groups based in Afghanistan and
Pakistan. Mabahith pointed to the General Intelligence Presidency
(GIP), Saudi Arabia’s overseas intelligence agency, as having the lead
on Taliban matters for the Saudi Arabian Government (SAG).
Mabahith pledged to disrupt any Taliban-related financial activity in
the Kingdom, including fundraising carried out by Taliban leaders
participating in reconciliation efforts. Mabahith asked GRPO and
Treasury to provide additional detailed and actionable information
to assist in its investigations.
¶4. (S/NF) Mabahith agreed that the Taliban is a serious threat and
stated that Saudi authorities can more easily target al-Qaida
financing since the group’s members are frequently Saudi nationals,
often with Saudi addresses and phone numbers. Taliban/Haqqani
network fundraisers, however, usually enter the Kingdom from
Afghanistan or Pakistan, and may use fabricated travel documents,
according to Mabahith. Mabahith also acknowledged that the Hajj
represents an opportunity for terrorist fundraisers. The same
officials further acknowledged the historical ties that existed between
Saudi Arabia and the Taliban, suggesting that lingering sympathies
may create a potential donor base in the Kingdom.
63
conduct fundraising activities while in the Kingdom. Mabahith
initially responded that Taliban reconciliation issues were handled by
the GIP and stated that the Mabahith has very little insight or
coordination with the GIP in this area. After further discussion, Issa
said that even if Taliban fundraisers travel to Saudi Arabia under the
auspices of reconciliation, Mabahith officials would arrest anyone
who breaks Saudi law while in the Kingdom.
64
country’s large borders, highlighting the continuing challenges they
expect to encounter.
(S/NF) Jamaat al-Dawa al-Quran wa al-Sunna
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66
Afghanistan/Pakistan, Yemen, and Iran. Prince Mohammed
highlighted Saudi Arabia’s continued and growing concerns about
Al-Qaida operations originating from Yemen and praised the
Yemeni government’s successful December attacks against Al-Qaida
operatives. The meeting was followed by a lunch and a briefing on
the situation on the Saudi-Yemeni border.
¶2. (S) General Jones noted that the attempted bombing of a U.S.
aircraft on December 25 is another reminder that we are passing
through difficult times. He assured Prince Mohammed that while the
U.S. recognizes that screening procedures can be improved, the U.S.
has confidence that the systems in place are basically sound. The
General also noted that terrorism concerns seem to be spreading
beyond Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia, and now are
being heard from governments in north Africa, particularly Niger,
Mali, Morocco and Algeria.
¶3. (S) Prince Mohammed responded that we are likely to see many
more attempts like the December 25 incident. He also noted that the
Saudi experience against Al-Qaida demonstrates that the best
response is to “keep them on the run.” Right after the 9/11 attacks,
he noted, nearly eighty percent of the mosques in Saudi Arabia
voiced support for Bin Laden. That is when the Saudi leadership
realized how dire the problem they faced was. Over the last 6 years of
combating Al-Qaida inside Saudi Arabia, the Kingdom has foiled
many Al-Qaida plots and in the process learned that we must not
only to fight Al-Qaida “in the field,” but also to counter their
ideology in order to curtail recruitment.
¶4. (S/NF) In this light, the recent attack against Al-Qaida in Yemen
“was very positive.” Prince Mohammed noted that the Saudis have
been monitoring conversations of Al-Qaida operatives in Yemen very
closely, and whereas before the attack they were hearing relaxed 20-
minute phone conversations over cell phones, after the attack the
phones went virtually silent. This suggests that at least for now these
operatives are more focused on their own security rather than on
planning operations.
67
¶5. (S) Prince Mohammed said that the Saudi government has been
watching with great concern Al-Qaida’s growth in Yemen over the
last five years. Yemen’s geography makes it a much more convenient
place for Al-Qaida operations. Not only does the mountainous terrain
help them hide, but the shoreline also gives them an ability to move
over the water - extending their potential reach much further
abroad.
¶7. (C) Prince Mohammed also noted that Saudi Arabia has been
making an effort to seal the Saudi-Yemen border, noting that “we
have been arresting between one to two thousand people each day.”
He also admitted that the Saudis have maintained a common practice
of feeding those caught crossing before transporting them back
across the border. “We need to change
that,” he went on, since many may be crossing the border only to get
a meal. Prince Mohammed pointed out that a key feature of the
Saudi approach to undermine Al-Qaida’s growth in Yemen is to
bolster the central government, in particular with substantial
financial assistance. A Saudi-Yemeni Council meets twice a year to
review development projects in Yemen funded by Saudi Arabia.
However, up to now, he reported, the Saudis have not been satisfied
with the distribution of these development and infrastructure
projects because the Yemeni government has been concentrating
them in Sanaa and other urban areas. The Saudis now insist on
having a say in distributing these infrastructure investments with
remote areas receiving priority “to give the tribes in those areas
something to lose if they cooperate with terrorists.”
Afghanistan/Pakistan
--------------------
68
¶8. (C) General Jones noted that the Obama administration’s
approach in Pakistan and Afghanistan reflects many of the same
lessons that the Saudis have learned. That is why the U.S. is working
with a new emphasis on national reunification in Afghanistan. The
approach includes reducing the emphasis on military operations
while exerting new efforts to encourage reconciliation. In order for
this strategy to succeed, Gen. Jones cautioned, it will be essential that
Pakistani territory no longer be available as a safehaven to terrorists.
¶10. (C) General Jones assured Prince Mohammed that the U.S. is
working to reduce Pakistani-Indian tensions, and emphasized that
what is most needed at this moment is for Pakistan to choose which
path it wants to take. The first step is to dislodge the terrorists; if
Pakistan resolves to do this, they will find that the U.S. will help them
for some time to come. The Pakistani ISI also needs to act with
greater consistency. Noting Saudi Arabia’s influence with Pakistan,
General Jones emphasized that the U.S. is looking for Saudi Arabia’s
support.
69
9, an attack that oppositionist attribute to Iran’s Revolutionary
Guard. End note.)
Comment
-------
¶12. (S) We note that Prince Mohammed did not raise the matter of
recently introduced heightened screening procedures on Saudi
citizens. While we have heard that these new measures provoked
strong reactions from some in the Saudi leadership, the absence of
any expressions of concern or upset on Prince Mohammed part is
fully in keeping with his reputation as one who fully understands the
difficulty of maneuvering against extremist elements to prevent
attacks. The Embassy views this meeting as accomplishing the
important objective of reinforcing our strong counterterrorism
cooperation. As is evident from his brief responses to Gen. Jones’
briefs on Iran and Afghanistan/Pakistan, these issues are ones on
which Prince Mohammed carefully defers to the King. SMITH
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Musharraf arrived in Saudi Arabia, today, November 20, and will
meet with King Abdullah, Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal,
and head of the General Intelligence Presidency Prince Muqrin bin
Abdulaziz after he completes Umra in Mecca. He noted that
Musharraf will meet with the Foreign Minister and Prince Muqrin
first and thereafter see King Abdullah sometime in the evening. “The
purpose of these meetings,” said al-Jubeir, “is to get a readout of the
situation and present our point of view to him.”
¶2. (S) Al-Jubeir denied that Musharraf had come to the Kingdom to
meet with exiled former Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif,
although he carefully avoided ruling out such a meeting. Instead, he
boldly asserted that, “We in Saudi Arabia are not observers in
Pakistan, we are participants.” He asserted that the Saudi
government (SAG) had offered Sharif a pledge of protection and
asylum in the Kingdom after his ouster by Musharraf in return for a
promise that he would refrain from political activity for ten years. He
added that Sharif had begun to attempt to test the limits of this
promise five or six years in his exile. “Sharif broke his promise by
conducting political activity while in the Kingdom,” al-Jubeir
charged. He added that when the SAG had permitted Sharif to travel
to London, he first promised the Saudis not to engage in political
activity or return to Pakistan, but he then flew to Pakistan from
London in a direct violation of his commitment.
¶4. (S) Al-Jubeir added that he sees neither Sharif nor former Prime
Minister Benazir Bhutto as a viable replacement for Musharraf.
“With all his flaws,” he said of Musharraf, “he is the only person that
you or we have to work with now.” He claimed that Sharif would be
unable to control the Pushtun-dominated Islamic insurgency in the
72
tribal region near Afghanistan, while Bhutto would prove to be too
divisive a figure to rule the country, which he characterized as “very
tribal, much like our own country.”
¶5. (S) Al-Jubeir added that for the SAG, stability in Pakistan is an
essential strategic matter. Since Pakistan possesses both nuclear
weapons and delivery vehicles, from the Saudi point of view, the
policy choice to be made there boils down to a drastic choice: “We
can either support Musharraf and stability, or we can allow bin
Laden to get the bomb, “he told the Charge’.
¶6. (S) Comment: As a senior royal advisor who has worked for King
Abdullah for eight years now, al-Jubeir’s views generally track very
closely with those of the King. It seems likely that King Abdullah,
Prince Muqrin, and Prince Saud al-Faisal will offer Musharraf
pledges of strong support in their meetings today. We note that the
Saudis have an economic hold on Nawaz Sharif, sine he was
reportedly the first non-Saudi to receive a special economic
development loan from the SAG, with which to develop a business
while here in exile. We will report further information on these
meetings as it develops. End Comment. GFOELLER
73
Reference
Created Released Classification Origin
ID
2008-01-02 2010-12-01 Embassy
08RIYADH7 SECRET
15:03 23:11 Riyadh
VZCZCXRO3301
OO RUEHBC RUEHDE RUEHDIR RUEHKUK RUEHLH
RUEHPW RUEHROV
DE RUEHRH #0007 0021550
ZNY SSSSS ZZH
O 021550Z JAN 08
FM AMEMBASSY RIYADH
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 7324
INFO RUEHEE/ARAB LEAGUE COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUEHZM/GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL COLLECTIVE
IMMEDIATE
RUCNISL/ISLAMIC COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUEHIL/AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD IMMEDIATE 4674
RUEHJI/AMCONSUL JEDDAH IMMEDIATE 9329
S E C R E T RIYADH 000007
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
Classified By: Ambassador Ford Fraker for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)
74
interference. The Foreign Minister described former Pakistani Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif as “a force for stability” and “a man who can
speak across party lines even to religious extremists.” END
SUMMARY.
¶4. (S) The Foreign Minister stated that former Prime Minister
Nawaz Sharif is a force for stability, in his opinion. He called Sharif a
leader who can speak across party lines, even to religious extremists
who are not usually open to dialogue. In Prince Saud’s view, Sharif
can play an important role in stabiizing Pakistan.
75
situation to Saudi Arabia in 2003, when the Kingdom witnessed a
violent campaign by terrorists linked to a-Qaeda. He explained that
the SAG was able to push back and eventually quell this extremism,
in large part by convincing the Kingdom’s religious scholars to
condemn terrorism strongly. Jubeir expresed the hope that a similar
outcome is possible in Pakistan.
¶6. (S) COMMENT. The contrast between the views of the Foreign
Minister and Ambassador al-Jubeir are worth noting, since they
probably indicate that the senior levels of the Saudi government are
still debating what the Kingdom’s Pakistan policy should be in the
aftermath of the Bhutto asassination. It is likely that al-Jubeir’s
views more closely reflect those of King Abdullah, his patron. END
COMMENT. FRAKER
76
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2008-07-30 2010-12-01 Embassy
08RIYADH1175 SECRET
14:02 23:11 Riyadh
VZCZCXRO9493
PP RUEHDE RUEHDIR
DE RUEHRH #1175/01 2121424
ZNY SSSSS ZZH
P 301424Z JUL 08
FM AMEMBASSY RIYADH
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 8893
RHEBAAA/DEPT OF ENERGY WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
INFO RUEHZM/GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL
COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHHH/OPEC COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHIL/AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD PRIORITY 4708
RUEAHLC/HOMELAND SECURITY CENTER WASHINGTON
DC PRIORITY 0233
RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASHDC PRIORITY
RHMFISS/HQ USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL PRIORITY
RUEKDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/DEPT OF COMMERCE WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 02 RIYADH 001175
SIPDIS
STATE FOR D JNEGROPONTE
DEPT OF ENERGY PASS TO MWILLIAMSON, GPERSON, AND
JHART
TREASURY PASS TO A/S CLOWERY
Classified By: CDA Michael Gfoeller for reasons 1.4 (b) (c) and (d).
-------
77
Summary
-------
-------------------------------
MinPet Unaware of Any Progress
-------------------------------
--------------------------------------
Deal At Least a Month Away? Saudis Reluctant with Crude Prices so
High
--------------------------------------
78
concerned that if Pakistan were awarded payment concessions, other
major developing nations such as India would make similar
demands. Shams believes a deal might be concluded if crude prices
continue to slide. At the conclusion of the meeting, Shams whispered
that he thought a “deal was likely a month away.”
¶4. (S) Shams indicated any encouragement the USG might offer for
the proposal would go a long way to see that it was implemented in
time to avoid further chaos in Pakistan. Shams told us that the new
Pakistani government had been forced to raise gasoline prices by 60
percent and diesel prices (key to the transport sector) by 100 percent
since March. The price increases were pushing the population to the
limit and fueling extremism, he said.
-----------------------------
MFA Has No Knowledge of Deal
-----------------------------
¶5. (S) On July 30, the Charge D’Affaires met with Ambassador
Khalid Al Jindan, the third ranking diplomat at the MFA, and the
Director of Western Affairs. Ambassador Al Jindan had no
knowledge of the deal. Nonetheless, he said there was wide agreement
within the Saudi government on the need to do everything possible to
support Pakistan’s internal stability.
RIYADH 00001175 002 OF 002
--------------------------------------------
Ministry of Finance: Deal Still with MinPet
---------------------------------------------
¶6. (S) Hamad Najashi from the International Relations Office at the
Ministry of Finance shed some light on the process for negotiating
such oil relief packages. He verified MinPet was the lead negotiator
for such programs. Once a relief package was agreed upon, it would
be forwarded to the Ministry of Finance (MOF) for financial
processing. After researching the issue with counterparts in the
international assistance area, he told us the MOF has not seen the
Pakistan proposal, because the agreement was not yet concluded.
--------
Comment
--------
79
¶7. (S) Prince Abdulaziz’s apparent ignorance of any recent
developments on the Saudi offer to assist Pakistan suggests there has
been no movement since the June 22 Jeddah summit. Prince
Abdulaziz would be aware of, if not leading, any negotiations with
Pakistan. Taken together with the comments from the MFA’s
Ambassador Al Jindan, the Pakistani Counselor, and the MOF, it
appears the Saudi offer has been shelved until a decline in oil prices
make it more palatable for MinPet to implement. The Saudi royal
family and senior officials are on vacation now, to be followed by the
September Ramadan season. If we see rapid implementation of the
offer as critically important to the Pakistan government’s stability, it
will likely take USG intervention at the highest levels with senior
Saudi officials now in Morocco to secure its rapid implementation.
GFOELLER
80
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2008-10- 2010-12-01 Embassy
08RIYADH1541 CONFIDENTIAL
16 10:10 23:11 Riyadh
VZCZCXRO6948
OO RUEHLH
DE RUEHRH #1541 2901016
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 161016Z OCT 08
FM AMEMBASSY RIYADH
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 9349
INFO RUEHIL/AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD IMMEDIATE 4717
RUEHBUL/AMEMBASSY KABUL IMMEDIATE 0235
RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON IMMEDIATE 2903
RUEHKP/AMCONSUL KARACHI IMMEDIATE 0054
RUEHLH/AMCONSUL LAHORE IMMEDIATE 0047
RUSBPW/AMCONSUL PESHAWAR IMMEDIATE 0183
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC IMMEDIATE
RUMICEA/USCINCCENT INTEL CEN MACDILL AFB FL
IMMEDIATE
RHMFISS/HQ USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL IMMEDIATE
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC IMMEDIATE
C O N F I D E N T I A L RIYADH 001541
SIPDIS
81
He cited a sharp reduction in Saudi financial assistance to Pakistan,
and said that the Saudis had not provided “a single drop” of oil at the
concessionary terms promised last year (refs c & d). Instead, during
2008, the Saudis had provided assistance in the form of a single $300
million check, considerably less than in previous years, but “beggars
can’t be choosers,” he lamented. Khanzada opined that the Saudi
government appeared to be “waiting for the Zardari government to
fall.”
82
Reference IDCreated Released Classification Origin
2009-05- 2010-12-01 Embassy
09RIYADH670 CONFIDENTIAL
17 16:04 23:11 Riyadh
VZCZCXYZ0003
OO RUEHWEB
SIPDIS
83
and transforming the Pakistani army to fight a
counterinsurgency war.
-- (C) MbN noted the Saudis viewed the Pakistan army as the
strongest element for stability in the country. In reply
Holbrooke emphasized U.S. support for Pakistan's democracy
and said the U.S. opposed a military coup. MbN said he
agreed.
¶2. (C) Holbrooke thanked the Prince for Saudi Arabia's $700
million pledge at the April 17 Pakistan donors'
conference in Japan. He said he had not come to make demands
or requests but simply to begin a consultative process. The
fact that three U.S. special envoys (Senator Mitchell, Dennis
Ross, and now Holbrooke) have visited Saudi Arabia
demonstrates the importance President Obama places on
U.S./Saudi relations and the Saudi role in the region.
Afghanistan and Pakistan were a major problem the new U.S.
administration had inherited.
84
relationship with Pakistan, Holbrooke said. He noted that
over 800,000 Pakistanis live and work in Saudi Arabia. Saudi
Arabia was especially important to Nawaz Sharif, the most
popular politician in Pakistan. These were reasons why what
happened in Pakistan was of direct concern to both the U.S.
and Saudi Arabia.
¶4. (C) Holbrooke said the U.S. and Saudi Arabia shared a
common purpose on Pakistan but not yet a "common
collaboration." The purpose of his visit was thus to begin a
dialogue on Pakistan and seek a common policy. Neither the
U.S. nor Saudi Arabia could afford to let Pakistan fall
apart. There were three important issues to address:
85
army was the Saudis' "winning horse," MbN said, but it needed
to prepare to fight the current war against terror.
Pakistani soldiers needed to be proud of their service, and
not hide their identity as soldiers when they were off duty,
MbN said. He had told Kayani that Pakistani troops needed to
feel they were fighting for Pakistan and not the U.S. The
Pakistani army had a "golden opportunity" because now
Pakistan faced an external enemy. MbN emphasized that the
army was Pakistan's "best bet" for stability. There were
800,000 Pakistanis and over one million Indians living in
Saudi Arabia, MbN said, and millions more visited the
Kingdom to make the Hajj pilgrimage, so anything that
happened in Pakistan, or between Pakistan and India, was a
threat to stability in Saudi Arabia.
86
for permission to maintain a "security channel" with the U.S.
to remain open at all times to facilitate information
exchange regardless of other issues in bilateral relations.
The Prince added that the King despised the corruption he saw
in Pakistan and this colored his views toward that country.
¶10. (C) Moving to a new subject, the Prince said "We have a
problem called Yemen." AQ has found fertile ground
there, he said. The geography was similar to Afghanistan,
and many Yemenis were more sympathetic to AQ's goals than
were the Afghans. Yemen is also closer to AQ targets and
recruiting grounds in Saudi Arabia. The Saudis had detected
a pattern of individuals coming to the Kingdom for Hajj or
Umrah and then traveling south to Yemen ("it's only 400
miles," he noted) for training before returning to their home
countries. Saudi forces have arrested Egyptians and
Algerians, among others, who were attempting to do this.
87
backed projects in the tribal areas of Yemen where AQ was
hiding. The idea was that when Yemenis saw the concrete
benefits of these projects they would push their leaders to
eject the extremists. Saudi Arabia was counting on this
strategy, MbN said, to persuade Yemenis to see extremists as
criminals rather than heroes. Holbrooke replied that the
U.S. understood Saudi concerns about Yemen, and would work
with the Saudis to address the problem there.
¶13. (C) Turning to another issue, MbN recalled that the day
following President Obama's inauguration, White House
counterterrorism advisor Brennan had telephoned to assure him
the new president was committed to continuing the war on
terror. "Terrorists stole the most valuable things we have,"
said the Prince. "They took our faith and our children and
used them to attack us." It had not been easy to see Saudi
involvement in 9/11 and other terrorist incidents, he said.
AQ was smart in wanting to hit both the U.S. and Saudi
Arabia. AQ's strategic goal was to hurt the U.S. and to take
control of the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina.
88
leader of the terrorists inside a surrounded building. MbN
said he had offered to relieve the officer, but the latter
had refused, and had insisted on leading the attack. The
officer succeeded in defeating the terrorists while capturing
his cousin alive.
¶15. (C) Saudi Arabia was not yet free of terrorism, MbN
said. Thus it remained important to defeat the terrorists on
the ground, in the media, and ideologically. The Saudis
wanted to do this in cooperation with the U.S., the Prince
said. Time was the key, and it was "not in our favor," he
added, so "we need to work fast."
89
¶18. (U) Meeting participants
U.S.
XXXXXXXXXXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
Saudi Arabia
XXXXXXXXXXXX,
XXXXXXXXXXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX,
XXXXXXXXXXXX,
XXXXXXXXXXXX,
XXXXXXXXXXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
90
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2009-10- 2010-12-01 Embassy
09RIYADH1415 CONFIDENTIAL
26 13:01 23:11 Riyadh
VZCZCXRO0041
PP RUEHDE RUEHDH RUEHDIR
DE RUEHRH #1415/01 2991318
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 261318Z OCT 09
FM AMEMBASSY RIYADH
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 1774
INFO RUEHZM/GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL
COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHBUL/AMEMBASSY KABUL PRIORITY 0301
RUEHIL/AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD PRIORITY 4808
RUEHNE/AMEMBASSY NEW DELHI PRIORITY 0508
RUEHAD/AMEMBASSY ABU DHABI PRIORITY 2541
RUEHJI/AMCONSUL JEDDAH PRIORITY 0386
RUEHDH/AMCONSUL DHAHRAN PRIORITY 0287
RUEHLH/AMCONSUL LAHORE PRIORITY 0050
RUSBPW/AMCONSUL PESHAWAR PRIORITY 0186
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 RIYADH 001415
SIPDIS
Classified By: Ambassador James B. Smith for reasons 1.4 (B) and
(D)
SUMMARY:
---------
91
of recent military operations in Pakistan’s tribal areas; lamented
strains on the Saudi-Pakistani bilateral relationship; discussed other
regional issues affecting Pakistan; and offered his advice on
countering extremism in rural tribal regions. End Summary.
¶4. (C) While upbeat that Pakistan’s military and civilian leaders
were “truly working in tandem for the first time,” Alisherzai was
disappointed that action was not taken sooner. “All of this would
have been easier if done under (former Pakistani President)
Musharraf,” he concluded.
92
------------------------------------
IRAN
----
¶8. (C) Alisherzai blamed India for helping to train and fund
extremist groups fighting against the Government of Pakistan. He
said that India also helped support the Taliban in Pakistan,
explaining “They (India) will never let a chance to harm Pakistan
93
go.” Alisherzai summed up his feelings about India by saying, “We
are not expecting anything good from them.”
COMMENT:
--------
¶10. (C) Alisherzai is from the Kurram Agency, one of the seven
tribal agencies that make up the Federally Administered Tribal Area
(FATA) along the Afghanistan border. As such, he is able to offer an
insider’s view of life along the Pakistani-Afghan border. His
observation that intelligence and support provided by the local
population has been essential to the success of Pakistani military
operations is worth noting, as are his suggestions as to how we might
counter the growth of extremism in the region. However, his insights
about larger regional issues (ie: Iran, India, Saudi Arabia) appear to
be much more limited. End comment.
BIOGRAPHIC NOTE
---------------
94
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2008-01-26 2010-11-30 Embassy
08RIYADH102 SECRET
11:11 21:09 Riyadh
VZCZCXRO1932
OO RUEHAG RUEHBC RUEHDE RUEHDIR RUEHKUK
RUEHLH RUEHPW RUEHROV
DE RUEHRH #0102/01 0261136
ZNY SSSSS ZZH
O 261136Z JAN 08
FM AMEMBASSY RIYADH
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 7463
INFO RUEHEE/ARAB LEAGUE COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUCNMEM/EU MEMBER STATES COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUEHZM/GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL COLLECTIVE
IMMEDIATE
RUCNISL/ISLAMIC COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUEHZG/NATO EU COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUEHJI/AMCONSUL JEDDAH IMMEDIATE 9347
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 RIYADH 000102
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
Classified By: Charge d’Affaires David Rundell for reasons 1.4 (b)
and (d)
95
including the offer of nuclear energy technology. The visit can be
viewed as a moderate success for French-Saudi bilateral relations,
although no major announcements were made. Press reports of the
visit along with a private readout by the French DCM were positive,
but our Saudi contacts passed on certain displeasure with the
French’s conduct. END SUMMARY.
IRAN
----
¶3. (S/NF) Pres Sarkozy reiterated his strong concern with Iran’s
nuclear ambitions to King Abdullah, asserting sanctions were the
best way to put pressure on Iran. Abdullah reportedly does not want
to inflame the situation and recommended continued international
engagement (P-5 plus Germany) with Iran. He emphasized that Iran
must abide by its international obligations, specifically the Non-
Proliferation treaty. Abdullah reportedly concurred, noting Iran’s
destabilizing activities in Iraq and Lebanon, along with Saudi belief
that Iran’s ultimate goal is to acquire nuclear weapons. However, the
Saudis are not yet ready to take any action beyond diplomacy at this
point and assured their commitment to French efforts for a
diplomatic solution with Iran. King Abdullah stated that Iran knows
its obligations and the next step is for the Iranians to comply. The
French had hoped to make a joint communiqu on Iran, but the
96
Saudis declined because they do not want to aggravate the Iranian
situation. COMMENT: It was not made clear just how the proposed
communiqu would have aggravated Saudi-Iranian relations. END
COMMENT.
MEPP
----
¶4. (S/NF) Both Pres Sarkozy and King Abdullah agreed to support
the Annapolis initiative to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Abdullah told Sarkozy that the issue of Palestinian refugees must
first be resolved and that the Israelis must cease all West Bank
settlement construction. Abdullah maintained that East Jerusalem
must be the capital of a Palestinian state and that this section of
Jerusalem must be solely under Arab control. The French had hoped
to issue a joint communiqu on the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process,
but no consensus could be reached.
SYRIA/LEBANON
-------------
¶5. (S/NF) The issue of Lebanon was raised by Pres Sarkozy.
Abdullah cautioned that everyone should be very cautious in
speaking with the Syrians, implying their duplicity. He added the
French “should be firm” with Syria in regards to
RIYADH 00000102 002 OF 003
Lebanon. In a separate meeting between French FM Bernard
Kouchner and Saudi FM Saud al Faisal, the French supported the
Arab initiative on Lebanon. Saud added he was skeptical of the
current Lebanese political parties and doubted the Syrians would
comply with any accord.
IRAQ
----
¶6. (S/NF) Regarding Iraq, both Pres Sarkozy and King Abdullah
concurred that Iraq’s security had dramatically improved since 2006.
Abdullah reportedly opined that Iraq must remained a unified state,
and that external players, such as Iran, must be dissuaded from
interfering.
FRENCH-SAUDI COOPERATION
------------------------
¶7. (S/NF) General energy policy was discussed, including gas, oil
and nuclear power. Pres Sarkozy made an offer to provide civilian
nuclear energy technology (Reftel) to the kingdom. King Abdullah
was receptive to the offer, but no firm agreement was made.
¶8. (S/NF) In his speech to the Shura Council (Septel) on January 14,
Pres Sarkozy espoused tolerance of different religious faiths,
women’s rights, and freedom of expression. His speech barely
97
mentioned political issues and instead focused on a “civilization
policy” - respect and dignity for all cultures. While some of these
themes are at odds with traditional Saudi society, Emb Off present at
this event reported that Sarkozy was well-received.
¶9. (S/NF) The French delegation included various Ministers to
strengthen educational, commercial and energy ties with the
kingdom. Four cooperative agreements were made: 1) political
consultations to coordinate regional activities; 2) energy policy
regarding gas and oil; 3) vocational language training increase from
100 to 500 students to help overcome the French-Arabic language
barrier; and 4) higher education with the goal to increase the number
of Saudi students in France (currently 4000). Pres Sarkozy had a
brief (10-minute) presentation to Saudi business leaders.
¶10. (S/NF) The overarching theme of the visit, according to French
Embassy Riyadh, was to strengthen the personal relationship
between Pres Sarkozy and King Abdullah. Former Pres Jacques
Chirac and King Abdullah had a strong friendship with agreement
on a host of issues. Reportedly, the Saudis were concerned by
Sarkozy’s election last year because of his expressed support of Israel
and Jewish background. This visit was to dispel Saudi concerns and
to assure the Saudis that Pres Sarkozy could be counted on as
strongly as Pres Chirac. Likewise, the French told us they are
modifying their Mid East policy. The Levant states have been
France’s top Mid East focus, while the Arabian Gulf had been at the
“bottom of the list.” Recognition of Saudi Arabia’s emerging
influence and status has resulted in the French putting Saudi Arabia
“at the top” of the French foreign policy Middle East list.
GOOD VISIT, BUT NOT GREAT
-------------------------
¶11. (S/NF) COMMENT. Per the French DCM, they were quite
pleased with Pres Sarkozy’s visit. They were disappointed they could
not issue any joint communiqus on any major issues, such as Iran or
the MEPP. Still, they viewed the reciprocal state visits were steps
forward in French-Saudi relations. Press coverage of Pres Sarkozy
was positive with front page newspaper pictures of both leaders
smiling together.
¶12. (S/NF) However, our Saudi contacts provided some negative
comments. Minor in substance, but significant to Saudi sensibilities.
Initially, Sarkozy’s fiance Carla Bruni was expected to accompany
him (but finally did not travel), which the Saudis found offensive
given their strict, conservative culture against the company of an
unmarried woman. Various protocol faux pas were committed by the
French delegation during the visit. The French advance made, in
98
Saudi opinion, unreasonable logistical demands. Finally, Pres
Sarkozy was viewed as less than gracious, in Saudi eyes, during
certain events, such as avoiding tasting traditional Arab foods and a
bored look during the televised arrival sword ceremony. While these
are minor points, the fact our Saudi contacts mentioned them shows
their discontent. These incidents
RIYADH 00000102 003 OF 003
characterized one overarching private comment from the Saudis,
that Pres Sarkozy has not replaced Pres Chirac in Saudi eyes. Other
usually well-informed Saudi contacts have lamented the overtly
commercial nature of the visit. Sarkozy reportedly presented a list of
fourteen (14) sales that French firms would like to make to the Saudi
government, complete with the original price and discounts that
Sarkozy was prepared to negotiate. END COMMENT. FRAKER
99
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2009-03- 2010-11- Embassy
09RIYADH496 SECRET//NOFORN
31 14:02 29 21:09 Riyadh
Appears in these articles:
nytimes.com
P 311432Z MAR 09
FM AMEMBASSY RIYADH
TO SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0487
INFO CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
DIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
S E C R E T RIYADH 000496
NOFORN
Classified By: Deputy Chief of Mission David Rundell for reasons 1.4
(b)
and (d)
¶2. (C) You will be arriving six days after an Arab League
Summit in Doha. Despite the Saudis pulling out all the
diplomatic stops to ensure the summit conveyed publicly a
sufficient degree of Arab unity, Libyan leader Muammar
Qadhafi's eccentric outburst showed that deep fissures still
exist. This was the second such embarrassment in the past
three months showing the Arabs to be badly divided on
regional security issues after public disagreements at the
100
Arab Economic Summit in Kuwait in January.
--(C) Finally, the U.S. debate over whether and how to engage
Iran has fueled Saudi fears that a new U.S. administration
might strike a "grand bargain" without first consultating
Arab countries bordering the Persian Gulf.
101
¶5. (S) The King was likely driven by expediency. Crown
Prince Sultan is for all intents and purposes incapacitated,
and the King needed to travel abroad. Someone had to be left
in charge and Nayif, by virtue of his seniority among the
sons of Abdalaziz and his position as Minister of Interior,
was by tradition the leading candidate for the job.
Assistant Interior Minister Mohammed bin Nayif (MBN) told the
Ambassador that his father's appointment should not be seen
in the light of succession, but as "an administrative
necessity."
Internal security
------------------
Rehabilitation Program
102
----------------------
Iran
-----
103
¶11. (S) Iran remains the strategic threat at the forefront of
Saudi security concerns. Senior U.S. officials visiting the
Kingdom recently have heard the King expound at length about
the great danger that Iran poses to the region. In general,
the Saudi leadership has begun to look at all regional
security issues through the prism of their fears about
growing Iranian influence. They see Iran's activities as
dangerously provocative, not only in Iraq, but also in
Lebanon, Bahrain, Yemen, parts of Africa, and southeast Asia.
King Abdullah met with Iranian Foreign Minister Mottaki
earlier this month, and subsequently informed the NSC's John
Brennan that he had had a "heated exchange" with Mottaki,
upbraiding him that "Persians" have no business meddling in
"Arab" affairs and threatening that he would give Iran no
more than a year to repair its relations in the region.
Saudi intelligence chief Prince Muqrin told Brennan the
"Shi'a crescent has become a full moon," implying that the
Saudis are surrounded by Iranian intrigues.
Afghanistan
------------
Pakistan
---------
104
political fragility, and have worked hard, through their
embassy in Islamabad, to bring the Pakistani factions
together. Saudi relations with Pakistan have been strained
because the Saudis don't trust Zardari and see him and other
leading Pakistani politicians as corrupt. Zardari visited
Saudi Arabia last November for talks with King Abdullah on
Saudi support for the "Friends of Pakistan" initiative and
oil subsidies. The visit was an opportunity for Zardari to
persuade skeptical Saudis that he can be a trustworthy
partner in managing one of Saudi Arabia's most important
regional relationships, but his trip appears not to have
resulted in new Saudi assistance or other commitments. The
Saudis say they have been holding back economic and political
support pending evidence that the political situation in
Pakistan is stabilizing.
FRAKER
105
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
2009-08- 2010-11-28 Embassy
09RIYADH1121 CONFIDENTIAL
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in the blogosphere hints at how this most recent incident
might affect domestic debate on the proper approach to
dealing with domestic terrorism, with some calling for
continued leniency and emphasis on reform and others arguing
the Saudi government is being too lax. The attack seems to
have strengthened the already positive public reputation of
Prince Mohammed bin Naif, and many religious-minded Saudis
will see his miraculous survival, almost unscathed, as a sign
of Divine protection and blessing for his efforts against
Al-Qaeda and other extremists. For his part, Prince Mohammed
has told us the attack has only strengthened his resolve, and
convinced him that the Kingdom's counter-terrorism strategy,
combining firmness with understanding, is effective and
should continue. End Summary and Comment.
107
"thanked Allah" for keeping the Prince safe. Interior
Ministry Spokesman Major General Mansour Al-Turki reaffirmed
the Ministry's commitment to fighting terrorism,
characterizing the attack as "an isolated incident" and
adding "those who think the war on terror is over in the
Kingdom are mistaken."
¶4. (U) All major Arabic and English dailies led with the
story, focusing prominently on MbN himself and his role in
the Kingdom's war on terror. Al-Sharq Al-Awsat dedicated the
first three pages of the August 29 edition solely to the
attack on the Prince and related subjects. Other papers
included lengthy biographical profiles of the Prince,
editorial cartoons dealing with the event, and even poems in
his honor.
¶5. (U) The articles and editorials show broad support for
MbN and, more generally, the fight against terrorism. Many
depicted the event as an assault on the Saudi state that
called for a patriotic response. Saudi journalist Dawood
Al-Shiryan wrote in Al-Hayat that the attack was "terrorism
as a political rebellion attempting to undermine the
authority of the state." Okaz called the attack "an attack
on the security of the nation...that should make everyone
alert and ready to fight." The August 29 editorial cartoon
in Al-Watan depicted a prone terrorist, wearing an explosive
belt and holding a detonator in each hand, dead and bleeding
108
particular source of ire. One student in Jeddah said "Yes,
there is frustration among a section of people regarding our
foreign policy, but what happened...is deplorable and utterly
un-Islamic." A Riyadh-based professional questioned whether
the Kingdom should continue with its rehabilitation programs,
saying these efforts had been "nullified" by the attack and
that the perpetrator had "betrayed our leaders." Others
called the attack "evidence that the government's anti-terror
tactics have been largely successful," and observed "panic in
the terror camp" and "frustration with the government's
continued success of hitting (terrorists) hard."
109
Erhaby" (conqueror of terrorism) that is the stuff of most
media commentary. "We know what we,re up against," said
Alohali, adding that dangerous extremists were still a threat
to the country. This, he said, was the reason the SAG was
pushing educational reform so hard.
¶9. (U) Saudi soul-searching about the root causes and extent
of domestic terrorism has been evident since 2003, and the
August 20 announcement that 44 suspected Al-Qaeda militants
had been arrested in the Kingdom injected it with new vigor.
On August 22, Al-Sharq Al-Awsat columnist Husayn Al-Shubakshi
praised the Saudi security forces for their "pre-emptive,
focused, professional, and secret blows," and credited MbN
directly for the Ministry's success.
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Presidency of Intelligence Chief Prince Muqrin bin Abd
al-Aziz, and Interior Minister Nayif bin Abd al-Aziz during
their April 14-15 visit to Riyadh. The Saudi King and senior
Princes reviewed Saudi policy toward Iraq in detail, all
making essentially the same points. They said that the
Kingdom will not send an ambassador to Baghdad or open an
embassy until the King and senior Saudi officials are
satisfied that the security situation has improved and the
Iraqi government has implemented policies that benefit all
Iraqis, reinforce Iraq's Arab identity, and resist Iranian
influence. The Saudis evinced somewhat greater flexibility
regarding the issues of economic and humanitarian assistance
for Iraq and debt forgiveness. In a conversation with the
Charge' on April 17, Saudi Ambassador to the US Adel
al-Jubeir indicated that the King had been very impressed by
the visit of Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus, and
al-Jubeir hinted that the Saudi government might announce
changes to its Iraq policy before the President's visit to
Riyadh in mid-May. End Summary.
¶2. (S) In all their meetings with the Saudi royals, both
Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus conveyed the progress
in Iraq and confirmed the negative role Iran is playing in
Iraq. They characterized the recent ISF-led operations in
Basra and Baghdad as having a striking effect against the
Shia militias, most importantly turning Iraqi public opinion
away from the militias. While Prime Minister Nuri
al-Maliki's decision to take action against the militias was
described as hasty and not well-planned, Ambassador Crocker
and General Petraeus emphasized that any tactical shortfalls
were overshadowed by the greater positive effect of unifying
Iraq and demonstrating the GOI's, and most specifically
al-Maliki's, determined resolve to take on the Shia militias,
especially Jaysh al-Madhi. Concurrently, these operations
unequivocally demonstrated Iran's subversive activities in
Iraq and its broader regional ambitions. Throughout all
their discussions, Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus
stressed the importance and urgent need for the Saudis to
join us in supporting Iraq.
113
¶3. (S) King Abdullah, the Foreign Minister, and Prince
Muqrin all stated that the Saudi government would not send an
ambassador to Baghdad or open an embassy there in the near
future, citing both security and political grounds in support
of this position. The Foreign Minister stated that he had
considered dispatching an ambassador and had sent Saudi
diplomats to Baghdad to identify a site for the Saudi
embassy. However, he said. "the King simply forbade us to go
any farther." King Abdullah confirmed this account in a
separate meeting with Ambassador Crocker and General
Petraeus. The King asserted that the security situation in
Baghdad was too dangerous for him to risk sending a Saudi
ambassador there. "He would immediately become a target for
the terrorists and the militias," he said.
¶4. (S) The King also rejected the suggestion that by sending
a Saudi ambassador to Baghdad he could give essential
political support to the Iraqi government as it struggles to
resist Iranian influence and subversion. He expressed
lingering doubt on the Iraqi government's willingness to
resist Iran. He also repeated his frequently voiced doubts
about Iraqi Prime Minister al-Maliki himself by alluding to
his "Iranian connections." The Saudi monarch stated that he
does not trust al-Maliki because the Iraqi Prime Minister had
"lied" to him in the past by promising to take certain
actions and then failing to do so. The King did not say
precisely what these allegedly broken promises might have
been. He repeated his oft heard view that al-Maliki rules
Iraq on behalf of his Shiite sect instead of all Iraqis.
114
Grudging Acknowledgment of Change in Iraq
¶7. (S) The Foreign Minister also suggested that the USG
should prod Ayatollah Sistani to speak out in favor of a
unified Iraq and national reconciliation among different
Iraqi sects and groups. "You have paid a heavy price in
blood and treasure, and Sistani and his people have benefited
directly. You have every right to ask this of him," Prince
Saud al-Faisal said.
¶8. (S) The King, Prince Muqrin, and the Foreign Minister all
suggested that the Saudi government might be willing to
consider the provision of economic and humanitarian
assistance to Iraq. Prince Muqrin asked Ambassador Crocker
and General Petraeus to send him a list of the kinds of
assistance that the US government would like to see the
Kingdom provide Iraq. Al-Jubeir later told the Charge' that
this assistance would be separate from the USD 1 billion in
aid that the Saudi government had promised at the Madrid
Conference but still not delivered due to security worries.
He said that the Madrid commitment consisted of $500 million
in trade credits and $500 million in project assistance with
strict conditionally, along the lines of what the World Bank
would require. Al-Jubeir added that the assistance the Saudi
115
government might provide via Prince Muqrin would initially be
in the range of $75-$300 million.
¶9. (S) The King noted that Saudi debt relief for Iraq "will
come at some point," although he did not say when. Al-Jubeir
told the Charge' that debt relief is a real possibility. He
also noted that the Saudi government might make changes to
its Iraq policy, perhaps including both assistance and debt
relief, prior to the President's visit to Riyadh.
¶12. (S) Comment: Saudi attitudes toward Iraq, from the King
on down, remain marked by skepticism and suspicion. That
said, the Saudis have noticed recent events in Iraq and are
eager to work with the US to resist and reverse Iranian
encroachment in Iraq. The King was impressed by Ambassador
116
Crocker's and General Petraeus' visit, as were the Foreign
Minister, GPI Chief, and Interior Minister. Cautious as ever,
the Saudis may nevertheless be willing to consider new
measures in the areas of assistance and debt relief, although
further discussions will be required to make these ideas a
reality. End Comment.
¶13. (U) This cable was reviewed and cleared by Ambassador
Crocker and General Petraeus.
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Terrorism (GICNT). The meeting evolved into a pointed
exchange between the Russian Ambassador and Dr. Prince Turki
on Iran's nuclear ambitions. Prince Turki warned that if
Iran tried to produce nuclear weapons, other countries in the
Gulf region would be compelled to do the same, or to permit
the stationing of nuclear weapons in the Gulf to serve as a
deterrent to the Iranians. Turki then pointedly demanded
that the US keep Saudi officials informed about US plans for
Iran.
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the same, or to permit the stationing of nuclear weapons in
the Gulf to serve as a deterrent to the Iranians.
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and had given Iran a one-year deadline to improve its relations with
Saudi Arabia.
-- (S) The King expressed a complete lack of trust in Iraqi PM al-
Maliki and held out little hope for improved Saudi/Iraqi relations as
long as al-Maliki remains in office.
-- (S) When asked what advice he had for President Obama, the King
said he had “one request”: that it was “critically important to restore
America’s credibility” in the world.
U.S. SAUDI RELATIONS
125
“May God protect him. I’m concerned about his personal safety.
America and the world need such a president.”
126
security forces had grown impressively over the past 10 years.
Brennan added that counterterrorism and intelligence sharing
cooperation between our countries had never been better and that
MbN deserved the credit. In an unusual concession, made at the
conclusion of their conversation, the King said, “be assured I am
fully briefed on the work you are doing with Prince Mohammed bin
Nayef.”
¶9. (S) “SPARE US YOUR EVIL”: The King expressed hope the U.S.
would review its Iran policy and “come to the right conclusion.”
Brennan responded that President Obama was personally reviewing
U.S. Iran policy and wanted to hear the King’s thoughts. Abdullah
asserted that Iran is trying to set up Hizballah-like organizations in
African countries, observing that the Iranians don’t think they are
doing anything wrong and don’t recognize their mistakes. “I said (to
Mottaki) that’s your problem,” recounted the King. Abdullah said he
would favor Rafsanjani in an Iranian election, were he to run. He
described Iran not as “a neighbor one wants to see,” but as “a
neighbor one wants to avoid.” He said the Iranians “launch missiles
with the hope of putting fear in people and the world.” A solution to
127
the Arab/Israeli conflict would be a great achievement, the King said,
but Iran would find other ways to cause trouble. “Iran’s goal is to
cause problems,” he continued, “There is no doubt something
unstable about them.” He described Iran as “adventurous in the
negative sense,” and declared “May God prevent us from falling
victim to their evil.” Mottaki had tendered an invitation to visit Iran,
but Abdullah said he replied “All I want is for you to spare us your
evil.” Summarizing his history with Iran, Abdullah concluded: “We
have had correct relations over the years, but the bottom line is that
they cannot be trusted.”
¶10. (S) AN EMPTY CHANNEL: The King said “three years ago”
Iranian Supreme Leader Khamenei had sent his adviser Ali Akbar
Velayati with a letter asking for Abdullah’s agreement to establish a
formal back channel for communication between the two leaders.
Abdullah said he had agreed, and the channel was established with
Velayati and Saudi FM Saud al-Faisal as the points of contact. In the
years since, the King noted, the channel had never been used.
128
friend in the White House who would be willing to assist in any way
that he could. The King thanked Mr. Brennan, said he appreciated
the sentiments, said that he had great respect for President Obama,
and reflected that we had been great friends for many years and
would remain friends as our disagreements were minor.
¶14. (S) NO HOPE FOR MALIKI: The King said he had “no
confidence whatsoever in (Iraqi PM) Maliki, and the Ambassador
(Fraker) is well aware of my views.” The King affirmed that he had
refused former President Bush’s entreaties that he meet with Maliki.
The King said he had met Maliki early in Maliki’s term of office, and
the Iraqi had given him a written list of commitments for
reconciliation in Iraq, but had failed to follow through on any of
them. For this reason, the King said, Maliki had no credibility. “I
don,t trust this man,” the King stated, “He’s an Iranian agent.” The
King said he had told both Bush and former Vice president Cheney
“how can I meet with someone I don,t trust?” Maliki has “opened the
door for Iranian influence in Iraq” since taking power, the King said,
and he was “not hopeful at all” for Maliki, “or I would have met with
him.”
¶15. (S) I MISS MY HORSES: The King appeared alert and at times
animated, entertaining his guests with anecdotes about his
encounters with Iranian leaders (septel), and throwing up his hands
in complaint when asked if he spent time with his horses: “I see them
on television when they race,” he said. “I love horses,” he exclaimed,
“every couple of weeks I get to see them, and then I have a very calm
and restful sleep.”
129
¶16. (S) DIALOGUE AND REFORM AS DUTY: In response to
Brennan,s praise for the King,s interfaith dialogue initiative, his
commitment to advancing rights as reflected by his recent
appointment of the first female (deputy education) minister, the King
said “Thanks for the sentiment but I did nothing special, only what I
thought was my duty. I believe we do our duty as determined by
God.”
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Saudi Arabia made it clear it was willing to address Chinese
concerns on energy security and trade in exchange for
effective Chinese support to prevent Iranian proliferation.
Saudi Arabia is also concerned about Iran's unhelpful role in
Yemen. While generally very pleased with the state of
bilateral relations, Saudi officials strenuously - and under
instruction - complained about the continued negative effect
of the recent Transportation Safety Administration (TSA)
regulations that call for extra security screening for Saudi
Arabia. The Saudi Foreign Minister will raise these concerns
with the Secretary in London on January 27. They noted that
the Saudi public is increasingly upset by this, and does not
understand why they were put in the same group with Cuba,
which has prompted some Saudis to question how special their
relationship with the United States really is. A/S Feltman
urged Saudi Arabia to associate itself with the Copenhagen
Accord by January 31. The MFA reported that Saudi Arabia
donated $50 million for Haitian relief efforts on January 25.
End Summary.
¶3. (C) Prince Torki agreed that it was not helpful that the
Chinese sent a low-level delegation to the most recent 5 1
talks. He also agreed it was unfortunate the delegation did
132
not agree it was time now to increase pressure on Iran.
Al-Kabir also noted that time was not in the UN Security
Council's favor, but in Iran's. Prince Torki said that Saudi
Arabia was convinced the time was ripe to push China on this
issue. It would be important to demonstrate that the
assurances FM Al-Faisal got were not just from the Foreign
Minister, but represented the thinking of the whole
government. He said that Saudi Arabia repeated these points
to the Chinese Middle East special envoy, who visited a week
later. Saudi Arabia has also raised these concerns with
Russia, "which is closer to the U.S. and Saudi positions,"
and with the Deputy French Foreign Minister three weeks ago.
Prince Torki also agreed to work with Lebanon's UN Mission,
now on the Security Council, where it is sure to confront the
issue of Iranian proliferation.
¶4. (C) Prince Torki said that China never directly raised the
issue of its concerns about securing sufficient oil supplies,
particularly in the event of a cutoff of Iranian supplies.
However, Saudi Arabia fully understands China's concerns, and
in that context, is pleased that the Chinese Foreign Minister
had &successful8 talks with Saudi Aramco and trade
officials about specific commercial and energy issues.
Prince Torki noted that Saudi Arabia has become one of
China's largest energy suppliers, and has invested billions
of dollars in refineries in China. Trade has grown from $140
million a decade ago to $75 billion now, with prospects for
further increases. Prince Torki concluded by noting that
Saudi Arabia knows what concerns China, and is willing to
take actions to address those concerns, but must have Chinese
cooperation in stopping Iran,s development of nuclear
weapons as a quid pro quo. Saudi Arabia is encouraging other
Yemen:
----
¶5. (C) Prince Torki explained that Saudi Arabia also believes
that Iran is playing an unhelpful role in Yemen. Dismissing
the need for specific evidence, he said it was hard to
133
explain how the Houthis, as a poor tribal group, managed to
get so much money so quickly to obtain the heavy armaments
that they have been using absent the help of some outside
group. It is also hard, he argued, to explain the striking
similarities with techniques that have been used by
pro-Iranian groups in Iraq. Saudi Arabia is convinced that
Iran is providing money for poor tribesmen to fight, as well
as payments to their families, and is facilitating contact
with Somalia and Al Qaeda. Prince Torki said the Saudi
Defense Forces have been impressed how well the Houthis have
fought, displaying advanced training. (Note: in a separate
meeting, Ministry of Interior officials echoed many of these
assessments in greater detail, septel. End Note).
Bilateral Relations:
-----------
¶7. (C). Prince Torki agreed that our bilateral relations are
quite strong in general. He singled out counter-terrorism as
an example of the strength of cooperation, noting that Saudi
Arabia enjoys a unique level of cooperation on security with
the United States. Prince Torki confirmed that Saudi Arabia
had contributed $50 million to the Haiti relief effort on
January 25, which is the largest contribution to date of any
Middle Eastern country. He also welcomed greater U.S.
engagement in multilateral and international organizations.
Climate Change:
134
--------
135
prompt the Saudi Government to re-evaluate areas of
cooperation, including counter-terrorism cooperation. A/S
Feltman promised to convey the spirit and strength of the
message, and invited any specific Saudi suggestions to
address the security gap regarding nonmetallic explosives
exploited in the December 25 incident.
SMITH
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¶C. RIYADH 118
SUMMARY:
----------
¶1. (C) Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi met with King
Abdullah and FM Prince Saud Al-Faisal on January 13, during
the last stop of a five nation Africa and Middle East tour.
During the visit, FM Yang discussed deepening Saudi-Chinese
137
ties in a variety of fields, emphasizing trade, in
particular, with his Saudi counterparts. Responding to
statements made by FM Saud, Yang also briefly discussed
Chinese support for Iraq, concern about Iranian nuclear
ambitions, and hopes for the Middle East Peace Process. FM
Yang's foray into regional political commentary appears to
have been a result of FM Saud's prodding, both publicly and
behind closed doors, and is a reflection of the developing
Saudi-Chinese relationship.
END SUMMARY.
138
Saudi Minister of Finance Ibrahim Al-Assaf reportedly urged
the Chinese to participate in more joint ventures, noting
that while bilateral trade increased 25 times over the past
ten years, the two countries only have 19 joint projects.
Al-Assaf also welcomed China's 44 billion riyal ($11.7
billion) worth of infrastructure projects in the Kingdom.
139
have increased significantly over the last few years,
including a $3.5 billion refinery in Fujian and a $2.86
billion joint-venture petrochemical complex in Tianjin.
Additionaly, President Hu Jintao commemorated the opening of
a cement plant when he visited Saudi Arabia in February 2009.
Saudi Arabia,s more forward-leaning approach, including
large-scale investments in China, indicates a maturing of the
bilateral relations and assumes a more pro-active, rather
than reactive, role towards economic engagement. (Note:
China is now the SAG's number two trade partner after the
U.S. Saudi-Chinese bilateral trade was estimated at $40
billion in 2008, while Saudi-U.S. trade was estimated at $67
billion during the same time period. End note.)
140
forging trade agreements between Iraqi and Chinese companies.
With respect to Iran, FM Yang said the Iranian file should
be solved through "political diplomatic channels which help
stabilize the situation in the region."
¶9. (C) Deputy Foreign Minister Dr. Prince Torki told visiting
NEA A/S Feltman on January 26 (ref C) that FM Saud had
pressed the Chinese Foreign Minister hard on the need to be
more active in working with the rest of the international
community and the UN Security Council to counter the threat
of Iran developing a nuclear weapon. FM Saud told FM Yang
that Saudi Arabia was convinced Iran intended to develop a
nuclear weapon, despite its assurances, and that only
concerted international action could stop that. While no
explicit bargain was discussed, Dep FM Torki explained that
Saudi Arabia understood China was concerned about having
access to energy supplies, which could be cut off by Iran,
and wanted to attract more trade and investment. Saudi
Arabia was willing to provide assurances on those scores to
China, but only in exchange for tangible Chinese actions to
restrain Iran,s drive for nuclear weapons.
COMMENT:
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INTRODUCTION
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your visit to the Kingdom, a country which, by virtue of its
energy resources, financial power, counterterrorism efforts,
and leadership of the Muslim world, plays a critical role in
many global and regional issues of importance to us. Your
visit comes at a time of emerging opportunities for
engagement to advance the goals that you and the President
have laid out in your speeches in the region.
¶2. (C) Our alliance with Saudi Arabia, while complicated and
subject to occasional disjunctions, has proven durable.
Taking stock of where we stand, we see a mixed picture. The
good news is that the Saudi leadership still sees the United
States as its most important strategic partner and guarantor
of its stability. We also share many global and regional
objectives, including the need for global financial and
energy stability, a common view of threats posed by terrorism
and extremism, the dangers posed by Iran and destabilization
in Pakistan, and the linkage that progress toward Middle East
peace has to virtually all other regional issues. Finally,
Saudi Arabia has become one of our most important allies in
the fight against Al-Qaida and terror financing.
¶3. (C) The bad news is that we differ on tactics in some key
objectives, and we are often frustrated by Saudi
unresponsiveness and a dearth of interlocutors among an aging
collective leadership. The status of women, religious
freedom, and human rights are ongoing concerns. On the Saudi
side, King Abdullah believes we are not always reliable,
consistent, or willing to heed his advice on important issues
such as Iraq. Saud Al-Faisal and others have openly been
critical of U.S. policies they describe as having shifted the
regional balance of power in favor of arch-rival Iran.
Differences of opinion on some of these issues can be
exacerbated by our differing cultures and value systems,
which can introduce a degree of skepticism and hesitancy in
the relationship.
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from the geopolitical, where its trade and energy relations
are shifting from west to east, to economic, where greater
integration in the world economy is steadily exposing Saudis
to international best practices. Domestically, greater
access to internet and cell phones is unleashing new forms of
social activism, something demonstrated by an outpouring of
Saudi spontaneous voluntary assistance in the aftermath of
the Jeddah floods.
¶6. (U) Seen from the outside, the pace of political reform
seems glacial (a notable exception is that changes introduced
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after the WTO negotiations have been very fast for any
country; regulatory agencies are also standing up quickly).
Yet for certain elements of Saudi society, the changes are
coming too fast. Whatever the pace, however, the reality is
that serious reforms are gradually but irrevocably changing
Saudi society. Recently implemented reform measures include
re-shuffling the Ministry of Education's leadership last
February (bringing in the King's pro-reform son-in-law as the
new minister); a top-to-bottom restructuring of the country's
courts to introduce, among other things, review of judicial
decisions and more professional training for Shari'a judges;
the creation of a new investment promotion agency to overhaul
the once-convoluted process of starting a business here; the
creation of a regulatory body for capital markets; the
construction of the King Abdullah University for Science and
Technology (the country's new flagship and
controversially-coed institution for advanced scientific
research); and a substantial budgetary investment in
educating the workforce for future jobs. The Saudi government
is also encouraging the development of non-hydrocarbon
sectors in which the Kingdom has a comparative advantage,
including mining, solar energy, and religious tourism. The
Kingdom's 2010 budget reflects these priorities -- about 25
percent is devoted to education alone -- and amounts to a
significant economic stimulus package.
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studying in the US, exceeding pre-9/11 levels. Public health
engagement has included breast cancer awareness and CDC
cooperation to set up an advanced epidemic screening network
that protected this year,s 3 million Hajj pilgrims. Our
Science & Technology umbrella agreement is already expanding
cooperation, including new projects with NASA. Our MEPI
programs include a first-time ever exchange visit by a group
of Saudi judges, leadership development for women, prevention
of violence against women and children, and youth exchange
and study. One female participant in our Social
Entrepreneurship Forum was a finalist in the 2009 Global
Student Entrepreneur Awards. She and seven other Saudi
entrepreneurs will attend the President's April summit.
Mission elements have also provided training to help the SAG
implement a new law to combat trafficking in persons.
Intensive engagement with the SAG on IPR is another success
story. You will want to congratulate Saudi officials for the
significant progress Saudi Arabia has made over the last
several years in improving IPR protection, which resulted in
the Special 301 Committee deciding to remove Saudi Arabia
from the Watch List.
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supply in return for Chinese pressure on Iran not to develop
nuclear weapons.
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leaders to work with us in a partnership to meet their
strategic concerns, including by cooperating on developing
solar and biomass energy. The King is particularly sensitive
to avoid Saudi Arabia being singled out as the bad actor,
particularly on environmental issues. Your conveying the
importance the President places on working as partners with
Saudi Arabia on the Copenhagen process will be very important
in making this dialogue more constructive. Secretary Chu
intends to explore specific areas of collaboration during his
February 21-23 visit.
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possible if President Obama was willing to pressure Israel,
and Saudi officials have rebuffed U.S. requests for
confidence-building gestures to help restart negotiations.
Despite their adamant rhetoric, however, several members of a
private Jeddah-based think tank run by a retired Saudi
general have very quietly been participating in Track Two
discussions, apparently with SAG knowledge, and even put
forward a proposal on Gaza. In a more dramatic public
encounter that has provoked commotion in the region, former
Saudi Ambassador to the U.S. Prince Turki Al-Faisal shook
hands with Israeli Deputy FM Ayalon to settle a dispute over
joint seating at a Munich conference. Both sides have since
insisted the gesture did not signal changes in policy, with a
"senior Saudi diplomat" issuing a statement emphatically
denying that the incident constituted any form of recognition
for Israel.
¶15. (C) The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques will offer you
a traditional Saudi welcome at the desert "encampment"
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outside Riyadh, where he likes to spend his winter vacations.
You will find in 86-year old King Abdullah a wry and
forthright interlocutor. Having struggled with a speech
impediment throughout his life, he tends to express himself
tersely. Reflecting his Bedouin roots, he judges his
counterparts on the basis of character, honesty, and trust.
He expects commitments to be respected and sees actions, not
words, as the true test of commitment; and he expects
good-faith consultations, not surprises. Once the King has
lost trust in a counterpart, as has been the case with Nouri
Al-Maliki or Asif Zardari, his personal antipathy can become
a serious obstacle to bilateral relations. On the other
hand, as with President Obama, the King's esteem will help
navigate differences and at times change policies. The King
is undoubtedly looking forward to his discussions with you,
and Mission Saudi Arabia enthusiastically looks forward to
supporting your visit.
MISSION STAFFING
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(LE) staff).
SMITH
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