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assumption about the world or background belief relating to an utterance whose truth is taken
for granted in discourse. Examples of presuppositions include:
A presupposition must be mutually known or assumed by the speaker and addressee for the
utterance to be considered appropriate in context. It will generally remain a necessary
assumption whether the utterance is placed in the form of an assertion, denial, or question,
and can be associated with a specific lexical item or grammatical feature (presupposition
trigger) in the utterance.
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Bertrand Russell tries to solve this dilemma with two interpretations of the negated sentence:
1. "There exists exactly one person, who is my wife and who is not pregnant"
2. "There does not exist exactly one person, who is my wife and who is pregnant."
For the first phrase, Russell would claim that it is false, whereas the second would be true
according to him.
Thus, this seems to be a property of the main verbs of the sentences, think and say,
respectively. After work by Lauri Karttunen,[1] verbs that allow presuppositions to "pass up"
to the whole sentence ("project") are called holes, and verbs that block such passing up, or
projection of presuppositions are called plugs. Some linguistic environments are intermediate
between plugs and holes: They block some presuppositions and allow others to project. These
are called filters. An example of such an environment are indicative conditionals ("If-then"
clauses). A conditional sentence contains an antecedent and a consequent. The antecedent is
the part preceded by the word "if," and the consequent is the part that is (or could be)
preceded by "then." If the consequent contains a presupposition trigger, and the triggered
presupposition is explicitly stated in the antecedent of the conditional, then the presupposition
is blocked. Otherwise, it is allowed to project up to the entire conditional. Here is an
example:
Here, the presupposition triggered by the expression my wife (that I have a wife) is blocked,
because it is stated in the antecedent of the conditional: That sentence doesn't imply that I
have a wife. In the following example, it is not stated in the antecedent, so it is allowed to
project, i.e. the sentence does imply that I have a wife.
If it's already 4am, then my wife is probably angry.
Hence, conditional sentences act as filters for presuppositions that are triggered by
expressions in their consequent.
Definite descriptions are phrases of the form "the X" where X is a noun phrase. The
description is said to be proper when the phrase applies to exactly one object, and conversely,
it is said to be improper when either there exist more than one potential referents, as in "the
senator from Ohio", or none at all, as in "the king of France". In conventional speech, definite
descriptions are implicitly assumed to be proper, hence such phrases trigger the
presupposition that the referent is unique and existent.
Some further factive predicates: know; be sorry that; be proud that; be indifferent that; be
glad that; be sad that.
Some further implicative predicates: X happened to V»X didn't plan or intend to V; X avoided
Ving»X was expected to, or usually did, or ought to V, etc.
Some further change of sate verbs: start; finish; carry on; cease; take (as in X took Y from
Z » Y was at/in/with Z); leave; enter; come; go; arrive; etc.
[edit] Iteratives
Further iteratives: another time; to come back; restore; repeat; for the nth time.
Comparisons and contrasts may be marked by stress (or by other prosodic means), by
particles like “too”, or by comparatives constructions.
If the notice had only said ‘mine-field’ in English as well as Welsh, we would never
have lost poor Llewellyn.
»The notice didn't say ‘mine-field’ in English.
[edit] Questions
But that presupposition, as stated, is completely trivial, given what we know about New
York. Several million people had dinner in New York last night, and that in itself doesn't
satisfy the presupposition of the sentence. What is needed for the sentence to be felicitous is
really that somebody relevant to the interlocutors had dinner in New York last night, and that
this has been mentioned in the previous discourse, or that this information can be recovered
from it. Presupposition triggers that disallow accommodation are called anaphoric
presupposition triggers.