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Loving palestine
Rajeswari Mohan a
a
Haverford College, PA
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d
L O V I N G PALESTINE
Nationalist Activism and Feminist Agency in Leila
Khaled's Subversive Bodily Acts
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Rajeswari Mohan
Haverford College, PA
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Rajeswari Mohan
the subject of feminism has been Judith Butler's important and highly influ-
ential theory of gender and sexuality as performance in Gender Trouble
(Butler 1990b). However, despite the unprecedented attention and import-
ance given to the margins in these and other works, much of the exciting
feminist theory in the west is still inattentive to the specifics and differences
in the margins that might crucially inflect the new feminist subject being
formulated. As an upshot, many assumptions and priorities of feminist dis-
courses remain unshaken in the rearticulations wrought through encounters
with the margins. This contradiction has prompted the charge from Third
World feminists like Marnia Lazreg that the valorization of difference in con-
temporary feminist discourses results in an 'indifference' to understanding the
relationship between modes of being different and a resistance to accepting
difference as the other side of sameness (Lazreg 1990: 326-48).
This essay explores the theoretical and political challenges posed by the
margin by staging an encounter between recent articulations of postmodern-
ism and feminist theory, and narratives by and of Palestinian women. By this
means, I hope to examine the explanatory power of the theory as well as to
map the fault lines made visible in the theory by narratives of Third World
women's insurgency. While I focus primarily on the representation of Leila
Khaled, the Palestinian militant, I draw into the discussion, where relevant,
other instances of women's political insurgency. In so doing, I suggest that
narratives of insurgency press against the limits of theories of feminist agency
and highlight the areas remaining to be mapped by feminist navigations
between margin and center. One such area is that of the place of feminism,
often euphemized as the 'woman question' in nationalist struggles. Studies to
date have drawn out the troubled if not antagonistic relations between these
two areas of political aspiration. Khaled's narrative opens up the possibility
that a specifically feminist agency might unfold in the course of the quest for
national identity and, more importantly, demonstrates the ways in which the
idea of nation is transvalued and redefined by women's participation in
nationalist struggles.
Leila Khaled is a Palestinian woman who, in the sixties and seventies,
i n t e r v e n t i o n s - 1:1 54
e o e o e o e o # o o o o o o o o o o e e e e o e o o . o o
plane she hijacks, many of whom had never before heard of Palestine. Among
the victories secured by her actions she prizes the fact that these people would
never forget Palestine, and offers her life and narrative as sustained attempts
to keep the world's attention focused on the plight and rage of the Palestin-
ian people. Though narrated in the first person, her autobiography is adver-
tised as 'The Autobiography of a Revolutionary... as told to George Hajjar',
and a prefatory note tells us that the narrative is based on notes from a five-
day period during which Hajjar and Khaled talked extensively about her
experiences. The simplicity of Hajjar's assertion, 'I wrote this book as told to
me by Leila Khaled', only heightens our uncertainty about the tensions likely
to rise between Hajjar's and Khaled's investments in revolutionary (self)-
fashioning, notwithstanding the cross-currents set up by Khaled's avowed
commitment to the emancipation of Palestinian women. The autobiography
opens with the question 'who speaks, and to whom?', taking us into the thick
of feminist and postcolonial debates on representation.
Representation, in the dual sense of politically 'speaking for' a constituency
and constructing an identity through the orchestration of signs, usually runs
the risk of glossing over the divisions and dislocations between the subject's
political interests and its desires. Not so in the case of Khaled's autobiogra-
phy which seeks to advance a political cause by revealing the losses, desires,
and acts of courage, small and big, that converge in a contradictory revol-
utionary consciousness. As we will see, the efficacy of Khaled's actions
depends on her assuming a number of personae. As a feminist, she attacks
Arab patriarchal attitudes in her colleagues one moment, and retreats behind
Arab feminine decorum the next when interrogated by western police author-
ities; she declares her solidarity with oppressed women across the world, but
often draws upon the most misogynist stereotypes of women in her critiques
of politics. Readers confronted with these shifting roles are hard pressed to
know how to read them. Are they just contingent roles behind which lurks a
stable core of identity? Or is Khaled a hopelessly confused and contrary
person, as some have suggested? More importantly, how do we measure the
usefulness of these roles for Khaled's long-term goal of social transformation?
LOVING PALESTINE 55
e * e e o o e o * o e o o e , * e o o e , e e o o e o l e e
Rajeswari Mohan
Can we characterize her as a feminist, or has she gone the way of others, who
have sacrificed feminism at the altar of nationalism?
The notion of identity as performance suggests some answers to these ques-
tions. As a practice that foregrounds the conventions it upholds or subverts,
performance relies upon its fleeting and precarious status as identity-forming
action to set up a space of negotiation between performer and audience where
politically interested and historically contingent interpretations of identities
emerge. Judith Butler's account of performance rearticulates identity and
identification as a fantasy of coherence - read desire for national and sexual
self-possession in Khaled's case - that finds its expression and consolidation in
acts, gestures, and words that produce an effect of an internal core by setting
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off a play of signifying absences on the surface of the body 'that suggest, but
never reveal, the organizing principle of identity' (Butler 1990a: 336). What
performance underscores is that identity is a fabrication achieved and sus-
tained through corporeal and discursive signs. Butler's notion of interiority as
the public regulation and disruption of identity through the surface politics of
the body sets aside some of the questions raised by Khaled's critics. Instead,
reading Khaled's narrative as the staging of a Palestinian woman's life as a
revolutionary foregrounds the conditions enabling the emergence of insurgent
consciousness, the negotiations between apparently competing political visions
and commitments, the forces impelling the leap from consciousness to action,
and the effect of political radicalism. We see the ways Khaled ekes out unfold-
ing opportunities and contingent choices to build up an extraordinarily com-
pelling instance of feminine agency. At the same time, we can appreciate her
apparent contrariness as acts that disrupt and rearticulate patriarchal,
imperialist, and nationalist regulation of identificatory fantasies. That is, we
can track the ways her performance plays out the fantasy of coherent identity
so as to reformulate the fantasy of national identity. The notion of perform-
ance thus makes it possible to delineate the internal and external, the psycho-
logical and political, the libidinal and social ramifications of Khaled's
self-fashioning as the new Arab woman. At the same time, her case under-
scores the limitations of subversive performance as political strategy.
Framing the text as performance immediately brings into the picture the
audience and interpreter whose political interests, discursive positioning, and
libidinal investments inform the significance of the performative moment. As
Gayatri Spivak points out, plotting the critic's standpoint is crucial to prevent
the encounter with postcolonial and subaltern texts from reifying the other.
Such attentiveness can also result in realistic assessments of the political effec-
tiveness of cultural theory and the particular instances of interpretation it
generates: 'The subject implied by the texts of insurgency can only serve as a
counterpossibility for the narrative sanctions granted to the colonial subject
in the dominant groups. The postcolonial intellectuals learn that their privi-
lege is their loss' (Spivak 1988: 287). Narratives such as My People Shall Live
interventions- 1:1 56
*iO**O*OIQOOOQQOOOOOOOOiOOOOIO
remind us that the gains made by postcolonial feminist theory are still bound
by the discursive regimes and institutional arrangements caught up within
neo-imperialist arrangements. The narrative repeatedly draws attention to the
ideologies informing the frameworks - of the commonsensical or the politi-
cal - within which it is interpreted. Khaled presents feminists with a series of
vexatious questions: H o w do we address her choice to become a militant? If
we read it as her cooptation into a masculinist ideology of militarism as some
feminists have done, do we not run the risk of erasing her agency not only as
a Palestinian but also as a woman? What are the theoretical and political costs
of such a move? What, too, would be the costs of going against the com-
pelling arguments offered by actions such as those of the women of Green-
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Rajeswari Mohan
epistemologically - for another place that is unknown and risky, that is not
only emotionally, but conceptually other; a place of discourse from which
speaking and thinking are at best tentative, uncertain, unguaranteed' (1990:
138). De Lauretis hastens to add that 'this leaving is not a choice: one could
not live there in the first place' (ibid.).
This eccentric position, De Lauretis argues, is essential if feminism is to
afford the potential for transformative agency and movement; indeed it is
necessary to sustain the feminist movement itself. However, through a sig-
nificant slippage, while De Lauretis adopts postcoloniality as the defining
trope for the eccentric subject, she goes on to elaborate the specific enabling
conditions and political advantages of such a subject position on the basis of
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In the literary artistic chronotope, spatial and temporal indicators are fused into one
carefully thought-out, concrete whole. Time, as it were, thickens, takes on flesh,
becomes artistically visible; likewise, space becomes charged and responsive to the
movements of time, plot and history. This intersection of axes and fusion of indicators
characterizes the artistic chronotope. (Bakhtin 1981: 84)
o e o o e o e e e o o o o , o o o e o , e
history and social hierarchies that informs De Lauretis's adoption of the trope
of deterritorialization, in which what is involved is no simple loss of home
but the renunciation of the privileges and oppressions materially embodied
there. The chronotope that makes visible the social order from which Pratt
finds herself gradually alienated is the courthouse square in her hometown
'with [her] in the middle' (Pratt 1984: 17). Similarly, the market house in the
North Carolina military town where she lives with her husband represents
not only the advantage taken for granted by middle-class white heterosexual
families, but also the silences and evasions the community agrees upon to
ensure that its comfort and equanimity is not disturbed by any acknowledg-
ment of its historical implication in practices such as slave trade in the past
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Rajeswari Mohan
The difference in the processes that bring about Pratt's and Khaled's deter-
ritorialized positions is papered over in the appropriation of 'postcoloniality'
as the master trope for contemporary feminism. The term 'postcolonial' encom-
passes a multiplicity of positions and histories, among which the difference
between colonizer and colonized is crucial to understanding the problems in
De Lauretis's formulation. This is the difference elided over in her use of both
2 According to Pratt and Gloria Anzaldua as exemplary postcolonial positions. So strong is
Sandoval (1991: 11)
oppositional
the pull of Pratt's position that De Lauretis overlooks Anzaldua's significant
consciousness depends point that deterritorialization produces in the mestiza a split consciousness that
on a mobile subjectivity provokes a relentless attempt to regain land and opportunities snatched away
that seeks out
by imperialism. Anzaldua's argument has been furthered by recent articula-
opportunities for
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'subjugated citizens [to] tions of Third World US feminism by Chela Sandoval and others who theorize
throw off subjectivities oppositional consciousness as 'a kinetic motion that maneuvers, poetically
in a process that at once transfigures, and orchestrates [the social symbolic] while demanding alien-
both enacts and yet
decolonizes their various ation, perversion, and reformation in both spectators and practitioners' (San-
relations to their real doval 1991" 3). 2 De Lauretis's celebratory invocation of 'postcolonial' goes
conditions of existence'. against the observation of many postcolonial critics who take the term, which
When she proceeds to
describe the resulting
implies a transcendence or supersession of colonialism, to mystify ongoing and
mode of agency as 'a newly emergent relations of neo-imperialism and settler colonialism that
kind of anarchic activity prevail in the so-called postcolonial world (McClintock 1992; Shohat 1992).
• . . a form of ideological
More to the point, the Palestinian diaspora is one postcolonial development in
guerrilla warfare' (p.
23), the adjacency of her which the departure of British colonizers was followed by the Israeli neo-
project with Khaled's colonial relations that Khaled's narrative relentlessly spotlights.
becomes evident. Precisely such a recognition is urged by the first chapter of My People Shall
3 The term is Louis
Althusser's (1971) and I Live. It bears the title 'The Staircase', a reference to the only part of Khaled's
use it here to emphasize house in Haifa that she remembers. A transitional space like Pratt's 'H Street
the difference between corridor', the staircase serves as a chronotope for Khaled's violent and unex-
the State's means of
eradicating opposition
pected propulsion into increased political awareness by historical events
by systematic violence beyond her control. Significantly enough, we see Khaled not on but under it,
and the institutional as if to emphasize the possibilities for growth and movement that are lost
mechanisms such as the
with exile, and to highlight the fear and helplessness of dispossession. Hiding
family, where the Law
of the Father operates, under it from the violence unleashed by Zionist forces in 1948 to terrorize
by which it secures Palestinians into leaving their homeland, Khaled sees death for the first time
consent. Michel P&heux in ways that radically undercut existing structures of authority in her life and
suggests that such
ideological apparatuses
put in their place the more summary authority of the colonizer's Repressive
can also serve to State Apparatus. 3
provoke resistance. In
eoooeoeeQeoooeeoeeoee
Khaled's narrative the
family, as an ideological I do remember being terrified, but I do not remember whether the dead person was
apparatus ruled by the
Arab or Jew. I only remember hearing bombs exploding and seeing the blood spurt-
law of the father, seems
to function as such a ing from the dead man's stomach. I hid under the staircase and stared at the corpse
contradictory site of in the street outside. I trembled and wondered whether this would be the fate of my
interpellation and father. (Khaled 1975: 25)
resistance.
eoooeeoeooeoo.oeeooee
interventions- 1:1 60
e o o o o o o o oo oooo o o e o , * o e o o . o . , ooo
Rajeswari Mohan
that inspires people to the pledge to return, her re-telling of the story of her dispossession, and even
stick to their land
despite all the pressure
the bravado of her brief foray into Haifa on board a hijacked plane all
to make them leave. See, become ways of symbolically securing the possibility that the wrongs of
for example, Giacaman history might be set aright. By first refusing to leave and then repeatedly
and Odeh (1988); and acting out her longing to return, she also speaks to the possibility of negoti-
Peteet (1991). Peteet
points out that qualities ating between the tensions generated by the guilt and rage of those who were
associated with al- expelled and those who stayed.
Summud are those This is but one of the many ways Khaled's yearning to return differs from
characterized as
feminine, specifically
the 'giving up of home' De Lauretis identifies as the paradigmatic postcolonial
silent endurance and position. Khaled's yearning, however, is one for a reclamation rather than a
sacrifice for family and simple return to an origin that is as deeply flawed as it is longed for. Hence
community. In this
regard, the prominence
the uncertain, unguaranteed, tentative position that De Lauretis values as the
accorded to aI-Suramud basis of feminist agency is useless to Khaled. Instead, Khaled's version of post-
opened the way for colonial politics stages a refusal to give up home coupled with a refusal to
women, and men, to see accept home in its patriarchal configurations. Indeed, Khaled's own narrative
women's actions and
values as politically stages episodic encounters with western liberal ideas in ways that almost pre-
significant forms of empt this essay. In a meeting with European students, several of whom par-
resistance (1991: 153). ticipated in the university upheavals of 1968, Khaled and her comrades are
amused and astonished when French and German anarchist students pro-
claim, 'Let chaos reign'. Khaled responds by pointing out that 'the Palestin-
ian people were an example of a society in chaos without authority and
leadership, which as a result, was left at the mercy of the Zionist oppressor'
(Khaled 1975: 125). This response takes us to the heart of the difference
between struggles as they are often understood in postcolonial contexts and
articulations that graft postcolonial tropes onto postmodern discourses in
ways that may be undeniably urgent in the western academy but not else-
where. Khaled recognizes that in order to act decisively and change the con-
ditions of her existence, she must maintain her unwavering focus on the telos
of liberation. Only such a steadiness of vision would help her overcome the
contradictions and ambiguities of which she is acutely aware. Her approach
to politics actually converges in this respect with Pratt's, the political direc-
tion of whose text is somewhat lost in De Lauretis's strategic misreading
interventions - 1:1 62
# o e e e o e e e e o o o e o o e . o e o o o o e e e o e o
strongly critical of the western liberal ideas of individuality, identity, and poli-
tics such that her story grates against the accommodationist impulse that
drives much of contemporary feminist encounters with its margins. So it is
that the double vision that is identified as the distinctive feature of contem-
porary feminism by De Lauretis does not result in ambivalence as far as
Khaled is concerned but rather in a concerted appropriation of nationalism
as a medium for smuggling in a feminist agency.
II R e d e f i n i n g home and n a t i o n
Underdeveloped people live by fate; they look with nostalgia to a 'golden past'. My
people and I suffer from these debilities, but we are also living in the Ongoing process
of history and are trying to determine our future rather than bind ourselves to a dead
past. (Khaled 1975: 41)
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
Rajeswari Mohan
presented by historical ruptures, she does not simply insert herself in the grand
narrative of history as progress; nor does she abandon the project of wresting
freedom from the realm of historical necessity. In repeatedly calling attention
to the history of deprivation and betrayal which has been the lot of her people,
Khaled stalls the emergence of an optimistic narrative of history as inevitable
progress and development. Yet, her bold occupation of the gaps created in the
social structure by exile and dispossession produces an oppositional agency at
the point where emancipatory discourses enter an unsettled social order.
Furthermore, what seems to be a rather uncritical reliance on the rhetoric of
development may be read as a strategic intervention in emerging Palestinian
national culture. The claim to the dignity, glory, and solemnity of a precolo-
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nial past has often served to rehabilitate and legitimize national culture during
anti-colonial struggles. But what begins as a crucial element in forging an
oppositional nationalism, can often lead national cultures up the blind alleys
of sentimental reaction and nostalgic quietism (Fanon 1963: 206-48). Given
this possibility, which has historically proven to be costly to women's emanci-
patory movements, Khaled's artful movement between past and future steers
national culture away from reactionary nostalgia, but draws upon its political
charge to project a utopian vision of social transformation.
At the same time, her firm commitment to historical change challenges
what Arab feminists like Fatima Mernissi have identified as 'the ahistoricity
of Arab identity which views movement and change as states of social imbal-
ance and moral disintegration' (Mernissi 1988: 36). Mernissi argues that
because the culture views itself as constant and superior to time and change,
5 The divided subject of
feminism has been the
any attempt to rethink or reconsider tradition is characterized as fitna, or a
focus of many recent sinful, deceitful, even seditious challenge to religious authority. In particular,
attempts to address the any initiative on the part of women to seek change in their social status is
categorical differences
deemed a fitna that draws charges of atheism and blasphemy. Mernissi goes
implicit in the
woman/women split. In on to point out that women's emancipatory strategies can generate change
an earlier work, De only if they can shift attitudes to time and history in ways we have seen
Lauretis herself offers an Khaled attempting. Interestingly, Khaled also reconfigures the idea of the
elegant formulation:
'The female subject of Palestine nation as she styles herself as the signifier of 'the true meaning of
feminism is one being a Palestinian in its original Canaan definition: a heroic fighter, a warlike
constructed across a person, a selfless fellow' (Khaled 1975: 17). For all these reasons, we may
multiplicity of
discourses, positions,
argue that Khaled's narrative suggests a model of postcolonial and perhaps
and meanings, which feminist agency distinguished by its unwavering political vision and exem-
are often in conflict with plifying the variegated inflections called into being within the postcolonial
one another and
feminist subject by its multiple commitments,s As such, the narrative pro-
inherently (historically)
contradictory' (De vides concrete instances of the negotiations demanded by these multiple
Lauretis 1987: ix-x). commitments, and implicitly critiques the politically charged hesitations of
Another brilliantly feminist discourses that invariably shepherd the divided subject towards
provocative exploration
of the divided subject is ambivalence and indeterminacy.
Harraway (1991). Recent feminist critiques of the episteme of indeterminacy have identified
interventions - 1:I 64
o e e o o e o o o e e o e # e e e e e e e o e e o o e o e a
Rajeswari Mohan
for authority and inability to deal with ambiguity make him unequal and
somewhat irrelevant to the complex political vision demanded of a diasporic
people. The absence of patriarchal authority is a crucial enabling condition
to Khaled's agency not only by loosening traditional circumscriptions and
controls on women, but also by withdrawing protective buffers and height-
ening her vulnerability to Israeli power in ways that bring her into direct con-
frontation with the state. During the hostilities between Israel and the Arab
states, Palestinians living in exile were cut off from all contact with their
families in the Occupied Territories. One particular episode describing
Khaled's attempt to meet her grandmother at the Mandelbaum Gate drama-
tizes the full scope of Palestinian dispossession. From the start, the meeting
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Khaled herself flees from her life of abjection in Lebanon to Kuwait where
she has the opportunity to work and live in relative independence. As the
narrative proceeds, however, one detects a cunning strategy at work as Khaled
resists the codes of feminine decorum when they are imposed upon her by her
interventions - 1:1 66
eeeeeoeeeeeeeeeeooeeeoeeeooooo
own people, but retreats behind the same codes as cover and protection when
confronted by European or Israeli 'outsiders'. Khaled seems to recognize that
even legitimate activities within the existing social order can create a cultur-
ally ambiguous space where unprecedented gender roles might emerge along
with new forms of oppositional agency. In this sense, her gender identity
becomes performative in that it is made up of contingent actions that, by their
very provisionality, radically undermine the foundations of gender; the central
structure of sociality. Also at work is a clear understanding of resistance as a
contingent and local practice, temporary in its effects. Through her acts of
resistance, Khaled asserts herself, demonstrates to herself and the world that
she does not have to accept social restrictions, fosters her oppositional ener-
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gies, and causes profound anxiety in the authority figures she confronts. This
notion of resistance is marked off from revolution which is situated in the
longue dur~e of social transformation guided by socialist principles and
understood in the narrative as being brought about by the overdetermined
effects of emancipatory struggles against colonialism and patriarchy in differ-
ent corners of the globe. In light of this distinction, her admiration for Ho
Chi Minh and Che Guevara, and her support for other anti-imperialist
struggles such as those "waged by the Vietnamese, can be seen as attempts to
secure affectively a collective consciousness.
The seeds of Khaled's militancy are sown during her adolescent years,
between 1956 and 1959, which mark the years of her apprenticeship as an
activist, and of her transformation into a good soldier. These are the years
Carol Gilligan has identified as pivotal to the development of feminine resist-
ance, as a period during which 'a resistance which is essentially political - an
insistence on knowing what one knows and a willingness to be outspoken -
. . . turn[s] into a psychological resistance: a reluctance to know what one
knows and a fear that such knowledge, if spoken, will endanger relationships
and threaten survival' (Gilligan 1991: 12). Gilligan describes this transform-
ation as a doubling of voice and vision which underlies women's participation
in political practices that they recognize to be against their own interests.
Drawing upon the work of Sara Ruddick, Gilligan asserts that 'If only women
would make a shift within their existing practice as mothers, separating out
those elements which support militarism (the worshipping of martyrs and
heroes) from those which subvert it (women's irreverent language of loyalty,
love, and outrage), women could move r e a d i l y . . , from denial to truthful-
ness, from parochialism to solidarity, from inauthenticity to active responsi-
bility' (1991: 38). Khaled's narrative pressures the divisions operating in
Gilligan's theory between political and psychological resistance, between
nationalistic support for militarism and outrageous subversion of oppressive
power, between existential inauthenticity and politically responsible soli-
darity with the oppressed. Indeed, like Robin Morgan, whose views we will
discuss below, Gilligan would probably read Khaled's narrative as an instance
LOVING PALESTINE 67
, Q , O O O , O O O O O O O e , a , O O Q , O O e O Q a O l
Rajeswari Mohan
struggle over the necklace demonstrates, in the diasporic context, the law of
the father is seriously undercut by the fact that it is written in a disenfran-
chised language. Reclaiming and redefining this language in the name of
nationalism allows Khaled to challenge ideas of feminine comportment, and
once she breaks the reins of patriarchal control in this realm she, like other
women in her situation, finds that she cannot ever return to a life where others
make decisions for her.
Indeed, throughout the narrative, Khaled identifies her ardor for Palestine
with a higher and truer feminine ideal. Deriding as 'a travesty of womanhood'
those Palestinian women who seek education as a way of finding husbands
(Khaled 1975: 53), Khaled resists all attempts to position her as a sexualized
object of male attention, and as one who could be 'railroaded into some
uncreative role like office work or marriage and baby production' (1975: 59).
Simultaneously, she seeks constantly for points of contact and divergence
between her narrative and those of western feminists. She points out that
while most western women see themselves as victims of two kinds of oppres-
sion, 'class and sexual', Palestinian women have to bear the brunt of four
different systems of oppression: 'national, social (the weight of traditions and
habits), class and sexual' (ibid.). As a woman she finds herself vulnerable to
simultaneous oppression from all these quarters, and adopts the strategy of
using her resistance to one to undermine the others. Khaled's self-fashioning
as a Palestinian revolutionary depends on her deft management of her posi-
tion as a sexual being such that the pivotal role of sexuality is foregrounded
even as she wrests away from others the power to define and control her.
For long, militant actions such as Khaled's have been recognized as having
the aim of manipulating political attitudes rather than physically defeating an
enemy. Violence in this context is psychological and symbolic, not merely
material. At stake is winning acceptance and legitimacy for one's political
cause by discrediting the opposition. That is, what militants want is for their
cause to be seen as both urgent and just (Crenshaw 1983). Women's role in
the Palestinian resistance movement up until and including the Intifada
depends for its success on their performance of their daily feminine roles to
interventions- 1:1 68
• • o • • • • . • • • • o o t o • • • • o • • o o , • • o o
such a degree that their political activism is truly dependent on what Butler
has theorized as 'subversive bodily acts' (Butler 1990b: 128-41). Palestinian
women in the Occupied Territories use their voluminous clothing to hide
stones, Molotov cocktails, and the illegal Palestinian flag knowing that Israeli
soldiers would be reluctant to search them for fear of outraging Palestinian
men into violent reaction. In such situations, Palestinian women manipulate
the mutual agreement between Israeli and Palestinian men that women are
subjects of patriarchal law to clear for themselves a space for political
7 See Hiltermann
(1991). Hiltermann agency.7 The multiple claims between which women navigate in claiming this
suggests that women's agency can be seen, for instance, in mothers who urge their children to join
groups gamed a the Intifada, and who provide cover and support for their children's attacks
headstart in the Intifada
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by escaping surveillance on the army. The pull of the ideology of motherhood, which dictates that chil-
and suppression because dren must be protected at all costs and that their childhood innocence must
the Israeli Government not be taken away from them, is felt most keenly by mothers precisely when
initially believed that
Palestinian women did
they realize that militancy is the only way they and their children can assert
not wield much their dignity and humanity (MacDonald 1991: 79).
influence and therefore Needless to say, this mode of maternal thinking is a far cry from that
were potentially
advanced by Sara Ruddick. Furthermore, in a war of physical and cultural
harmless.
attrition, child-bearing, keeping alive the memory of martyrs, and educating
children in Palestinian history all assume a significance that women in the
West Bank accept as necessary in a state of war. At the same time, the spread
of education, women's employment, and the increasing social worth and self-
esteem of women as they participate successfully in political struggles have
8 See Najjar and
Warnock (1992), provoked critical reformulations of the ideal of motherhood, s One measure
especially pp. 29-34, of the threat posed by Palestinian women's activities is the fact that women
70-S, 105-119, reportedly make up the largest group requiring hospital treatment after being
148-55, and 242-53.
beaten for protecting children. They are also the target of army raids as
soldiers deliberately try to terrorize them and thereby scare the community
into submission. While women's actions were directed against the Israelis,
they serve another important function. In the words of one activist, 'we
wanted the men to know that we have teeth too'. Successful in both respects,
women's insurgency has gained approval and support for women's organiz-
ations such as the Women's Higher United Council which, in 1989, managed
to secure the support of the Unified Leadership for an Equal Rights for
Women Bill (MacDonald 1991: 75). As well, the forms taken by women's
political participation have blurred the division between public and private
realms of experience, redefined the domestic sphere, and eroded traditional
structures of sexual division of labour (see also Peteet 1991).
Khaled's refusal to bend to the male chauvinism and self-righteousness of
her critics leads to situations that foreground the status of women as the
object of contention between different versions of patriarchal law, especially
in the (post)colonial context. Generally speaking, acts of female militancy
precipitate a crisis of authority and meaning such that female militants are
LOVING PALESTINE
, Q o . e i o i
69
* * , , o * eoo • i o o o • i o o i • oo
Rajeswari Mohan
response of the male public who deluged both Khaled and Kim Hyon Hui,
the North Korean agent who blew up a KAL jet in 1987, with marriage pro-
posals shortly after their arrest and incarceration. The compulsion to sexual-
ize these women into hyperfeminized objects of male desire and, more
significantly, to shepherd them into the patriarchal fold of marriage and
heterosexual desire is one indicator of the threat they constitute. For it is not
simply that they flout the law of the father by picking up their guns, but that
their actions - which till their discovery take place under the cover of docile
femininity - raise the worrying possibility that the edifices of patriarchy a r e
9 For instance, Miss
Kim observes, 'In
constantly being undermined by sly femininity.9
Korean society, women Khaled's narrative augments our appreciation of the fascinating possi-
a r e thought to be afraid bilities of feminine subterfuge by letting us glimpse the equally complex ratio-
to walk about on their
own, so it would be
nalizations that accompany each of her actions. For instance, as she waits to
unthinkable for a board the TWA airliner on her first hijacking mission, Khaled sees a little girl
woman to put a bomb wearing a button which proclaims 'Make Friends' playing in the airport
on an airplane' (quoted
lobby. Khaled's hurried attempts to allay the pangs of guilt provoked by the
in MacDonald 1991:
67). Khaled undertook reminder that her actions would take as victims innocent travelers such as
both her missions in the the charming little girl lead to an awareness of the ways cute productions of
guise of a young love- the commonsense work to suspend critical understanding of social realities.
lorn woman eager to be
reunited with her fiance.
The charge to make friends asserts that goodwill can bridge social divisions
and may even be an acceptable compensation for exploitation and oppres-
sion. Khaled quickly sees that the innocent pleasures of play and guileless
optimism work within an exclusive circle beyond which stand the 'homeless,
hungry, barefoot . . . twice "refugee" children of Bagan Camp'. The silent
reproach of these children, 'we too are children and we are a part of the
human race' strengthens Khaled's resolve (Khaled 1975: 136). There is no
turning back. But she does decide to be extra careful and not jeopardize
unnecessarily the lives of the passengers (1975. 137).
In this episode, to quote Frantz Fanon, Khaled's decision is 'the untidy affir-
marion of an original idea propounded as absolute' (Fanon 1963: 41). Fanon
explains how the 'native' is brought into existence through the violent
encounter with the colonizer which positions him as the passive, dehumanized
interventions- 1:1 70
o e e e e e e ooo eeoe eoeo e o o e o e e o e o o o
10 See Fanon (1963: object of policy, instruction, and control. This object, in asserting its opposi-
43). 'It is precisely at the
moment he [the
tion, assumes a heroic and agonistic subjectivity; i.e. in rebellion the native is
colonized] realizes his humanized. This is precisely Khaled's rationalization of her actions. Armed
humanity that he begins intervention becomes an assertion of her 'spurned humanity' (Khaled 1975:
to sharpen the weapons
130), and she is convinced that 'as a Palestinian [she] had to believe in the gun
with which he will
secure its victory.' as an embodiment of [her] humanity and [her] determination to liberate
11 The remarks of one [herself] and [her] fellowmen' (1975: 89). 1° When women like Khaled take up
of Julie Peteet's arms and join liberation struggles, they also reconfigure the social symbolic by
interviewees underscores
this point: 'Our women publicly portraying the transformation of the most conservative aspects of a
aren't women anymore; society, even the most cloistered and protected members of which are seen to
they have become men. embody and resist the suffering of the community, n Contradicting Robin
NOW I know they have
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t h o s e interests a t e women's identity and experience as universals - she dodges the question
d e e m e d 'terrorists'. O n
this issue, I find
whether they are biologically embedded or culturally instilled - that function
p a r t i c u l a r l y helpful transculturally to identify women with nurturing and preserving life. In the
C o n o r Cruise O ' B r i e n ' s absence of an understanding of the ways the category 'woman' is called into
definition o f t e r r o r i s m
existence by the very patriarchal structures against which feminism revolts,
specifically as unjustified
violence a g a i n s t a
Morgan is unable to recognize that the critical transformation of 'woman' as
d e m o c r a t i c state t h a t the subject of feminism is brought about by the ensemble of practices and
p e r m i t s effective a n d discourses, some of which may not be advertised as feminist, through which
peacefulformsof
oppositionand redress women's emancipation is sought. Because she defines militants like Khaled as
to oppression(O'Brien women who are seduced away from their true peaceful natures by their desire
1983). to please violent men, she misses the important point that Khaled's beliefs
14 For a discussionof paradoxically stem from her desire to preserve the life of her family and her
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the specificways
women's participation people. Also missed is the fact that the stories of Khaled and other women
in the Palestinian militants crucially redefine the category 'woman', through a sustained refusal
strugglehas brought of the gender binaries invoked in patriarchal discourses and feminist accounts
about a reinterpretation
of nationalist ideals such as Morgan's, both of which circumscribe women's roles, which the one
such as economic undercuts and the other valorizes. At stake in this refusal, for feminist poli-
independence,justice, tics and knowledge in general, is the opening up of options to act politically
and education, see
Young(1992). and to reconfigure not just gender but other social structures such as nation
within which women live and act. To put it differently, narratives such as
Khaled's are important for feminist discourses precisely because they offer
concrete instances of the contestatory relations between feminisms in a world
order riven in its most minute forms by hierarchies of wealth and political
influence, and demonstrate what exactly it means, in terms of available politi-
cal options and strategies, to be the ubiquitous divided subject of feminism.
IV S t a g i n g t h e n e w A r a b w o m a n
leads on her adversaries to make judgments about her and then turns tables
on them. For instance, during a confrontation with the Jordanian ambassador
to Lebanon, Khaled deliberately promotes the impression that she is not an
Arab woman by her forceful behavior and fluency in English. Once her ruse
is established, she takes delight in speaking to him in Arabic and assuring him
'that I was an Arab, a Palestinian and that every Arab woman was going to
be my kind in the near future' (Khaled 1975: 64). The figure of the new Arab
woman reappears so often in the narrative that it, like the promise to reclaim
home, assumes the dimensions of a symbol around which the narrative orga-
nizes itself. Often appearing at precisely those moments when the political
deadlock over Palestine seems to unravel, the figure signals the immutability,
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Rajeswari Mohan
object of her yearnings. Repeatedly, she draws upon the conventions of patri-
otic poetry which casts Palestine as a lover. Seeing the coast of Palestine for the
first time in her life from aboard a hijacked plane, she exclaims, 'My love and
I were racing toward each other for an eternal embrace' (1975: 142). Later;
while in prison she composes love poetry addressing Palestine as her lover:
e o o e e e o e e o o o e o o o o o e o o
In figuring her patriotism as a love that must be kept secret because it keeps
her away from other loves her mother might wish for her, Khaled enters a
discursive field that raises important questions about her position not only as
a nationalist but also, and more intriguingly, as a sexual subject. Is the poem
nothing more than an exercise in the conventions of patriotic declamation?
Does Khaled's occupying the position of the impatient lover shake up the con-
ventions of romantic poetry which predominantly cast the woman as the
passive object of male desire? And does this meddling unsettle the gender and
sexual binaries enacted and supported by such conventions? If it does, to what
extent and in what fashion? Is Khaled carving out a position of active female
sexuality in her narrative, or is she going further by inserting herself in a posi-
tion coded as masculine in the tradition of patriotic romance and thereby dis-
turbing the heterosexualmatrix? Several writers have pointed out that the
construction of the land as feminine has been the basis of a practice of declar-
ing political control of the land through the sexual exploitation of women
(Accad 1991; Young ,1992). What are the consequences of Khaled's tamper-
ings with the sexual domain for nationalist vision in this context?
Instead of trying to determine, like some commentators, whether Khaled
was a feminist or a nationalist first, we may be better advised to see contingent
interventions- 1:I 74
,.eooeeeeeooooooeo,eooeooooeeo
Rajeswari Mohan
a complex field of postcolonial and sexual politics in the Middle East, where
the body of woman and its visibility has been the focus of struggle between
colonial and indigenous patriarchal ideologies. Most infamously in Algeria,
Arab women were identified as the carrier of culture and became the object
of a French colonial policy of unveiling which sought to destroy indigenous
cultures and install the hegemony of Europe in the name of liberating and
enlightening the colonized. Implicit in imperial designs on the body of the
Arab woman were two crucial assumptions. Firstly, in identifying the Arab
woman with the veiled body, a homogenized image of colonized femininity
emerged that brooked no modification or variation. Lost here are class and
regional differences in women's adoption of the veil. But by a stroke of revol-
utionary dialectic, this homogenizing impulse provided nationalists with a
16 See Fanon (1965).
For a critical analysis of potent weapon for anticolonial struggles. 16 Secondly, in the colonial context,
cultural politics of European unveiling of Arab women was a pointed act of aggression, a cul-
veiling and its tural violation that sought to bare their secrets, reveal their beauty, and
narratives, see Woodhull
(1991). thereby wrest control of their sexuality from the colonized patriarchy. 17
17 For a suggestive European unveiling of Arab women was thus seen as a 'double-deflowering'
analysis of the erotic where the rending of the veil was usually the violent foreplay of rape and
enchantments for the
conquest of a land also figured as feminine. The resistance thrown up by the
colonizer of the play
between concealment colonized was in turn organized around the focus of colonial aggression and
and unveiling of the the offensive against the veil was met with a cult of the veil. In colonial
colonized female body, Algeria and Morocco, and occupied Palestine, Arab women have shown how
see Allouta (1986).
the veil, designed to efface the presence of women, allows them to act in the
public sphere in subversive ways. Similarly, the unveiling of women offers
opportunities for subversion of the colonial and patriarchal preconstructed.
In colonial discourse, the unveiled female body represented a victory for
European culture and a satisfaction of the desire for conquest and posses-
sion. The contest between colonial and nationalist men over the veil has thus
run the risk of altogether sidelining women's agency,
But for an unveiled Arab woman, whose disguise is her unveiling, the
effects are more complex. Like the Algerian women who carried bombs into
the French Quarter and like Khaled who dons chic European ensembles as
i n t e r v e n t i o n s - 1:1 76
oaeeeeoeeeeaoeooeee4, eeueeeeeeo
tions to satisfy the twisted desires of her fianc6 adds another fold to the
pattern of subversive deception, just as the surgeon's unquestioning accept-
ance of this bizarre excuse becomes a shocking confirmation of the way patri-
archal control over women's bodies is taken for granted. In light of her
insistence that Palestine is her sole love, this excuse becomes at once an
oblique criticism and a heroic acceptance of the demands of nationalism as
well. Khaled's spectacular enactment of the pain and risk sbe is willing to
suffer for the sake of her homeland emphasizes, one more time, that hers is
not a weak-kneed patriotism, and that the New Arab woman she represents
is up to the demands to be made of her. At the same time, by offering the
body in pain as the symbol of Palestinian nationalism, Khaled taps into Pales-
tinian feminist discourses that see 'violence against women [as] the implicit,
unstated axis upon which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict turns' (Young 1992:
5). However, Khaled's actions push the discussion beyond its usual end-point
of victimization to address the culture of violence in which women are
assigned central roles. In this regard, the entire episode serves as a material
synecdoche of jouissance in its dual aspects - the exhilaration, the liberation,
as well as the sense of dissolution, of mise-en-abyme that accompanies gender
bending. She draws into the contest Arab and western expectations of the
veiled woman and the liberated woman of the future, patriarchal notions of
woman's body and beauty as property of men, her own sense of herself as
absolute mistress of her body, and the value accorded to sacrifice and mar-
tyrdom in the discourse of Palestinian nationalism, provoking profound
anxiety in the process.
In activating these configurations, Khaled's actions draw attention to the
precariousness of the authority of patriarchal discourses and their eminent
vulnerability to appropriation by the diverse interests and multiple value
systems inscribing the female body. It has recently been suggested that the
resurgence of veiling in a number of Islamic societies does not so much signal
a return to precolonial traditions as an identification of women with their
societies' 'in-betweenness'. As symbols of transitions, contradictions, and
conflicts between modernity and tradition, women increasingly become
LOVING PALESTINE 77
oeoooooooee.ooooeoooooo~eoeooo
Raieswari Mohan
Rajeswari Mohan
symbolic of the sexual. However, the encounter with alternate sites of femin-
ist theory and practice will remain incomplete if the circuit is not closed, and
if the counter-pressure exerted by texts of postcolonial and Third World
insurgency on Anglo-American theory is not acknowledged. Such an acknow-
ledgement will make unique demands on any attempt to account for or under-
stand the circumstances of non-western women's lives from the standpoint of
western academic discourses, for such attempts are inevitably animated by
the dialectic tension produced by the ambivalent and ambiguous distinctions
between them and us, as well as by the different meanings the texts hold in
the different sites they circulate (see Mani 1990; Mohan 1994).
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