International Journal of Behavioral Development # 2002 The International Society for the

2002, 26 (2), 145–153 Study of Behavioural Development

http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pp/01650254.html DOI: 10.1080/01650250042000708

Yoruba toddlers’ engagement in errands and cognitive

performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale

Oluyomi A. Ogunnaike Robert F. Houser Jr.

University of Wisconsin—Stevens Point, USA Tufts University, Medford, USA

Responsibility training is an essential component of child-rearing practices in several African

societies. To inculcate responsibility, caregivers allocate their children household duties and send
them on errands; these include (but are not limited to) fetching objects and purchasing items. Such
errands foster the acquisition of cognitive, social, and economic competencies. In this paper, the
relationship between the types of errands engaged in by Yoruba toddlers of southwest Nigeria and
cognitive performance using an adapted version of the Bayley Mental Scales of Development,
referred to as the Yoruba Mental Subscale, is examined. Findings revealed that children who engaged
in purchasing items and retrieving speciŽ c objects for the caregiver had a signiŽ cantly higher
performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale compared to children who did not engage in such
errands. With regard to performance on the Bayley Mental Scales, Ž ndings revealed no signiŽ cant
association with the errands examined. The implications of these Ž ndings for cross-cultural research
and early childhood education are discussed.

Children’s cognitive and social development is inseparable from
the social milieu in that what children learn is a cultural
curriculum: from the earliest days, they build on the skills and
perspectives of their society with the aid of other people.
(Rogoff, 1990, p. 190)
Societies differ in terms of child-rearing practices and goals for
development (Aina, 1992; LeVine et al., 1994; Super &
Harkness, 1986). For example, responsibility, obedience,
respect for elders, and helpfulness are central to the child-
rearing practices in several African cultures (Babatunde, 1992;
Nsamenang, 1992; Zeitlin et al., 1995).
Sending the child on errands within and outside the home is
one of the ways through which responsibility is fostered in
African societies (Harkness & Super, 1992; Nsamenang &
Lamb, 1994; Serpell, 1993; Whiting & Whiting, 1975).
Examples of errands include putting things away, fetching
nearby or far objects, relaying messages or bringing items to
neighbours, and buying items from neighbours (Lancy, 1996;
Ogunnaike, 1997). These errands provide the African child
with opportunities to learn about the environment, dynamics
of interacting with others, and practise being helpful and
responsible (Nsamenang, 1992; Serpell, 1993).
Nsamenang (1992) noted that caregivers assess the social
maturity of the growing African child through his/her ability to
perform errands and the child’s ability to complete errands
successfully in uences caregiver perception of the child’s
responsibility and level of competence. Serpell (1993) gave
an apt description of the role of errands in the following words
‘‘adults presumably keep some kind of mental tally of the
proportion of errands that a given child performs adequately,
and this serves as an index of how ‘tumikila’ (responsible) the
child is’’ (p. 64). It follows then that the more errands a child is
able to perform successfully, the more she/he is entrusted with
other responsibilities.
The above research emphasised the importance of errands
in child rearing. However, there is a paucity of research on the
relationship between speciŽ c errands and developmental out-
come, especially cognitive performance of African children.
Such research is needed to clarify the dynamics and potentials
of errands vis-à-vis child development with respect to
intelligence. Intelligence is deŽ ned differently across societies,
thus, in the following section, we examine how intelligence is
deŽ ned, in particular, within the African context.
Emic deŽ nitions of intelligence
The deŽ nition of intelligence within cross-cultural contexts has
received much attention and documentation (Berry, 1984;
GreenŽ eld, 1994; Mundy-Castle, 1975; Serpell, 1993). Central
to these authors’ deŽ nitions and perspectives of intelligence is
the signiŽ cance of the cultural environment and values.
Intelligence according to Mundy-Castle (1975) is re ective
of ‘‘different strategies of adaptation involving distinctive
patterns of culturally determined skills’’ (p. 345). Among

Correspondence should be addressed to Oluyomi A. Ogunnaike,
School of Education, University of Wisconsin—Stevens Point, Stevens
Point, WI 54481, USA; e-mail: oogunnai@uwsp.edu
The present study was part of a larger study titled ‘‘Child
Development for the Computer Age’’ conducted in Ogun and Lagos
States, Nigeria by Tufts University School of Nutrition with UNICEF
Nigeria and University of Lagos, Nigeria. The project was sponsored
by a grant from UNICEF, New York and the Joint Nutrition School
Programme, Italy.
This paper is based on Ž ndings from my doctoral dissertation, which
examined family sociodemographics and cognitive performance of
Yoruba toddlers on Bayley Mental Scales of Development. UNICEF
(Nigeria) and Tufts University School of Nutrition provided the
funding for the study.
I thank Professor Marian Zeitlin, UNICEF/Tufts University Project
Director for permission to utilise the data on mental performance of
Yoruba toddlers. I also thank Professor Robert Serpell, Dr Heidi
Keller, and Dr Patricia Caro for reviewing the manuscript.
146 OGUNNAIKE AND HOUSER / ERRANDS AND COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE
Western societies, intelligence is largely deŽ ned in terms of
technological skills, while among non-Western societies,
especially in Africa, intelligence is deŽ ned in terms of social
skills and relationships (Mundy-Castle, 1975). The works of
researchers, namely, Dasen (1984), Nsamenang and Lamb
(1994), Serpell (1993), Super and Harkness (1986, 1997)
lend credence to the centrality of social skills, such as
responsibility, obedience, helpfulness, and using initiative, in
the African deŽ nition of intelligence. For example, among the
Kipsigis of Kenya, an intelligent child was perceived as one
who performs household chores, goes on errands, and takes
care of the younger ones without being asked (Super &
Harkness, 1986).
Among the Baoule, the term ‘‘n’glouele’’ (Dasen, 1984, p.
126) translates to ‘‘intelligence’’ with a prominent attribute,
‘‘o ti kpa’’. This term connotes responsibility, obedience,
willingness and/or initiative to perform chores, errands, or
tasks, without prior instructions. Compliance, politeness,
and respect for elders, ‘‘agnyhie’’ (Dasen, 1984, p. 127)
were also highly valued attributes of intelligence among the
Baoule. The A-Chewa people of Zambia deŽ ne intelligence,
‘‘nzelu’’ as a combination of social responsibility and
cognitive sharpness (Serpell, 1993). The social responsibility
dimension is referred to as ‘‘tumikila’’ (Serpell, 1993, p. 36),
which connotes reliability, cooperation, obedience, and
helpfulness.
The present study examines the relationship between
intelligence re ected in responsibility training (errands) and
developmental outcome among Yoruba toddlers of southwest
Nigeria. Particular attention is paid to how the child’s ability to
perform speciŽ c errands (e.g., putting things away and
purchasing items) relate to cognitive performance on an
adapted version of the Bayley Mental Scale of Development
named the Yoruba Mental Subscale.
The conceptual framework of the study
First, an overview is provided of the Yoruba caregiving
practices, settings, and parental ethnotheories as they pertain
to errands, organised according to the Developmental Niche
framework (Super & Harkness, 1986, 1997).
The developmental niche framework as described by Super
and Harkness (1986, 1997) represents an attempt to bridge a
gap between psychology and anthropology to explain the
development of the young child within a cultural context. The
developmental niche concept was used to explore the process
through which culture mediates child development, and it
consists of three component subsystems: (1) physical and
social settings in which the child lives; (2) culturally regulated
customs of child care and child rearing; and (3) psychology of
the caretakers.
Physical and social settings
This component highlights the importance of the type of
environment and people to which the child is exposed early in
life (Super & Harkness, 1997). The Yoruba child grows up in a
highly stimulating environment full of human and material
resources. The child is exposed to multiple caregiving by family
members, neighbours, and relatives, all of whom are respon-
sible for ensuring that the child grows up to be a responsible
member of society (Babatunde, 1992; Ogunnaike, 1997;
Ohuche & Otaala, 1981; Timyan, 1988).
Housing, trading, and responsibility training among
the Yoruba
It is common to Ž nd houses built close together among Yoruba
communities. The houses are rectangular single-storey build-
ings with a central corridor and a yard at the back (Eades,
1980). This style of house is commonly referred to as ‘‘face-to-
face’’ (Zeitlin et al., 1995). As many as three or more different
families can live together under a single roof on a rental basis.
Depending on affordability, a family may occupy one or two
rooms in a house of 6 to 8 rooms. The proximity of houses and
communal living arrangements allow for close adult monitor-
ing of children’s activities. For example, if a child was found
walking away from home, someone was likely to call the
attention of the child’s mother, sibling, or relative to verify
whether the child was sent on an errand. If so, the neighbour
was then likely to maintain a close watch or assign a suitable
companion for the child (Aina, Agiobu-Kemmer, Etta, Zeitlin,
& Setiloane, 1993; Ogunnaike, 1997).
Trading is a major occupation among the Yoruba. Thus, the
child is exposed to a rich language utilised by caregivers as they
engage in commercial and other transactions (Ohuche &
Otaala, 1981). The child observes and listens to, and imitates
older siblings, mothers, neighbours, and customers exchange
greetings, engage in conversations about recent or past events,
purchase items, retrieve or put away objects, bargain and
negotiate prices of items such as foodstuffs, household items,
and goods (Aina, 1992; Timyan, 1988).
Customs of child care and child rearing
This aspect emphasises caregiver efforts in facilitating the
development of the child through speciŽ c ‘‘sequences of
behavior or institutional arrangements’’ (Super & Harkness,
1997, p. 27). Child rearing among the Yoruba can be
described as a deliberate attempt to ‘‘teach’’ the child from
an early age how to relate to others appropriately, be helpful,
responsible, and respectful (Babatunde, 1992; Zeitlin et al.,
1995). The child is taught by family members, relatives, and
other adults how to listen, observe, and imitate others who
exhibit obedience, respect for elders, and sel essness (Baba-
tunde, 1992; Ohuche & Otaala, 1981). Respect for elders is
re ected particularly through greetings. Boys are taught how to
prostrate, while girls are taught how to curtsy (Babatunde,
1992). Yoruba caregivers teach their children to be responsible
through participation in household chores and errands. Before
age Ž ve, Yoruba girls are taught how to perform household
chores, namely, washing, sweeping, and cooking and how to
take care of their younger siblings (Akinware, Wilson-
Oyelaran, Ladipo, Pierce, & Zeitlin, 1992).
The process of early responsibility training among the
Yoruba
Because responsibility training is commonly practised in
several African societies, this section will provide relevant
information about such practices among the Yoruba culture,
and also cite Ž ndings from a few other African cultures.
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2002, 26 (2), 145–153
As early as two years of age, Yoruba children are asked to
fetch nearby or far objects, put objects away, purchase items,
perform household chores (e.g., sweeping or washing), and
also how to carry things for older members of the community
(Aina et al., 1993). Among the Kpelle of Liberia, young
children engage in carrying water and Ž rewood and serving
meals (‘‘fetch and carry’’, Lancy, 1996, p. 145). In their study
of six cultures, Whiting and Whiting (1975) noted that
mothers in what they termed ‘‘simple societies’’ (e.g. Nyan-
songo of Kenya) expected their children to convey message,
fetch objects, and work on the farm and around the home.
Successful completion of errands is highly valued and
rewarded through praise and increased assignment of domestic
and other responsibilities (Lancy, 1996, Lloyd, 1970; Whiting
& Edwards, 1988).
In teaching the child how to perform errands, the caregiver
might begin by asking the child to fetch nearby objects or put
familiar objects away where they belong. Gradually, the child is
asked to perform errands that take him/her away from the
immediate household. Among the Yoruba, successful perfor-
mance of an errand may require the ability to comprehend and
process given information (Aina et al., 1993; Ogunnaike,
1997). For example, a Yoruba child instructed by the mother
as follows ‘‘Lo sinu yara, ko si ba mi gbe apo ti mo ma gbe lo si oja
wa’’ (literally, ‘‘go inside the room and bring me the purse I
take with me to the market’’) will need to work out what part of
the room the purse might be, the colour, shape, and size of the
particular purse. The ability to work out these aspects with or
without assistance from older siblings or others facilitates a
successful performance of this particular errand.
How adults facilitate responsibility training among the
Yoruba and other African cultures
Findings from informal observations and interviews held with
certain Yoruba caregivers (Aina et al., 1993) also suggest how
adults in the neighbourhood enhance the child’s successful
completion of errands. Due to the proximity of houses in
several low-income neighbourhoods (refer to the section on
physical setting), adults overtly or covertly watch out for
children as they walk around and play with their friends.
Depending on the perceived need of a child sent on errands,
the adults might assign an older companion to facilitate the
completion of the assigned task. Such facilitation has been
documented in Vygotskian literature (see GreenŽ eld, 1984;
Rogoff, 1990; cf. Lancy, 1996; Segall, Dasen, Berry, &
Poortinga, 1999).
Yoruba adults facilitate the child’s engagement and
accomplishment of a task through tacit guidance (Aina et al.,
1993; Rogoff, 1990). These authors note that if a child is sent
to purchase an item from a neighbour, the child’s mother will
inform the neighbour about the child’s mission. Both adults,
although they may be engaged in other activities or transac-
tions, are likely to monitor the child’s itinerary or ask an older
sibling to keep an eye on the child.
In summary, responsibility, obedience, helpfulness, and
reliability are central to child rearing among the Yoruba and
other African cultures (Lancy, 1996; Serpell, 1993; Whiting &
Whiting, 1975). Children are expected to listen, watch, and
imitate behaviours re ective of obedience, responsibility, and
helpfulness. In particular, adults teach, guide, and provide the
necessary support that enhances children’s successful comple-
tion of errands and chores (Segall et al., 1999).
147
Psychology of the caretakers
According to Super and Harkness (1997), parental behaviours
and expectations for their children are guided by ‘‘ethnothe-
ories’’. Ethnotheories refer to the beliefs about the nature of
children, what constitutes their needs, parenting goals, as well
as the beliefs about effective styles of child rearing. For
example, a ‘‘good child’’ is described as loyal, hardworking,
obedient, and respectful by Kpelle adults in Liberia (Lancy,
1996). The Yoruba people believe that children are ‘‘the
highest good’’ (Zeitlin et al., 1995, p. 157). Children represent
the vessel through which societal goals, values, hope, and
aspirations are projected and nurtured by the young and the
old (Aina, 1992).
How caregivers’ beliefs affect responsibility training
among the Yoruba
Central to Yoruba cultural beliefs is the concept of responsi-
bility vis-à-vis mobility. Yoruba caregivers believe that early
attainment of mobility has implications for adequate and
effective training in responsibility (Aina et al., 1993). A Yoruba
child that walks early is regarded as healthy and sent on errands
or trusted with other responsibilities. Thus, the child’s motor
ability is fostered from an early age. For example, Agiobu-
Kemmer (1984) noted that Yoruba caregivers foster early
mobility by placing a favourite toy at a distance for the child to
retrieve. Aina and colleagues (Aina et al., 1993), and Zeitlin
and associates (Zeitlin et al., 1995) learned that Yoruba
caregivers enhance mobility by reducing the child’s intake of
heavy staple foods rich in carbohydrate or starch. Findings
from interviews and informal observations of low-income
households in Lagos and Ogun states reveal that from the
age of three months, Yoruba caregivers prop up girls in a sitting
position with cushions (Aina et al., 1993). Due to the fear of
crushing the testicles, boys, from the later age of Ž ve months,
were propped up in a sitting position with cushions. Thus, it
could be assumed that mobility among girls occurs earlier than
boys. Such early mobility among Yoruba girls is likely to affect
how frequently they are sent on errands compared to their male
counterparts.
In conclusion, responsibility training and multiple caregiv-
ing are central to parenting beliefs in many African societies,
particularly, among Yoruba caregivers. These beliefs, espe-
cially responsibility training, guide the caregiver-child interac-
tions that are re ected in practices such as reducing the intake
of heavy staple foods, propping girls in a sitting position earlier
than boys and sending the child on errands. The proximity of the
houses (physical and social setting) and a sense of communal
responsibility for the young enhance multiple caregiving
among the Yoruba people of southwest Nigeria.
Errands and child developmental outcomes
To explore the relationship between errands and cognitive
performance, an adapted version of the Bayley Mental Scales
of Development (MSD; Bayley, 1969) referred to as the
Yoruba Mental Subscale (YMS) was designed. This test
format was chosen in order to have an evaluation distinct from
naturally occurring contexts.
The study also examined the impact of location on
children’s performance based on the literature that suggests
148 OGUNNAIKE AND HOUSER / ERRANDS AND COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE
different developmental outcomes for children living in urban
versus rural settings (Aina et al., 1993; Hope & Bierman, 1998;
Widmayer et al., 1990). In a study cited by Nerlove and
Snipper (1981), urban children were reported to experience
more exposure to a variety of languages, several adult Ž gures,
and lived in more crowded conditions compared to their
counterparts in rural settings. Also, urban children differed
from rural children in their performance on cognitive tasks.
Urban children, who were found to be more assertive and
independent, had signiŽ cantly higher performance on explora-
tory-manipulative tasks compared to rural children. The latter,
however, performed better on experimental tasks which
required compliance and deference to the experimenter. Other
authors, such as Aina and associates (1993), emphasise the
need to consider children’s familiarity with test materials,
which may or may not be associated with urban-rural settings
in considering the role of location on performance. More
studies are needed on the urban-rural differences in children’s
performance before Ž nal conclusions can be made.
The Yoruba mental subscale and study
hypotheses
A total of 25 items from the Bayley Mental Scales of
Development re ective of salient culturally relevant skills
fostered by Yoruba caregivers, namely, listening, observation,
imitation, and ability to follow instructions (Babatunde, 1992;
Ohuche & Otaala, 1981) were chosen and adapted as the
Yoruba Mental Subscale. These items required the child to
name or point to objects, imitate the tester’s action, listen and
obey the tester (comprehension). Items that required naming
and comprehension were included based on Ž ndings from
UNICEF studies and focus group discussions conducted by
Tade Aina and associates (Aina et al., 1993). Aina’s Ž ndings
suggest that caregivers, especially, older siblings, encouraged
younger children to identify and name common objects (e.g.,
plates, silverware, clothes, food items, body parts, and pictures
around the house). Further, Yoruba mothers who were
interviewed by Aina and his associates on how they prepared
their toddlers for formal schooling emphasised the importance
of the child’s ability to name objects in the environment (Aina
et al., 1993).
The process of constructing the YMS involved statistical
analyses of the initial 25 items for consistency. Only 15 of these
items were found to have high alpha coefŽ cients, and thus,
were utilised as the YMS. This was done to establish a
measure/index that re ects cognitive abilities fostered in this
niche that are accessible to elicitation from this population in a
test format, as distinct from naturally recurring contexts. The
items on the YMS are described in detail in the method section
of this paper.
Similar adaptations of the Bayley Mental Scales was earlier
carried out by Sigman et al. (1988) in their work with Embu
toddlers in a rural community in Kenya, East Africa by using
local materials or omitting items that were unfamiliar to Embu
toddlers.
In this study, the relationship between Yoruba toddler’s
engagement in errands, namely, putting things away, and
purchasing items, and cognitive performance on the YMS in
three different locations, namely, rural, semi-urban, and urban,
was examined. The relationship between these errands and the
Bayley Mental Scale of Development was also examined. The
following hypotheses guided the study:
1. Because errands constitute an important cultural activity
geared toward promoting competency among Yoruba
children (Akinware et al., 1992; Zeitlin et al., 1995),
those who engaged in errands will have a signiŽ cantly
higher performance on the Yoruba Mental Subscale and
the Bayley Mental Scale of Development compared to
their counterparts who did not.
2. Errands will differ in their association with cognitive
performance. Children who are sent on errands that take
them away from the immediate household, especially,
purchasing items, utilise a variety of skills (e.g.,
perceptual-motor, language, memory, and problem-
solving strategies) (Ohuche & Otaala, 1981). Thus,
children who purchase items for caregivers will have a
signiŽ cantly higher cognitive performance on the YMS
than children who did not.
The study was part of a larger, cross-sectional study
examining the relationship between parenting beliefs, caregiv-
ing practices, and developmental outcomes outcome (e.g.,
cognitive competence and nutritional development) among the
Yoruba people of southwest Nigeria.
Method
Participants
A total of 207 low-income households in urban, semi-urban,
and rural Yoruba communities participated in the study.
Eligibility for household selection included the following
speciŽ cations: mother in Yoruba; target child is 22–26 months
old; birth certiŽ cate to verify age; child is not a twin; both
mother and child are present in the household. A systematic
sampling system that involved the selection of every second
house was used to ensure the inclusion of all eligible house-
holds in the study.
The urban sample (n ˆ 95) was drawn from a predomi-
nantly low-income settlement of Makoko in Lagos City. The
rural sample (n ˆ 20) was drawn from six selected small rural
villages in Ifo-Otta Local Government Area (LGA) in Ogun
State. The semi-urban sample (n ˆ 92) was selected from two
medium-sized, semi-urban towns in Ifo-Otta LGA. The rural
and semi-urban settlements are located off the main Lagos-
Abeokuta road about an hour from Lagos by vehicle.
Materials
The following materials were used: (1) A comprehensive
sociodemographic questionnaire containing questions about
child care, responsibility training (errands), beliefs and
attitudes, and socioeconomic status (age, occupation, educa-
tion) of caregivers. (2) A Yoruba Mental Subscale, adapted
from the Bayley Scales of Infant Development (Bayley, 1969).
The Subscale consisted of 15 items selected from the Bayley
Mental Scales. They included items on building with red cubes
(Nos. 143, 161, 154); imitation of crayon strokes (No. 125);
picture identiŽ cation (Nos. 132, 139); discrimination of
objects (Nos. 144, 152); prepositions (Nos. 158, 162, 163);
and object naming (Nos. 130, 138, 141). These items were
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2002, 26 (2), 145–153 149

chosen based on their re ection of skills such as listening, Table 1

respect, obedience, and following instructions. Yoruba eth- Yoruba Mental Subscale: items and variables
notheory particularly fosters the ability to listen, watch keenly
what is going on in the environment, and say little (especially in Items % N
the presence of strangers or adults) except when asked to.
Builds towers of 6 cubes 73.40 207
Builds towers of 8 cubes 42 207
Builds train of cubes 52 202
Design and procedure Finds 2 objects 89.70 204
Fieldwork began in the second week of 1988, after two months Points to 3 pictures 59.50 200
of training, instrument development, and pre-testing by Points to 5 pictures 36 200
Ž eldworkers. Nine female Yoruba students, two of whom were Imitates crayon strokes 91.60 203
graduates (one is the Ž rst author) of psychology and sociology Discriminates 2 objects 88.60 201
at the University of Lagos, Nigeria, visited selected households Discriminates 3 objects 65.80 201
Understands 2 prepositions 35.80 204
where interviews and testing took place.
Understands 3 prepositions 9.80 204
Mothers were interviewed in Yoruba, the local language, on Understands concept of one 17.20 204
feeding, child care, parental aspirations and beliefs, responsi- Names 1 object 45.10 204
bility training, health, exposure to media, literacy, socio- Names 2 objects 20.70 203
economic status, and family history. Pertinent to this study was Names 3 objects 11.20 205
the question about responsibility training through errands.
Mothers were asked ‘‘Have you already started to teach
(child’s name) to do small errands for you? Has the child
started to: (a) put things away? (b) buy things?’’ Yoruba Mental Subscale (YMS). A total of 25 items that
Yoruba mothers were also asked other questions about required comprehension, imitation, obedience, and following
responsibility training such as fetching objects, washing own directions were chosen from the Bayley Mental Scales. Each
hands, washing cups and plates, and doing household chores item was recoded on a 2-point scale (0 ˆ fail, 1 ˆ pass), the
(e.g., sweeping and washing clothes). As the mother answered higher score indicative of a pass. Some omitted or refused
these and other questions, another Ž eldworker tested the child items, for example, pointing to parts of the doll (No. 128) and
on the Bayley Mental and Motor Scales of Development. The attains toy with stick (No. 122), were not included in the YMS.
Bayley Mental Scales assess cognitive skills such as perception, The consistency of performance across the items was explored
memory, language, and rudimentary abstract thinking. The using the Kuder–Richardson 20 reliability coefŽ cient. Only 15
data were recorded on precoded forms that were checked for of these items revealed high consistency and the alpha-
errors within 24 hours of collection. coefŽ cient calculated from these items indicated they should
be retained for use as the Yoruba Mental Development Index
(YMDI). The number of items passed on the YMS was
Scoring calculated for each Yoruba toddler and differences in cognitive
Maternal responses. The mother’s responses to the errands’ performance across location were analysed using ANOVA
questions were coded as follows: 1 ˆ no, child has not started cross-tabulation (chi-square). Spearman correlation was used
doing this; 2 ˆ yes, child does this. The data were analysed at to examine the relationship between maternal report of errands
Tufts University with the Statistical Package for the Social and performance on the YMS.
Sciences (SPSSX 1988). Differences in maternal report of
errand performance across location were examined using
Results
cross-tabulation (chi-square) and analysis of variance (AN-
Descriptive information about the errands reported by Yoruba
OVA).
mothers and items on the Yoruba Mental Subscale are
Locations. The locations (independent variables) were coded presented in Table 1. Information about the developmental
on a 3-point scale: 1 ˆ rural, 2 ˆ semi-urban, 3 ˆ urban. characteristics of the index child is shown in Table 2.

Table 2
Developmental characteristics of rural, semi-urban, and urban children

Rural Semi-urban Urban

% N % N % N % N

Errands
Child puts things away 92.7 206 90 20 90.1 92 95.7 94
Child buys things 75.2 206 70 20 75 92 76.6 94

Overall Mean N Mean N Mean N Mean N

Physical Development Index 103.8 200 99.3b 18 101.9a 90 106.6a,b 92
Bayley Mental Development Index 92.6 207 83.1a 20 91.7a,b 92 95.4a,b 95
Yoruba Mental Development Index 7.6 187 5.7a 17 7.3a, b 80 8.2a,b 90
Child’s age 23.8 207 23.7 20 23.9 92 23.8 95

Note: Means having the same subscript are signiŽ cantly different at p < .01.
150 OGUNNAIKE AND HOUSER / ERRANDS AND COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE

Errand data Table 4

Regression of urban location, purchase of items,
Performance of errands across locations. Differences regarding
female gender, putting away items, and semi-
errand performance across location was analysed using cross-
urban location with the age-adjusted Yoruba
tabulation (chi-square) and ANOVA. Mothers reported that a
Mental Development Index
higher percentage of children in the urban and semi-urban areas
engaged in purchasing items and putting things away, compared Independent variables Beta SigniŽ cance
to the percentage of children reported in the rural areas.
Urban location .42 p < .001
Association among errands, gender, and age. Findings reported in Buys things .15 p < .05
Table 3 indicate that children who put things away were also sent Female ¡.16 p < .05
to purchase items (r ˆ .19, p < .01). Differences in participation Puts things away .07 n.s.
Semi-urban location .25 n.s.
based on gender, age, and location were also noted. Older
Adjusted R2 .09
Yoruba toddlers, especially girls, were more likely to be sent to Model F 4.12
put things away and to purchase items for the caregiver. Probability < .001

Errands and cognitive performance. Children who bought

things for their caregivers (r ˆ .26, p < .001) had signiŽ cantly
(Agiobu-Kemmer, 1984; Ginsburg, Posner, & Russell, 1981;
higher scores on the YMS compared to children who put
Oloko, 1994; Serpell, 1993). As it was hypothesised, children
things away (r ˆ .14, p < .10). Also, older children (r ˆ .44,
who engaged in errands had a signiŽ cant higher performance
p < .001), and those residing in the urban area (r ˆ .21, p <
on the Yoruba Mental Subscale than children who did not
.01) scored signiŽ cantly higher on the YMS compared to
engage in errands. In particular, children’s engagement in item
children who were younger and those living in the rural areas.
purchase for caregivers was associated with signiŽ cant perfor-
None of the reported errands was signiŽ cantly associated with
mance on the YMS.
performance on the Bayley Mental Scales. However, younger
This Ž nding could be attributed to several factors, one of
children (r ˆ ¡.25, p < .001), and children who lived in the
which is re ected in the level of child’s competence. Children
urban area (r ˆ .28, p < .001) had signiŽ cantly higher scores
who were asked to purchase things may have had a history of
on the Bayley Mental Scales compared to older children.
successful completion of errands and perceived by their
Also, a simple linear regression was performed with the
caregivers to be more reliable and responsible. Among the
Yoruba Mental Development Index (YMDI) predicted by age
Yoruba, such ‘‘reliable’’ children are trusted with additional
of child. The unstandardised residuals of this regression were
responsibilities, especially those that are related to commercial
calculated in order to create an age-adjusted YMDI. Multiple
transactions (Ohuche & Otaala, 1981). Thus, these ‘‘reliable’’
linear regression analysis was performed to create a model that
children acquire and enhance skills (for details, see Serpell,
examined possible relationships between errands and the age-
1993) that may have facilitated performance on the YMS.
adjusted YMDI. Table 4 presents the results of the multiple
Similar Ž ndings have been reported in other cross-cultural
regression analysis. Purchasing items for the caregiver sig-
research. For example, Ž ndings from the study conducted
niŽ cantly predicted the age-adjusted YMDI scores. Similarly,
among young Dioula children of the Ivory Coast (Ginsburg et
female gender and urban location of residence were signiŽ cant
al., 1981), suggest that children’s frequent manipulation of
predictors. Although the adjusted R2 -value is fairly low, three
merchandise (e.g., sorting and regrouping items into groups of
of the variables studied were signiŽ cant in predicting cognitive
Ž ves and tens) was associated with enhanced performance on
performance.
addition and subtraction tasks. Also, Oloko (1994) noted that
Yoruba school-age children who engaged in street trading had
Discussion higher academic ratings in English, arithmetic, and general
knowledge, compared to their nonworking counterparts.
The present data are congruent with the literature suggesting Present Ž ndings also indicate no signiŽ cant associations
that cultural activities are associated with child development among errands and performance on the Bayley Mental Scales.

Table 3
Spearman correlation coefficients between errands and the Yoruba Mental Subscale Index (YMDI) and Bayley Mental
Development Index (MDI)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

1. Puts things away .19** .15* ¡0.1 0.1 .14‡ 0.05

2. Buys things .25*** ¡0.1 0.04 .26*** ¡0.01
3. Age of child 0.04 0.11 .44*** 0.06
4. Sex of child (female ˆ 0, ¡0.06 .21** ¡.25***
male ˆ 1)
5. Location (urban ˆ 3, 0.11 .28***
semi-urban ˆ 2, rural ˆ 1)
6. YMDI .61***
7. MDI
‡
p < .10; *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2002, 26 (2), 145–153
The Western orientation of the Bayley has been cited as a
mediating factor (Aina et al., 1993). Also, the fact that Yoruba
children are reared in what Robert Serpell (1993, p. 23)
described as a ‘‘qualitatively different cultural environment’’
could account for the lack of signiŽ cant performance on the
Bayley.
Present Ž ndings also conŽ rm an association among certain
errands and cognitive performance on the YMS. As mentioned
earlier, children who engaged in purchasing items, an errand,
which took children away from their immediate household had
a signiŽ cantly enhanced cognitive performance. The enhanced
cognitive performance on the YMS by children who purchased
items for their caregivers could be attributed to caregiver
perception and level of child’s competence (for details, see
Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994; Serpell, 1993). Before being
entrusted with the responsibility of purchasing items, it is likely
that the child demonstrated a certain level of competence in
understanding and communicating the rules of commercial
transaction such as listening, understanding the concept of
money, ability to navigate the neighbourhood and recognise
common household items (Zeitlin et al., 1995). Caregivers and
other adults are more inclined to send such a competent child
to purchase household and/or other items more often, thus
enhancing his/her proŽ ciency in commercial transactions. And
a child that is proŽ cient in commercial transactions within the
immediate neighbourhood is entrusted with other commercial
activities in a larger context.
Other factors associated with enhanced performance on the
YMS include age and location. Older children scored
signiŽ cantly higher compared to younger children, while
children living in urban areas performed signiŽ cantly better
than their rural counterparts. Recall that older Yoruba children
frequently engaged in errands, thus fostering the proŽ ciency of
skills, namely, language, cognition, and memory, which might
have translated to better performance on the YMS. In contrast
to the positive link with age, younger children, overall,
performed signiŽ cantly better on the Bayley Mental Scales
(for similar Ž ndings, see Coll, Buckner, Brooks, Weinreb, &
Bassuk, 1998). Thus, after the Ž rst year of life, there is a
precipitous decline on the Bayley among Yoruba toddlers. The
performance of Yoruba toddlers could be an indication of the
cultural inappropriateness of the Bayley (Aina et al., 1993).
The 25 items, out of which 15 were Ž nally chosen to form the
YMS, negated the age-related decline. Yoruba children had
excellent performance on items that involved following
directions, imitation, and limited verbal interactions. In order
to have a valid assessment tool, items had to be omitted in
which the toddlers’ performance indicated no variability, for
example, pointing to parts of a doll, imitating horizontal and
vertical strokes, and use of gestures (see Appendix for the items
omitted from the YMS). A combination of the omitted and
retained items underlie the importance of providing children
with tasks that require the use of familiar skills or skills
promoted by their environment.
Regarding location, performance on the Yoruba Mental
Subscale may be associated with differences in the level of
familiarity with the test materials (cf. Nerlove & Snipper,
1981). By virtue of the impact of modernisation, children
residing in urban locations may have been exposed to toys and
other resources that demand a certain level of manipulation or
interaction akin to the requirements of the YMS and other
items on the Bayley Mental Scales.
In terms of qualifying this research for understanding
151
developmental processes in general, it is important to under-
stand that the Yoruba or any other African child does not
automatically qualify to buy things as soon as she/he is two
years old. Children are provided learning opportunities to
practise running other errands such as putting things away,
fetching objects, or relaying messages to others in the
household. And regardless of the errands, children are
expected to listen, and try their best in working out what is
expected of them with or without others’ assistance (Zeitlin et
al., 1995).
Present Ž ndings lend credence to Serpell’s claim about the
difference in the child-rearing environment of African children
compared to their counterparts in the Western or highly
technological environment (see also Mundy-Castle, 1975). As
mentioned throughout the paper, the African child grows up in
an environment that fosters responsibility, respect, obedience,
and helpfulness from an early age. The child grows up in the
environment to which he/she adapts to through listening,
imitation, keen observation, being helpful and obedient. We
believe that these social skills, although not widely acknowl-
edged in child development research, except in cross-cultural
studies, play a signiŽ cant role in cognitive performance of
young African children. The Yoruba Mental Subscale has
enabled us to assess the signiŽ cance of the association between
the Yoruba child’s involvement in errands and performance on
a cognitive assessment tool. Unlike the Bayley Mental Scales
that revealed a decline in performance with age, the YMS
indicated enhanced performance among older children.
Findings from Cameroon (Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994) and
Zambia (Serpell, 1993), clearly stressed that parental assign-
ment of responsibilities, particularly errands, underscores
caregiver perception of child’s capabilities and sense of
responsibility. Caregivers adopt a style of gradually introducing
their children to the challenges of errands that take the child
away from home. For example, a 26-month-old Yoruba boy
named Wole, is sent to purchase a bag of detergent from the
neighbour’s store. Wole is likely to have participated in and
successfully completed other errands such as fetching objects,
putting things away, etc., before being asked to purchase the
detergent.
This procedure of a gradual or systematic increase in
responsibilities or tasks in accordance with the learner’s skill is
described as scaffolding (GreenŽ eld, 1984; Segall et al., 1999).
Like caregivers from other African societies, Yoruba caregivers
begin the process of scaffolding vis-à-vis responsibility training
by sending their young children on simple errands (e.g.,
fetching nearby objects, or/and carrying water in a small bowl).
Although these errands may or may not require much caregiver
assistance, as the child completes these simple errands
successfully, he/she is introduced to more complex errands
such as relaying messages or purchasing items from neigh-
bours.
The caregiver structures the child’s performance of these
errands through keen observation, assistance of others (older
siblings or capable peers), communication with the neighbour
about the child’s itinerary, and simple instructions or steps to
facilitate success, for example, Wole’s mother may have tied
the cash for the detergent in a cloth and placed it in his pocket;
or informed Wole that she was watching him to ensure his safe
arrival at the neighbour (see Segall et al., 1999: discussion on
shaping, p. 191). Thus, older siblings, capable peers, and adult
caregivers serve as a scaffold. Collaboration with these adults
facilitates the child’s performance and skill acquisition.
152 OGUNNAIKE AND HOUSER / ERRANDS AND COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE
Conclusion
Present Ž ndings require cautious interpretation due to the
paucity of the items on the Yoruba Mental Subscale and also
because other factors associated with performance, namely,
presence of siblings, frequency of errands, and sibling
‘‘coaching’’ were not examined in the present study. An
examination of the frequency of errands, caregivers perception
of child’s competence, and caregiver support will complement
present Ž ndings and provide a broader picture of the role of
errands in child rearing and children’s developmental out-
comes in African cultures.
These Ž ndings have implications for cross-cultural research
and early childhood educators. To broaden our understanding
of the implications of cultural practices, educators and
researchers will need to develop research methods that provide
in-depth information about child-rearing goals, and how
caregivers guide children’s behaviours to achieve these goals
speciŽ cally or broadly, and the mechanisms whereby errands
or other methods of responsibility training relate to child
development. For example, are there mediating variables in the
child’s environment that contribute or affect certain child-
rearing practices, which in turn affect child outcome? Are there
differences in caregiver guidance in shared cultural activities? If
so, are these differences associated with child development and
outcome? The present study has attempted to unravel how
child rearing among the Yoruba relates to child development,
in particular, cognitive performance.
Early childhood educators concerned about the issue of
culture in their programmes will beneŽ t from these results.
These educators could utilise the knowledge about the
importance of cultural practices in fostering an atmosphere
of respect and appreciation in their programmes. Present
Ž ndings and other resources on cultural practices can serve
to inform curriculum planning and opportunities for parental
involvement in the classroom.
The social reality of the African child includes participation
in work, chores, and errands, which in turn foster the
acquisition of culturally relevant skills and the learning of
appropriate roles. The present Ž ndings exemplify the impor-
tance of errands in the development of the Yoruba toddler.
Manuscript received March 1999
Revised manuscript received August 1999
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Appendix
Items omitted from the Yoruba Mental Subscale

Item description No.

Builds towers of 2 cubes 111

Builds towers of 3 cubes 119
Puts 9 cubes in cup 114
Follows directions, doll 126
Attains toy with stick 122
Points to parts of doll 128
Imitates horizontal and vertical strokes 147
Folds paper 157
Differentiates scribble from strokes 135
Uses gestures to make wants known 116