Living On The Margin:The Poverty-Fisheries Nexus in Bangladesh

LIVING ON THE MARGIN: THE POVERTY-FISHERIES
NEXUS IN BANGLADESH
By
Mohammad Mahmudul Islam
Master Thesis in International Fisheries Management

(30 credits)
Department of Social and Marketing Studies

Norwegian College of Fishery Science
University of Tromsø
May 2008
Mohammad M. Islam M Sc in International Fisheries Management 2008
Cover Pictures
Left: Fishing with a beach seine along the coast of Teknaf.

Right: A fisher using a cast net for fishing in the St. Martin’s Island.
II
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS................................................................................................................III
Abbreviations and Acronyms....................................................................................................... VIII
Acknowledgements.........................................................................................................................IX
Abstract ............................................................................................................................................X
Chapter One: INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................1
1.1 Setting the context ..................................................................................................................1
1.1.1. Coastal poverty: complexity and dynamism ..................................................................2
1.1.2 Artisanal fishery and poverty nexus................................................................................3
1.1.3. Targeting causes not people: The better way forward ...................................................4
1.1.4. Knowledge gaps demand research .................................................................................4
1.2. Research Questions ...............................................................................................................5
1.3. The key issues of the applied theories: ..................................................................................6
1.4. Research objectives ...............................................................................................................6
1.5. Research design .....................................................................................................................6
1.6. The outlines of the thesis .......................................................................................................7
Chapter Two: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE .............................................................................9
2.1 Poverty: The wicked problem?...............................................................................................9
2.2 Voice of the poor: poverty and well being ...........................................................................10
2.3 Poverty and environment: reversing downward spiral .........................................................12
2.4 Biodiversity conservation and poverty reduction .................................................................13
2.3 Linking poverty to fisheries..................................................................................................14
2.3.1 The old paradigm’s fisheries-poverty juxtaposition......................................................15
2.3.2 The “last resort activity’’ argument ...................................................................................16
2.3.3 Towards understanding of new dimensions of poverty in small-scale fisheries: ..............17
2.3.4 Three insights into fisher poverty:.....................................................................................18
2.3.5 The framework for understanding poverty as the cause and effect of unsustainable
fisheries and coastal economies..................................................................................................21
2.4 Sustainable Livelihood Approach ........................................................................................22
2.5 Summary ..............................................................................................................................23
Chapter Three: BACKGROUND INFORMATION.......................................................................25
3.1. Country Background ...........................................................................................................25
3.1.1. Geo-hydrological features............................................................................................25
3.1.2. Demographics, ethnicity, and language .......................................................................26
3.1.3. Political history ............................................................................................................26
3.1.4. Economic features........................................................................................................26
3.1.5. Health and nutrition .....................................................................................................27
3.1.6. Education .....................................................................................................................27
3.1.7. Gender issues ...............................................................................................................27
3.2. Poverty in Bangladesh .........................................................................................................28
3.3. Poverty alleviation and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) activities....................29
3.4. Coastal zone setting .............................................................................................................30
3.4.1. Vulnerability context of the coastal communities........................................................31
3.5. Fisheries profile of Bangladesh ...........................................................................................31
3.5.1 Hilsha Fishery of Bangladesh .......................................................................................32
3.5.3. Coastal Fisheries of Bangladesh ..................................................................................34
3.5. 4. Marketing Channel of Fisheries product.....................................................................36
3.6. Setting of the study areas.....................................................................................................37
3.5.1. Sundarbans ...................................................................................................................37
3.5.2. Chittagong....................................................................................................................37
III
3.5.3 St. Martin’s Island.........................................................................................................38

3.6. Summary .............................................................................................................................39
Chapter Four: METHODOLOGY ..................................................................................................40

4.1. Preparation for fieldwork.....................................................................................................40
4.2. Methods ...............................................................................................................................40
4.2.1. Qualitative method.......................................................................................................40
i) Participatory observations ..................................................................................................41
ii) Focus group discussion .....................................................................................................42
iii) In-depth and Key informant interviews............................................................................42
4.2.2. Secondary data .............................................................................................................43
4.3. Sampling and representativeness.........................................................................................43
4.4. Method of data analysis.......................................................................................................44
4.5. Validity, reliability and limitation of the study....................................................................44
4.6. Ethical Considerations.........................................................................................................45
Chapter Five: LIVELIHOOD ANALYSIS OF COASTAL SMALL-SCALE FISHERS ..............46
5. 1. Overview of the socio-economic condition of small-scale fishers .....................................46
5.1.1. Sharing a unpredictable and declining resource base...................................................47
5.1.2. Prevalence of high levels of landlessness and marginal fishers ...................................48
5.1.3. Income poverty levels ..................................................................................................48
5.1.4. Human development poverty in terms of overall illiteracy..........................................49
5.1.5. Diseases and illness......................................................................................................49
5.1.6. Access to basic social services and infrastructure........................................................50
5.1.7. Increased household’s size...........................................................................................50
5.1.8. Heavy debt bondage.....................................................................................................51
5.1.9. Risks pertaining to attacks by unlawful elements in sea ..............................................51
5.1.10. Cyclone, sea storms wipe out assets base ..................................................................52
5.1.11. Gender Issues: Sharing the responsibility ..................................................................54
5.1.12. The lack of mobilization, organization and social security........................................55
5.1.13. Resources conservation versus livelihoods ................................................................55
5.1.14. Fisher’s inability to access boats and fishing gears....................................................57
5.3. Marketing channel ...............................................................................................................57
5.4. Beliefs and rituals ................................................................................................................60
5.5. Coping strategy for enhancing livelihoods ..........................................................................61
5.5.1. Moving from non-instrumental fishing to destructive one 61
5.5.2. Work against the stipulated fisheries management laws and regulations ....................62
5.5.3. Involvement with less remunerative or conserved species fisheries .........................63
5.5.4. Diversification, occupational and geographical migration...........................................64
5.6.5 Women: from passive beneficiary to active participants ..............................................64
5.5.6. Trust, reputation and reciprocity ..................................................................................66
5.5.7. Family networks to withstand hardship .......................................................................67
5.6 Summary ..............................................................................................................................68
Chapter Six: DISCUSSION ............................................................................................................70
6.1 Poverty in fisheries: from simple to holistic approach .........................................................70
6.1.1. Livelihoods and assets are precarious, seasonal and inadequate..................................70
6.1.2. Places of the poor are isolated, risky, underserviced and stigmatized .........................71
6.1.3. The body is hungry, exhausted, sick, and poor in appearance .....................................72
6.1.4. Gender relations are troubled and unequal...................................................................72
6.1.5. Social relations are discriminating and isolating..........................................................72
6.1.6. Security is lacking in the sense of both protection and peace of mind.........................73
6.1.7. Institutions are disempowering and excluding.............................................................74
6.1.8. Organizations of the poor are weak and disconnected.................................................74
6.1.9. Capabilities are weak because of the lack of information, education, skills and
confidence ..............................................................................................................................75
6.2. Economic exclusion.............................................................................................................75
IV
6.3. Geographical isolation.........................................................................................................77

6.4. Coping with resources degradation: villain or victim?........................................................77
6.5. “Last resort activity” argument............................................................................................79
6.6. Coping strategies and escaping from poverty......................................................................80
6.6.1. Diversification of livelihoods activities .......................................................................80
6.6.2. Access to productive assets..........................................................................................81
6.6.3. Changes in human assets: education and development of skills ..................................82
6.6.4. Changes in financial assets ..........................................................................................82
6.6.5. Changes in occupation .................................................................................................83
6.7 Self-perceptions of the major ‘‘drivers of escaping poverty’’: Autobiography of K B Das.83
6.8. Summary .............................................................................................................................84
Chapter Seven: CONCLUSION .....................................................................................................85
7.1 Unravelling the vicious circle of poverty in small-scale coastal fisheries ............................85
7.2 The main of the lessons learnt ..............................................................................................89
7.3 The scope for poverty reduction in small-scale fisheries: Creating buffer against crises.....90
REFERENCES ..............................................................................................................................93
Appendix.........................................................................................................................................99
V
List of Figures
Fig. 1:The two pillars forming the circular logic of the old paradigm and leading to the ‘self-
contained’ equation ‘‘fisheries equals poverty’’………………………………………..15
Fig. 2: Poverty as the cause and effect of unsustainable fisheries and coastal economies……21
Fig. 3: The Hilsha fishery is the largest single fishery of Bangladesh………………………….32
Fig. 4: Map of Bangladesh showing the study areas…………………………………………....38
Fig.5: Most fishermen villages located on khas land or congested own land…………………..46
Fig. 6: Cyclone Sidr wiped out productive resources like fishing boats of many fishers……..52
Fig.7: Women also act as helping in fishing activity……………………………………………54
Fig.8: Set Bag Net: gear for lean season fishing and shrimp seed collection…………………..56
Fig.9: Juvenile crabs unfit for marketing but used to supplement daily consumption…………62
Fig.10: Shark fishing is gaining popularity among fishers as a alternative source of income…63
Fig. 11: Fishers who have some agricultural land can diversify their daily livelihoods………..64
Fig.12: Girls of some family also supplement livelihoods through different income generating
activities like sea weeds collection in St. Martin’s Island……………………………..65
Fig.13: Weaving net is one type of women’s job to generate income in Paickgacha…………..66
Fig.14: women can get fish on credit from their kin fishers in Chittagong area………………..67
Fig.15: Family for fishing in the Sundarbans…………………………………………………...68
Fig.16: Many boys help their family by working nearby industrial fish landing site and thus
reap the benefits of geographical capital…………………………………………………77
VI
List of Tables
Table 1. Livelihood functions of fishing within different livelihood strategies…………………...20
Table 2. Production of fisheries in Bangladesh …………………………………………………..35
Table 3. Projection of fisheries sector output in Bangladesh ……………………………..............36
Table 4. Positive and negative effects of Dadon systems…………………………………………59
Table 5. Drivers of descent: Fisher’s perception on poverty ……………………………………...76

Table 6. Drivers of ascend: Fisher’s perception on poverty……………………………….............81
VII
Abbreviations and Acronyms
CBN Cost of Basic Needs
CPRs Common Pool Resources
ECA Ecologically Critical Area
EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone
FAO Food and Agricultural Organization
GDP Gross Domestic Products
MDGs Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
NGOs Non-Governmental Organizations
SBN Set Bag Net
SRF Sundarbans Reserve Forest
WCED World Commission on Environment and Development
VIII
Acknowledgements
All praise and admiration to Allah, the Almighty, beneficial and most merciful Who has made the
sea subservient so that we may eat fresh flesh (fish) from it.
I wish to record my heartfelt gratitude, ineffable regards to my research supervisor Prof. Svein
Jentoft for his untiring guidance, worthful suggestions, corrective advice, material help, critical
review for the successful finale of the work in a befitting manner.
I am beholden to offer my gratitude to NORAD for giving the full scholarship and thus paving
the way to study in IFM program. I would like to acknowledge Asst. Prof. Jahn Petter Johnsen
and Ph D student Paul Onyango for their advice and co-operation prior to data collection.
I also wish to take the privilege to express my deepest sense of veneration to all teachers of IFM
program for their teaching, kind co-operation & encouragement. Thanks are also accorded to the
program co-ordinators Kirsten Zachariassen and Ane-Marie Hektoen for their help in different
steps of the study program.
I also like to offer boundless appreciation and earnest thanks to Hedayet Ullah Sumon for
bearing the tedium of help during the data collection and other necessary back up.
Sincere thanks also go to some of my friends Md Monirul Hoque Khan, Masud Hassan and Kamal
Hosen for their whole-hearted cooperation during the field work. Helps from Melvin Archbold,
Azim Ferdous and Sadequr Rahman are also gratefully noted. Nothing will be enough to put
across my thanks to all the fishers who had deliberately helped in the data collection.
Lastly but not the least I feel immense glee to put into words my profound sense of ever gratitude,
endless love , utmost respect and indebtedness to all my family members-brothers (Masud, Baki,
Mujahid and Minhaz),sister (Afrin) and especially to my mother for their constant
encouragements, love and blessing all along.
IX
Living on the margin: the poverty-fisheries nexus in Bangladesh
Abstract
Based on a fieldwork in the three fishing communities in Bangladesh , the present research
work examines the traditional relationship between poverty and small-scale fisheries. For this
purpose data is collected and information is organized using different qualitative methods and
analyzed in perspective of relevant theories. Results show that livelihood activities in coastal
communities are highly diversified and their poverty is not only necessarily due to low income
alone. Fisher’s poverty is a complex issues and a wide array of causal factors are responsible for
the complexity of poverty in fisheries. Artisanal fishers living in coastal areas are threatened by
low productivity of fisheries resources, low income, frequent natural disasters, bouts of diseases,
large household’s size, heavy debt bondage, sea piracy and other activities of illegal elements both
in sea and on land. Lack of financial assets, inaccessibility to market and formal credit institution,
changes in technology, seasonality in fishing, conservation measures, remoteness of living areas,
lack of education awareness and mobility, lack of social security, low political voice also
marginalize the fishing communities. Fisherwomen suffer social discriminations in many ways
though they play important role in income diversification and other coping strategies during the
lean period. Different livelihood crises force the small-scale fishers of Bangladesh to live on the
margin meaning that they are vulnerable to shocks such as environmental disasters that can lead
to livelihood failures. Hence, for a sustainable livelihood it is urgent to create a buffer against
crisis. The combination of different livelihoods activities seems to be an important tool for
escaping poverty in the fishing communities. The study elicited a number of ascending and
descending factors that affect the fishing people’s poverty. The study also offers a refutation of
the traditional paradigm that poor fishers are the only degraders of resources and that fishing is the
last resorts activity. This case study sets some conditions under which the poor fishers can escape
poverty. Finally, the study suggests some policies to improve the household’s livelihood options
and well-being.
Keywords: Small-scale fisheries, poverty, livelihoods, coping strategies.
X
Chapter One: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Setting the context
“Ten percent of the of the world’s population produces 70 percent of it’s good and services and
receive 70 percent of world’s income-an average of $ 30,000 per person. At the other extreme,
half of the world’s population lives on the less than $ 2 a day”.
Collier and Dollar (2001, p.1787)
“We will spare no effort to free our fellow men, women and children from the abject and
dehumanizing conditions of extreme poverty, to which more than a billion of them are currently
subjected. We are committed to making the right to development a reality for everyone and to
freeing the entire human race from want”.
United Nations Millennium Declaration, 2000 1
Globally, some 1.2 billion people live in poverty of which 1 billion are extremely poor; nearly
75% of them live in rural areas. In the new millennium, poverty reduction has emerged as the
main challenge for economic growth and sustainable livelihoods in developing countries. In 2000,
one hundred and eighty nine heads of state pledged to combat extreme poverty and hunger by
2015 and encoded their resolve in the declaration of the United Nations Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs). Many countries have designed detailed “Poverty Reduction Strategies Paper” to
achieve these goals but the real challenge is the implementation of these strategies in order to pull
out the poor from the cesspool of extreme poverty (Karim et al., 2006; Global Monitoring Report,
2008).
Halfway between the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals in 2000 and their target date
in 2015 a host of world leaders again met in Davos, Switzerland, in January 2008 and declared a
“development emergency” to help the world get back on track to meet the MDGs as many country
are off track to achieve the goal of poverty reduction. Excluding China, extreme poverty between
1990 and 2004 declined by a much smaller 32 million. Needs to recommit to the development
goals and redouble efforts to achieve them as well as international attention and a series of
planned high-level meetings make 2008 a crucial year to build stronger and broader momentum
toward the MDGs— to make the midpoint a turning point for the development goals (Global
Monitoring Report, 2008).
1
The 8 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were accepted at the United Nations Millennium
Summit in September 2000.The goals are i)Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger ii)Achieve
universal primary education iii)Promote gender equality and empower women iv)Reduce child
mortality v) Improve maternal health vi)Combat HIV and AIDS, malaria and other diseases vii)Ensure
environmental sustainability viii)Develop a global partnership for development.
1
However, poverty alleviation has already become a key thrust for international development
organizations as well as government planning agenda of developing countries. Poverty reduction
has been recognized as the central issue of development strategies. Consequently research on
poverty reduction is also gained revival in academic arena. Research and debate on the causes,
nature and extent of poverty, the best and pragmatic policies and actions to arrest poverty are
getting increasing attention. Therefore, it seems that both international development agencies and
the academic community have recognized the severity and complexity of the situation and are
working together in various ways to address the setback of poverty (Neiland and Bene, 2004).
The dimensions of poverty are changing constantly and the research on poverty is also a
continuous process. At the halfway mark to the MDGs’deadline of 2015, the world has not made
the necessary progress to achieve the goals. Sub-Saharan Africa- the new locus of extreme
poverty-could miss all the MDGs including MDG 1 for poverty reduction. South Asia also lags on
most human development goals, although it will likely meet the poverty reduction MDG. While
much of the world is on track to halve extreme poverty by the deadline, prospects have become
grave due to recent food price hike around the world (Global Monitoring Report, 2008). One
billion people in Asia are seriously affected by the recent surging of global food prices2 and 30
million people of Bangladesh have recently gone below the poverty line due to increase in food
prices3.
1.1.1. Coastal poverty: complexity and dynamism
One third of the world’s population live in the coastal zone, which comprises an area of only 4%
of the total land surface of the earth (Nellemann, and Corcoran,2006). Coastal ecosystems are
characterized by their high degree of complexity associated with a number of distinct features.
These features include interaction of natural, socio-cultural, economic and political systems, the
fugitive nature of the resources available, open access nature characteristics, the concentration of
externalities and people on the coast. The hostile nature often associated with these features to
create more complexities (Campbell et al., 2006).
Changes in coastal areas have had a wide array of impacts on poor people living on the coast that
includes financial insecurity, increasing employment insecurity and underemployment, loss of
2
Speech of Rajat Nag, Director General of Asian Development Bank in Madrid, 30th April AFP
http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20080430/wl_asia_afp/adbinflationpoveryfoodnag accessed on 1st May,2008
3
Barakat and Yusuf, 2008 http://www.newagebd.com/2008/apr/27/front.html#5 accessed on 27th April
2
rights, exclusion and criminalization of their livelihoods, increased use of child labour and
increasing gender inequality.
For many coastal people depending on natural resources, current changes imply that they must
adapt or face increased marginalization and exclusion from the coastal resources on which they
depend. It is also asserted that existing responses to support the poor for developing their
livelihoods have had limited success because of the lack of understanding of who the poor are, the
complexity of coastal poverty, the nature of their existing livelihoods and the wider economic,
institutional, political and social influences. In order to respond to poverty on the coast, we first
need to understand how coastal complexity interacts with poverty and how that poverty might be
defined (Campbell et al, 2006).
1.1.2 Artisanal fishery and poverty nexus
Though a broad spectrum of coastal people in different livelihoods activities are targeted by the
researcher to understand the complexity of coastal poverty but coastal fisheries inevitably form
major part of the concern. Bene (2003) also argues that fishing community represent an
“inexhaustible mine” of examples concerning collective action, decision-making process, power
relationships, social (re)distribution or (re)appropriation mechanisms and local political
competition (for access and control over the resources and rents generated by these
resources).These also constitute some of the central themes of the new agenda on poverty
alleviation and research.
Bangladesh has made significant progress in reducing poverty over the last 20 years, but it still has
a large number of people who live in poverty (i.e., over 65 millions in poverty and about 30
millions in extreme poverty) (Sen, 2007). However, coastal fishers of Bangladesh are among those
who are living in persisting poverty. In Bangladesh, coastal fishers have access to common pool
resources like coastal fisheries. From this point of view, this is an advantage for the poor fishers as
it leaves open a ‘window of opportunity’ to use resources (such as fish, forests, land and wildlife)
that are often not available for them in other, non-coastal areas. However, this advantage has a
limited lifespan, and the poor often find their access to these common-pool resources increasingly
restricted for a number of reasons. Open access also allows the entry of bigger players into the
sector, which come to dominate or even monopolize access to resources – often with the
facilitation of the state – and these are poor fishers who are increasingly marginalized.
3
Rahman et al. (2002) explained several reasons for prevalence of poverty among the community
who rely on natural resources for livelihoods. It includes: the low resource base, small internal
market, low purchasing power of the poor, absence of good governance and effective local
government, low level of skilled personnel, low literacy rate, lack of national political consensus
and continuity of major policies , degrading natural resource base, inadequate performance of
many projects, poor law and order at home , global financial instability and political insecurity –
all these combine to create a vicious circle of continuation of poverty. Any natural disasters,
health hazards affect the poor most as their low nutritional intake, low sanitation awareness make
them most vulnerable. If they could manage any savings, routine events such as births, death,
marriage and illnesses wipe them out rapidly. Thus it is accepted that the poverty could not be
solved by just focusing on one issue, but needs to be solved comprehensively as a complex
problem.
1.1.3. Targeting causes not people: The better way forward
The poor is a static concept but poverty is intrinsically dynamic phenomena. New poverty is being
generated even as some old poverty is destroyed. Thus the stock of poverty is dynamic, changing
significantly over time. Identifiable causes help to regenerate poverty. Knowing and operating
upon context-specific reasons for escape and descent in poverty is an essential qualification for
successful poverty reduction (Krishna, 2007).
For sustainable poverty reduction, Krishna (2007) asserts three steps need to be taken in order.
First, actionable reasons for poverty must be identified. Second, programs must be articulated that
target these particular reasons. Third, efforts must be made to direct these programs toward the
people who need this support most. The first and the second steps of this process have been mostly
overlooked so far —and the third and subsequent step has received the most attention. In this
context there is a pressing demand to diagnosis the causes of poverty in small-scale fisheries more
explicitly. This study would like to focus directly on the causes and effects of poverty in small -
scale fisheries.
1.1.4. Knowledge gaps demand research
In-depth studies are needed to show why small-scale fisheries in Bangladesh are becoming
increasingly marginalized despite the fact that they contribute about 90% of the total marine
fisheries production. Small-scale fishers are deemed to be in better position in the case of
resources access in comparison of many other subsisting communities. Resources management
may be one of the driving forces in this process but the problems are likely to be much more
4
complex (Kurien, 2002).More knowledge is sought to see the actual role of the current
management system. Are they supporting for poverty alleviation rather than part of the problem
than part of solution? Is the poverty due to other factors beyond the resources they depend on? Are
social or geographical capitals determining factors for the poverty in small-scale fisheries? Lack
of sufficient human and financial resources for planning, enforcing and monitoring fishing activity
may be worth noting for explanation. The problem may also be deficient institutions, legal or
organizational. Insufficient or inadequate research may be another factor. Coastal fishers may be
poor for exactly the same causes that non-fishing people are poor (POVFISH, 2008).
1.2. Research Questions

This thesis sets outs to study the relation between small-scale fisheries and poverty of the coastal
area of Bangladesh to contribute to a better understanding of extent and nature of poverty among
coastal fishers. To keep the analysis simple but maintaining the essence of the problem at the same
time, three main points will be address in analysis. These are: (i) How does vicious circle of
poverty manifold in fishers livelihoods and how is the role of social and cultural differences, such
as ethnicity, class, caste and religion, expressed in the ways people relate to natural, environmental
and economic deprivation (ii) How does poverty in small-scale fisheries relate to market forces
and bargaining power in exchange relation (iii) How poor fishers individually and collectively
cope with poverty and resources crises
These points will be analyzed and discussed by incorporating the perspective theory or concept.
Theses include i) Sustainable livelihoods4 theory, the way people cope with and recover from
seasonality5, trends6 and shocks7 ii) vulnerability8 that affect community interaction and their
linkages to the resources.
4
“A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets (stores, resources, claims and access) and
activities required for a means of living: a livelihood is sustainable which can cope with
and recover from stress and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, and
provide sustainable livelihood opportunities for the next generation; and which contributes
net benefits to other livelihoods at the local and global levels and in the short and long term”
(Chambers and Conway, 1991, p.6).
5
“ Seasonality includes recurrent changes throughout the year that influence people’s
access to assets and livelihood outcomes” (Kleih et al.,2003, p.41).
6
“Trends involve changes that take place over a longer period of time than is the case with changes
brought about by shocks or seasonality. They can either have a positive or negative effect on
livelihoods (DFID, available at. http://www.passlivelihoods.org.uk/plow/default.asp?id=5#T
7
“Shocks are unpredictable events affecting livelihoods such as war, natural disasters
such as floods, droughts, cyclones, earth quakes, land slides, disease epidemics and
sudden economic changes e.g. currency devaluation. In the fishery context, cyclones
and floods have a devastating effect on people’s lives and properties” (Kleih et al.,2003, p. 41).
5
1.3. The key issues of the applied theory

The “Sustainable Livelihood Theory” was applied for the analysis of the livelihood strategy to
cope with poverty and their effectiveness of the responses to externalities. Livelihoods analysis is
particularly relevant for understanding poverty as it allows the tracking over time of a household’s
assets (human, social, natural, physical and financial) in relation to its vulnerability context and
the institutions, organizations and policies that mediate its external economic and social
relationships. Furthermore it recognizes human agency and also examines the way in which
household livelihood strategies are built around protecting, substituting, increasing and using
assets to produce security and achieve other goals. Another strength of this theory is that it focus
on the vulnerability that is central to understanding chronic poverty (Hulme and Shepherd, 2003).
1.4. Research objectives

Conceptualization of the poor as a homogenous group whose main problem is low income can
weaken the analysis and also distort policy (Sen, 1981). Poverty is not merely a monetary
problem. Thus, a more holistic approach to understand poverty of fishers is needed. The group of
poor people is itself constantly changing. Households and individual constantly slip into and also
escape from poverty (Sen, 2003).This study aims to identify the exogenous and endogenous
factors that act as drivers of escape and descent into poverty in the context of coastal small-scale
fishery. This thesis is also an attempt to understand the conditions needed for escaping poverty in
small-scale fisheries.
Specifically, it aims:
1) To describe and analyze the fishing livelihoods to see how the vicious circle of poverty
manifold in their livelihoods and how they cope with it.
2) To indentify what are driving forces for escaping from or descending into vicious circle of
poverty.
1.5. Research design

Data collection combines both qualitative and quantitative methods. Quantitative surveys can help
to describe what is happening, whereas qualitative participatory data can help to describe why it is
happening (Chambers, 1992; 2004 quoted in Dacuyan.,2006) Therefore, a combination of the two
can provide more meaningful results.
8 Vulnerability is “the exposure of groups or individuals to stress as a result of social and

environmental change, where stress refers to unexpected changes and disruption to livelihoods” (Adger,
1999,p. 249).
6
The research timeline followed three steps:

(a) One month desk research in November 2007 was undertaken to mine issues, problems and
concerns on the research topic and fieldwork site, a questionnaire was designed aiming the
research questions.
(b) A two months period of December 2007 and January 2008 were utilized for data collection
from the research site. It involved the gathering of primary data through interviews and
observations, a series of focus group discussions in different villages of field work site; interviews
with key informant interviews were also conducted.
(c) The succeeding period after field research was devoted for the compilation, analysis and
synthesis of data into the current format.
1.6. The outlines of the thesis

Chapter one explains the research theme, its background and the importance of the proposed
research. The background is made of the views of the dilemma of poverty alleviation and
resources management and the need for new insight into the research. The methodological aspects
concern with the information about the way fieldwork was conducted using in-depth interviews
and participatory observation methods, and afterwards the processing of collected data. It also
provides the scope of the research, which is represented by research questions and research
objectives. The short views of the applied main concept or theory are also given.
Chapter two reviews related literature with the main focus on the perspective theories on the link
of poverty and fisheries and its associated common pool resources. It includes theories on the
fisheries-poverty nexus, sustainable livelihood approach that is involved in the vulnerability,
adaptation and the coping strategies of the coastal fishing communities.
Chapter three introduces the background information of the research area. It is categorized into
geographical, ecological, economic, social, political, and legal aspects related to the condition of
fisheries in Bangladesh and research sites. Particular information concerning coastal zone setting
and poverty in Bangladesh is also provided.
Chapter four outlines the way research is carried out. It discusses about field work preparation
and methods of data collection. It also describes detailed description of the experiences
encountered while undertaking the fieldwork that may concern the validity and reliability of data.
7
Chapter five provides classified description of the empirical data. This chapter was organized
according to the themes of the theoretical chapters. This chapter has identified and described key
issues of poverty in terms of vulnerabilities in small-scale fisheries and the livelihood assets of the
coastal fishing communities to cope with the seasonality, shocks and vulnerability. The findings
provide an insight into dependency on a vulnerable resource, seasonal rhythm in fisher’s income,
changes in asset situation and livelihood security due to different attributes, environmental
degradation and survival strategies from the fisher’s perspective.
Chapter six provides the analysis of data in the view of theories to reflect the lessons to be
learned from the empirical data. The chapter shows how poverty is manifested in the livelihoods
of coastal fishers and their coping activities. This was followed by an attempt to reverse the
spiral that only the poor degrades resources.
Chapter seven culminates the thesis by summarizing the main findings of the study and offering
concluding remarks for policy implications.
An appendix showing the sample of questionnaires and is included at the end of the thesis.
8
Chapter Two: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE
In recent years, a predominant schools of thought on small-scale fisheries have drawn attention
to a relationship between poverty and the small-scale fisheries - in fact, the relationship is at the
core of the field of small-scale fisheries management debates. This study aims to focus on linking
between small-scale fisheries and poverty and would like to offer insights into the conditions
under which conditions poverty in small-scale fisheries unravel. Thus, the major theoretical
perspective builds on the concepts related to (a) poverty (b) small-scale fisheries, which will be
indentified and discussed in the following chapters. The relevant theoretical perspective
encompassing on poverty and small-scale fisheries will be investigated. It is therefore prudent to
start by analyzing the existing presuppositions and assumptions that juxtapose small-scale
fisheries with poverty. The review of literatures explores the different theoretical contributions to
the understanding of poverty and small-scale fisheries nexus and underlying causes and reasons.
2.1 Poverty: The wicked problem?

Rittel and Webber (1973) distinguish between what they call tame and wicked problems and
categorised poverty as a wicked problem. In contrast to tame problems, wicked problems have no
definite definition. Wicked problems have no stopping rule as there are no criteria for sufficient
understanding, no ends to the causal chains that link interacting systems, planners can always try
to do better. Wicked problems have good or bad solution, but none has the power to set formal
decision rules to determine the- correctness. Each solution to a wicked problem is a "one-shot
operation”. Having no opportunity to learn by trial-and-error, every attempt counts significantly.
Any solution after being implemented will generate waves of consequences over an extended,
virtually unlimited period of time. Thus, every implemented solution is consequential, leaves
"traces" that cannot be undone. Wicked problems do not do not have countable or an exhaustively
describable set of possible solutions, nor is there a well defined set of permissible operations that
may be incorporated into the plan. There is no criteria which allows one to prove that all solutions
to a wicked problem have been identified and considered. Every wicked problem is unique. There
are no classes of wicked problems so that the principle of solution can be developed to fit all
members of the class. Every wicked problem can be considered to be a symptom of another
problem. Removal of one cause generates another problem of which the original problem is a
"symptom." In turn, it can be considered the symptom of still another, "higher level" problem and
thus may continue.
9
According to Rittel and Webber (1973) in order to describe a wicked-problem in detail, it is

important to develop an in-depth inventory of all conceivable solutions ahead of time because
every question asking for additional information depends upon the understanding of the problem
as well as the resolution at the same time. The process of formulating the problem and of
conceiving solutions is associated with each other. Therefore, in order to anticipate all questions,
knowledge of all conceivable solutions is required. For example,
“What would be necessary in identifying the nature of the poverty problem? Does poverty
mean low income? Yes, in part. But what are the determinants of low income? Is it deficiency
of the national and regional economies, or is it deficiencies of cognitive and occupational
skills within the labor force? If the latter, the problem statement and the problem "solution"
must encompass the educational processes. But, then, where within the educational system
does the real problem lie ? What then might it mean to "improve the educational system"? Or
does the poverty problem reside in deficient physical and mental health? If so, we must add
those etiologies to our information package, and search inside the health services for a
plausible cause. Does it include cultural deprivation? spatial dislocation? problems of ego
identity? deficient political and social skills?--and so on” (Rittel and Webber, 1973: p.161).
If the wicked problem is formulated by tracing it to some sorts of sources--such as identifying

those are the root causes of the differences between the "is" and the "ought to be" conditions—
then a solution is formulated. Thus to find the problem means finding the solution; the problem
can't be defined until the solution has been found. So, the formulation of a wicked problem is the
solution!
2.2 Voice of the poor: poverty and well being

For eradicating poverty, Beck and Nesmith (2001) argued that poor people’s knowledge and
abilities must be understood within the context and socio-economic structure that reproduces
poverty, and then need to incorporate into development planning. But contemporary development
discourse about poverty has been shaped and formulated by the perception and expertise of those
who are not poor-professionals, politicians and agency officials.
Narayan et al. (2000) in their study formulated the key elements that contribute to the concept of
poverty according to the perspective of 2.8 billion poverty experts, the poor themselves. The poor
view poverty as multi-dimensional and complex; it is manifested in the lack of assets required for
well-being. Ill-being or bad quality of life is beyond material poverty. It has multiple, interlocking
facets. These dimensions mingle to create and sustain powerlessness, a lack of freedom of choice
and action. Each dimension can further cause or compound the others. Caught in multiple
deprivations, escaping is a struggle. This trap is described by poor people by using metaphor of
10
bondage, of slavery, of being tied like bundles of straw. The psychological experience of multiple
deprivations is extreme and painful.
Poor people’s experiences elicit ten interlocking dimensions of powerlessness and ill-being
i. Livelihoods and assets are precarious, seasonal and inadequate
ii. Places of poor are isolated risky underserviced and stigmatized
iii. The body is hungry, exhausted sick and poor in appearance
iv. Gender relations are troubled and unequal
v. Social relations are discriminating and isolating
vi. Security is lacking in the sense of both protection and peace of mind
vii. Behaviours of those more powerful are marked by disregard and abuse
viii. Institutions are disempowering and excluding
ix. Organizations of the poor are weak and disconnected
x. Capabilities are weak because of the lack of information, education, skills and
confidence. (Narayan et al. 2000 p. 2)
To avoid seeking a simple solution to poverty, it is practical to think of poverty and well-being in
these complex terms (Campbell et al, 2006).A paper entitled Exploring the Links, UNEP-IISD
(2004, quoted in Campbell et al, 2006) links poverty and well-being to the presence or absence of
a range of key determinants:
i. Adequate nourishment;
ii. Freedom from avoidable disease;
iii. An environmentally clean and safe shelter;
iv. Adequate and clean drinking water;
v. Clean air;
vi. Energy for cooking and warmth;
vii. Availability of traditional medicine;
viii. Continuing use of natural elements found in ecosystems for traditional cultural and
spiritual practices;
ix. Ability to cope with extreme natural events, including floods, tropical storms and
landslides; and
x. Making sustainable management decisions that respect natural resources and enable the
achievement of a sustainable income stream.
11
2.3 Poverty and environment: reversing downward spiral

The poor have traditionally been accused of causing many problems to society. The most recent
accusation against them is that they are causing environmental degradation. This general
consensus accepts that environmental degradation and poverty are linked problem. For example
The World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED, 1987) explicitly states
“ poverty is a major cause and effect of global environmental problems” (p.3) and poverty
alleviation is a necessary and central condition of any effective program to deal with
environmental concerns (Duraiappah, 1998).The report also states
“Poverty itself pollutes the environment, creating environmental stress in a different way.
Those who are poor and hungry will often destroy their immediate environment in order to
survive: They will cut down forests; their livestock will overgraze grasslands; they will
overuse marginal land; and in growing numbers they will crowd into congested cities. The
cumulative effect of these changes is so far-reaching as to make poverty itself a major global
scourge” (p.28).
“….. Poverty reduces people’s capacity to use resources in a sustainable manner; it intensifies
pressure on the environment” (p.49).
Thus the poor find themselves locked in a “downward spiral” of environmental degradation
leading to increased poverty forcing them to further degrade the environment (Broad, 1994).
However there are different opinions arguing that the poor have limited access to natural resources
and they can take very little to survive at present. It is the rich who are the real offenders behind
the over exploitation and destruction of natural resources by utilizing state machineries, power
elites and business network (Rahman et al., 2002). Boyce (1994) asserts that a combination of
greed, power and wealth causes environmental degradation in developing countries. Rahman et al.
(2002) also challenge the deterministic view that sees environmental degradation and poverty
linked in a downward spiral.
“Most often the poor in Bangladesh do not have access to tree trunk. They only scavenge the
twigs and leaves. These deprive the soil from needed organic matter but do not reduce forest
cover. Decrease of forest cover, loss of soil fertility, loss of productive agricultural land to
habitat, urban and infrastructural development, encroachment of public land and water bodies
are mostly manipulated and executed by the rich and the power elite. This is often in
collaboration with central and local level bureaucracy” (Rahman et al., 2002, p.27)
The poor in general have been protecting biodiversity and much of the natural resource base,
though they can also contribute to some degradation processes (Rahman et al. ,2002).Poor people
and communities are thus reconceptualised positively as contributors to environmental
regeneration rather than degradation (Beck and Nesmith ,2001). However, what are the conditions
necessary for poor people to see environment and development as compatible, and regardless of
the macroeconomic conditions, what are the conditions under which poor people become
environmental activists?
12
From the lesson learned from a case study of the Philippines, Broad (1994) delineated three
conditions as necessary for poor people to become pro-environmental i) When environmental
degradation threatens the natural resource base off of which the poor live ii) Poor people have
lived in an area for some time or have some sense of permanence there; and iii) Civil society is
politicized and organized.
2.4 Biodiversity conservation and poverty reduction

There is increasing concern that global efforts to maintain biodiversity are in conflict with poverty
alleviation meaning one objective is being accomplished only at the cost of the other (Adams et al.,
2004; Timmer and Juma, 2005). It has even been suggested that the urgent global push for
poverty reduction has subsumed or replaced conservation goals. Although there is considerable
debate about the extent to which theses two goals can be combined, there are some evidence of
synergistic solution (Timmer and Juma, 2005) .
To have the solution, clarity over the choices between biodiversity conservation and poverty
elimination goals is essential. However, the linkages between biodiversity and poverty are
generally poorly understood and the potential of biodiversity conservation to contribute to poverty
reduction is still unrecognized by developing country governments and international development
agencies (DFID, 2002). Adams et al. (2004) recently reviewed different school of thoughts
surrounding the link between biodiversity conservation and poverty alleviation and offer a
conceptual typology of the relationships between poverty reduction and conservation reflecting
positions in the current debate. The four categories they elicited are:
i) Poverty and conservation are separate policy realms

Biodiversity conservation benefits poverty reduction indirectly by yielding economic benefits to
society, such as enhanced water yields from forested catchments. Locals may have opportunities
for win-win solutions that combine biodiversity and poverty reduction. This opinion also
advocates strict enforcement of protected areas in poor developing countries to guarantee the
conservation of vulnerable species, treating the problems of extinction and poverty as separate.
ii) Poverty is a critical restraint on conservation

Poverty reduction is to be taken as an avenue to achieve more effective conservation. This position
holds that to achieve its goal, conservation must provide effective contributions to poverty
reduction, including both net benefits to the poor and the avoidance of significant local costs. This
outlook advocates programs to tackle the poverty seeing poverty as a critical constraint on
conservation.
13
iii) Conservation should not compromise poverty reduction

Recognizing conservation agencies have conservation as their primary goal, this stance seeks to
pursue that target, noting that care should be taken not to increase poverty or undermine the
livelihoods of the poor. In short, this opinion seeks to increase the flow of revenues from reserve
area by ensuring that conservation does not increase poverty in any way.
iv) Poverty reduction depends on living resource conservation

This school of thought supports the empirical claim that financially poor and socially and
politically marginalized people depend on the living ecosystems for livelihoods. Thus their
livelihoods can be improved through appropriate conservation activities. Conservation is therefore
a tool for achieving poverty reduction, with the sustainable use of natural resources.
Theses categories do not preclude the necessity of both poverty alleviation and conservation, but
rather state different viewpoints of these complex systems to promote a clear understanding of the
relationship. Policy that fails to consider the diverse relationships between conservation needs and
the demands of poverty reduction, and the related consumptive demands of the growing world
economy, risks failure (Fisher and Christopher, 2007; Adams et al. 2004; Sanderson and Redford,
2003).
Thus, understanding the magnitude of overlaps and interactions among poverty alleviation,
resources conservation, and macroeconomic processes is vital for identifying possible win-win
solutions. (Fisher and Christopher, 2007). Pursuing the goals of biodiversity conservation and
poverty reduction simultaneously may only be possible under specific institutional, ecological and
developmental conditions (Adams et al., 2004).
2.3 Linking poverty to fisheries

Though fisheries case studies are almost overlooked in the current literature on poverty, there is a
pervasive perception in fisheries literature that small scale fishery of developing countries and
rural poverty is closely connected and further leads to a conclusion that fisheries equal poverty.
Thus there is an overwhelming notion that fishers are members of low status, marginalised
households, they are among the poorest of the poor (Bene, 1999).Over half a century ago Gordon
(1954) stated “… fishers typically earn less than others. Even in much less hazardous occupations
or in those requiring less skill”. FAO (1974) further recognized poverty in small scale fishery:
‘‘the people engaged in these activities and their families continue, with few exceptions, to live at
the margin of subsistence and human dignity. This poverty fisheries nexus increasingly
continues to receive its acceptance by several authors such as “the fundamental problem of small
scale fishermen around the developing world is their persisting absolute and relative poverty”
(Panayotou, 1982:1). ‘‘The evidence that fishermen’s incomes are generally low is
14
overwhelming’’ (Cunningham, 1993:2). The existing paradigm is encapsulated to widely accepted

dictums such as “Fishermen are the poorest of the poor” (Bailey, 1988:142) and “fishery is the
activity of last resort for the poor (Townsley, 1998: 142).
2.3.1 The old paradigm’s fisheries-poverty juxtaposition
Bene (2003) in his article demonstrates that empirical studies on fisheries are heavily inclined to
the “old paradigm”, referring to the stereotyping of fisheries as equated with poverty. Bene (2003)
describes two pillars of support for the old paradigm as summarized (Fig. 1). The first pillar, “they
are poor because they are fishermen”, is explained as the endogenous origin of poverty in fisheries.
This endemic poverty perception is rooted in Gordon’s (1954) seminal paper on fisheries as a
common property resources (CPRs).The idea then re-emerges in Hardin’s (1968) famous theory
“Tragedy of Commons”, where fisheries are seen as a type of CPR having open access
characteristics, allow more and more people to enter the fishing sector, which leads to the
economic (and possibly biological) overexploitation of the resources–– subsequently diminishes
profitability and impoverish the fishing community (Smith, et al., 2005).
Fig. 1. The two pillars forming the circular logic of the old paradigm and leading to the ‘self-
contained’ equation ‘‘fisheries equals poverty’’ (Bene,2003).
The second pillar, “they are fishermen because they are poor” is expressed as the exogenous origin
of poverty in fisheries. This argument is associated with low opportunity incomes in the
surrounding economy and high labour mobility, both of which are applicable particularly in the
developing world where, most small-scale fisheries are located in rural, remote areas with very
few employment alternatives (Bene, 2003, Dacuyan, 2006)
15
Panayotou, for instance, concluded: ‘‘most often, the reason behind the absolute, if not relative
poverty of small-scale fishermen is the lack of sufficiently attractive alternatives’’ (Panayotou,
1982: 29).
Cunningham (1993), using a simple two-sector model ( a fishery and a non-fishery sector) in his
study, argued that even if a fishery sector only generates short-term economic surplus, there will
always be pressure to enter the fishery until a long-term wage re-equilibrium is reached between
the two sectors, given the assumptions of open-access fishery and perfect labour mobility. The
opportunity costs of fishing are actually lower than the opportunity costs of other activities,
probably because it is easier to enter a fishery than to leave it. Possible causes include: isolation of
fishing communities resulting in limited education levels, infrastructure links and alternative
employment; surplus labour due to productivity gains; investment in specific assets which lose
market value as the fishery declines (fishers tend to be owners and operators of boats and
equipment); lifestyle preferences; ‘highliner’ illusions (expectations of better catches); perverse
incentives created by welfare ‘safety nets’; and caste restrictions, cultural factors and simple lack
of knowledge of alternative occupations (Copes, 1988, Cunningham, 1993 cited in Bene,2003 ;
Panayotou, 1982).
Within this approach, and in contrast to the conventional wisdom, the roots of poverty stem from
outside the fisheries sector. The low income of the fishermen is not related to the exploitation
level of the resource or to the dissipation of the rent (Copes, 1989;Cunningham, 1993;quoted in
Bene, 2003), but to the economic situation outside the fishery.
2.3.2 The “last resort activity’’ argument

There is the perception that small-scale fisheries serve as the “last resort”, a “economic safety-
valve and a buffer” or safety net for the poor people. The open access nature of fisheries allows
more and more poor people to enter the small-scale fisheries for their livelihoods and subsistent
living. Yearly flooding, river erosion and other natural disaster make many people landless or
reduce their resources; open water fisheries abode some of those distressed people. Likewise,
small scale coastal fisheries serve as an insurance and/or safety mechanism against shocks for
poor people who have lost permanently or temporarily their means of survival on other economic
sectors (or regions) (FAO, 2000a, point 24 quoted in Bene 2003).
So Dunn (1989) emphasized

“Many communities of fishermen are poor but it should be realized that they are not necessarily
poor because their livelihood is fishing. They are often already poor and landless individuals
who are able to subsist by fishing” (p.4).
16
2.3.3 Towards understanding of new dimensions of poverty in small-scale fisheries

The widely accepted perception that fisheries rhymes with poverty experienced a recent shift from
old paradigm to a multidimensional model of poverty. This innovative turn in poverty fisheries
dyad is attributed to several reasons. First, poverty and poverty reduction has become an explicit
objective in resource management (Reardon & Vosti, 1995; Macfadyen & Corcoran, 2002),
realizing the commitment of the international community to tackle the issue of poverty in the
world which has reached an all-time apex (Hulme & Shepherd, 2003). Second, the understanding
of poverty has changed, use of participatory experiences recognized that nutrition and income
are not sufficient measures of wellbeing, and thus the way it is measured, from simple nutritional
inputs changed to a more holistic, multi-dimensional and complex approach of wellbeing and
sustainable livelihood analysis (Dacuyan, 2006).
.
Incorporation of multidimensional approaches to identifying poverty give a new insight that

poverty in small-scale fisheries is not the act of resources alone that make the fishers poor.
Disaggregating the poor fishers into (socially) marginalized, (economically) excluded, (politically)
disempowered and (class)-exploited groups reveals a more holistic range of different mechanisms
lead to the impoverishment of a part of the fishing community (Bene, 2003). Indeed,
“fishing communities are often characterized by overcrowded living conditions and

inadequate services, low levels of education and a lack of skills and assets (particularly
land) . . .”(Townsley, 1998, p.140).
Moreover, fishers are generally
‘‘living in remote and isolated communities, are poorly organized and politically voiceless and . . .
often highly exposed to accidents and natural disasters’’ (FAO, 2000a, point 8)
Thus four “socio-institutional” discrimination processes may lead denial or constraint of

individuals or groups to have command over resources: social marginalization, economic
exclusion, class exploitation, and political disempowerment (Bene, 2003). In his milestone work
“Poverty and famine”, Sen (1981) argued that constrain or collapse of poor people’s command
over food is governed by a range of social, economic, cultural, and political factors. This
“entitlement failure” can make people vulnerable to poverty. This idea of the failure of entitlement
has consequences on small-scale fisheries. Poor fishers maintain their livelihoods in different
ways using the same resources or different resources in same way. The way they are deprived or
impoverished is not same. So same size does not fit all. Their poverty may be measured with
different scales or with different parameters (Dacuyan, 2006;Thorpe et al., 2007).
17
2.3.4 Three insights into fisher’s poverty

Thorpe et al. (2007) revealed three insights into fisher poverty, through the application of existing
various, yet related, techniques:
First, fisher poverty, particularly at local community level, cannot be captured exclusively in
monetary income terms. Given that economic criteria (catches, number of livestock, standard of
housing, degree of self-sufficiency/nutritional supply, landholding and the security of property
rights, capital investments, household indebtedness, etc.) generally preponderate – but social
factors (literacy levels, access to education, health and other basic household needs – such as clean
water, etc.) as well as to social manifestations of poverty (power relations and the political space
for participation) also refer to poverty.
In some cases fisher’s vulnerability may be exacerbated by a series of other factors. The high risk
nature of fishing activities, the geographic remoteness of the communities, low socio-political
status, insecure access to fish stocks, overfishing of open access stock, responsiveness to technical
change, and the unfavourable nature of their local organizational environment, demographic
factors (worker/dependent ratios within the household, age of the household heads), are also likely
to influence the probability of household marginalization.
Second, All fisher households/communities are not equally vulnerable. Salagrama (2006)
describes how introduction of new technologies into the fisheries sector in the Indian state of
Orissa during the 1990s ‘benefited a few people, while the large majority joined the growing class
of daily wage earners’ (p.40). More efficient and expensive fibreglass-reinforced plastic (FRP)
craft displaced traditional wooden designs, benefiting those households able to purchase the
former while fisher households unable to upgrade to FRP craft experienced reduced catches and
incomes. Paralleling this, the introduction of synthetic nets also spelt ruin for a large majority of
traditional net makers (generally women and old retired fishers) who were now obliged to seek out
alternative means of subsistence. Concurrently improvement in transportation and
communications systems, while reducing the isolation of many small-scale fishing communities,
wrought equally devastating change upon the livelihoods of local artisanal fish processors, who
now found themselves unable to compete with the influx of vehicles and the trader financiers who
paid premium prices for the fish landed. Thus, the impacts of changes were uneven across fisher
communities. Affected fishers indebted, decamp to distant place to escape money lender, started
work for the first time outside fisheries even some people died heartbroken after losing their
livelihoods.
18
Third, Many small-scale fishers or their household participate in a variety of income-generating

activities for their survival. In Kerala India, fishing and fishing-related activities contributed just
over half of household income among the households sampled. This income was supplemented by
coconut collection, rice and vegetable cultivation and livestock product sales (Sathiadhas et al,
2006). Since the Middle Ages Iceland has been renowned for its rich fisheries. However, the
institutions of pre-modern Iceland permitted ocean fishing only as a part-time activity for farmers
and trapped the country in abject poverty until late in the 19th century (Eggertsson, 1996).
Bonfiglioli and Hariri (2004) assert that fishing remains a full-time exclusive activity for
contemporary Yemeni fisher communities along the Red Sea, owing to the extremely limited
alternative livelihoods option on offer. Jinadu (2000) states that many West African households
are neither full- nor part-time, but rather occasional fishermen. In many monsoon affected
countries of Asia like Vietnam and Bangladesh, many households become full-time seasonal
fishers on the floodplains during the rainy season. Therefore fishing is just one component of
complex, and frequently highly diversified household livelihood strategies. FAO (2007) also
acknowledges that ‘fishing is not a full-time occupation but represents one component of multi-
activity livelihood strategies developed by individuals and households’, which can help reduce
vulnerability through risk-spreading.
Fourth, vulnerability is also important as a key dimension of fishers poverty – and of the
heterogeneity of vulnerability exists within fishing communities (poorest tends to be
disadvantaged in receiving food and financial help to rebuild their livelihoods) as experienced in
case of the 2004 Asian Tsunami. Not only were the poor disproportionately affected, but caste
discrimination and other mechanisms of social exclusion (e.g. woman as weaker group) also
meant that the poorest and most vulnerable benefited least from subsequent disaster relief and
rehabilitation efforts. Thus social exclusion influences levels of vulnerability and potential
resilience of individuals to disasters and crisis (Bosher et al., 2007, Pomeroy et al., 2006). The
‘lower’ castes (given to be the poorest) are marginalized due to lack access to assets, public
facilities and opportunities to improve their plight. These castes can further be marginalized and
vulnerable when they live in multi-caste villages where higher castes dominate the decision-
making processes (Bosher et al., 2007).Indeed, it has been observed that in India it is not
exclusion from society that affects poverty, but from unjust and uneven terms of inclusion. (IILS,
1996 quoted in Bosher et al.,2007).
Smith et al. (2005) have produced a more comprehensive analytical framework which integrated a
wide range of issues for a broader, multi-dimensional conception of poverty into the livelihoods
analysis of households. This framework showed that diversity (in terms of wealth, social status
19
and fishing practices) within and between fishing communities can stem from differences in asset
endowments, livelihood strategies of fishers, methods of fishing, and rights over resources. It also
emphasize the role of markets and the micro, meso and macro economic environment in helping
to alleviate fisher’s poverty stating that diverse and flexible measures tailored to local priorities
and conditions are needed to ensure poor people’s access to the livelihood benefits of
(inland)fisheries while achieving conservation objectives.
Table 1 : Livelihood functions of fishing within different livelihood strategies.

Livelihood Strategy Livelihood functions of fishing
Survival (fishing is sole activity) •Subsistence (food production and income)
•Nutrition-protein, micronutrients and vitamins
‘Semi-subsistence diversification’ (fishing is • Own consumption – food security and

one of a range of activities, e.g. Farming) nutrition
• Complementarities in labour use with farming
• Means for barter, or for participation in
reciprocal exchange and social networks
• Occasional cash source
• Diversification for:
o labor and consumption smoothing;
o risk reduction;
o as a coping strategy/buffering against
shocks
‘Specialization’ (fishing as sole activity, but • Market production and income
a lot more resources are invested to ensure • Accumulation
maximum returns possible)
‘Diversification for accumulation’ (fishing is • Accumulation
one activity in a portfolio of activities that • Retention in a diversified accumulation
produce surplus to subsistence requirements) strategy
• Recreation
In their framework, “situational variables” such as the micro-, meso- and macroeconomic
environment, fisher and fishery characteristics and the institutional environment interact with
factors such as opportunity costs, the degree of open access to the fishery, the level of biological
and economic exploitation, and the livelihood strategy employed by the household to explain the
20
environmental sustainability of the fishery environment and the household income derived from
fishing. The authors identify four possible livelihood strategies, presented in the Table 1.
2.3.5 The framework for understanding poverty as the cause and effect of unsustainable
fisheries and coastal economies
Poverty is both the cause and effect of unsustainable fisheries and coastal economies as ‘‘If one is
poor then one degrades” (Broad, 1994:812). Poor fishing people have no other available
alternative but to continue their environmental destruction. For fisheries and coastal management,
this involves a dilemma: As one aims to develop a fishery, one may undermine its very basis
(Fig.2). Fisheries development and management must therefore go hand in hand. Poverty
alleviation must occur within safe ecological limits (POVFISH; 2008), i.e. be sustainable- “meets
the needs of the present without compromising the ability future generations their own needs”
(WCED, 1987:8). Otherwise poverty will be sustained if not amplified.
Fig. 2: Poverty as the cause and effect of unsustainable fisheries and coastal economies
(POVFISH, 2008).
Alleviating poverty, confronting marginalisation and enabling poor people to cope with
environmental and social stress and risk require the implantation of various human social, natural
and man-made capitals .With discrepancy of such assets, their coping strategy to crises will likely
be less effective and more environmentally risky, as they are left with no (or few) alternative
livelihoods option other than to individually continue to fish and thus collectively to over-exploit.
Institutions at various levels, backed up by legal, organisational and financial support from
21
government and or civil society, may potentially be helpful for individuals and communities in
building capital, and thus make them more resilient. Individuals and communities can also do a
number of things to empower themselves, such as build networks and alliances within their
families or within communities (i.e. Social Networks: Agarwal, 1990) and with the external world.
Hence, they would potentially strengthen their capacity for the collective action, self-help and
political participation that are needed to sustain their social systems and ecosystems
(POVFISH,2008). The relationship between independent and dependant variables and feedback
that makes the vicious circle of poverty cumulative is depicted in the model of Fig.2. These ideas
both reflect and reinforce the earlier work by Allison and Ellis (2001) who regard the livelihoods
approach (LA) as bringing a fuller ‘understanding of fisher folk’s adaptive strategies into the
policy arena of small-scale fisheries management in low income countries.
2.4 Sustainable Livelihood Approach

In addition to the changes in the understanding of the nature and causes of poverty and
vulnerability, it is also widely recognized that individuals or families respond dynamically to
resource fluctuation, shocks, and uncertainties by realizing a wider range of coping strategies. The
poorest being those less able to withstand these shocks (Allison & Ellis, 2001; Macfadyen &
Corcoran, 2002).
The livelihoods approach deals with understanding the differential capability of rural families to
cope with crises such as droughts, floods, or plant and animal pests and diseases. Thus it allows
for the understanding of the multidimensionality of poverty. Livelihood analysis is a framework
that brings together the main components that comply with the livelihoods definition (Allison &
Ellis, 2001).
Livelihood is commonly defined from an economic perspective as an occupation, work or other

means to earn income and provide the necessities of life. Livelihood resources are the basic
material and social, tangible, and intangible assets that people use for constructing their
livelihoods — are conceptualized as different types of ‘capital’ to stress their role as a resource
base ‘…from which different productive streams are derived from which livelihoods are
constructed’ (Scoones 1998:7).
Three factors shed light on why the SL approach has been applied to address poverty reduction
(Krantz, 2001).The first, though economic growth may be essential for poverty reduction, there is
no automatic relationship between the two, since it all depends on the capabilities of the poor to
22
take advantage of expanding economic opportunities. Thus, it is vital to find out exactly what does
prevent or constrain the poor from improving their livelihood in a given situation, so that support
activities could be articulated accordingly.
Secondly, in addition to the understanding that poverty — as conceived by the poor themselves —
is not just a question of low income, it is now realized that there are important links between
different dimensions of poverty such that improvements in one have positive effects on another.
Raising people’s educational level may have positive effects on their health standards, which in
turn may improve their production capacity. Reducing poor people’s vulnerability in terms of
exposure to risk may increase their propensity to engage in previously untested but more
productive economic activities, and so on.
Finally, it is now recognized that the poor themselves often know their situation and needs best
and must therefore be involved in the design of policies and projects intended to better their lot.
Given a say in design, they are usually more committed to implementation. Thus, participation by
the poor improves project performance.
2.5 Summary
The present study takes the issue of the poverty fisheries nexus with the focus of how small scale
fishers view poverty in their livelihoods and how they cope with or drive away poverty. Hence,
the concepts and theories presented and discussed mainly concern poverty itself and dimensions
and nature of poverty in small-scale fisheries. The examination of the existing concepts and
theories explores a new insight to understand poverty from different point of view. The overview
of all approaches imply that poverty is not a single concept merely related to monetary term but
rather a wicked problem having multiple, interlocking dimensions. These dimensions mingle to
create one problem from another. Such a multidimensional approach is critical to figure out
poverty in common pool resources users.
The study then focused on the conventional literatures and builds on the relationship of the
poverty-environment, poverty-biodiversity and the correlation between poverty and sustainable
development. The information is deemed to be important for judging the long-established
paradigm that the poor degrades the environment. The review also offers an insight that the goals
of resource conservation and poverty reduction may only be possible under specific institutional,
ecological and developmental conditions. Uncovering these conditions is vital for alleviating
poverty in small-scale fisheries also.
23
The chapter also reviewed the approaches and conceptual framework by analyzing the existing
presuppositions and assumptions that juxtapose small-scale fisheries with poverty. These
conceptual frameworks are the basis for present research work though poorly understood and
tested in the context small scale coastal fishers of Bangladesh Finally this chapter focused on the
Sustainable Livelihoods Approach. The approach is vital to explore different components dealing
with understanding the differential capability of rural families to cope with crises such as droughts,
floods, or plant and animal pests and diseases. Thus it allows for the understanding of the
multidimensionality of poverty in small-scale fisheries.
The concept or theories presented here is going to be applied for data analysis in the chapter six.
The build of chapter six is based on the empirical data that will be presented in chapter five and
with application of relevant concepts and theories from this chapter.
24
Chapter Three: BACKGROUND INFORMATION
3.1. Country Background

Bangladesh is a South Asian country with an area of 147 570 km2 situated between India and
Myanmar ,with the Bay of Bengal to the south. The country is divided into six administrative
divisions (Bivagh), Rajshahi (Northwest), Dhaka (Centre), Khulna (Southwest), Chittagong
(Southeast), Barisal (South) and Sylhet (North East). Each division is further divided into districts
(Zilla), which consist of Upzilla , or police stations, as administrative units. Upzillas are divided
into unions (the lowest administrative unit), unions are subdivided into wards, and wards into
villages. Villages are composed of para and para consists of community households.
3.1.1. Geo-hydrological features
Bangladesh is located on the world’s largest river deltas, created by the Ganges, the Brahmaputra,
the Meghna and their tributaries. The whole country is criss-crossed by 230 rivers and their
tributaries and vast floodplain; thus ten percent of the area of Bangladesh is always covered with
water (Ali, 2005) The flow of the Ganges and Brahmaputra river transports sediment loads of
about 525 million tonnes per yea (Islam et al ,1999). The alluvial soil deposited by these rivers has
created some of the most fertile plains in the world.
A major part of the coastline comprises a marshy jungle, the Sundarbans, the largest mangrove
forest in the world and home to diverse flora and fauna. Cox's Bazar, in the southeast part of
Bangladesh, has a beach that stretches uninterrupted over 120 kilometers (75 mi), the world’s
longest sea beach. Straddling the Tropic of Cancer, Bangladesh enjoys tropical climate with a mild
winter from October to March, a hot, humid summer from March to June. A warm and humid
monsoon season lasts from June to October and records most of the country's rainfall. Natural
calamities, such as floods, tropical cyclones, tornadoes, and tidal bores occur almost every year
and are the most striking features of the country’s hydrology. These disasters combined with other
environmental degradation like deforestation, soil degradation and erosion make Bangladesh
vulnerable to climate changes. In the case of Bangladesh, the projected 1.44m rise of sea level
would inundate 16% of the populated land, displace 13% of the population and lose 10% of the
GDP (Banglapedia, 2005). In recent years, arsenic contamination in the groundwater is posing
another threat to public health.
25
3.1.2. Demographics, ethnicity, and language
The total population of Bangladesh is 140.6 million. It has the highest population density in the
world with 953 people per square kilometre (BER, 2007). The population is comprised of
Muslims (87%), Hindus (11%) and others, including Buddhist, Christians and tribal groups (2%).
Ethnically over 98% of its people are Bengalis; the rest are Biharis (non-Bengali Muslims who
migrated from India), and indigenous tribal peoples (Ali, 2005). Bangla is the official language,
used by almost all citizens, though some tribal people also use their own language.
3.1.3. Political history
The history of Bangladesh has been one of extremes of havoc and peace as well as prosperity and
destitution. Bangladesh was ruled by Hindu kings until 13 th century. Then, Muslim dynasty ruled
for about 250 years ousting the Hindu rulers. Different European colonisers came to Bangladesh
but eventually the British seized power from Muslim rulers and ruled Bangladesh as part of the
Indian colony for about 200 years. Bangladesh became independent on December 16, 1971
following a bloody war against Pakistan which ruled over Bangladesh for 24 years after British
colonism expired in 1947.
3.1.4. Economic features
Bangladesh is an agrarian country and agriculture plays a pioneering role in rural economy as a
tool for employment generation, poverty alleviation, human resource development, and food
security. 51.69 percent of total labour force of Bangladesh is employed in agriculture (BER, 2007).
75% of the population in Bangladesh depends directly or indirectly on agriculture for its
livelihood, though other livelihood options also overlap theses percentage (Datta, 2004). But
agricultural productivity is low (Ali, 2005) and agriculture is losing its central role in the economy
of Bangladesh as other sectors are developing. In 2005-06 fiscal year service sector contribute
52.5% of GDP where as agriculture contributed 21.84% (BER, 2007)
More than three quarters of Bangladesh’s export earnings come from the garment industry. In
2005-06 total export earning from garment sector was US$ 10,526.16 million which was 21.63
percent higher than the previous fiscal year’s earning of US$ 8,654.52 million.The industry now
employs more than 2 million people about 82% of whom are women. A large part of foreign
currency earnings also comes from the remittances sent by expatriates living in other countries. In
2005-06, remittances were US$ 5978.47 million reflecting 24.50 percent rise over the previous
year (BER, 2007).
26
How ever several challenges is identified as a barrier to the economic development of Bangladesh
such as: “lack of physical infrastructure, law and order, organized crime, extortions and economic
violence, lack of effective local government and decentralization, quality of education, health, and
other social services, lack of coordination among development agencies and institutions, lack of
remunerative employment and economic opportunities, lack of social capital at the community
level, resulting in low-level of collective action, and lack of democratization of political process”9.
3.1.5. Health and nutrition
At present, more than 50% of the population receives less than 80% of the required calorie intake
(Islam, 2002 quoted in Ali, 2005).Malnutrition rates in Bangladesh are among the highest in the
world and malnutrition is a major cause of childhood mortality and adult illness. According to the
BDHS 2004 (quoted in World Bank, 2008) half of all children less than five years are
moderately underweight or stunted, and another 16 percent are severely stunted. However, the
eradication of major epidemic diseases like smallpox, cholera and polio indicates an improvement
of health conditions. Now 97.6% of the total population of Bangladesh have access to safe
drinking water and percentage of sanitary latrine user is 39.2 (BER, 2007).
3.1.6. Education
Still Bangladesh has high illeracy rate as literacy rate of population 7 +yrs is 52.5(%). But in case
women literacy Bangladesh achieved a success. Now girl’s enrolment in primary school exceeds
that of boys (World Bank, 2007). The challenges for applying the literacy skills for growth and
economic development remain. Many people are drifting into illiteracy, as their skills are not
utilised in their daily life.
3.1.7. Gender issues
Bangladesh is now on the track of its meeting Millennium Development Goals on gender parity as
mentioned by World Bank report “Whispering the Voices” (2008) “Bangladesh stands out as the
shining new example in South Asia of a poor country achieving impressive gains in gender
equality….. In much of the country today, girls’ secondary school attendance exceeds that of
boys. …..The gender gap in infant mortality has been closed” (p. 3).Women are increasingly
become active in different income generating activities, especially young women constitute major
part of the labour forces in garments industry of Bangladesh. However, challenges also remain.
Female earners households have a higher incidence of poverty.
9
Memorandum for the Bangladesh Development Forum 2002-2003, Ministry of Finance, Government
of Bangladesh (quoted in World Bank, 2002).
27
Females have a significantly lower nutritional intake than males, their literacy rate is also lower
and the average wage rate is almost half to that of men. Dowry during girl's marriage is a
problem for many poor households.
World Bank (2007) found that poverty is hugely and significantly associated with dowry.
But, growing awareness through different NGOs activities, government initiative, increasing job
opportunities in different export oriented industries are resulting in more educated, economically
active, independent and empowered woman.
3.2. Poverty in Bangladesh

After China and India, Bangladesh has the largest number of poor people in the world. Based on
the Cost of Basic Needs (CBN) almost 40% of Bangladeshis are poor. However, this rate is
declined from 48.9 percent in 2000 (BER, 2007). Now, 28.4% of urban population are poor
whereas in rural areas, 43.8% population are poor. Although poverty of this region was a subject
of interest during the British colonial period. There was only one research on this issue during the
Pakistan period 1947– 71, (Siddiqui, 1982 quoted in Islam, 2004). Poverty began to attract the
attention of researchers after the famine of 1974 and the decade saw a number of studies mainly
devoted to counting up the poor (Islam,2004).
The World Bank (2007) identified two household characteristics that correlate strongly to family
wealth or poverty in Bangladesh: education and land ownership. Close to three-quarters of the
poor population lives in households where the family head is illiterate. The incidence of
poverty declines when household heads becomes more educated. Over 60% of the rural
population functionally landless10 and 40% of the total land is owned by merely 6% of the
households. It is also anticipated that the number of landless families will continue to increase at a
rate of 4% per year. The extreme poor are mainly daily labour households, woman-headed,
disabled or old aged male income earner, living in remote areas, or areas highly prone to natural
disasters. Extreme poverty also predominant in the low-lying areas along the major rivers bank
and along the coastal line, where people reside on chars11, some of them merely on mud-banks of
rivers.
The coastal area of Bangladesh is also characterized by widespread poverty, limited livelihoods
options (especially outside agriculture) and poorly developed economic linkages. Official poverty
indicators show a slightly higher percentage of the population living below the absolute poverty
line in the coastal zone compared to the country as a whole, while GDP per capita and the annual
10
They own too little land to support their households from it.
11
Newly formed islands.
28
GDP growth rates in the coastal zone are more or less similar to the national averages. There is,
however, a substantial regional differentiation: in 15 out of the 19 coastal districts, the GDP per
capita is below national or coastal zone averages. High vulnerabilities in terms of insecurity of
food, income, water, health and poverty are prominent in Bhola, Noakhali, Satkhira and Bagerhat
districts. Poverty is high with 52% poor and 24% extremely poor. 14 out of 19 coastal districts
have higher extreme poverty. Access to welfare and public services also limited including basic
health and sanitation (PDO-ICZMP,2005).
3.3. Poverty alleviation and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) activities

With the shattered economy, food crisis caused by the independent war in 1971, different NGOs
came forward to help the war-ravaged people with the task of relief and rehabilitation. Later, they
shift their operations to socio-economic development of the disadvantaged population, especially
for the women. High population growth and increased level of poverty in Bangladesh, proliferate
number of NGOs enormously. There are more than 20,000 NGOs are working at the grass roots
level of Bangladesh with two major aims of alleviating rural poverty and empowerment of the
women (Ullah and Routray, 2007).
Micro-credit is the most important part of NGO programs in Bangladesh. NGOs running micro-
credit programs are either similar to or modified versions of the Grameen model12 (Ali, 2005). It is
estimated that 92% of NGOs overall counted micro-credit provision as one of their services (Gauri
and Galef, 2005). More than thirteen million people in Bangladesh participate in micro-credit
programs which constitute more than 10% of the country’s total population. Of these, 81% are
female and 19% are male (Rahman, 2000 quoted in Datta, 2004).
Empirical studies provided strong evidence that micro-credit has had positive effects on two vital
areas of national development: the alleviation of poverty and the empowerment of women (Datta,
2004). In contrast, several study has also quashed the many claims of the NGOs in contributing
significantly to the economic development of the poor, arguing that NGOs currently fail to reach
the poorest of the poor and that microcredit may not be the most effective way of reaching the
extreme poor of the Bangladesh (Ullah and Routray 2007; Datta,2004).
Datta (2004) delineated some reasons behind the exclusion of the extreme poor from current
activities of micro-credit programs that includes i) NGOs don’t target the extreme poor
12
Bangladesh is considered as the birth place of micro-credit program. Muhammad Yunus, the then
professor of the Chittagong University first started this program in 1983 through Grameen Bank.
Muhammad Yunus and Grameen Bank both were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for 2006 for their
efforts to create economic and social development from below.
29
specifically13 ii) Many extreme poor families are headed by women, disabled people, elderly
persons, and ill-health persons , they cannot always participate in development programs, even
when they have equal opportunity to participate. iii) Lack of permanent residence (e.g. landness
people), old age, inability to work also excluded by failing to fulfil the selection criteria of micro-
credit program, iv) Failure to pay instalment, high interest rates, weekly repayment procedures, v)
Inability or unwilling to take risks of entrepreneurship using loan are the other impediments, vi)
Most of the poor live in remote, inaccessible or disaster prone areas where most NGOs don’t
reach.
3.4. Coastal zone setting

The coastal zone of Bangladesh is characterized by multifaceted ecosystems including world’s
largest mangroves forest Sundarbans, world’s longest sea beach Cox’s Bazar together with coral
reefs sea grass beds, estuaries, lagoons and sea grass and oyster beds. The coastal zone of
Bangladesh covers an area of 47,201 km2, or 32% of the country encompasses the landmass of 19
districts. The zone further extends to Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) area of 166,000
km2 .Approximately 35 million people, representing 29% of the total population of Bangladesh
live along the coastal zone (MoWR, 2005). Although Bangalees are the major ethnic community,
there are 10 other ethnic communities who also live in the coastal zone. Among them are Chakma,
Khiyang, Marma, Munda, Murang, Rakhaine, Tanchangya, Tripura, Mahato and Pundra Khatrio.
(Kamal, Quazi and Akhter, 2001, quoted in PDO-ICZMP, 2005). According to projections,
current population of coastal zone will increase to 60.8 million by 2050 (PDO-ICZMP, 2005).
Livelihood activities in the coastal zone may be clustered into some broad categories including
natural resource based activities, such as: agriculture, salt making (15 percent of total rural
households of Cox’s Bazar are salt farmers), fishing(14 percent households of the area), and
aquaculture, shrimp fry collection (about half a million) , fuel collection and extraction of forest
products (18 percent households).Human resource based activities includes: livestock and poultry
keeping, boat building (carpentry), net making, betel leaf farming, fish processing, trading, etc.
Households with single activity or occupation are rare. Almost all households have multiple
livelihood activities (PDO-ICZMP,2005).
13
One of the largest NGOs in the world “BRAC prefers slightly better off clients among the poorest 50
per cent who are the target population, as the less poor are more likely to pay off their loans on time
than the less-well-endowed and asset less (Ahmed, 2000). It is estimated that the big NGOs reach only
10-20 per cent of the landless households (Zaman, 1996).” (Quoted in Ullah and Routray, 2007 p. 238).
30
3.4.1. Vulnerability context of the coastal communities
In the coastal zone of Bangladesh, a wide range of vulnerabilities are identified .Coastal area of
Bangladesh are one of the most disaster prone areas of the world. People of the coastal zone are
vulnerable to cyclones, strong storm surges. Recently (2007) cyclone Sidr claimed the lives of
10,000 people; houses, crops and thousands of livestock were also swept away. Sea level rise is
also posing a serious threat. UNEP (1989) showed that 1.5 m sea level rise in Bangladesh coast by
2030 will affect 22,000 Sq. km (16% of total landmass) area with a population of 17 million (15%
of total population) will also be affected. Besides, floods, drought, earthquakes, erosion, salinity
intrusion and arsenic contamination are some of the natural hazards threatening coastal livelihoods.
Lack of safe drinking water (in some remote islands and the Sundarbans areas), overexploitation
of natural resources, water logging, river siltation and hill cutting also add to vulnerabilities.
3.5. Fisheries profile of Bangladesh

Bangladesh—situated at the confluence of numerous rivers and tributaries, and occupying the
delta of two major transboundary rivers, the Ganges, and Brahmaputra and Bay of Bengal to the
south. Thus Bangladesh is uniquely positioned to harvest and cultivate fish. Having one of the
highest man– water ratios in the world, at 20 persons per ha of water area, Bangladesh is the
world’s fourth largest producer of inland fish. (GATE 2006; Task Force, 1991 quoted in Alam
and Thompson, 2001). More than 70% of the population of Bangladesh live in flood plains and
coastal areas, where the fish and other aquatic resources are considered as exploitable natural
assets but needing no husbandry (Hossain et al.,2006). The fisheries sector generates over $360
million per year and contributes almost 5.0 percent of GDP at constant prices and about 5.6
percent of the total export earnings (GATE, 2006) About 10 million people are directly and
indirectly related to fisheries (BBS,2007).The year wise production is presented in the table 2.
Alam and Thompson (2001) broadly categorised the fisheries resources of Bangladesh as: (i)
inland open waters; (ii) inland closed waters; and (iii) marine waters i.e. Industrial and Artisanal
(i) Inland open water bodies: used for capture fisheries, comprise rivers and estuaries,
beels (small lakes, low-lying depressions, permanent bodies of floodplain water, or
bodies of water created by rains or floods which may of may not be dry up in dry
season), baors (shallow lakes may be formed when smaller water bodies are joined
up), Kaptai Lake (a man-made lake created for hydroelectricity generation) and
floodplain (annually flooded, low-lying areas associated with rivers). The total area
of inland open water bodies is 4.05 million ha.
31
(ii) Inland closed water bodies: Mainly used for e aquaculture (fish farming) which
include ponds, dighis (big ponds) and baors (oxbow lakes), and also some coastal
waters. The 0.3 million ha of inland closed water areas include 0.15 million ha of
ponds and dighis, 0.14 million ha of traditional extensive and semi-intensive shrimp
farms in coastal areas also include small areas of baors, drains and ditches.
(iii) Marine waters (Industrial and Artisanal) extend over 166,000 km2 (16.6 million
ha) of sea area, following the 1974 declaration of a 200-nautical mile Exclusive
Economic Zone (EEZ), within which Bangladesh enjoy the right to exploit and
manage living and non-living resources.
3.5.1 Hilsha Fishery of Bangladesh
Hilsha, locally known as Ilish is the national fish of Bangladesh (Fig. 3). Hilsha is one of the
most nutritious and delicious fish and it is also a part of Bangladeshi tradition. Hilsha (a shad)
belongs to the genus Tenulosa related to herring in the family Clupeidae . The Hilsha fishery is
the largest single fishery of Bangladesh. It is estimated that about 2 million fishers and traders are
engaged in Hilsha fishing in the country. Hilsha production accounts for nearly half of the total
marine catch and 18% of the total fish production of Bangladesh (Banglapedia, 2007; Hossain and
Thompson, 2006). At present, the fishery has severely declined in the upstream areas due to
construction of the Farakka Barrage on the river Ganga and consequent heavy siltation,
indiscriminate exploitation of juveniles of the fish (jatka) by current jal, disruption of migration
routes, loss of spawning, feeding and nursing grounds, and increased river pollution.
Fig. 3: The Hilsha fishery is the largest single fishery of Bangladesh.
32
Now the fish is disappearing from upstream rivers and is mainly concentrated in the downstream
rivers, estuaries, coastal areas and the sea (Banglapedia, 2005). The Government imposes ban
every year on netting 'jatka' for three months (from March to May) in 20 southern districts to
boost Hilsha production. It hopes that this conservation measures would lead to an extra 10-12
percent production and the production of Hilsha is set to cross a billion dollar mark in 200814.
3.5.2 Legal and management aspects

The basic mechanism for managing inland open water fishery resources of Bangladesh has been
based on allocation of fishing rights through periodic leasing. For revenue generation, the
Ministry of Land leases out stretches of rivers and wetlands, called jalmahals, to intermediaries,
called Ijaradars, by open auctioning (Khatun et al., 2003).In the case of marine fisheries and
artisanal fisheries, Marine Fisheries Ordinance 1983 provides the provision for management,
conservation and development of marine resources in the EEZ of Bangladesh and for licensing for
fishing boats and vessels for fishing (Ali, 1997).
In case of the Sundarbans mangrove forest, several regulations are introduced for fisheries
management and conservation. Which include i)Hunting and Fishing Rules, 1959 (A fishing
permit is required to fish, royalty may be levied on fish caught in tidal waters of reserved or
protected forests. It is illegal to use of poison, explosives or fixed engine fishing gears, or to dam
or bale water in reserve and protected forests is prohibited), ii) Khal Closure Regulation 1989 (18
khals ( creeks) permanently close for fishing to ensure natural fish breeding, iii) Collection &
Export of Live Crab Regulation ,1995 (closes the entire “Sundarbans Reserve Forest” for crab
fishing from December to February to ensure crab breeding), iv) Closed Season Regulation, 2000
( closes fishing in the entire SRF for five species (P. pangasius, P. canius, L. calcarifer, M.
rosenbergii, and S. serrata) during 1st May to 30th June to ensure natural breeding), v) Forest
Department Wildlife Sanctuary Regulations, 1999 (Fishing is permanently prohibited in the three
wildlife sanctuaries of Sundarbans Reserve Forest), vi) Shark fishing is prohibited by Bangladesh
Wildlife (Preservation) Order 1973 (Hoq,2007). St. Martin’s Island is one of the five protected
areas of Bangladesh declared as a Ecologically Critical Area (ECA) under the Bangladesh
Environment Conservation Act, 1995.
14
Available at
http://www.thefinancialexpress.bd.com/search_index.php?page=detail_news&news_id=3318
http://nation.ittefaq.com/issues/2008/03/31/news0278.htm
accessed on 10th May, 2008.
33
3.5.3. Coastal Fisheries of Bangladesh
The coastal fisheries of Bangladesh serve as one of the most important sources for employment
and income generation. Employment in this sector has increased from 123,562 in 1984 to 916,539
in 1999, implying that the annual growth of employment was 14.3 per cent during 1984-1999
(GoB, 2001,a quoted in Khatun et al.2003). This growth rate is faster than that of marine fisheries
production, which was 3.9 percent annually between 1984-1999, and thus indicates, that an
increasing number of people have found their livelihoods in the sector. The fast employment
growth in the sector potentially results from lack of alternative employment opportunities in other
sectors (Khatun et al, 2003).
Artisanal fisheries production is generally carried out by small mechenised and non-mechenised
boats. It is estimated that there are about 21,830 mechanised and 28,707 non-mechanised boats
engaged in fishing in the country. In addition, 67 officially approved trawlers are conducting
industrial fishing, of which 48 are engaged in shrimp fishing and the remaining 19 in other forms
of fishing (BBS, 2007).
In 1970, coastal fisheries constituted only 10.6% of the total fishery production, but the proportion
of coastal fisheries production increased to 28.2% in 2005.Though the total production increased
Artisanal fisheries production is generally carried out by small mechanised and non mechanised
with increasing number of coastal fishers but the catch per unit is on decreasing trend is increasing
It is widely acknowledged that increasing pressure on the coastal resources in Bangladesh has
caused a decline in marine fish and shellfish in the Bay of Bengal. Artisanal fisheries landings,
which contribute about 95% of the total marine landings, are largely composed of post-larvae and
juveniles, thus artisanal fishing gears are destructive to coastal resources base.
34
Table 2: Production of fisheries in Bangladesh (Modified from BER, 2007).
Area and year Area(00000

wise production ha) 2000-01 2001-02 2002-03 2003-04 2004-05 2005-06
1.Inland Fisheries
(a) Open waters
River & estuaries 10.32 1.50 1.44 1.38 1.37 1.40 1.38
Sundarbans - 0.12 0.12 0.14 0.15 0.16 0.16
Beel 1.14 0.75 0.76 0.75 0.75 0.75 0.78
Kaptai Lake 0.69 0.07 0.07 0.07 0.07 0.07 0.07
Flooded water
bodies 28.33 4.45 4.50 4.75 4.98 6.21 7.18
Subtotal (open 40.47 6.89 6.89 7.09 7.32 8.59 9.57

water)
(b) Aquaculture
Pond 2.42 6.16 6.85 7.52 7.96 7.57 7.60
Boar 0.05 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04
Shrimp farm 1.41 0.93 1.00 1.01 1.15 1.21 1.28
Subtotal 3.88 7.13 7.87 8.57 9.15 8.82 8.92
(aquaculture)
Total(Inland) 44.36 14.02 14.75 15.66 16.47 17.41 18.89
2. Marine
(a)Industrial 0.48 0.24 0.30 0.28 0.32 0.34 0.34
2
(b)Small scale Nm 3.55 3.90 4.04 4.23 4.41 4.46
Total(Marine) - 3.79 4.20 4.32 4.55 4.75 8.60

Grand Total - 17.81 18.90 19.98 21.02 22.16 23.29
The industrial trawl fleet is also causing damage as it catches the parent stock during the peak
season and also the post-juveniles. It is estimated that 80% of the catch is not landed by trawlers
but discarded at sea (Khan and Haque, 2003). The catch from capture fisheries which includes
small scale coastal fisheries is projected to decrease in future as mentioned in the table 3.
35
Table 3: Projection of fisheries sector output in Bangladesh (Adopted from World Bank, 2007).
Production sector 2002 (MT/Year 2012 (Estimated) Annual Change (%)

(MT/Year)
Inland aquaculture 850,000 1,465,744 5.6
Coastal Aquaculture 94,580 129,597 3.2
Inland Capture 750,419 606,919 -2.1
Fisheries
Coastal /marine capture 589,500 501,689 -1.6
fisheries
Total 2,284,499 2,703,949 1.5
3.5. 4. Marketing Channel of Fisheries product
Four levels of marketing system are observed in the fish distribution. These are the primary,
secondary, higher secondary and final consuming markets (Hussain and Uddin , 1997).Primary
markets is a marketing place at the catching point, usually in a rural area. Fish
collectors/assemblers, commonly known as mahajans or aratdar/mahajans collect fish from the
fishers , with the help of local brokers called dalals who get a commission from the mahajan. .
Part of the catch is also locally sold or procured by woman for local retailing .In secondary market,
the collected fish are then transferred to the landing station that is well-linked by rivers, road
or rail transport. The mahajans sell the fish here to the distributors known as beparies, generally
with the help of the aratdars, the commission agents. In case of higher secondary market, the
beparies transport the fish to the main distribution markets usually in the city/town markets by
road, rail or boat. Here the beparies sell the fish to another set of distributors known as paikars,
again with the help of aratdars. In final consuming market the paikars sell the fish to the retailers.
Retailing is done in two ways. The urban retailers sell the fish in the urban markets in permanent
stalls or set out with the fish on their heads or on tricycle (rickshaw) vans to sell them. Other
retailers take the fish to the suburbs or to villages. In the marketing channel , at all these levels
the collector or distributor carries out the function of handling, cleaning, sorting, icing,
preservation and transportation at his own cost as far as possible. Expenses on such accounts are
deducted from the bills of sellers.
36
3.6. Setting of the study areas
3.5.1. Sundarbans
The Sundarbans, the largest mangrove ecosystem in the world, is located on lower edge of the
Ganges-Brahmaputra delta spanning in Bangladesh and India. The Sundarbans in Bangladesh
cover an area of 6017 km2 along its south-western part sharing 4143 km2 of land and 1874 km2 of
water body. The Sundarbans is a an ideal mangrove ecosystem endowed with vast resources like
fish, shrimp, and edible crab along with different wood and non-wood resources and thus act as
sources food and cash to the coastal communities. One-third of the country’s population is
directly or indirectly dependent on the Sundarbans. About 3.5 million people around the
Sundarbans are dependent directly or indirectly on the mangrove for a variety of livelihood
options such fishing, collection of housing materials, fuel wood and human foods and employment
opportunities. For the local population in the Sundarbans, artisanal fishery is the predominate type
of fishing. Inshore, estuarine and coastal fisheries of Sundarbans provide a major source of
livelihood for about 200,000 fishers operating daily in the Sundarbans water. An estimated 14% of
people (225,000) living inside a 10 km border around the Sundarbans, participate in shrimp
(Penaeus monodon) fry collection. Another 20,000 involved in the marketing of shrimp fry .The
mud crab (S. serrata) is harvested on an increasing scale from the Sundarbans and is currently a
lucrative business due to international demand. The quantity of crabs brought to the market has
nearly doubled in the last 5 years. The potential of crab fishery seems promising. Out of an annual
total of 120,000 MT production of Hilsha nearly 13,000 MT comes from the Sundarbans. Hilsha
landing from the mangroves was reduced by 38% in recent years from 10 years back (Hoq, 2007,
Ali 1998 and MARC 1995 quoted in Hoq, 2007).
One of the study areas is Munshigonj in Sathkira district which has direct access to the
Sundarbans. The other two areas are Morelgonj upzilla of Bagerhat district and Paikgacha upzilla
of Khulna districts (Fig. 4). Both areas have access to the Sundarbans and the selected
interviewees depend on the Sundarbans and its adjacent water bodies for livelihoods.
3.5.2. Chittagong
Along the coast of Chittagong, there are about 40 fishing village with around of 70,000
fishermen15. Two fishing villages were selected for the present study in Chittagong region. These
are South Salimpur and Katghar. Salimpur is a Hindu village which is located approximately 20
kms north of Chittagong (Fig. 4). The village is near the Chittagong-Dhaka Highway. Katghar is
15
http://www.prothom-alo.com/archive/news_details_mcat.php?dt=2008-01-
31&issue_id=821&cat_id=6&nid=ODA5MDM=&mid=Ng==
accessed on 31st January 2008.
37
another fishing village in the suburb area of Chittagong city (not highlighted in the map). Fishers
of the study area catch fish in two seasons using mainly two types of nets i.e. Gill net and Set Bag
Net (SBN). During the peak season (usually 4 months) they use Gill net for Hilsha fishing.
During the lean season SBN is used for fishing Bombay duck and shrimp. A small number of
fishers also use long line and conventional fishing gear for fishing.
3.5.3 St. Martin’s Island
St. Martin’s Island is a small offshore island in the Bay of Bengal. This island is approximately 32
km away from mainland Teknaf. The island is approximately 8 km long and 500 m wide at its
broadest point (Fig. 4) . It is the only coral enriched ecosystem of Bangladesh having global
biodiversity significances. The island has 6000 inhabitants most of them are fishers. The fishing
community rely on the surrounding resources like fish; seaweeds for their subsisting living. Fish
drying, agriculture is other important economic activities. Tourism and other trades are also
expanding. This island and its surrounding ecosystem is a protected area under the designation of
“Ecologically Critical Area” (PDO-ICZMP,2005).Besides three study areas, some data, previously
collected from Teknaf also used in this study.
Fig. 4: Map of Bangladesh showing the study areas (Adopted from Banglapedia, 2003).
38
3.6. Summary
This chapter has set the context for the present study of poverty and livelihood analysis of coastal
fishing communities of Bangladesh. The section provided relevant information on the physical,
social, economic, and ecological conditions of Bangladesh. A discourse on the current status of
poverty in Bangladesh as well as specifically poverty in coastal zone is also presented using
secondary data. It then focused on the presentation of main aspects of fisheries-categories,
description coastal fisheries, role of fisheries in the economy, marketing channel, legal and
management aspects of fisheries discussed as well. This chapter ended with the description of
study area. The extent of widespread poverty as well as the role of fisheries as a livelihood options
for a large number of poor people supports the idea that small-scale fisheries of Bangladesh may
be ripe for facilitating a new understandings of the poverty-fisheries nexus. The next chapter
outlines the methodological framework used in this research and explains the survey methods used
for data collection in the study area.
39
Chapter Four: METHODOLOGY
4.1. Preparation for fieldwork

Data collection for research work is one of the most challenging tasks. Proper methodology is
prior condition for a fruitful data collection. Particularly the social sciences appear considerably
more concerned about their methodologies than do the natural sciences (Meehl, 1978).To do this;
the objective of present research was fixed first as mentioned by Naumes and Naumes (1999)
“Successful data collection is driven by a clear statement of objectives. It is helpful to plan

the data gathering process, including the types of information you want to collect and the
techniques and sources you will use to collect it around these objectives” ( p. 48).
Further extent of my field work preparation was

i) to study the research topic
ii) to select suitable fieldwork site
iii) design of fieldwork plan and preparation of questionnaire
iv) To find out the relevant persons and organization for help to get access data and
information from the selected area and fishing community.
v) To prepare necessary technical equipment such as tape recorder, video camera,
camera, accommodation, transportation, and research assistant16.
4.2. Methods
The fieldwork is articulated with both qualitative method and quantitative data. The primary data
is obtained from the qualitative method and for secondary data reliance is based on the documents
and reports, which might contain the quantitative data.
4.2.1. Qualitative method
Methods of qualitative research includes observation ( participant and non-participant), focus

group discussion (FGD), in depth interview (structured or open ended), life history and case study
etc .The real purposes of the qualitative research are not to count the opinions or people, rather to
explore the range of opinions, the different representations of the issue, and the objective is to
maximize the opportunity to understand the different position taken by members of the social
setting (Gaskell 2000).
16
During the interview and whole data collection process I took help of assistants.
40
To collect qualitative data four elements were kept in mind:

(a) The qualitative methodologist must get close enough to the people and situation being
studied to be able to understand the depth and details of what goes on. (b) the qualitative
methodologist must aim at capturing what takes place and what people actually say, the
perceived facts; (c) qualitative data consist of a great deal of pure description of people,
activities, and interactions; (d) qualitative data consist of direct quotations from people, both
what they speak and what they write down. (Patton, 1980 p. 36)
In present study empirical data is mainly collected through observations, focus group discussion
and key informants interview.
i) Participatory observations
Participatory observation offer a good opportunity to get a comprehensive and authentic insight in
actual situations of the evaluation topic including “actions, conversations, and physical
descriptions” (Gittleson and Mookherji, 1997). Goode and Hatt (1952) stated “Science begins
with observation and must ultimately return to observation for its final validation” (Goode and
Hatt, 1952,p.119).. Neuman (1997) indicated further importance of observation
“A great deal of what researchers do in the field is to pay attention, watch, and listen
carefully. They use all the senses, noticing what is seen, heard, smelled, tasted, or touched.
The researcher becomes an instrument that absorbs all sources of information” (p.361
quoted in Ali,2005).
Considerable time was taken to observe the daily activities of the target community. Preference
was given to interview in the work places or inside the living area. The key informants were
interviewed in their work places such as when they did netting, repairing boats or nets, processing
or selling their catches. Special caution was taken to interview the women considering
conservative norms of society. In Pikegacha, prior consent were taken from the family head to
interview and take photographs of the women. In Sundarbans it was comparatively easy to
interview women as they also go fishing with other family members. In St. Martin’s Island, it
was not possible interview woman as woman prefers not to talk outsiders. In Salimpur we talked
with family members sitting on the veranda. Observations in sampling areas also supplemented by
accompanying the fishers in their fishing areas, or when they transported their catch to nearby
markets or landing site, which helped to gain an insight into their daily activities and also increase
the validity of collected data.
41
ii) Focus group discussion
‘The focused group interview consists of a guided in-depth interview of a relatively homogeneous
small group of individuals purposefully selected by the researcher to address a specific topic’
(Saint-Germain et al., 1993, p. 342).Personal interview often lead a focus group discussion as
other people often join the discussion. Focus groups discussions were conducted for 45 to 60
minutes with seven to eight participants. Light refreshment was served for the participants after
each discussion. All focus group discussions were tap recorded.
iii) In-depth and Key informant interviews
When information is gathered through a series of repeated intensive interviews, using interview
guidelines rather than pre-formulated questions, the method is referred to as in-depth interview
(Ali, 2005). In-depth interviews are suitable for eliciting perceptions, motivations and feelings
(Scrimshaw, 1990).Interviewing key informants from a wide range of sectors that allows looking
at varying perspectives and underlying issues or problems. Six key informants were selected for
the interview. Several key issues were covered by the in-depth interviews
During in-depth interviews, the questions were focusing on poverty fisheries interaction. The
sample size of interview was determined based on informational needs and guided by the principle
of data saturation (Polit & Hungler, 1999).Considering these 10 interviews were conducted in
each study area. The range of interviewees spread through different background like fisheries ( e.g
fish harvester, crab collector, shrimp fry collector, fishers with boat without boat, fish sellers),
fisher group, fishers community leader, fisherwomen, NGOs officials.
The interviews were not all ways structured but open ended to allow the interviewees more
flexibility. But care always taken that interview process does not miss its track following the
flexibility. In Munshigonj it was easy to collect the data as local fishers approached us and they
provided us the facility to enter fishing area of the Sundarbans so that on spot data collection was
easy. In Morelgonj thana of Bagerhat district which is affected by cyclone Sidr local men thought
of us as persons of relief organization. They were much interested to tell their miseries as well as
the irregularities of relief distribution. People were trying directing us to their house to show the
destruction of Sidr. It was tough to find out who are fishers or not as everyone showed that they
were fishers as our concerns were fishers. We had to leave the area for personal safety .However
in Salimpur area data collection was more comfortable as I worked there before. Many people are
42
known to me. Fishers were willing to share their well and woe with me. I have also some previous
conception about their attitude and perception. So data collection was smooth and easier.
4.2.2. Secondary data
Documentary sources are often helpful when situations or events cannot be investigated by direct
observation or questioning (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1995). Secondary data was collected from
Dhaka for public reports and also from some local NGOs which are working with the small scale
fishers of coastal area of Bangladesh. Some newspaper reports also collected for further materials.
A general google scholar search also made to get access online resources. All these relevant
documents or reports might be of use for data enrichments and analysis.
4.3. Sampling and representativeness

The interviews and observations were carried out in 5 fieldwork site along the coastal area of
Bangladesh. Diversity in fishing ground, fishing gear, target species, castes etc are considered to
choose the sampling area. The sampling areas cover are (i) the Sundarbans: multi-species multi-
gear fisheries and also multi caste and some fishing areas were recently been affected by the
cyclone Sidr (ii)Chittagong area: mainly SetBag Net and Gill net is used for Bombay duck, shrimp
and Hilsha fishing and (iii) St. Martin’s Island which is an offshore Island and protected area .
Sampling is mainly concentrated in the places of fishers gathering. Fishing ground, landing site,
open beach for parking boat, flood protection embankments, market for selling fresh or dry fish ,
tea stall etc were found as a place for fisher’s gathering .Theses gathering due to fish catching,
repairing boats or nets , preparing nets, cleaning catches, selling catches, playing cards, or
gossiping on local or national issues. The sites where fishers use for net making or mending and
tea stall is the most important place for data sampling as they do these job in their leisure period.
Representativeness in sampling should be striven for (Miles and Huberman (1984, p. 235).To
ensure representative of different background prior data was collected about the fishing
community. When we visited the fishing area of Sundarbans mangrove forest which is multi-
geared fishery we carefully noticed what type of fishing gear they used. To choose the caste or
religion, information is collected from passer by or from local shop-keepers. It is more common to
live together with same caste or religion. No variation in information is treated by moving from
one interviewer to another.
43
4.4. Method of data analysis

Quantitative data were analyzed by using spreadsheet software like Excel.Qualatative data were
analysis through text analysis. All taped data were transcribed and developed into themes for
further explanation by using relevant theories.
4.5. Validity, reliability and limitation of the study

Validity and reliability are two factors which any qualitative researcher should be concerned about
while designing a study, analysing results and judging the quality of the study (Patton, 2001).To
ensure the validity of the data collected interviews were not always structured but worked as an
open-ended discussion. Purpose of my data collection is described before them so that they may
not misguide. The study areas were chosen carefully and I believe that my research problem is
also the part of problem of study areas. All interviewee were given opportunities to speak freely
according to their knowledge structure. Thus collected data fulfil the requirement to be valid as
described by Stenbacka (2001)
The understanding of the phenomenon is valid if the informants chosen are part of the
problem area …. and if the interaction between researcher and informant gives the latter
the opportunity to speak freely according to his/ her own knowledge (p.555)
Stenbacka (2001) describes the notion of reliability as one of the quality concepts in qualitative
research which is to be solved in order to claim a study as part of proper research (p 551)
“Analysis of qualitative material is more explicitly interpretative, creative and personal than
in quantitative analysis, which is not to say that it should not be equally systematic and
careful”
“Systematic and careful work is always relevant, no matter the type of research”
To follow systemic and care about data collection a number of measure were taken. Camera is
used to take photographs of interview process, conversation is tap recorded and paper notes are
taken when necessary. This type of approach may attribute validity and reliability to the collected
data.
Limitations
As Islam (2004) stated the technique of both large-scale surveys and qualitative sampling have
severe limitations in the context of the rural population of a transitional society of Bangladesh.
Polished concept of interview as a simple encounter between an interview or a questionnaire with
a single respondent is unlikely in coastal fishing community.
44
In present data collection process the interview is most often with the presence of other men or
women who often interfere the conversation which elicited as group response. Sometime reverse
case also happened, when some respondent showed little interest or had reluctance to give
sufficient time. In the St. Martin’s Island interviewee protest me that such interview does not
bring any good for them so there is no need of interview. As the island is a popular tourist
destination, most villagers’ motive was profit oriented and wanted to earn something from every
one. In Munshigonj, the local fishers exaggerated their miserable livelihood conditions with
hope that we will do something, assuming us as government official. Many fishers do not want to
disclose their true perception as they do not trust outsiders. So we have to cross check the
collected data. Some fishers declined to record their voice due insecurity feelings that I might use
their voice for other purpose that may harm them. Time constraint is another limitation for the
present study. I started research work later than my colleague, as I had to consider the suitable
time to visit the sampling area. The analytical parts of this research work express my views which
may have some limitations.
4.6. Ethical Considerations

Ethical considerations were part of the whole data collection period. In every interview, we
disclose our intention for data collection. We sought their permission and approval by giving them
“Informed Consent Form”. However as most of the interviewer were illiterate we read the
contents for their approval. Prior permission was taken before photo-documenting of the
interviews, their activities and work places or households.
45
Chapter Five: LIVELIHOOD ANALYSIS OF COASTAL SMALL SCALE

FISHERS
To understand the links between livelihoods and issues of poverty, we need to analyse the
traditional livelihood strategies of fishers and how they have changed over time adopting to the
changes in their asset base. These changes in turn are a part the vulnerability context in which
fishers live and work, as well as by the policies, institutions and processes that influence this
vulnerability context (Salgrama, 2006). Pomeroy et al. (2006) further add that diversity, adaptation,
incentives and vulnerability, all need to be appreciated when undertaking an analysis of coastal
livelihoods. The following analysis discusses a range of issues relevant to the livelihoods and
vulnerabilities that of coastal fishers face enabling us exposing the economic, organizational, and
asymmetric relationships among actors located along different points within the small-scale
fisheries. The following finding in turn will form the basis for further analysis in the next chapters
in perspective of relevant theories.
5. 1. Overview of the socio-economic condition of small scale fishers

The resource users of the coastal fisheries of Bangladesh are fragile, being seriously
disadvantaged by their poverty, lack of organization, lack of access to productive resources such
as land, capital, boats and gear, as well as their low levels of effective access to employment,
markets, infrastructure , information, education, justice and low enforcement mechanisms, health
and social services . Poor road infrastructure and long distances make them physically isolated.
They live in remote areas, have house on congested or khas17 land (Fig. 5).
Fig.5: Most fishing villages located on khas land or congested own land.
17
Government owned land.
46
They have little direct access to markets, and are not organized to voice their views in any manner
regarding the state of the coastal fisheries or its management issues .Literacy, skills level are low.
They are not in control over their own livelihoods, nor do they have any control over decision-
making regarding management practices in the coastal fishery. Their employment is not secure, as
it depends on open access resources, and opportunities are limited to promote their production or
change the terms and conditions of their product exchange.
Poverty is perceived as the main livelihood problem and the community’s perception of poverty
is focused on owning property and money like fishing gear, boats or homestead land for food
and living . It also includes aspirations to have access to service (health, education, hygiene for
self and family) self-respect and dignity, participation in decision-making and being able to be of
assistance to kin when needed.
5.1.1. Sharing a unpredictable and declining resource base
There is a widespread anxiety among the interviewed fishers that fisheries resources they share
being are reduced drastically in the Bay of Bengal.
“Few years ago we could fish near the beach. Now a day we have to move further deep to
chase fish. Each year we have the fishes moving further deep but our fishing efficiency can
not keep pace with the distance fishes move away”.(Interview with a fisher in St. Martin’s
Island).
A number of reasons are attributed for the apparent loss of fisheries resources as perceived by the
fishers. The Bay of Bengal receives one of the largest amounts of sediment in the world as
transported by the Ganges-Brahmaputra river systems. A large portion of this sediment is silted
near shore and changes fish habitat. Coastal pollution from industrial, urban or agricultural wastes
is also blamed for destruction of fisheries resources. Fishers from Chittagong area also accuse
nearby ship-braking yards for reduced fish diversity along the Chittagong coast. Use of
monofilament nets (current jal), colossal loss of the juvenile of other species during shrimp seed
collection, fishing of brood stock, pollution due to coastal aquaculture, discarding the by-catch18
by industrial trawlers, exploration of natural gas and oil in the sea are also mentioned as other
causes. Decline in fish catch is the most crucial factor for increasing level poverty and food
insecurity in fishers community as validated by the own experiences of most respondents of the
sampling area. The decreases in fish catch decline from 50% to 90% from the previous decade as
18
Living creatures that are caught unintentionally by fishing gear; Non-target species caught during
fishing.
47
perceived by the interviewed fishers. Some fishers are quite pessimistic saying that fish catches
are declining 10% per year.
Quantitative study about the projected contribution of capture fisheries also shows the negative
trends of output from small-scale fisheries (Table.3). Increases in fuel price further exaggerate the
fishing coasts as the duration and distance for fishing is increased. Thus fishers are marginalized,
have increased poverty, use destructive fishing methods that destroy their resource base, and are
forced to fish previously non-target species to compensate low earning.
5.1.2. Prevalence of high levels of landlessness and marginal fishers
Most of the fishers are landless. The fishers usually live near their work place on beach or nearby
khas land, thus predisposing them to natural disasters like cyclone or coastal flooding.
Landlessness make the fishers most vulnerable. Land properties serve as insurance against sudden
loss of livelihood option. Some of them (mostly Muslim fishers) changed from agriculture farmers
to fishers due to loss of their land due to river erosion or flooding. Low capital investment, few
income opportunities, previous debts are other driving factors to push them into coastal fishery.
Hence, coastal fisheries serve as a last resort livelihood activity for them. Those fishers who have
land, are in marginal quantity, insufficient for use as a means of alternative income generation,
mostly used for further family settlement.
5.1.3. Income poverty levels
Erratic income is another most striking feature of coastal fisheries. Besides low catch throughout
the whole year, this low catch also suffers by inconsistent year round production. Livelihoods of
coastal fishers become increasingly tough to keep pace with erratic productions. The whole year
production is marked by lean and peak period. As a general observation in the whole year 3-4
month is the period for meaningful earning. The fishers await this season for good earnings and
dadondar or money lender invest money to reap the profit of this harvest. This fishing period also
suffer by joe and dala (spring tide and neap tide period)19 .During joe the fishing is characterized
by low catch where as dala is characterized by high production. During peak season usually 13
days per month is suitable for good fish production. Thus it is calculated that two months is for
meaningful harvest in one year. However in the case of the Sundarbans, a multispecies fisheries
peak season for certain species often is in contrast with the banning period of other species. Thus
reduced fish diversity together with natural phenomena like lunar cycle play an important role in
19
Joe is the spring tide that is strong tide period and dala is the neap tide that is the week tide period.
48
the total catch as well as income of the coastal fisheries of Bangladesh. Erratic production makes
the fishers vulnerable, entrap them into debt and exhaust their savings.
5.1.4. Human development poverty in terms of overall illiteracy
Poverty in small-scale fisheries is further propagated due to low level of literacy. In most fising
hamlets, there are no schools, nearest school may be inaccessible due to distance or poor road
communication. Illiteracy is widespread among elders and children seem to follow the elders.
Child labour is quite common among fishers. If a child goes to school it is likely that they fail to
complete his/her primary schooling due educational expense or the need for the child to support
the family income. Some others reasons for this failure are described by a fisher in the Sundarbans
area as mentioned below:
“I know that to educate children is good thing. Due to poverty I have to take my child for
fishing because I need a helping hand for fishing if I hire another person to go with me I have
to pay wage even if I do not get any crab. For example Today we (me, my child and wife) 3
person earned 170 Tk (about $2.5) for 2day fishing. If I took another person (by sending my
child to school) I had to pay at least 100 taka ($1.5) for 2 days. How is it possible to maintain
my family of 6 members with 70 Tk ($1) for 2 day? First have to survive then the question of
education”.
In addition, to complete primary education or higher secondary does not ensure a job in
Bangladesh due high unemployment rate. Moreover, as a member of the low caste, fishers also
suffer to get equal opportunity. Sometimes some fishers face a dilemma that they are not educated
enough to get a job outside their community but highly educated to go for fishing. The fishers who
have some education may be able to switch from fishing in the sea to fish marketing or at least to
nearby garments factory in case of Chittagong area. Lack of education undermines skill and ability
of the fishers and makes them unaware about sanitation practices increasing the likelihood of
diseases and illness.
5.1.5. Diseases and illness
Lack of access to basic health care and malnutrition further impoverishes communities resulting in
chronic illness. Additionally inadequate immunization makes them vulnerable to many epidemic
diseases like malaria; while waterborne diseases like diarrhoea make them physically unable to
go fishing. These diseases can wipe out the savings by forcing them to buy medicine thus causing
further proliferation of poverty. One of the Key Informants in Chittagong area said that
49
“Fishers spend a large portion of their earning for buying medicine. It is unlikely that all the
members of family are in sound health. They are unconscious about general sanitation rules
for that they suffer”.
A number of health concerns have been raised by interviewees. Some fry collectors reported
spending up to 8 hours immersed in the water of rivers and estuaries. Skin infections, fungal
infections, lesions, rashes, and cuts are frequent among them. Women fry collectors may suffer
particular types of vaginal and fungal infections as a result of their activities (GATE, 2006). Many
fishers suffer from frequent bouts of waterborne diseases like diarrhoea and dysentery. Illness
among fishers is perceived as one of the causes of extreme poverty in the fishing community.
Illness of earning member forgoes family income, erodes family savings and in some cases forces
them to sell of productive assets. The chronic illness leads to bankruptcy of the whole family as
well as poor health of other family members as the cost of medicine is often compensated by the
reducing frequency of meals or in extreme cases with the starvation of family members. The
causes of most prevalent illness (including water-borne diseases from faecal matter) are blamed on
the lack of sanitary knowledge as stated by some key informants. The fishers are more concerned
about the visible cost of setting up a sanitary latrine than the invisible subsequent cost of medicine
and treatment resulted from use of pit latrine. Even though awareness programs run by different
NGOs have help to change the existing unawareness about sanitary practices, a large number of
fishing families are still out of reach of the programs. Illness of the family head is one of the most
mentioned causes of livelihood failure.
5.1.6. Access to basic social services and infrastructure
Coastal fishing hamlets are mostly remote and poorly connected to social services hub. Road
communications are poorly developed often destroyed by floods, cyclones or coastal erosion. In
the Sundarbans area, most fishers do not have access to pure drinking water. They drink water
from pond or water bodies’ rather than deep tube well. Sanitation facilities are poorly developed.
Most households use pit latrines. Thus fishers suffer from low level of well being on account of
limited access to basic social services such as safe drinking water, low access to health services,
and lack of knowledge of preventive health and sanitation practices.
5.1.7. Increased household’s size
Increased family size is one of the most common features of a fishing community. The open
access nature coastal fisheries somehow encourages propensity for large family, as an increase in
family members can increase rapid extraction of resources benefits. Boys are considered as future
assets and can go for fishing with the father or other kin even at age 10..Girls are considering as a
50
liability and the number of girls is considered as an indicator of poverty. Most parents become
anxious when they to give their daughter away in marriage as it involve a dowry and social
security. Aspiration to have a boy also encourage to increases family size. If the first child is girl
then often parents will have more children until they have a boy or have increased their family
size substantially. Such conditions further exaggerated problems not only due to the voluminous
family size but also due to future dowry problem of girl’s marriage. Many family descents into
poverty because of the dowry involved in a girl’s marriage.
5.1.8. Heavy debt bondage
Fishers may be blamed for their notorious non-savings behaviour. In case of Chittagong area,
fishers earn a good amount of money by Hilsha fishing. Most fishers do not a have saving habit
for the lean period. Coastal fishers are among the most alcoholic communities in Bangladesh.
Good harvest celebrations as well as a release of frustration are often done by the consumption of
liquor. Tari is one type of country liquor that is very potent. It makes the fisher weaker and
sometimes results in death. Most women as well as key informant identify alcoholism as the
causes of early death of earning members, food insecurity, troubles in family bond, dwindling
family income and heavy debt bondage. During good fishing they also spend more in other ways.
This time some fishers prefer to take breakfast in the shop rather than preparing at home. They
also spend at tea stall. Spend money during the good season is one type of amusement. Since they
think that they are destined to be poor lets enjoy this good season.
Taking loan for consumption or fishing is widely practice. Fishers usually do not say that they
take loans for home consumption, as money lenders usually do not want to give loans for home
consumption. Before starting peak season fishing fishers take loan from dadondar or money
lender for mending nets, boats or buying accessories like engines or boats. This loan system is
characterized by high interest rates, invisible interests, barriers to of free access to the markets
and long term relations with creditors, thus money lender become the de facto owner of the
family’s productive assets and good time catches, which will discuss later portion of this chapter.
5.1.9. Risks pertaining to attacks by unlawful elements in sea
Most of the fishers interviewed complain that livelihoods of fishers become risky and vulnerable
due to sea piracy. The risk is severe during Hilsha fishing seasons in the Chittagong area , which
is the most important fishing season and in the Sundarbans area fishers have to suffer all the year
51
round from unlawful elements. According to CODEC from 1999 to 2007 about 12000 Gill net
4000 SBN 80 engine 38 Boats were pirated from Sitakunda police station area20.
The pirated property is resold to the fishers through brokers. Fishers sometime contact with
robbers to again buy the pirated properties, because buying new net or boats involve more money
than buying pirated old ones and are also time consuming. Thus in other terms, fishers help to
maintain piracy in the sea. In the case of Sundarbans there are a number of gangs who collect
commission from fishers on a weekly basis. The Sundarbans is considered a rich ecological niche,
generally very controlled and fees are charged for fishing in the forest. Fishers of the Sundarbans
have to spend large portion of income for government permit fees, bribes to concerned permit
issuing official, extortion charges by forest workers and the unlawful elements. In the Sundarbans,
sometime miscreants kidnap fishers for ransom money.
5.1.10. Cyclone, sea storms wipe out assets base
The Bay of Bengal is one of the most disaster prone regions. Cyclones and sea storms are yearly
phenomena and leave behind massive trails of death and destruction each year. Thus the fishers
living along coast of Bay of Bengal are frequent target of disastrous cyclones. Cyclones claim
hundreds lives and wipe out the last means of living for many survivors, because they lose their
nets and boats that are used for fishing (Fig.6). On 15 November 2007 cyclone Sidr hit the coast
of Bangladesh and claimed approximately 10,000 lives. The exact numbers of dead fishers is not
known but is assumed to be more than 1000. Additionally hundreds of fishing boats capsized and
lots of fishing gear went missing. Some fishers of the affected areas described their miseries to
press, which are mentioned below:
"In about 30 minutes we all became paupers.” "The sea has leveled all of us into a community
united by poverty," "There is now no difference between a trawler owner and a fisherman.
We are all now living under the open sky," We will now have to work for more than a year to
recover our losses" ."But many will never make up the loss as they have lost everything,"
AFP on 20.11.2007.
“We live by water and also died by waters. No body sheds tears of us. Our area is inaccessible.
We are yet to get relief. By this cyclone I lost my husband the only earning sources in my
family. There are no rich households in our locality where I can serve as maid servant. I do
not know how I will survive with my children” (Interview with a woman in Morelgonj,
Bagerhat).
20
see footnote 15.
52
Fig. 6: Cyclone Sidr wiped out productive resources like fishing boats of many fishers.
The key impacts of natural disasters on the coastal fishers of Bangladesh are
i) Loss of human lives. Death of earning members put the whole family on the brink of
debacle- extreme poverty. Loss of the other family members traumatises the whole
family for long time.
ii) Loss of the households’ assets and basic infrastructure for survival. Loss of fishing
gear and boats wipe out the base of their livelihoods. Most family have to start from
zero after disasters.
iii) Loss of livestock seriously impacts their security as they lose their saving assets.
iv) Acute demand for loan money creates financial crisis both for fishers as well as for
money lenders. One money lender described the situation:
“The economy here is like this. If I run out of money that five hundreds people also
run out of money and they can not give my returns. My business is dependant on the
fishermen. Financial assistance is the only way to get out of this problem we get
struck in.”21
v) Loss of paddy field and other food sources create food insecurity along the coast.
Lack or insufficient food is often reflected in ill health or other physical complexities.
vi) The fishing communities are the worst affected by the cyclone due to the proximity
of sea but they benefit least from relief due to their distance from the public facility
hubs. They are also unlikely to reap the benefits of many rehabilitation programs
(unless programs exclusively target for fishers) such as food for work due to
reluctance and lack of skills. The fishers’ ability to get help like cash or ration cards
21
Aljazeera: 2008.Life after cyclone Sidr: Fishers Hope for Aid to Start Afresh. Available at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-JJUPGeGdyg accessed on 30th April,2008.
53
for food often depends on the ability to pay bribes to the concern local government
official.
All of theses impacts increased vulnerabilities of small scale fishers. Thus each year natural
disasters push poor households to the poorest community.
5.1.11. Gender Issues: Sharing the responsibility
Fishing is considered a gendered profession. In general, women do not participate actively in

fishing but have presence in the marketing channels. However in the Sundarbans area women also
go for fishing with other family members (Fig.7). About 42 % of the shrimp seed collectors are
women and girls (GATE, 2006). Women play an important role in fish marketing. A good number
of women maintain their livelihoods by selling fish. In the Chittagong area, women buy fish from
fishers upon landing on beach, sometimes on credit. They sell in nearby markets or from door to
door.
Fig.7: Women also act as helping in fishing activity.
In Munshigonj area of Sundarbans women also go with family members for crab fishing. To get
protection from tiger ingression it requires more than one person; usually three for fishing inside
Sundarbans.One maintains the net, one controls the radar of the boat and the third one serves as a
watchman against tiger movement. Women also lead for fishing with other younger family
members if the earning person died due to illness or more commonly by tiger attack. However
fisherwomen suffer insecurity when fishing by unlawful elements. The erosion of fishermen’s
income increased the participation of women in income generating activities. In many cases,
women’s incomes are now the financial mainstay of the households. However, women generally
paid less than male counterparts and matters of insecurity always remain. Such insecurity is often
54
synonymous with lower incomes and greater vulnerability to poverty. Women also suffer from
lack of organization and access to decision making (GATE, 2006)
5.1.12. The lack of mobilization, organization and social security
Poor infrastructure, remoteness, poor or no transport are inhibiting factors for access to
development and mobilization activities. Bangladesh is well-known as an active place of large
number of NGOs. The number of NGOs targeting coastal fishers is very few. Health personnel,
extension workers or NGOs activists are normally unwilling to work over there.
Microcredit a system of NGOs is does not fit well with fishing communities who have problems
with regular instalment payments. Social networks are very weak and traditional social values are
also eroding day by day. Fishing community are not well mobilized. A poor fisher is also an easy
target for police harassment. In such cases they have to pay bribe to get rid of further legal
complexities. There are also complains that law enforcing agencies sometime burn their nets
complaining for illegal fishing tools. Legal or social service from local governments very often
overlooks poor fishers. One fisher from Katghar, Chittagong area complained about local
government representative as
“They just come to us when they need our votes for election. After being elected they just
forget us. Even if police harass us in front our commissioner, he will never protect us. We are
unable to elect our own representative as we do not have power, money even also suitable
candidate because we all are illiterate.”
Very few fishing communities have their own representatives in local administration. Their
voting power is most often manipulated. Fisher communities may have their own elected
representative in the local government when their community area forms a unit (e.g a ward of a
union parishad )suitable for a representative election. However even if they have their own
representative they are not apt to a have voice. As there is no social services for old person or life
insurance, old age or death of earning member makes a family into vulnerable. For many
households sudden death of an earning member forces the women or younger member into the
role of the household head, and thus many families fall from poor condition to destitution.
5.1.13. Resources conservation versus livelihoods
The poorly enforced conversation acts and activities often make poor fishers lives vulnerable. Set
Bag Net (SBN) is funnel shaped net (Fig.8) widely used fishing gear for lean period fishing as
55
well as for catching shrimp seed. This fishing gear has long being blamed for destruction of
fisheries due to its small mesh size.
Fig. 8: Set Bag Net: gear for lean season fishing and shrimp seed collection.
Government efforts to ban it have been hampered several times considering the livelihood
implications. However most SBN fishers do not think that the net is destructive. Set Bag Net
mainly catches Bombay duck and Acetes shrimp. Especially Acetes shrimp is very small size and
short-lived and SBN is the most effective gear to catch it. Even if the shrimp is not harvested it
will die its life span is less than one year. SBN plays an important role as a safety net during lean
period. However it operates near shores and also catches juveniles of other species which raise
conservation issues. SBN is also used to catch shrimp seed along with drag nets. Banning shrimp
seed collection can have implications on the seed collector livelihoods as well as the coastal
aquaculture. In this aquaculture farms, many fisherwomen work to supplement their income as
well as alternative livelihoods. St. Martin’s Island, a protected area banning all kinds of resources
extraction surrounding the island. Many small scales fishers maintain their livelihoods by
utilization of seaweeds .Many resource users perceived that banning sea weeds collection have no
positive implications but hamper their livelihoods, so there is a conflict between the need to
conserve resources and the demand for utilization of some resources.
Conservation acts often serve as tools of harassment by law enforcing agencies. For dishonest
police arresting fishers by the false excuse of violating laws is an option for bribe money,
according to some fishers in the Chittagong area.
56
5.1.14. Fisher’s inability to access boats and fishing gears
Access to fishing ground in the coastal communities is largely remain as a factor of access to
productive assets; particularly the most important piece of all is the boat. This finding seems to
indicate that many fishers have no access to these essential assets for their income. These fishers
shared boats with boat owner (nearest of kin, neighbours or friends in the community) or work as
a daily labour was the only way to access the fishing ground. One fisher from Salimpur,
Chittagong area said:
“As full-time fishers I also aspire to have my own boats and fishing gears. Even if the income
flow is erratic and small, for as long as it can provide the basic needs of my family – for food
and clothing, that’s enough for me. However, we don’t have the needed capital for the
equipment. Even dadondar do not want to give us loan during lean period as we do not have
boats”.
The fishers without boat and nets generate their income by labouring. Poverty of these fishers can
be attributed to their failure to generate adequate returns from the labour.
5.3. Marketing channel
Most fishers simply assumed that a lack of money is the cause of their poverty. A lack of money
is the main constraint of their livelihoods. If they have money they can buy boat, engine and
efficient nets to fish further deep sea. They can buy food, cloths and can also send their kids to
school. Lack of financial resources and other related issues make the community vulnerable to
different economic and social deprivation. This deprivation is widespread and manifest directly or
indirectly in their livelihoods, and it is increasing day by day. These systems of exploitation are
called by different names. As they are not united, mobilized or economically independent, socially
unsecured, the whole system of production, marketing and profit maximisation goes beyond their
control. The whole system of profit orientation is under the control of a group of middle-men who
exploited poor fishers in visible and invisible ways. Most fishers are well aware of the vicious
cycle of exploitation but find no way to come out. Under these conditions they are becoming
increasingly poor. Dadon system is the credit system that is notoriously blamed for the means of
exploitation of fishers (Table.4)
The main sources of financial capital for the coastal poor fishers of Bangladesh are the informal
credit market and the microcredit program .Traditional informal credit markets provide the loan or
dadon by the dadondars or moneylenders, while different NGOs conduct the microcredit market.
Fisher’s access to the formal credit market (i.e. scheduled banks) is almost absent due to lack of
collateral assets like land property.
57
Dadon is a sort of transaction built upon an uneven lending contract (often verbal), even before
production, in favour of the lender/purchaser of produce to sell the produce to him/her at a price
much below (i.e. usually about 20% - 40%) the normal market price or (in absence of fish product)
against a certain percentage of commission (e.g. 5% to 10% of sales revenue, or Tk. 5 – 10 per kg
of fish).
By definition there are two types of dadon. In one case dadondar does not interfere with fish
products or marketing but fishers have to pay excessive interest rate of 120-240% per annum. In
the other cases dadondar take the catch at a price much below the normal market price. Thus
dadon is a system of advance payment through which dadondar or money lenders establish his
right on the fisher’s product (Kleih et al, 2003; Habib, 2001).
Some dadondars invest in the first type dadon during lean seasons when the fish products are
minimal and low products price. And during peak period they demand fish products. But the
reality that it is much more than only a lending and paying relationship. The dadon later on is
considered as the advance for the season and binds the fishers to some unwritten conditions, such
as
a. Whatever is the amount of money, the borrower must give all the fishes he caught to the
dadondar who gave them the loan.
b. The borrowers will get certain amount of money less than the price of the fish in the
wholesale market
c. Until the season ends the account will not be settled. Now and then the fishers can take a
little amount as pocket money or to maintain the family and that will be written down
separately.
d. The fishers have to carry the fish product to the warehouse on his own expense (Habib,
2001).
Though during the harvest seasons fishers can see something like the written documents of
transaction, but some unscrupulous dadondars never settled the accounts saying that he know
nothing of calculations. Price is determined through a top down approach.
58
Table 4: Positive and negative effects of dadon systems.

Pros Cons
•Incentive factors for financial assets •Informal credit provide scope for
•Loan facility for the fishers who largely exploitation
deprived by formal bank and NGOs •High interest rate or lower fish price
•No need of collateral property as security •Limits scope for alternative employment
•Direct, secured and smooth marketing of fish •Create dependency relationships resulting in
product increased indebtedness over time.
•Reduced transaction costs for trustworthy •Use of violent measures to pursue their
business partners interest or products
•Contract enforcement comparatively low. •In some cases, confiscate financial assets
•Speedy commodity moves through •For some instance, create internal conflicts
marketing channels. among fishers
•Help for employment and food security
during lean period
•Provided social, legal security for a
vulnerable community
•Allow flexible time for repay
Sources: In-depth interviews; Kleih et al., (2003).
The dadondars fix the prices after the sale of the fishes in the wholesale market far away from the
village so the fisher never knows the price of his products. Fishers have to accept the price
determined by the money lender. If they bargain then the money lender just reduces the price of
the previous bid as a punishment. The costs and labour goes to fishers but returns of good time
harvest go to money lenders. Even after realizing the level of exploitations, fishers have to back to
money lenders because they have no other choices.
Money lenders allow at least three fishing seasons for the loan defaulter to repay loans .If there is
a failure they may confiscate the productive assets: boats, nets, house or homestead land. Thus,
now dadondars are more than the price takers ,they also interfere social matters of fishing
community like conflict resolution. Though some fishers complain that the dadondar often creates
social conflicts, the fishers taking dadon can hit the boat and destroy the nets of the fishers who
do not take dadon without any protest. Thus the dadondars apply divide and rule policy among
the fishers to maintain their hold on power. The dadon system also decapitate fisher’s ability or
intention to diversify or change jobs as he is wedded to fishing because of credit linkage, options
only remain when he can earn enough to pay off his debts, but such options are very rare
59
In the Sundarbans the dadondars are mainly commission agents. For example the fry collector
sells the catches to the fry faria. Faria sells the fry to the aratdar. Fry aratdar sells fry to the
commission agent. Faria and aratdar are indebted to intermediaries dadondars are higher up the
chain and are committed to sell fry exclusively to that money lender (GATE, 2006).
5.4. Beliefs and rituals

Coastal fishers have a strong regard for their religious institutions and heredity, both of which are
firm in the rightness of their belief and values. There is strong belief among one sect of fishers that
God has entrusted them with the sacred duty of fishing to serve other people with the supply of
fish. Serving others with food is a noble job. Thus, if they deviate from their forefather’s
profession it will be a sin for them, and their forefather will curse them, which bars many from
finding alternate professions. One fisher from Salimpur said that
“This is our forefather’s profession. We are doing this for generation after generation. How
we quit this? If we quit this our forefather will curse us. We are not able to do other jobs also.
No problem we are poor or rich. We are destined to fish.”
Though malnutrition is prevalent among fishing communities many fishers do not take protein as
taking protein will not allow them to enter heaven in the after life. The religious beliefs are also
manifested by some rituals and ceremonies. They pray to the goddess Gonga22 for a good catch
and safety in the sea. If someone is missing in the sea they offer sacrifices to the goddess to ensure
rescue.
The belief of curse and karma23 are much stronger among fishers and many believe that they are
poor because they are cursed by Monsha 24 and Sita 25. There is also pervasive belief that they
have to bear this curse generation after generation. Any attempt to change their fate, will be foiled.
They were poor, they are poor and they will be poor.
Bon bibi is worshiped by the surrounding village and resource extractors around the
Sunderbons.Fishers believe that Bon bibi is always vigilant in the forest to protect them from all
the evil forces and even attacks by tigers. Bon bibi is the spiritual owner of the forest
Sundarbans.She provides a means of subsistent living to her devotees by this forest. Bon bibi may
22
The river Gonga is personified as a living goddess in Hindu Mythology.
23
Karma is a concept in Hinduism which explains causality through a system where beneficial effects
are derived from past beneficial actions and harmful effects from past harmful actions, creating a
system of actions and reactions throughout a person's reincarnated lives.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karma_in_Hinduism access on 05th May 2008.
24
Monsha is the goddess charge with snakes.
25
Wife of God Ram in Hinduism.
60
grow angry if they do irregularities in the exploitation of resources of the forest. These beliefs
have in one way helped to protect the resources from overexploitation. However, over the years
such a believe is losing its force. To maintain livelihoods, fishers are forced to exploit whatever
they can get.
5.5. Coping strategy for enhancing livelihoods
The poor fisher adopts different strategies to cope with the changing conditions. The coping
strategies adopted by fishers of the study areas to enhance their livelihoods systems can broadly be
categorized into three types following Salgrama (2006), such as (i) strategies for enhancing their
current livelihood systems; (ii) diversification into other occupations (whether at the individual
level seasonally, or at the household level, where different members work in different activities);
and (iii) a complete shift to a new activity.
5.5.1. Moving from non-instrumental fishing to destructive one

Aged fishers can remember the time when they fished in a non-mechanized way and it was
sufficient for their livelihoods. In the Sundarbans otter was used for fishing and some fishing also
done simply by hand. Fishers were selective in fishing. Many unwanted, brood species were
released. Mesh size was well chosen for catching matured fish. Now small scale fishers are
commercialized. Undersized fish are caught by reducing the mesh size. Set Bag Net which is used
along coast of Bangladesh is blamed for undersize fishing. In the Sundarbans area crabs are
collected during breeding seasons, as sizable crabs are very lucrative in international markets. It is
estimated that 30% of the total crabs exploited from the Sundarbans area is berried female
(Hoq,2007). Along with graded crabs juvenile crabs also are exploited enormously (Fig. 9).
Graded crabs are sold, juvenile crabs are retained for own consumption. A crab collector from
Munshigonj of Sundarbans area said that:
“We are 7 family members. To fish in Sundarbans is quite risky due to tiger attack. Earlier
when I fish crab I always let the juvenile crabs release. But now sizable crabs are dwindling.
My average income is 150 Tk/day ($ 2). Now I don’t allow juvenile back to water. I retain
them and supplement our daily food. We know we are destroying are future means of
livelihoods. But we are helpless”.
61
Fig. 9 : Juvenile crabs unfit for marketing but used to supplement daily consumption.
During breeding season all other species are also being targeted. Brood species of highly valued
giant tiger prawn ( P. monodon) and giant fresh water prawn (Macrobrachium rosenbergii)
also becoming rare day by day. The most alarming aspect of fishing in the Sundarbans is the use
of poison for fishing. A number of miscreants are using poison in the inner area and creeks of
Sundarbans for fishing, destroying all fisheries resources in the area and as well as polluting the
environment.
5.5.2. Work against the stipulated fisheries management laws and regulations
From extremely limited livelihoods opportunities fishers ultimately cope with vulnerability by
putting more pressure on the resources they have. The fisher’s solution is unsustainable as well as
illegal in respect of the stipulated fisheries management laws and regulations. Although many of
them are well aware of the negative consequences of unsustainable resources extraction but they
have very limited alternative to choose from. Despite the ban, fry collection continues and fry
collection has to give bribes to the local law enforcement officials to continue fry collection along
the coast. In the St. Martin’s Island collection of sea weeds as well as coral extraction continue
defying existing ban.
62
5.5.3. Involvement with less remunerative or conserved species fisheries
Non target and protected species are fished when there is a dearth of target species during lean
season and as well as a way to get some extra money during peak seasons. Now-a-day’s shark are
being hunted in the south western (e.g. Sundarbans) and south coast of the Bay of Bengal (St.
Martin’s Island, Fig. 10 ) even though the catching of shark is banned under Wildlife Act 1974.
Shark fishing now became a lucrative and remunerative business for a large number of fishers as
shark fin, skin, teeth, bone, stomach etc has an international demand.
Earlier shark was caught as bycatch but now fishers use a special net called Jatka net to catch even
smaller fish. To bypass even loose inspection they conceal shark they have caught under the deck
of trawlers. One fisher in St. Martin’s Island described the reasons for shark fishing:
“Our target species is decreasing day by day but cost for fishing increase laps and by bounds
as fuel cost rises. We have to pay the crew even if there is no catch. So if we get some extra
money from shark, skates catch then what’s the problem? Moreover sharks and turtles is our
competitor as they eat fish also. Now there is strong marketing channel for shark products.
Payment also good so we value shark fishing.”
Fig. 10: Shark fishing is gaining popularity among fishers as a alternative source of income.
Trends to dump by-catch are no longer in practice even in industrial fishing. All portions of the
catch are now landed on fish landing site and used for human consumption or in some case use as
raw materials in fish feed mill.
63
5.5.4. Diversification, occupational and geographical migration
Generally coastal fishers do not want to migrate from their places. However, inward migration
from inland area occurs during peak seasons. Along the Chittagong area many fishers migrated
from inland during peak season for Hilsha fishing. In the Sundarbans area many fishers avail the
scope to migrate some nearby island for fish drying. This island inhabited by only migrant
fishermen. However migration does not always ensure better livelihoods in all places. Migrant
fishers have to compete with the skills, abilities and experiences of the existing fishers. Most
migrated fishers have to work as crew rather than boat owner. They have to serve a risky job on
boat. Even if in case of death there is no provision of compensations. In case of job diversification
women and girl play most important role. They do alternative jobs to supplement the family
livelihoods during the time of hardship. However it is also observed that the fisher’s family who
own some capital can alternate their livelihoods more easily. For example skilled girls can get a
job in readymade garments; some agricultural land can be used by women for gardening (Fig.
11).
Fig. 11: Fishers who have some agricultural land can diversify their daily livelihoods.
5.6.5 Women: from passive beneficiary to active participants
For coastal fisherwomen livelihood can be separated into three related components such as work
within home, work for the households fishing enterprise and work outside the home (Binkley,
2000). Erosion in the fishermen’s income often compensated by the role of women in livelihood
strategies. When the catches are low or not available women and girls often go into other income
generating activities (Fig.12). Some case studies in the Chittagong region show that some family
gets out of extreme poverty due to the earning of girl working in readymade garments factory.
Secret savings of women in a family often serve as insurances in many cases of vulnerability.
Fisher’s income often supplemented by income of fisherwomen thought rooftop or yards
64
gardening. Some women including widows do their jobs in marketing of fish or fish drying.
Family and kinship serve as catalyst in the job activities. In Sundarbans area women go for fishing
with their husband or other family members. Shrimp seed collection is the most women dominated
fisheries activities where women catch seed with other family members or in case of widow as
only earning members.
Fig.12: Girls of some family also supplement livelihoods through different income generating
activities like sea weeds collection in St. Martin’s Island.
Some women also earn family income by net making and mending (Fig. 13). Access to
microcredit (if any exists) also empowers women in homestead activities. Fisherwomen have also
some reputation for perusing the savings culture than fishermen. Women tend to invest some
money of peak seasons in the form a few silver ornaments, cooking utensils which may be
converted into cash during the time of hardship. Some women also raise poultry and other
livestock as investment –which come to use to meet daily needs during lean period or to overcome
sudden shocks like illness. In the Sundarbans or other parts of the coast where planted mangroves
available, women supplement their income by firewood collection.
65
Fig. 13: Weaving net is one type of women’s job to generate income in Paickgacha.
5.5.6. Trust, reputation and reciprocity
Many fishers feel that existing informal social networks and solidarity strengthen by working
together is the most instrumental for livelihoods and coping strategies against vulnerability.
Fishers always live together in fishing helmets locally termed samaj. Sarder is the village head
who settle the any disputes among fishers. Sarder always tries to solve problems anyway
themselves before going to police which costs money and harassments.
Any collision with other community is always tackled united. If one member of the community
quarrels with the member of the other community all community will support his own community
member for first instance. Later they try solving through negotiation. In fisher’s community, social
bonding is traditionally important for livelihoods activities. Dowry involved in girl’s marriage
often helped by relatives. Most women replied that they first seek loan from next door in the form
of daily necessities like rice, salt etc. Fishers often cope with lean period by selling some
productive assets like one from several nets, also borrowing from close relative from distant
places.
The fishers who live together usually also fish together in the same fishing zone. Boats go together
for fishing for safety reasons .During lean seasons when fishing is concentrated near shore areas,
are shared by compromise. If one fisherman became ill then his colleague harvest the catch in
fixed net fishery .Doing this duty they practices utmost honesty by not mixing the good catch of
sick colleague with his poor catch. In case of widow or women headed households involve in fish
marketing, they enjoys some benefits from the other community members. These women can get
66
fish on credit from their kin fishers, after retail selling of the products they can pay the price. So
women do not need to invest cash. Thus they can maintain their livelihoods with help of their
neighbours (Fig. 14)
.
Fig.14: women can get fish on credit from their kin fishers in Chittagong area.
Dadondars or money lenders not only exploit the fishers but also provide patron-client
relationships that can be perceived as positive contribution to cope with the vulnerability to the
socially neglected fishing community. In the Chittagong area the peak period for Hilsha fishing
starts after two months of want and scarcity. During this period fishers need money for
preparations net mending or making boat maintenance or engines as well as subsistence living.
During this period of hardship dadondars provide fishers with the money to maintain livelihoods.
In case shrimp fry collection dadondar provide initial investment for net and others materials
needed for fry collection (GATE, 2006). Money is provided on trust rather than bond or for
collateral property. Social security of is also provided by dadondars. During any mishap they help
fishers with legal aid or social service. For a fisher to have money lender means proper, timely
marketing and timely payments of his products (even though price is low). If some one has no
dadondar, his product may be targeted by several dadondar, which ultimately result mishandling,
improper and uncertain payments (Alam,1998).
5.5.7. Family networks to withstand hardship
Family bond is a very important aspect of livelihoods security. Fishers’ households first cope with
vulnerability through family cooperation. Consumption of less food or simply without having
meal is the first strategy to deal with crisis. Women prefer to take less food than selling
productive assets. In most cases, fisher and crews all are from same family father and sons or
brothers from the family.
67
As the recruitment from outside family involves payment even if there is no or poor catch in the
trip so fishers choose to have crews from same family (Fig. 15).
Fig.15: Family for fishing in the Sundarbans.
When the father grow old usually son occupy the position of skipper giving father some easy job
on land like making net or mending. In most cases sons take care of parents when they grow old.
Children also help household’s income generations. In the industrial fish landing centres in
Chittagong, a number boys as well as women find their livelihood options to support family
income. These boys and women helps landing of fish from boats. The collect the discarded or
escaped fish in the boats as well as the fish which cling to the basket what they used for carrying
fish. After finishing the marketing of fish they clean the floor of the landing centres some fish is
also collected then. The gather all of the fish and sell at the end of day. Usually small boys get the
priority to collect fish.
5.6 Summary
This chapter has identified and described key issues of poverty in terms of vulnerabilities in small-
scale fisheries and the livelihood assets of the coastal fishing communities to cope with the
seasonality, shocks and vulnerability. The findings provide an insight into dependency on a
vulnerable resource, seasonal rhythm in fisher’s income, changes in asset situation and livelihood
security due to different attributes, environmental degradation and survival strategies from the
fisher’s perspective.
The first section provides an overview of socio-economic conditions of small scale fishers. The
fishers of the study area toiling on vulnerable resources. The reasons of fisheries resources
depletion as stated by fishers pertaining to external factors rather than the fisher’s own activities.
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Due to low productivity of fisheries, fishers are marginalized, poverty increased, resources are
ruined to the base for overexploitation and destructive fishing practices to compensate low earning.
Their poverty attributed to high level of landlessness, low and erratic income, and seasonality in
fishing due to natural reasons or existing conservation practices, wide spread illiteracy, lack of
access to social service and market, frequent bout of illness, relatively large family size, heavy and
never ending debt bondage due to dadon system, insecurity due to unlawful elements, loss of asset
base due to natural disasters , lack of mobilization and economic exclusion to get productive assets
etc. A detailed description of marketing and dadon system also discussed which postulates market
failure as a main causes poverty of fishers households.
This was followed by a discussion on how fishers cope with the vulnerabilities, in some cases got
rid of poverty. Fishers enhanced their livelihoods systems by their existing livelihoods like
destructive fishing, previously nontarget less remunerative species, and involvement of family
members in fishing or ancillary job activities. Women’s role from passive beneficiary to active
participants also clearly observed. Women also play important role in livelihood diversification
through other occupations as a coping strategy. Trust reciprocity and family network also found as
well adopted coping strategy. The empirical information presented in this chapter will be analysed
in perspective of relevant theories and concepts in the following chapter six.
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Chapter Six: DISCUSSION
Based on the relevant theories and perception of the fishers interviewed, this chapter examines the
underlying causes and manifestations of poverty in fishing communities and their coping
strategies and diversified livelihoods to arrest poverty .
6.1 Poverty in fisheries: from simple to holistic approach

Most of the fishers interviewed perceived lack of money as synonymous with poverty. However
in-depth interviews revealed multiple facets of poverty as captured by the literature review of
Bene (2003) and more comprehensively by Narayan et al. (2000).The poor fisher’s voice in the
present study is also in chorus with the voice of 2.8 billion poverty experts, the poor themselves.
The table 5 describes poor fishers perception which elicited the causes of their poverty and table
6 summarizes the drivers of escaping poverty based on the success story of some fishers as
well as perception of some key informant.
6.1.1. Livelihoods and assets are precarious, seasonal and inadequate
The life of small scale fisher in the study area is precarious in terms of income, catch, savings as
well as health. Seasonality is one of the most important driving factors for the livelihoods of
fishers in the study area. The seasonality of fishing influenced by the changing conditions of the
environment, as well as conservation measures have forced the toiling fishing community to limit
their catch efforts, which subsequently results in inadequate and uneven income and food
insecurity. Seasonality causes only 2 months for meaningful income for fishers of the Chittagong
area. For the peak season fishers have to wait a whole year. Such dependency on a single species
Hilsha risks livelihood failure if the stock of the species collapses. Season bans for certain species
and an area is also a livelihood constraint for fishing communities of the Sundarbans.
Sustainable livelihoods require adequate and steady flows of income and food security year round,
but seasonality causes variation in labour use and food security because of the mismatch of irritant
income streams and continuous consumption requirements (Smith et al., 2005). In the case of
seasonality, the sustainability of fisheries employment is often connected to the availability of
alternative employment opportunities (Salmi et al. 1998). Lack of alternative livelihoods and
seasonality in natural assets make the fishers livelihoods of present study unsustainable.
70
6.1.2. Places of the poor are isolated, risky, underserviced and stigmatized
Rural and remote fishing communities across vast swathe of coastline of Bangladesh, struggle to
get access to the services, whether these relate to social welfare, such as education or health care
and/or product marketing services provided in the market. Isolated fishing communities live in a
hostile physical environment hit by frequent tropical cyclones and limited finances are available to
provide infrastructure related to the benefits of fishers. Even if the fishing community who live
near the coastal development focus (e.g. fishers of Chittagong area), they still miss the benefits of
development activities. In the study area fishers are found to live in congested shanty places, they
are underserviced and stigmatized by harsh coastal weather. This remoteness exaggerates poverty
as stated by Salgrama (2005):
“The physical isolation of many fishing communities has a direct bearing on their poverty and
vulnerability and is a factor that cropped up repeatedly in fishers’ analyses of their inability to
adopt innovations and access development assistance” (p.42). Fishers of St. Martin’s Island found
lack of storage facility as a major obstacle for the low price of their products. The remoteness of
the Island and lack of electricity bars prospective investors, even if the islanders have access to
the one of the enriched fishing ground. A poor transport system inhibits the fisher’s ability to easy
and quickly marketing of his product. One of the fishers in Chittagong area said:
“I know I can get better price if I go directly to the market. But after the long and tiring
fishing in the sea and poor road communication to the market I do not wish to go for direct
marketing of my fish catch”
Fishers in Chittagong area have a comparatively good transportation system with the nearby
commercial city of Chittagong. However, failure to market fish products pave the way for the
dadondar to get access to share of fisher’s profits as a middleman in marketing channel. Some
fishers from Teknaf, mainland for St. Martin’s Island to get access said their problems
“Here our fish are cheaper than water. Due to bad transport system from here beach to Teknaf
market, we are deprived miserably to get the price of product. Can you imaging per kg fish
only 10 taka ($0.15/kg). The same fish can be sold 100 Take/kg ($1.45/kg) in Teknaf market,
only 6 km away from here.”26 This fractured road is the root of our all miseries. Here fishing
is labour intensive but we struggling to survive for the low price of fish. (Interview with a
fisher in Teknaf beach.)
Problems of getting a good fish price due to poor or no transport system is also common in many
other areas. The fisher’s villages usually lack of schools, community health service and also NGO
26
04&issue_id=825&cat_id=5&nid=ODE1NzI=&mid=NQ==
accessed on 4th Februray,2008.
71
activities. Though Bangladesh is well-known NGOs activity, however there are very few NGOs
who target coastal fishers. Besides remoteness, the fisher’s failure to pay instalments of
microcredit due to dearth and erratic income are the main cause many interviewees assumed.
6.1.3. The body is hungry, exhausted, sick, and poor in appearance
With the lack of financial assets, sound health is an important factor for generating the fisher’s
income, but frequent bouts of illness often impairs the fisher’s ability to go for fishing. Illness of
the family members especially the earning member(s) is one of the major causes pushing families
into the trap of poverty. Some illnesses are related to the job activities such as skin diseases for
shrimp seed collector and wounds during fishing gear operation. But most of the fisher’s diseases
are related to unhygienic living manner as perceived by one Key Informant in Chittagong area.
Illness wipes out family savings or forces them to sell financial assets or securing treatment costs
by starvation of other family members. Thus illness leaves the whole family exhausted and
impoverished.
6.1.4. Gender relations are troubled and unequal
Though unequal gender relations are a national concern, the fishing community is especially
troubled with gender issues. “Clear division of labour between men and women in the fishing
sector” (Salgrama, 2005:81) also exists in most cases of fisheries activities of the study areas.
However fisherwomen in the Sundarbans areas may be a good example of equal gender in
fishing operation but gender relations are not untroubled. Though women in fishing households
increasingly become active in income generation during the lean period, but women suffer social
discriminations in many ways. Women are lower paid than man doing the same job. Those women
who maintained livelihoods by fish marketing are usually deprived of lucrative fish products
during peak period, as dadondar takes away the good time harvest. Even during the selling of fish
products women are easily cheated. Also dowries are a factor for poverty. Thus the “…number of
girls is determining factors for poverty” (Salgrama, 2005).Usually daughters get less priority for
schooling. Additionally fisherwomen risk their personal safety. Women are usually absent in any
kind of decision making. However, the situation is changing gradually as more and more women
are getting access to income generating activities.
6.1.5. Social relations are discriminating and isolating
Many fishers complain that they are entrapped in the dadon system because of their low social
position in the society. Their social insecurity give dadondar the role of saviour for the fishers .So
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all fishers become dependant on dadondar not only for dadon but also for social security. The
dadondars are the local influential persons. To have one dadondar means a sort of social security.
Due to local influence of dadondar, fishers never dare to claim proper price or settlement of
accounts after fishing. Many fishers also complained snatching of good catch (Kleith et al, 2003).
Most fishers stated that they are being targets of sea piracy due to the fact that they are most
neglected part of the society. The unlawful elements are well aware that the unprivileged fishers
will not complain to the law enforcing agency. Even if they complain it will most likely go
unheeded or unattended.
“We have danger both in land and water. In the water pirates looted our nets and boats. The
catch whatever we get goes to the pockets of dadondars. No body is there to heed our grief”
(Interview of affected fishers of Chittagong area published in a daily newspaper, 2008) 27
Fishers usually live together isolated from the mainstream community as they are either low caste
or considered by others as the people having a mean profession. Isolation of fishing hamlets
makes them victims of different torture and oppressing acts like extortion or rape of women
6.1.6. Security is lacking in the sense of both protection and peace of mind
Coastal fishers maintain an insecure life both in land and sea. Insecurity in the sea is attributed not
only to the sea piracy but also to the frequent whimsical stormy weather of the Bay of Bengal.
Death of fishers from sea storm or cyclones is common. Fishers are always afraid of assault of sea
pirates. Dropping into the water is most common and killing is also not uncommon. Thus, fishing
in the sea is one of the most risky jobs. Many fishers judge themselves mean and cursed. Such
indignities in mind when combined with social discrimination often disturb peace of mind. Feeling
guilty for fishing sea creatures was also found among fishers as revealed by Alam (1998)
“Look! I will be never a rich man, never get prosperity in life. In which way we maintain our
livelihoods? We kill thousand of innocent sea creatures. Fishes in the sea never do any harm to
others; they roam freely in the sea. But what we do with them? We kill all those innocent
creatures. Certainly they curse us. So with all these curses of innocent lives, how we can be
happy in life” (Interview of a fisherman from Kumira, Chittagong, p.102).
Many fishers complain anonymously that they are harassed by local power elites and by law
enforcing agencies, though it may come true for other poor or unprivileged communities in the
same area. They alleged that police harass them without any causes, charging bribes to release of
any fishers if intentionally arrested by police. Local government persons whom they elect by a
27
04&issue_id=825&cat_id=5&nid=ODE1NzI=&mid=NQ==
accessed on 31st January,2008.
73
vote tend to be blind to their causes and demand. Unscrupulous forest official often charge extra
money in the Sundarbans area.
6.1.7. Institutions are disempowering and excluding
“From perspective of poor people worldwide, there is a deep and wide spread crisis in governance.
While the range of institutions that play important roles people are excluded from participation in
governance.”
…Poor people depend primarily on their kin, their informal networks, religious organizations and
community-based organizations for support in surviving (Narayan et al 2000 p.197).
The fishers of the study area suffer a lack of organizations promoting their interests. Though
myriad numbers of NGOs are working in Bangladesh but the NGOs targeting fishers are scarce.
Though a good number of NGOs are working with resources conservation, there is a lack of
institutions targeting marine fishers are clearly visible. Fishers are usually excluded from formal
state institution. Fisher don’t have access to a schedule bank for loan facilitates. School for
children is usually inaccessible due to poor road communication or due to distance. In some places
NGOs that run schools targeting unprivileged children are the main vehicle for getting primary
education. Due to remoteness and costs, hospital or public health facilities are hard to reach for
many fishers. Informal institutions like dadon systems and dadondar governs fishers’ lives and
decision. As Alam (1998) observed the dadondar now interfere with the internal matters in
fishing communities .As there are no formal institution to get help community net serve as an
important base for coping to survive.
6.1.8. Organizations of the poor are weak and disconnected
A weak formal organizations base such as cooperative organization is identified in the study areas.
One fisherman in Chittagong area interviewed assumed maintenance costs, monthly instalment
cost as an impediment for cooperative organization. Some also blamed that dadondar do not want
to have organization among fishers due to fear of losing control. However traditional samaj
system also exists in fishing community like other parts of Bangladesh where sarder is the head
of samaj. Alam (1998) discussed the role of sarder and the causes for diminishing influence of
sarder on the samaj. Sarder plays following roles as the head of samaj. i) To resolute conflicts
among community members ii) To patronise any ceremony like marriage iii) To collect help
money for meeting the dowry of poor girl, to give advise for any problem arise iv)To go another
village for conflicts resolution upon request, to help someone in case of legal aid v) To take a
collective decision voting for someone during local representative election vi) To call an annual
general for reviewing year round activities as well as settlement of annual accounts of samaj fund.
However the role of sarder is eroding for the following reasons. i)Many sarders are partial for
74
their own benefits, ii) Influences of external forces like dadondar are diminishing the role, iii)
Many sarders collaborate with external powers to maintain his role, so they have to share their
role iv) Many roles previously did by sarders are now the responsibility of local government
personals. However this sarder system and its role do not always exist or if it exists it is not same
in all places.
6.1.9. Capabilities are weak because of the lack of information, education, skills and
confidence
“Poor people are disadvantaged by lack of information, education, skills and confidence. Many
factors contribute to limited personal capability including personal isolation, being cut off from
the powerful and wealthy, lack of access to media and limited schooling” (Narayan et al., 2000
p.237).
Illiteracy is wide spread among the fishers in the study area which hinders their ability to develop
human skills. From the case study it is observed that education plays the most important role as a
means to escape poverty. Lack of information often results in deadly consequences. Lack of
timely information about warnings of sea storms or cyclones is one of the main causes of death
of fishers due to natural disasters. Fishers often rely on traditional knowledge for fish school
detection or increasing efficiency of fishing gear. The large size of fishing household size often
serves as barrier to educating children due to the expense of education.
6.2. Economic exclusion

The ownership of a boat, engine, and other fishing equipments are considered as the most
important elements of the productive assets. Social and economic differentiation is based on the
ownership of these productive assets, as they dictate fishing strategies, and influence economic
benefits. Access to productive assets is however not secured for all coastal small scale fishers.
Many fishers aspire that if they own fishing boats and nets than their livelihoods may have shift
out of poverty. The newly migrated fishers from inland to coastal fisheries suffer from the lack of
such productive assets. In the Chittagong area most migrated fishers work as crew during peak
seasons due to a lack of boats as well as competition for skills. The poverty of the fishing crews
can be attributed simply to their inability to generate adequate returns of labour as mentioned by
Lipton (1988) “it is useful to analyse poverty as low transformation capacity of labour into food”
p.16 mentioned in Devereux,2002) However introduction of sophisticated technology also creates
economic exclusion. As Alam (1998) stated, the conflicts between fishers with non-mechanized
(without engine boat) and fishers with mechanized (engine) boats are getting toughs day by day.
The fishers using non-mechanized boats are less efficient in catching fish as well as landing on sea
shore.
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Table 5: Drivers of descent: Fisher’s perception on poverty.

Descending factors Reasons for deteriorating household income
Natural assets Low productivity of fisheries
Natural disasters
Human assets Low level of education or no formal education

Death of earning family members
Women without work
Illness
Alcoholic behavior of family head or other members
High household’s size
Lack of will
Financial assets Lack of financial assets (e.g. boats, nets)

Exploitation by dadon system
Irritant income, habit of lack of savings
Social assets Unlawful elements in sea

Dowry problem during girl’s marriage
Market Unavailability and or limited alternative activities

Lack of direct fish marketing due to poor infrastructure or dadon system
Source: In-depth Interviews.
However fishers with mechanized boats can fish efficiently as well as being capable of speedy
landing and marketing of products. They get higher price as the products are fresh in comparison
to non-mechanized boat fishers. Fishers with mechanized boats also gain social superiority as well
as try to impose their own opinion on others. Such inequality increases social conflicts. The
fishers with mechanized boats now start a new thread of exploitation as they are capable to invest
like dadondars. Mechanization of fishing boats also increases the number of jobless labour who
are fishers with no boats or nets. Mechanized boats need less manual labour and required labourer
is done by their family members or relatives. Thus increasing mechanization makes the
livelihoods of labourers more vulnerable. This case study suggests that the open-access
characteristics of a fishery does not necessary mean that every household can get access to the
76
resources. The cost of acquiring or operating the necessary boat and or gear(s) may prevent the
poorest from entering the supposedly open-access fishery.
6.3. Geographical isolation

Geographical disadvantage focuses on the residents of areas with low ‘‘geographic capital’’ who
derive few benefits from the economic and social opportunities created by economic growth of the
area (Sen, 2003). Geographical location was found to be a factor for low income results among
fishers, being constraints on access to the natural resources or marketing of products or alternative
job search. Fishers of Sundarbans can exploit the advantages of the unique multi-resources of the
Sundarbans where they can diversify their livelihoods. On the other hand fishers of Chittagong
can have the advantage of alternative job markets as it near the port city of Chittagong (Fig. 16).
Fig. 16: Many boys help their family by working nearby industrial fish landing site and thus reap
the benefits of geographical capital.
Thus fishers of Sundarbans cope with low income by supplementing the resources extraction, and
fishers of Chittagong are well-situation to reap the benefits proximity to Chittagong city if they
can manage. Getting access to credit is also influenced by the geographical location. In the
Chittagong area for example some NGOs are working with the fisher’s livelihoods.
6.4. Coping with resources degradation: villain or victim?

There is the deterministic view that the first means for the poor of coping with livelihoods
complexities are the further exploitation of the resources they subsists on. The poor fishers tend to
use and overuse every resource available to them when their survival is at stake, and they have run
out of alternative options for survival. Desperate hunger leads to desperate strategies for survival.
77
At that point, conservation of natural resources for their own future welfare or the welfare of their
children is less important to them (Per and Rajul, 1995). However should the depletion of
fisheries resources thus be blamed on the fishers? Blaming small scale fishers may be party true
but there are number of other causes as fishers perceived for the depletion of resources other then
exploitation of fish stock by small scale fishers. Shrimp seed collectors complain that exploitation
of mother shrimp by industrial trawlers are the main cause of depletion .The fishers who use Set
Bag Net also blame the industrial fishing for the depletion of fisheries resources in the Bay of
Bengal . A major portion of the small scale fishing target are short lived and small sized species.
Large scale industrial fishing is destroying the broods of species thus reducing the fry production.
Moreover, industrial fishing also notoriously blamed for fishing and discarding a large amount of
post juvenile as by bycatch. It is estimated that 80% of the catch is not landed by industrial trawl-
ers but discarded at sea (Khan and Haque, 2003). Thus the question could be, are the small scale
fishers victims rather than agents of resources degradation? In arguing the pervasive view of “poor
fishers degrade fisheries” a new set of analytical categories is needed that encompasses both
industrial and small-scale fisheries.
Every one blames us that we are destroying fisheries resources .To some extent its may be
true. Now due to some awareness program we do let the other species than shrimp to go
back water. But nobody cares about the mother shrimp in the deep sea. Industrial trawlers
are catching mother shrimps. So now a days shrimp fry in the near shore is also decreasing
day by day. If there is no mother then how you will get fry? We are collecting fry for
subsistent living. This fry is used for coastal aquaculture .In this way we are playing
positive role to our economy. But industrial trawlers are catching mother shrimp out of
profit. But nobody seems to be concerned of this mother shrimp (Interview of a Key
Informant in the Sundarbans area)
For fishing in Sundarbans areas a number causes are responsible for increasing the overhead cost
of fishing and fishers have to compensate the cost by increasing pressure on the resources
extraction. Here resources degradation driven by factors out of fisher’s poverty.
We are fishers in the Chadpai range of Sundarbans .We have to collect permit for fishing by
paying certain amount. But permit issuing fisheries official always charged extra money for
the permit. Our income for fishing per week is about 1000 Taka ($14.50). So we have some
saving. But in Sundarbans area there are a number of active illegal elements. They divide
the total area into different zones for collecting extortion. We have to pay 500 Take
($7.25) per week as extortion. Moreover some unscrupulous forest official also charges
extra money during fishing. In this way all of our income goes to the pockets of others. But
we have to survive. So we compensate our loss by production we put under the deck of our
boat (Interview of Set Bag Net fishers published in a daily newspaper28 and interview of a
fisher in Munshigonj)
28
http://www.thedailysangbad.com/index.php?date=2008-03-27&cat_id=1&nature=1
accessed on 27th March 2008
78
Most small scale fishers catch the species which are short lived as well as small sized. It is found
that fish species vary in their responses to exploitation as the small and short-lived ones remaining
abundant and productive at much higher fishing effort than large and long-lived ones. Increasing
fishing effort (number of fishers or duration of fishing per unit area) results a shift in species
composition of catch from large to small species (Lae, 1997 quoted in Smith et al,, 2005).Such a
shift also affects small scale fishers as large scale fishers then trespass into their fishing zone as
well as the target species also. Many fishers complain conflicts are increasing as many large scale
fishers enter their fishing areas for fishing, also destroys their nets due to the movements of
trawlers into the areas. Thus small scale fishers also marginalized in case of their fishing area. .
Furthermore, in the study areas it is also observed that small scale fishers, who have open access
to water bodies, use low cost gear and labour rather than capital intensive passive fishing methods.
For example most widely used net in the study area is Set Bag Net which is a fixed net be in
pursuit of dispersed small species in shallow water or dispersed shrimp fry. Using the terminology
of the ethnographic literature on ‘hunting and gathering’ societies by Lee (1998) Smith et al.
( 2005), regarded this fishing method as ‘gathering’ rather than ‘hunting’, being lower risk for the
investments of time, energy and capital made and with lower but more constant and immediate
returns to effort than ‘hunting’. In contrast, fishing by full-time commercial and wealthier fishers,
tends towards use of higher cost gear, boats and active fishing methods ‘hunting’ larger and higher
value species in deeper water or concentrated adult fish during breeding season.
All these evidence suggest a finding that resources degradation is not only attributed to the poor
fisher. The poor are also victimised due to the externalities and of activities of elite exploiter of
same resources. The evidence further postulates that poor fishers degrade the resources base, but
not only of their own choices. There are number of factors causing them to do so. Or to downward
the spiral the poor are not the only resources degraders.
6.5. “Last resort activity” argument

There is strong perception that small-scale fisheries serve as the last resort or safety net of already
poor or landless individuals (Dunn, 1989 ).However most of the small scale coastal fishers of
Bangladesh are hereditary fishermen. As fishing in sea require strong skills and financial assets
also as well as risky in the tropical seas, migrated individuals prefer land based fish related
activities like fish dying or marketing than sea going fishing .However, migrant individual who
were involved in fish related activities in his former place may have tendency to continue his job
in new place as individuals coming from outside also often are not welcome by the existing
fishers, and the newcomer have to have compete for space for setting up nets as well as skills.
Many migrant prefers to work on land based income generating activities like day labourer as it
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does not involve initial investment. The increasing numbers of fishers in the coastal fisheries not
due to migrant fishers rather than the large households size of existing fishers in the area.
6.6. Coping strategies and escaping from poverty

The poor do not sit idly by and passively accept the changes that are occurring on the coastal
resources. Often they cope with the situation and adapt to the changes; sometimes they diversify
their income-earning activities to both supplement their income and reduce risk, or even move into
new alternatives (Barrett et al., 2001; Luttrell, 2001). The result of the present study further
confirm it, showing that the coastal communities as highly diverse in livelihood activities as well
as the ways they cope with poverty. However solution is not so simple. Alleviating poverty,
confronting marginalisation and enabling deprived people to cope with environmental and social
stress and risk require the implantation of various human social, natural and man-made capitals
(POVFISH,2008).The following discussions reveal that fishers withstand the shocks of
diminishing natural assets and income by searching or getting access to different natural, social
and economic assets.
6.6.1. Diversification of livelihoods activities
Livelihood diversification is termed as the process by which households construct a diverse range
of activities and social support capabilities in order to survive and to improve their living
standards (Ellis,1998). Multiple factors prompt households or individuals to diversify livelihoods
in terms of assets incomes and activities (Barrett et al, 2001). Barrett et al. (2001) classified these
factors as push and pull factors. According to the push factors perspective “diversification is
driven by limited risk-bearing capacity in the presence of incomplete or weak financial systems
that create strong incentives to select a portfolio of activities in order to stabilize income flows and
consumption, by constraints in labor and land markets, and by climatic uncertainty” (p.2) .In
contrary pull factor works when “local engines of growth such as commercial agriculture or
proximity to an urban area create opportunities for income diversification in production and
expenditure-linkage activities”(p.2).
Diminishing profit, erratic income and increasing and never ending debt act as a push factors for
many fishers for alternative survival strategies. The fishers who are able to diversify their
livelihoods options are the few ones who manage to descent from poverty. For job diversification
women played the most important role. These are women who actually play the most active role in
alternative job search as men usually reluctant to change their jobs which were their forefather’s
profession. However to seek an alternative job for men may also involved more skills or financial
80
assets and the opportunity cost is also high. So supplementation of family income by women is a
vital coping strategy.
Table 6: Drivers of ascend: Fisher’s perception on poverty

Ascending factors Reasons for improving household income
Natural assets •Good income from peak season fishing
•Income supplement form other resources (e.g. forest
resources) of nearby area
Human assets •Family head is skilled and industrious

•Women’s mobility for work
•Development of skills through education
•Family members work outside i.e. remittance
•Small family size
Financial assets •Self insurance through savings

•Check addiction
•Frugal
Physical assets • Income diversification through gardening, agriculture

•Job opportunities in nearby garments
Social assets •A good family network

•Cooperation among relatives
Market conditions •Scope of direct marketing of good time catch

•Market for alternative jobs e.g. garments factory, scope to
work nearby fish landing centre.
Source: In-depth Interviews.
6.6.2. Access to productive assets
Access to productive assets like to fishing ground or market is also vital for successful poverty
alleviation. If we make a comparison, among our study areas we found that in the Chittagong area
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coping strategies and success story of poverty alleviation mainly related to market as this area
close to port city of Chittagong. However in the Sundarbans areas coping strategies mainly related
to the productive multi resources of the mangrove forest many fishers compensate their low
income by illegal wood collection or switching the target species .Like fry collector may switch to
crab collection. However alteration of jobs also demands other conditions to fulfil which mainly
related to financial assets.
6.6.3. Changes in human assets: education and development of skills
Development of human assets is one of the most triggering factors for the fishers community to
cope with the changes and find alternate livelihood options. As Ellis (1998) stated “ since poverty
is closely associated with low levels of education and lack of skills, education is also a key factor
contributing to the greater ability of better off families to diversify compared to poorer families”
(p.27). Development of human assets through education or precipitating in awareness raising
program facilitates fishers to increase their productivity and changing the perception of livelihoods.
As outside of fisheries activities , to get a alternative livelihoods individuals have to compete with
skills, require development of human assets It is observed that fishers who escaped poverty either
have education himself or other family members or got scope to take part in any awareness
raising programs.
6.6.4. Changes in financial assets
Financial assets play important role as first hand working capital. It is observed that financial
assets affect fisher’s access to productive fisheries, their ability to cope with sudden shocks and
the ability to find alternative livelihoods means. To most of the fishers lack of financial assets is
synonymous with poverty. Fishers who have very little collateral assets, other financial assets
serve as informal insurance against sudden shocks or risk due seasonality. However, Sen (2003)
found that households of rural Bangladesh who ascended from poverty had higher access to
institutional credit than both the chronic poor and the descending households. His finding suggests
that access to financial capital is an important element in the process of driving out of poverty.
Devereux (2002) also observed that the poor use incremental earning first for consumption then
invest to develop human capital (education and health) and social capital (for help others as well
as building the base for future reciprocity) and finally invest in income generating activities like
buying a net or boats. The poor fishers mainly suffer the capital for investment as their income
always finish to meet daily consumptions and they do not have access to formal institutional
credit.
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Thus it is evident that households who having some agricultural land (“Investment capital”) are
better diversifier that landless fishing households.
6.6.5. Changes in occupation
Most fishers want to cling to the hereditary profession. Those who want to diversify income
usually allow their son or daughter to find alternative jobs and want wife only to do homestead
income generating activities or at least job related to fishing. Such type of job diversification by
family members also driving forces in alleviating poverty. Income from alternative jobs or income
from households saving serves as working capital. Migration is regarded as one widely described
as coping strategy. Inward migration is found to occur in the coastal area of Chittagong. But
coastal fishers usually do not migrate. However some fishers in Sundarbans areas found to migrate
nearby island for fish drying season.
6.7 Self-perceptions of the major ‘‘drivers of escaping poverty’’: Autobiography of K B Das
K B das is a fisher from Chittagong area who successfully escaped poverty. Here is his
life history.
My name is KB Das.I am now fifty years old. I can the memory when I went to fish with
my father. This we can fish nearby water with hand driven boats. I started my career at a
very small age 12 with my other 4 brothers. I was able to complete my primary schooling.
Few years ago I participated some awareness raising program of one NGO. From this
training I came to know about sanitation practices. I try to follow it with my family
members. Thus I can save the cost of treatment and medicines to a great extent and I am
also with sound health. I tried to send my children’s to school. Though during my
hardship period I have to sell some of my nets to maintain the cost of schooling but my
wife tried to compensate the loss by making new nets. I never put my children’s to the
fishing activities at very small age. I realized that if in teenage age they become
acquainted with the money they may not be able to complete schooling. I had a strong
desire to improve my family condition. So I save myself from any kind of addicting habit
like smoking, alcohol though at this stage I prefer to have some betel leaf after lunch and
dinner. My wife is also helpful to continue saving from good catch. When I fall in serious
crisis I seek help from my relatives. Now my three sons are not highly educated but
educated to find out a new job out of fishing. One is doing his job in a garment factory,
another do fish marketing and the other works in machinery workshop. Thanks to God
my daughter is the youngest so dowry problem did not ruined my financial assets as my
sons now capable to support me now. Now I am still cling to my forefather’s profession
fishing! But not on boat. I have two boats and a good number of nets. People who have no
boat can work with my boats and nets and give me certain percentage of income. To my
knowledge fisher’s miseries lies with the condition of illiteracy. They income good but
loss major of their income to illness, because do not maintain sanitary practices. They are
illiterate so dadondar can exploit them more easily; they are not mobilized with their
rights. They lack saving quality for lean period. They also deprive to get access to
different public facilities.(Key Informant Interview; Chittagong)
83
The success story of das direct that policy for poverty alleviation should aim to target first
households’ behaviour first then community behaviours to attain their objective of poverty
alleviation.
6.8. Summary
This chapter provides the analysis of data in the view of theories to reflect the lessons to be learn
from the empirical data. The first section showed how poverty is manifested in the livelihoods of
coastal fishers and how to cope with their activities as the fish resource they are dependent on
declined. This was followed by an attempt to reverse the spiral that poor degrades resources. In the
last part an autobiography of a Key Informant also described how he managed to escape extreme
poverty. The following chapter intends to justify whether research objectives is met from
discussion and also describes the areas ripe for further research with some policy implications.
84
Chapter Seven: CONCLUSION
From my review of the literature on poverty, it seems that poverty reduction has been recognized
as the central issue of current development strategies. Both international development agencies
and the academic community have recognized the severity and complexity of extreme poverty and
are working together in various ways to address the extent, nature and causes of poverty.
However the present knowledge base to conceptualize the poverty in developing countries is
relatively rudimentary, even though millions of people are born poor, stay poor, die poor and have
children that have a high probability of impoverishment. Small-scale fisheries especially are noted
in empirical evidences of poverty as the small scale fishers are “poorest of the poor” , but they are
largely neglected in the current debates on poverty. Some evidences show that reaching the
chronic poor (like fishers) is often difficult as they live in remote and less accessible areas and
have social positions that make contacting them problematic. If the vision of eliminating absolute
poverty, embraced at the United Nation Millennium Declaration, 2000 summit, is to become
reality, then the first step is to understand the problem of poverty as well as to identify
appropriate responses––both policy and practice (Hulme and Shepherd, 2003, Bene, 2003).
This thesis aims to study the relation between poverty and small scale coastal fisheries of
Bangladesh to contribute to a better understanding of the extent and nature of poverty among
coastal fishers and their response to cope with poverty. To keep the analysis simple but
maintaining the essence of problem at the same time, the main points addressed in analysis were
(i) How does vicious circle of poverty manifold in fishers livelihoods and how is the role of social
and cultural differences, such as ethnicity, class, caste and religion, expressed in the ways people
relate to natural, environmental and economic deprivation (ii) How does poverty in small-scale
fisheries relate to market forces and bargaining power in exchange relation (iii) How poor fishers
individually and collectively cope with poverty and resources crises
7.1 Unravelling the vicious circle of poverty in small scale coastal fisheries
The meaning of poverty may be intuitively clear but its measurement is complex (Adams et al.,
2004), as simple monetary income is not the only significant variable to understand the economic
and social deprivation in a fishing community. Hence, this is vital to develop a framework to
guide poverty research to understand both the complexity and drivers of poverty that will be
helpful for policy response at scales appropriate to the context-specificity of many drivers of both
85
poverty and resources degradation (Thorpe et al, 2007), as poverty is a changing phenomenon;
some people fall into poverty while some people can manage to escape poverty. Thus drivers of
ascending from or descending into poverty are context specific. In order to identify the exogenous
and endogenous factors that act as such drivers in the context of coastal small-scale fisheries, the
following questions were discussed.
(i) How does vicious circle of poverty manifold in fisher’s livelihoods and what is the role of
social and cultural differences, such as ethnicity, class, caste and religion, expressed in the
ways people relate to natural, environmental and economic deprivation?
Lack of money is synonymous with poverty to many small scale fishers. However multiple facets
of poverty are revealed during the present study. Coastal small scale fisher’s life is precarious in
terms of fisheries resources, income, savings as well as health. The seasonality due to natural
causes and conservation measures limits their catch efforts, which subsequently results in
inadequate and uneven income and food insecurity. Remote fishing communities struggle to get
access to the services, whether these relate to social welfare, such as education or health care and
or product marketing services. School for children is usually inaccessible due to poor road
communication or due to distance. Due to remoteness and costs, hospital or public health facilities
are far to reach for many fishers. Isolated fishing communities are also affected by frequent
tropical cyclones, and limited finances are available to provide infrastructure related to the
benefits of fishers. Even if a fishing community is near the coastal development areas (e.g.
fishers of Chittagong area) the fishers do not significantly the benefit from the development
activities.
Illness of the family members, especially the earning member(s), is one of the major causes of
family descending into the trap of poverty. Illness wipes out family savings or forces them to sell
financial assets and secure treatment at the risk of starvation of other family members. Thus
illness leaves the whole family impoverished. Also fisherwomen suffer social discriminations
either excluded from certain productive activities or face wage discrimination. Women are lower
paid than men doing the same job. During marketing of fish products women are deprived and
easily cheated, during peak season they often fail to get access to good catch for marketing. Also
dowries often contribute to families becoming impoverished.
Fishers usually live together isolated from the mainstream community as they are either low caste
or considered by others as the people having a mean profession. Isolation of fishing hamlets
makes them becoming victims of different torturous and oppressing acts like extortion or rape (in
case of women). Death of fishers from sea storm or cyclones is most common. Fishers are always
86
afraid of assault, property loss or killings by sea pirates. Local law enforcing agencies harass them
without any causes, charging bribe to get release of any fishers if intentionally arrested by police.
Local government persons whom they elect by a vote tend to be blind to their causes and demand.
Unscrupulous forest official often charge extra money. Thus, fishing in the sea is one of the most
risky jobs. Fishers judge themselves mean and cursed. Such indignities in mind when combined
with social discrimination often disturb peace of their mind.
The fishers of the study area suffer lack of organizations for promoting their interests. Fishers
maintain a traditional samaj (community unit) where sarder is the head of community. Fishers are
usually excluded from the formal state institution. Informal institution like dadon systems and
dadondar governs fisher’s income, lives and decision. A weak formal organization base such as
cooperative organization is identified in the study areas. Illiteracy is wide spread among the
fishers in the study area which hinders their ability to develop human skills. Lack of timely
information about sea storm or cyclones is one of the main causes of death of fishers. Access to
productive assets is however not secured for all coastal small scale fishers. Many fishers aspire
that if they own fishing boats and nets than their livelihoods could improve. The newly migrated
fishers from inland to coastal fisheries suffer from the lack of such productive assets. Most
migrated fishers work as crew during peak seasons due to lack of boats as well as competition for
skills. Introduction of sophisticated technology also create economic exclusion. Increasing
numbers of fishers does not imply that coastal fisheries serve as a sink of migrant fishers or other
jobless individuals but rather is due to the increasing number fishers from large households size.
(ii) How does poverty in small-scale fisheries relate to market forces and bargaining power in
exchange relation?
Market forces and bargaining power in exchange is one of the biggest causes for poverty in the
coastal areas of Bangladesh. Remoteness and lack infrastructure for marketing of fish products is
the main barrier to get proper price. Fishers do not have access to formal credit market due to lack
of collateral assets. The main sources of financial capital for the coastal poor fishers of
Bangladesh are the informal credit market or dadon system. Due to this dadon, the whole system
of profit orientation is under the control of a group of middle men, dadondar, who exploited poor
fishers in visible and invisible ways. Price of the fisher’s product is determined through top down
approach. Fishers have no bargaining power as the price is determined by the dadondar .This
87
money lending is a never ending process as dadondar usually does not want to settle the accounts
year after year. The place where there is no dadon, fishers are deprived of a proper price due poor
road communication, lack of storage facilities, and lack of markets. Thus lack of market for credit
as well as for fish products is widely mentioned causes of poverty in small scale fishing
communities of Bangladesh.
(iii) How poor fishers individually and collectively cope with poverty and resources crises
The poor fisher individually and collectively adopts different strategies to cope with the vicious
circle of poverty. From extremely limited livelihoods opportunities, fishers ultimately cope with
vulnerability by adopting more pressure on the resources that are available like brood or juvenile
fishing, or fishing during banned season or fishing in a protected area. Although many of them
are well aware of the negative consequences of unsustainable resources extraction but they have
very limited options to choose from. Besides limited livelihood options and extreme poverty,
several external factors like excessive fishing cost due to fuel cost, extortion, corrupt forest
official, loss of financial assets due sea piracy and pressure to pay dadon are also driving factors
to continue the over exploitation of the resources.
Fishers seek alternative jobs to supplement the family livelihoods during the times of hardship.
The fishing family who own some capital are better diversifier. For example skilled girls can get a
job in a garment factory, some agricultural land can be used by women for gardening. Some
families get out of extreme poverty due to the earning of girl(s) working in garments factory.
Secret savings of women in a family often serve as insurances in the many cases of vulnerabilities.
Fisher’s income is often supplemented by income of fisherwomen through rooftop or yards
gardening. Some women including widows do their jobs in marketing of fish or fish drying or net
making. Fishers often cope with lean period by selling some productive assets like one from
several nets or borrowing from close relatives or neighbours.
Family and kinship serve as catalyst in the job activities. Fisherwomen have also some reputation
for perusing the savings culture more so fishermen. Women tend to invest some money of the
peak seasons in the form a few silver ornaments, cooking utensils which may be converted into
cash during the time of hardship. Some women also raise poultry and other livestock as
investment which are used to meet daily needs during lean periods or to overcome sudden shocks
like illness. Family bond is a very important aspect of livelihoods security. In most cases, fisher
and crews all are from the same family such as father and sons or brothers from the family. The
88
family is used because the recruitment from outside family involves payment even if there is no or
poor catch in the trip, so fishers choose have crews from same family.
In fishing communities, social bonding is traditionally important for livelihoods activities. A

dowry is involved in a daughter’s marriage often helped by relatives. Many fisherwomen first seek
a loan from next door in the form of daily necessities like rice, salt etc. The fishers who live
together usually also fish together in the same fishing zone. Boats go together for fishing for
safety reasons .During lean seasons when fishing is concentrated near shore areas, fishing zone is
shared by compromise. Widow or women headed households can get fish on credit from their kin
fishers, after retail selling of the products they can pay the production price. During this period of
hardship dadondars provide fishers with the money to maintain livelihoods in a form of patron-
client relationship).
The story of coping strategies as well as to some extend escaping the vicious circle of poverty
corroborates the general finding of existing literature that the poor apply multiple strategies to
cope with vulnerabilities as well as to reduce poverty. The level of success depends on the ability
to combine different routes of coping strategies. The failure of combing different routes is
attributed to the high initial level of poverty itself. The initial level of poverty inhibits the initial
level of investment needed for job diversification (some land for vegetable gardening), bars to
collection of financial assets (buying of boats or nets) and retards development of human assets
(expense of education).
7.2 The main of the lessons learnt
The reasons for poverty in the small coastal fisheries of Bangladesh (as perceived by fishers
interviewed) are: lack of financial assets (nets, boats), lack of resources for initial investment in
alternative jobs, low productivity of fisheries due to overfishing by industrial fishing or pollution,
illness of the family head or other family members, financial loss due to unlawful elements in sea
and coast, exploitation by the dadon system, natural disasters, low level of education or no
formal education, unavailability and or limited alternative activities, high household’s size
seasonality and irritant income, habit of lack of savings, death of earning family member(s),
dowry problem during girl’s marriage, alcoholic behaviour of family head, women without work,
poor infrastructure to market and lack of will.
89
Moreover a number other lessons also learned from the present study, such as the fact that small-
scale fisheries do not necessarily serve as sink of landless or poor people from other professions
as a last resort activity. Inland people can enter coastal fisheries but they often face competition
for financial assets, skills as well as space for fishing. Most of the coastal fishers are hereditary
fishers (i.e. they are fishers because their forefather was fishers). This case study also suggests that
the open-access characteristics of a fishery does not necessary mean that every household nearby
area can get access to the resources. The cost of acquiring or operating the necessary boat and or
gear(s) or lack of skills prevents many fishers from entering the apparently open-access fishery.
The poor degrading resources can also be misleading in the present study, as the fisheries
resources degradation in the study areas are mainly attributed to the externalities like pollution or
the activities of elite exploiter like industrial fishing, activities of unlawful elements but small
scale fishers are also partly responsible.
Poverty alleviation in small-scale fisheries can reduces fisheries degradation to some extend but
it does not guarantee sustainable fisheries resources where externalities like pollution have
impacts. Alleviating poverty in small-scale fisheries will not reduce the exploitation of
commercial fishers. Thus, to ensure sustainable coastal fisheries a new set of analytical categories
needs to be created encompassing both industrial and small-scale fisheries. On the other hand
enhancing the productivity of fisheries through different conservation like protected areas and ban
season can reduces poverty in future but can also increase poverty at the present as many poor
fishers depend on e.g. shrimp seeds collection for their subsisting living. Thus there is a dilemma
that reducing poverty may not reduce resources degradation or conservation of fisheries may not
necessarily reduce poverty. So a specific policy is needed to maximise the achievement of both
gaols at a time which is ripe for further research. Again given the multidimensional facets of
poverty as well as well different types of coastal fisheries (due to target species or gear used), site-
specific policy prescription are needed for prolific implementation. The present study also further
confirms the poverty reduction is not a far reaching goals as endorsed by the story of poverty
escaping individual of a fishing community.
7.3 The scope for poverty reduction in small-scale fisheries: Creating buffer against crises
Several policy implications emerge from the present study. Several conditioning variables are
found that affect strategy of poverty alleviation in small-scale fisheries like access to markets,
status of the resources and its stakeholders, infrastructures and institution. As FAO (2007) policy
document claims that both sustainable fisheries and goals related to poverty reduction can be more
readily achieved by reducing fishers’ vulnerability and strengthening their claims to basic human
90
rights. Different livelihood crisis put small scale fishers of Bangladesh on the margin of
vulnerability where any further shocks or crisis can lead to livelihood failure. For example due to
recent food price hike, 30 million people of Bangladesh have recently gone below the poverty
line, certainly small scale fishers are the worst affected. This high level of vulnerabilities within
fishing communities also present a challenge in reducing their risk to natural hazards or poorly
managed fisheries resources. Thus, for sustainable livelihoods of poor fishers of Bangladesh it is
urgent to create buffer against crisis.
The success story of some fishers escaping poverty create the examples of buffers that is needed
to be create . A strong mechanism for building buffer is the development of human capital
through invest in education .Psacharopoulos (1994) by providing a global scale evidences shows
that education has a strong positive returns. He observes that primary education continues to be
the number one investment priority in developing countries and investment in women’s education
is in general more profitable than that for men .Thus concluding that” investment in education
continues to be a very attractive investment opportunity in the world today - both from the private
and the social point of view” (p. 1325). This evidence supported by the empirical evidences of the
present study. The fishers who have some basic education or other family members like daughter
went primary school are in better position to cope with vulnerability. Women who received
primary education will get better opportunity than his male counterpart or women with no
education to get a job in a garment factory.
Women are better diversifiers than man. So women empowerment and skills development may be
another buffer against vulnerability. Present study provided evidences that women’s income
generation during lean period act as a buffer in many fishing family. So women mobility and
skills development could be a good buffer against crisis. Poor fisher’s inability to have capital for
initial investment is one of the causes of their vulnerability. As Lipton (1998) argues the poor
only invest their income if they have extra money after meeting consumptions and human
development (e.g. education) costs. The poor fishers of Bangladesh are on the margin of survival;
rarely do they have any savings after meeting consumption costs. Thus, access to the formal
credit systems will be an incentive to create buffer.
Social bonding is traditionally embedded in the community structure of Bangladesh .The effective
utilization of this social capital play important role to reduce vulnerability as Snowden (2005)
argues, community social capital reduces community distress. However reverse is also true
community distress can suppresses social capital (Mathbor,2007). Hence, Putnam (2000)
91
observes when people have no money they can give time strictly out of self interest that many
sarder in traditional fishing communities do. Putnam (2000) also suggest the remedy as social
capital: the more people connect with each other, the more they will know each other, trust and
reciprocity will be practiced and they will be better off both individually and collectively as
social capital has a strong collective aspect. But existing dadon system in fishing community has
shifted the traditional kinship ties to patronage and thus shrunk considerably the scope of social
capital. The traditional social bonding in fishing community can only help crisis survival to some
extend but not effective to make them better off. Most fishing communities suffer lack of
organization, they have no cooperative organizations. Effective organization is a must to buffer
against crises as organization serve as cushion during less favourable environment and permit
them to survive in the face adversity (Cyert and March, 1963)
Communications in all forms can help foster feelings of well-being and empowerment of poor as
there are sufficient anecdotal and replicated examples that access to information is one of the
factors that can help to improve incomes of poor (Greenberg,2005). Good communication and
access to markets not only can ensure a proper price of products but also will determine access to
education, information, costs and returns of investment in labor market and other social services.
Building of human capital through access to health service and training or extension also has a
very positive impact on livelihood security. However no single route is sufficient to achieve the
goals. All routes matter to create buffer against vulnerability and thus arresting a multidimensional
and complex problem of poverty.
92
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Appendix
Poverty-Fisheries Nexus: the question guide
99
Interview protocol
Name of respondent being interviewed:

___________________
Respondent’s main occupation:

___________________
Date of interview (day/month/year):

___________________
Location of interview (village/study area):

___________________
100
Informed Consent Form for Interview
Poverty-Fisheries Nexus Study
Student Researcher: Mohammad M. Islam Supervisor: Prof. Svein Jentoft

Phone: +47 95430430 Phone: +47 77 64 60 00
Email: mis024@mailbox.uit.no Email: Svein.Jentoft@nfh.uit.no
International Fisheries Management Department Social and Marketing Studies,
Norwegian College of Fisheries Science, Norwegian College of Fisheries Science,
University of Tromsø, Norway University of Tromsø, Norway.
Background: This interview is a part of a research study of postgraduate thesis which is

conducted to fulfil the requirement of a degree in International Fisheries Management Master
Program.
Goal: We wish to understand how small scale fisher perceived poverty in their livelihoods and
what are the underlying cause of poverty, in which way they manage to cope with poverty and
what are conditions help fishers to escape poverty.
If you agree and wish to participate in this study we will proceed following ways
Procedures: You will be one of the approximately 40 people who will be interviewed in this
current data collection process. The people to be chosen for the interviewer are random and based
on their traditional knowledge of livelihoods. During this interview you will be asked to discuss
your experience/perception following the questionnaire. The whole process will be tape recorded
as well as shortly written.
Duration: This interview will last approximately 45-60 minutes. However, please feel free if you
to expand on the topic or talk about related ideas.
Risks and liability: It is anticipated that participation will not present any risks to you .Comments
made during the interview session will be kept confidential and will not be disclose to
unauthorized persons and you have no liability for the data presents in any form.
Confidentiality: The whole interview process and afterward data processing will be treated as
confidential. Your name and other personal details will not be quoted in any forms. Pseudonym
will be used in quotations. Care will be taken not to misuse your picture (if any). The interview
record and data will be kept in a secure place. Only myself and the supervisor mentioned above
will have access to this information. However the thesis will be publicly available at the Tromsø
University Library.
Benefits: No direct benefits are involved in your participation in this research project, but your
answers may help us to understand your livelihoods and your perception may be helpful for future
policy implications.
Privileges: You have the privilege to limit or end your ongoing participation in interview process.
You can choose not to answer any specific question without having to give an explanation. Your
rebuttal will not imply any penalty or loss of any services that you otherwise may be entitled to get.
By your verbal consent to the interview, you are not waiving any of your legal rights, claims, or
remedies. You can also keep a copy of this form for your own reference.
Alternatives to participation
You do not have to participate in the present study.
101
1. Demographic information:
Demographic information of the participant will be useful to get the size of

households to see if a fisher’s poverty is related to the family size. The number of
daughter may be important to study the potential impact of dowry problems, as well
as their role in household’s income generating activities. The first hand information
about family will encourage further asking about family bond.
How many members are in your family?

How many earning members?
How many dependent?
How many daughters and sons do you have?
What’s the level of education you achieved?
Do all your children go to schools or have they ever gone to school?
2. Livelihoods Status
This set of questions are designed to get information on a range of issues

relevant to the livelihoods and vulnerabilities of coastal fishers and the economic,
organizational, and asymmetric relationships among actors located along different
points within the small-scale fisheries. The information in turn will elicit the nature
and causes of poverty in small-scale fisheries of study areas.
2.1 Under what conditions are small-scale fisheries environmentally sustainable or destructive?
What type of fishing gear you use?

What is the mesh size of net?
Why do you think it is destructive or sustainable?
What are the factors you consider in choosing a fishing gear?
How would you describe the status of your fisheries? (overexploited, underexploited)
If overexploited what do you think are the causes?
What is your opinion regarding controlling/reducing the number of fishers from your
fishery?
How can this fisheries can be managed sustainably?
2.2. What are the detectable ecological and socioeconomic impacts of seasonality, over-extraction
of resources?
Which fish is you target species? Why? Explain its seasonality, availability etc
How many days do you get to go fishing during the season?
What is the size composition of the catched fish and how does it differ to say 10 years
ago?
What’s the portion of non target fish?
Is high valued fish replacing low valued fish?
What’s your opinion about the changes of the availability of fish 10 years?
If fish stock reduced then what reasons you think, are responsible for that?
102
How would you compare the following 10 years ago and now?
a. Prices
b. Number of crimes committed
c. Number of people in fishery
d. Social groups formed
2.3. What is the role of civil society institutions, like local communities and non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) in the resources management and poverty alleviation?
Is there any Government organization or NGOs operating for your welfare?

If yes what type of service do you get from them?
What type of services do they offer to you?
Are there any micro credit NGOs operating here?
Do you have any access public loan facilities?
Do you get any sorts any financial help during disaster’s or off seasons?
Was there any aware rising motivation program arranged by NGOs or the
government?
Is there adult literacy program running or school available here?
2.4 How does poverty in small-scale fisheries relate to market forces,price fluctuations and
bargaining power in exchange relation?
Do you think you get appropriate price for product?

Do any middle men exists?
Is there any processing or preservation facilities?
Did you loan money from Dadondars or middlemen?
Who sets the price of your product?
Can you sell your fish to anyone you wish to sell?
What are other market barriers you think affect fish price?
2.5 How do social, economic and cultural differences play a role in accessing natural resources
and coping with economic deprivation?
Are you a migrant here? If, yes what type of job you do here?
Do you have restrictions in accessing resources due to your caste or religion?
Do you feel any discrimination in accessing public facilities like loan, getting proper,
prices or legal justice?
Do you have skills in any other fishing than the present one?
Do you have your own fishing gear and/or boats? If No, do you rent them or work as
crew?
Have you lost any financial assets or have to pay extortion due to unlawful elements?
Whats are the other livelihoods constraints you feel?
103
3. Coping Strategies
This set of questions will be helpful in getting respondents coping strategies against
vulnerability, shocks and trends. The factors that help to escape poverty in small-
scale fisheries can also be elicited.
3.1 How poor fishers individually and collectively manage with poverty and resources crisis?
What portion of your income comes from fishing?

Is income from fishing activities sufficient to meet your household needs? If yes, do
you save the surplus? If no, do you borrow from whom you borrow and how do you
cope up with paybacks and interests?
Is there any scope for alternate livelihoods?
How you compensate the off season or natural disaster’s low or no income?
Do you need helping hand from them for your job?
Do you have any traditional cooperatives in your community?
If yes, what are the activities of these cooperative organizations?
What benefits you get from this cooperative?
Do you belong to a welfare organization (traditional, community based or
government?
How do you feel the help from neighbors and other relatives ?
During low catches of fish, how do you meet your daily needs?
What are the hindering factors to meeting your daily needs?
Does your son/s come with you for fishing? What does your daughter/s do? How
much education did they get?
Do you work anywhere outside out of fishing? If yes, where? If no, has any of your
family members work outside and where?
3.2 What are the role of fisherwomen at the household and community levels influencing poverty,
coping strategies and resilience?
What fishing activities do women take part in your community?

What do women do in lean period?
Do women play any role in decision making in your family?
Do women have any membership to cooperative organization?
Do they have access to any extension program?
Do you think woman can also play important role for community livelihoods?
104

Living On The Margin:The Poverty-Fisheries Nexus in Bangladesh

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LIVING ON THE MARGIN: THE POVERTY-FISHERIES

Master Thesis in International Fisheries Management

Department of Social and Marketing Studies

Left: Fishing with a beach seine along the coast of Teknaf.

3.5.3 St. Martin’s Island.........................................................................................................38

Chapter Four: METHODOLOGY ..................................................................................................40

6.3. Geographical isolation.........................................................................................................77

Table 1. Livelihood functions of fishing within different livelihood strategies…………………...20

Table 2. Production of fisheries in Bangladesh …………………………………………………..35

Table 3. Projection of fisheries sector output in Bangladesh ……………………………..............36

Table 4. Positive and negative effects of Dadon systems…………………………………………59

Table 5. Drivers of descent: Fisher’s perception on poverty ……………………………………...76

Abbreviations and Acronyms

CBN Cost of Basic Needs

CPRs Common Pool Resources

ECA Ecologically Critical Area

EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone

FAO Food and Agricultural Organization

GDP Gross Domestic Products

MDGs Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)

NGOs Non-Governmental Organizations

SBN Set Bag Net

SRF Sundarbans Reserve Forest

WCED World Commission on Environment and Development

Living on the margin: the poverty-fisheries nexus in Bangladesh

Keywords: Small-scale fisheries, poverty, livelihoods, coping strategies.

Chapter One: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Setting the context

1.1.1. Coastal poverty: complexity and dynamism

1.1.2 Artisanal fishery and poverty nexus

1.1.3. Targeting causes not people: The better way forward

1.1.4. Knowledge gaps demand research

1.2. Research Questions

1.3. The key issues of the applied theory

1.4. Research objectives

1.5. Research design

8 Vulnerability is “the exposure of groups or individuals to stress as a result of social and

The research timeline followed three steps:

1.6. The outlines of the thesis

Chapter Two: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE

2.1 Poverty: The wicked problem?

According to Rittel and Webber (1973) in order to describe a wicked-problem in detail, it is

If the wicked problem is formulated by tracing it to some sorts of sources--such as identifying

2.2 Voice of the poor: poverty and well being

2.3 Poverty and environment: reversing downward spiral

2.4 Biodiversity conservation and poverty reduction

i) Poverty and conservation are separate policy realms

ii) Poverty is a critical restraint on conservation

iii) Conservation should not compromise poverty reduction

iv) Poverty reduction depends on living resource conservation

2.3 Linking poverty to fisheries

overwhelming’’ (Cunningham, 1993:2). The existing paradigm is encapsulated to widely accepted

2.3.1 The old paradigm’s fisheries-poverty juxtaposition

2.3.2 The “last resort activity’’ argument

So Dunn (1989) emphasized

2.3.3 Towards understanding of new dimensions of poverty in small-scale fisheries

Incorporation of multidimensional approaches to identifying poverty give a new insight that

“fishing communities are often characterized by overcrowded living conditions and

Moreover, fishers are generally

Thus four “socio-institutional” discrimination processes may lead denial or constraint of

2.3.4 Three insights into fisher’s poverty

Third, Many small-scale fishers or their household participate in a variety of income-generating

Table 1 : Livelihood functions of fishing within different livelihood strategies.