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GEOGRAPHICALFIELD NOTE
The Mopan Maya of southern Belize are like many other indigenous cultures
aroundthe globe in thatthe centralgovernmenthas"given"them a reservation,from
which they areexpectedto supportthemselves.However,the traditionalareaswhere
the Mopanhunt and collectforestproductsincludeterritoryoutsidethe reservation,
landsto which the Mopanhaveno legalclaimandoverwhich theyhaveno influence,
even though management decisions affect their lifeways (Wilk and Chapin 1989).
Tensionsare risingbetween the Mopan and the centralgovernmentover accessto,
control over,and managementof landsthey use, particularlyoverthe government's
granting of logging concessions in the Columbia RiverForestReserve.
Locatedin the ToledoDistrict in farsouthern Belize,the Mopan villagesof San
Jos6,Na LumKa,and CriqueJutearenearthe northernedge of the indigenousreser-
vation;the ColumbiaReserve,just north of these villages,is outside the officialbor-
dersof the reservation(Figure1).IndividualsfromSanJos6,Na LumKa,and Crique
Juteregularlyenter the ColumbiaReserveto collect resources.
I conducted researchfor my doctoraldissertationamong the Mopan from 1994
to 1998,spendingtime in all of the villagesI mention in this note. I chose to studythe
MopanMayabecausetheirculture,economy,and environmenthavebeen alteredin
the past twentyyears,as a resultof the increasinginfluence of Christianmissionar-
ies, marketeconomics, and the centralBelizeangovernment.
The government does not acknowledge Mopan use of resources other than
those found in theirmilpasor in the immediatevicinity of theirvillages.Instead,Be-
lizean authoritiesview the matureforest in the reserveas standing timber,unpro-
ductive unless it is logged. They considersubsistencehunting and the gatheringof
nontimberforestproductsunimportantactivitiesbecausethe governmentreceives
no direct revenue from them.
In the past twenty years the Belizean government demonstratedinterest and
leadershipin environmentalconservationby designatinglargetractsof landwithin
Belizeasprotectedareas.Belizecontinuesto marketitselfas an ecotouristmeccaand
as an environmentallyenlightened nation. Yet,in its relationshipwith the Maya
peoples of southern Belize, the government practicesan inconsistent, if not dis-
criminatory,policy in terms of incorporatingthe Maya'scultural-ecologicalactivi-
ties into management plans for the protected areas that indigenous people use
(Steinberg1996). The Mopan have responded in distinctiveways to their conflict
with the government.
*i MR. STEINBERG is a doctoral candidate in geography at Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge,
Louisiana 70803.
The Geographical Review 88 (1): 131-137, January 1998
Copyright ? 1998by the American GeographicalSociety of New York
132 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
MOPAN MAYA CULTURAL ECOLOGY AND THE COLUMBIA RIVER FOREST RESERVE
FIG. 2-Heliconias spp. and cohune palms surround a Mopan Maya milpa in southern Belize,
August 1996.(Photograph by the author)
The Mopan view the forest reserve as a resource that can generate income
through nonexploitativemeans by attractingtouriststo villagesthat border the re-
serve.In 1992a groupof Mopanmen fromSanJoseformedMayaTrekkers,the mem-
bers of which serveasguidesfortouristswho want to enterthe reserveto bird-watch,
explore caves,or simply hike and camp in the old-growth forest (Steinberg1996).
The group requestedpermission from the ForestryDepartmentto cleartrails and
build simple thatch structuresto house guides and tourists who make overnight
treks in the reserve.Their requests were denied because of logging concessions
grantedwithin the reserve'sborders.The governmentdoes not want to set the stage
for a conflict in which villagersclaim to havea legitimateeconomic activitythat de-
pends on keepingthe forestintactand therebychallengethe loggingconcession.De-
nying permissionto develop naturetourism in the reservewas a cear indicationto
the villagersthatthe governmentwas not interestedin a locallyinitiatedsustainable-
developmentprojectif it called into question tenure rights in the forest reserve.
Severaldevelopment agencies have focused on women's cooperativesin Maya
villagesto ensurethat tourism provideseconomic opportunitiesfor women as well
as men. Women make baskets,pottery,jewelry,and a varietyof weavingsto sell to
touristswho visit villages.However,Mopan men and women fearthat if naturalat-
tractionssuch as the old-growthforestdisappear,fewtouristswill makethe arduous
journeyto the Toledo District.It seems to the Mopanthat the governmenthas little
interestin tropical-forestconservationor sustainabledevelopmentin areas,such as
the ToledoDistrict,that arebeyond the reachof most guidebooksand tour groups.
The governmentclaimsthat only selectivelogging is takingplace in the reserve
andthatthe loggingcompaniesmust meetstrictenvironmentalguidelines.However,
as of January1998therewas little supervisionof the actuallogging sites by any Be-
lizeanofficials,becausethe ForestryDepartmentwas understaffedand underfunded
(Wright1996). Instead,an air of secrecyand suspicion hangs over the entire plan.
This secrecyhas persistedfrom the beginning,when local communitieswere not in-
formedof the concessionsuntil aftertheyhadbeen granted.The governmenthas not
conductedstudiesof the impactof loggingon localwildlife,streamhydrology,orwa-
terquality.Fluvialissuesareof greatconcernto the Mopanbecausethe headwatersof
riversthat pass through all of the borderingvillagesare in the forest reserve.
MOPAN RESPONSE TO LOGGING IN THE COLUMBIA RIVER FOREST RESERVE
The inability of the Mopan to have any input concerninglogging in the Columbia
Reservehas demonstratedto them that they havevery little legal control overlands
within their cultural-ecological sphere of influence. Logging is a rallying issue
throughwhich the Mopanhope to galvanizesupportfor land reformand the estab-
lishment of an indigenous homeland in the Toledo District. These are the focal
points of the Toledo Maya CulturalCouncil (TMCC), an indigenous organization
comprising Mopan and KekchiMayafrom southern Belize.
The TMCCis calling for a halt to logging in the ColumbiaReserveand for recog-
nition by the Belizeangovernmentthat the Mayashould gain legaltitle to lands they
136 THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
farm and to forestsin which they hunt and collect nontimberforest products.The
TMCC proposed the creationof a 5oo,ooo-acreindigenous homeland that includes
the ColumbiaReserve(Palacio1989;Wilkand Chapin1989).This proposalhas gen-
erated a great deal of conflict among the Maya,the government,and other ethnic
groups in southern Belize who call the proposition outrageous.Many non-Maya
residentsof the Toledo District sympathizewith the Maya'slack of official title to
theirlandsand supportthe callfor a moratoriumon logging.Manyalso believethat
the proposedhomelandgoes too farin its effortsto addressindigenousland tenure.
The TMCC demanded a halt to the paving of the often-impassableSouthern
Highwayuntil the tenure and logging issues are resolved.The group believes that
roadimprovementswill leadto an accelerationof loggingon indigenouslands.This
has also generatedconflict between the Mayaand other ethnic groups in southern
Belize, particularlyamong those individuals in Punta Gorda whose businesses
would benefitfromimprovedland-transportationconnectionsbetweenthe remote
Toledo District and centralBelize,which is the economic centerof the country.
In responseto these issuesthe TMCC,with the assistanceof the IndianLawCen-
ter, the GeoMap Group, and the geographerBernardNietschmann, produced a
Maya Atlas that depicts the extent of each village's cultural-ecologicalterritory
(TMCC 1997).This was done to illustrateto the government which resourcesthe
Mayause and where the resourcesare located.
CONCLUSIONS