“Yon Lòt Ayiti Posib!” -- “Another Haiti is Possible!

”
(Dependency Theory)

by
Elizabeth Carlson-Bast
Zia MacWilliams
Erina McWilliam
Melissa Summers

Introduction to Development
Professor Arrocha
Monterey Institute of International Studies

May 24, 2010

 Table of Contents

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………3
Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………….3
Background………………………………………………………………………………..4
Issues………………………………………………………………………………………6
Analysis of Agricultural Issue…………………………………………………………….8
Recommendation #1………………………………………………………………………9
Analysis of NGOs in Haiti……………………………………………………………….10
Recommendation #2……………………………………………………………………..11
Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….12
Works Cited/……………………………………………………………………………..13
Endnotes…………………………………………………………………………………14

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Abstract:

Haiti needs the international community to not only act in helping to rebuild the country,
but also to allow for Haiti’s self-determination. The total devastation caused by the
January 12, 2010 earthquake could be a founding moment for change if the opportunity is
acted upon and if past mistakes are not repeated. It is due time for Haiti to be allowed to
find its own voice, its own government, and its own economy. This can only occur if
there is clear and direct acknowledgment of Haiti’s sovereignty and self-sufficiency not
only from foreign powers, but also from the Haitians themselves. Another Haiti, a better
Haiti, is possible, but first the patterns of the past must be broken.

Executive Summary:

Here lies a moment of truth for Haiti. This truth exists in the process of rebuilding after
the January 12, 2010 earthquake that flattened the Haitian capital city Port-au-Prince,
killing more than 200,000. The rebuilding of Haiti can be a key moment for the nation in
that it could create a possibility for the country to truly self-govern for the first time since
its independence.

Current rebuilding efforts have been universally supported through a multitude of

NGO’s, private companies, and governments. Yet, it must be noted that the majority of
aid distribution and security management has been taken over by the United States
government and military. A long-standing pattern of fragmentation and competition
among NGOs and multilateral organizations has weakened the ability of Haiti’s
government to meet the most basic needs of overall national welfare. Furthermore, the
plethora of NGO activity in the country has created barriers for national self-
determination and sustained the country’s dependency on foreign aid.

The IMF recently recommended a revisit to the ‘Marshall Plan’ for Haiti. 1Yet, this
model for growth was applied to entirely different ‘modern’ European economies and is
therefore more likely to be entirely inappropriate for Haiti. Furthermore, age-old neo-
liberal plans that are administered and manipulated by foreign governments have already
proven to be ineffective in the case of Haiti. Therefore, it is time for a separation from
the past. While Haiti needs the world’s support and monetary resources, it also needs to
be allowed the due respect of autonomy.

The real rehabilitation of Haiti must take place starting from the inside and then move
outward, this means a bottom-up approach starting with the Haitian people themselves.
The changes must take place on all basic levels of function; social, economic, and
political. The following initiatives are recommended with the intent to promote and
sustain change for a more productive and positive future:

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 • The reconstruction of Haiti should be sought and achieved in such a way as to
allow Haiti to exercise self-determination. As such, the reconstruction must utilize
the support and development of local grassroots organizations, which are
managed and implemented and by the Haitian people.
• Major changes to the agricultural system need to occur in Haiti, starting with the
rehabilitation of the soil and reforestation initiatives.
• Greater collaboration between Foreign Government initiatives and NGO's with
the Haitian Government to streamline goals and to create a platform for self-
determination, and Haitian led oversight of future reconstruction.

Background:

‘Since 1981, the United States has followed a policy, until the last year or so when we
started rethinking it, that we rich countries that produce a lot of food should sell it to
poor countries and relieve them of the burden of producing their own food, so, thank
goodness, they can leap directly into the industrial era. It has not worked. It may have
been good for some of my farmers in Arkansas, but it has not worked. It was a mistake. It
was a mistake that I was a party to. I am not pointing the finger at anybody. I did that. I
have to live every day with the consequences of the lost capacity to produce a rice crop in
Haiti to feed those people, because of what I did. Nobody else.’
Bill Clinton, UN Special Envoy to Haiti. Democracy Now! April 2010

Since the dawn of development, which was launched after WWII, the Haitian economy
has been subjected to ‘structural adjustments’ with the idea of being included in the
modern industrialized ‘developed’ world churning around them. The United States,
being the closest neighbor, has had direct access to Haiti, and has for the most part been
in charge of defining and managing development in the country. The US has historically
used this position of power to realize its own economic goals through policies that have
weakened and crippled Haiti. This nation building and economic exploitation has existed
through several U.S. military occupations and also through corporate export-import
initiatives.

In the earlier years of its industrialization, Haiti was still able to feed its people. The
process of modernizing the Haitian agricultural system began when Franklin Delano
Roosevelt came to Haiti in the 1940’s as a part of the ‘Good Neighbor initiative’ to
announce new plans for economic cooperation between the two countries. The plan was
for Haiti to ‘develop for themselves.’ Thus the US Import-Export bank brought SHADA
to Haiti 2 with a promise of mutual prosperity. Yet, history has shown a very different
outcome from what was promised as Haiti has become increasingly dependent on
imported food.

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 “ It is an underdeveloped world, a world inhuman in its poverty; but it is also a world
without doctors, without engineers, and without administrators. Confronting this world,
the European opulence is literally scandalous, for it has been founded on slavery, it has
been nourished with the blood of slaves, and it comes directly from the soil and from the
subsoil of that underdeveloped world.” Franz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth. (96)

The most devastating effect on the Haitian agricultural system was the Clinton
administration's policy to relieve Haitian farmers of ‘the burden of producing their own
food.’ This left the peasant masses with no other option but to purchase U.S. produced
rice. After his recent apology for being the captain of policies with such devastating
effects, Clinton admitted the failures of open-market trading systems between smaller,
poorer countries and larger, more economically powerful ones. In reference to this,
Clinton also said,‘ it’s failed everywhere it’s been tried. And you just can’t take the food
chain out of production. And it also undermines a lot of the culture, the fabric of life, the
sense of self-determination.’ The naked eye can see this truth and the numbers are there
to back it up.3 A process has taken place in the form of the Haitian economy continuously
being crippled and manipulated by market fundamentalism being enforced primarily by
the U.S.

During the Clinton years, there was a substantial increase in the number of NGOs and an
overpowering presence of US institutions (USAID, United States Treasury), which
influenced the whole political structure of the island. The role of nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) has been traditionally to meet needs unmet by government policies
and institutions. Filling the void left by inadequate governments, NGOs are fundamental
in reaching individuals that are in desperate need. Undeniably, NGOs will be a major
stakeholder in the future reconstruction of Haiti. Yet, the history of Haiti has shown a
lack of cooperation among NGOs and failed aid efforts that have exacerbated the
problem of dependency.

Haiti, also known as the “Republic of NGOs,” had as many as 3,000 to 6,000 NGOs
delivering aid before the earthquake. Competition for scarce resources is fierce leaving
many to wonder if NGOs “put their business interests first rather than the interests of the
victims.” Past experiences, particularly in the case of Haiti cause critics to ask, “Do
NGOs always do what is best for the people? Do NGOs leave when the job is done or do
they stay as long as there is money available?” Many feel that because the aid community
is so divided and in competition with one another they are easily manipulated and
corrupted. For example, despite decades of aid and foreign intervention, a majority of
Haitians before the earthquake were living on less than two dollars a day. Many fear that
after the earthquake Haitian dependency will continue to grow as food, supplies, and aid
continue to pour into the country (Rethinking Humanitarian Aid).

Additionally, critics of humanitarian aid point to the asymmetrical power relationship

between the NGOs and the government as a main failure of international intervention.

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NGOs have essentially weakened the government to the point where NGOs have become
the new administration providing essential services in lieu of the government. Such
action allows governments to avoid reform and proceed with inadequate policies.
Subsequently, it is the international community and foreign NGOs that are administering
financial assistance rather than the Haitian government, further debilitating governmental
ability to control the assistance and reconstruction effort. NGOs are accountable for
spending the humanitarian aid, leaving critics to question whether they are fully
transparent and capable of meeting the needs on the ground. Also argued is that “donors”
are pushing their own agendas in a top down approach deciding how, where, and how
fast money is spent when a bottom up approach is needed with grassroots organizations
responsible for financial allocation. According to journalist and author Linda Polman,
“people are being dictated in how to develop and how fast to develop by donor agendas
(Rethinking Humanitarian Aid).” Also, higher salaries and better working conditions of
NGOs than the government attract the higher educated Haitians instigating an internal
brain drain within Haiti (Perito).

Issues:

“Dependency is a historical condition which shapes a certain structure of the world

economy such that it favors some countries to the detriment of others and limits the
development and expansion of another economy, to which their own is subjected.”
Theotonio Dos Santos

The earthquake that devastated Haiti in January 2010 was the worst quake to hit the
country since 1770. There were 59 aftershocks ranging from magnitudes of 4.2-5.9
throughout the rest of the month, and they continue to have aftershocks today. Authorities
estimate that approximately 200,000 people have died as a result of the quake, and
roughly 2,000,000 have been left homeless—a total equal to the population of Port-au-
prince. While another 3,000,000 people are estimated to be in need of emergency aid,
there are stockpiles of supplies sitting in Haiti’s airport, which has been described as a
“bottleneck in getting food and water to the people” (ReliefWeb). Approximately US$
2.5 billion in aid has been pledged from international donors, the top four being the US,
Canada, the World Bank and Japan. Many countries have sent teams of doctors, search
dogs and infrastructure damage experts to help with the relief efforts.

The eyes of the world are on Haiti and the consequences of the ill-advised policies of the
past have been laid bare for the world to see amidst the rubble of a shattered country. The
earthquake has done what will and necessity could not—it demolished in one day the
physical infrastructure of a frequently corrupt government, the insufficient living
conditions in Port-au-Prince, and all the buildings that, like the governing systems, which
operated within them, were so shoddily built and tenuously constructed that they
crumbled and failed in the face of disaster. The earthquake has wiped the slate clean for
Haiti and offers an opportunity to rebuild the country with more solid and stable
structures that can withstand the recurring ravishment of politics and nature and bear the
tumultuous history this country must carry on its arduous path forward.

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However, while there is the opportunity to move forward in a new direction, there is also
the possibility that the same policies will be implemented and that the same pathology of
dependency will be reinforced. It is incumbent upon the international community to see
that this opportunity is not lost and that the cycle of dependency is not once again
perpetuated in Haiti because it has been Haiti’s relations with the international
community that has led it down the road to ruin. As Andre Gunder Frank notes,
“historical research demonstrates that contemporary underdevelopment is in large part the
historical product of past and continuing economic and other relations between the
satellite underdeveloped and the now developed metropolitan countries”.

The international community, predominantly the US, has used Haiti as an economic
breeding ground for its own economic development for two centuries to the detriment of
Haiti’s own development. As Gilbert Rist writes when examining The School of
Dependency, “The international system, far from guaranteeing the South’s prosperity,
brought domination effects to bear on it and locked it in dependence” (Rist). Haiti has
been kept in the periphery, in a position of dependency, for so long that it is now
incapable of taking any steps forward in the pursuit of its own development without the
help of the international community. Because it is the actions and the policies of the core
countries that have historically prospered from Haiti’s dependency that renders the nation
currently incapable of helping itself, it is then the duty of those core countries to help it
back on its feet.

The US military has taken a large role in the emergency aid activities in Haiti.
Immediately after the earthquake, 10,000 US troops were sent to help in the relief efforts.
Over the next few months the numbers increased, peaking at 22,000 at one point and
raising questions over what role the US military is playing in the country (Laing &
Leonard). The increasing numbers of troops and the military’s appropriation of control
over the only airport in Haiti raised concerns and caused frustration as planes carrying
foreign aid were turned away and supplies began to pile up while people in the camps
went without food and water. The overwhelming presence and control of the US forces
also brought up issues of resentment over the history of US invasions in Haiti, which
began shortly after the country’s independence and arguably never really ended. It is
important that the US military and government work to ensure that ultimate power and
control is handed back to the Haitian government soon and that they work to re-establish
the capacity of the Haitian government to take on this role.

While the capacity of the Haitian government has been undeniably decimated by the
quake, it is essential that they be included in the reconstruction efforts, not bypassed by
international organizations and governments. Restoring the capacity of the Haitian
government must be a priority in the reconstruction to ensure that Haiti is responsible for
its own future and is given some sense of self-determination. Recognizing that the
governmental capacity was greatly diminished, the current president, Rene Preval passed
a decree allowing for an 18-month extension to his term, which was met by riots and
protests in the street and was ultimately reversed. The decree appears to have been the
final straw in breaking free the people’s anger over several recent events, including the

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establishment of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission (IHRC) (My Ayiti.com).

The IHRC is comprised of 7 Haitian representative and 9 representatives from various

donors, multi-lateral lenders and international organizations and is responsible for
deciding which reconstruction projects will receive backing from the multi-billion dollar
funding pledged to Haiti. The co-presidents of the IHRC are Prime Minister Jean-Max
Bellerive and the US special envoy for Haiti, former US President Bill Clinton. The
purported purpose for the commission is to include the Haitian authorities in the
reconstruction process, while also providing accountability for the donor’s funds and
offering an opportunity for all agencies involved to coordinate efforts. Yet the bill has
been a contentious issue because some Haitians feel, like Senator Latortue, who refused
to back the bill, that “it is against the country’s constitution and it violates [Haiti’s]
sovereignty” by agreeing to a foreign donor role in decision-making (Delva).

The Interim Haiti Recovery Commission, like the earthquake that precipitated it, is
another opportunity that could play out either for the benefit of, or to the continued
detriment of Haiti. It is an opportunity for the international community to break the cycle
of practicing what Naomi Klein labels “disaster capitalism,” which is what she calls
“orchestrated raids on the public sphere in the wake of catastrophic events, combined
with the treatment of disaster as exciting market opportunities” (Klein). It is also an
opportunity for those nations, such as the US, that have contributed to the fragile and
vulnerable conditions that existed in Haiti prior to the quake and that exacerbated the
consequences of the disaster, to take responsibility for their part in creating the problem.
The commission could indeed be a chance for these cycles to be broken and for the
pathology of dependency, which has plagued Haiti throughout its history to end. This will
require that the international community ensure that the reconstruction entail, as an
essential element, the establishment of sovereignty, political stability and the ability for
Haiti’s self-determination.

Analysis of Agricultural Issue:

“I would love to see lots of focus on recreating agriculture in Haiti and bringing in
specialists to train farmers, because for now most of the farmers you see are small
merchants…there’s really not the capacity now for a large industry.”
Mary Lineberger, MIIS alumnus currently working in Haiti

The devastating earthquake that struck Haiti in January of 2010 not only brought any
development progress being made in the country to a screeching halt, it also set the
country back years, if not decades, from where it had originally begun. Because of the
near-total destruction of Port-au-Prince, a vastly overcrowded city providing very little
infrastructure for the 2 million people living there, it is now necessary to literally rebuild
Haiti from the ground up. A vast number of incredibly capable and creative individuals
have begun to present new and innovative development strategies for Haiti to move
forward with development in a positive direction. As policy makers have begun to
discuss options for the long-term development of Haiti, it has become clear that the

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agricultural sector of the economy is in the most need of immediate and sustainable
revitalization. Due to the destruction of its urban center, the Haitian economy can no
longer rely on the manufacturing sector as a primary source of income and jobs, and new
sustainable farming practices have come to the forefront of the development discourse.

Although farmers make up 60 percent of the population in Haiti, the agricultural sector
comprises a mere 27 percent of the country’s GDP. This is due to the fact that almost all
of Haiti’s food supply (75% before the earthquake, and closer to 100% now) is imported
(Miller, 1), in large part because of the tariff and subsidy system put in place by the
United States which has made it cheaper for Haiti to import food from the US than to
produce it themselves. In truth, many factors are currently working against the Haitian
agricultural sector. There is not an abundance of quality farmland, and the land that does
exist has been overworked almost to the brink. Deforestation and erosion have rendered
much of the soil non-arable, and much of the terrain in Haiti is steep and rocky, making
farming conditions less than ideal. Despite all of these setbacks, however, there is an
immense will among Haitian farmers to create a sustainable farming system and provide
the conditions for the country to one day be able to feed itself. In order for this to
happen, major changes to the farming system need to occur in Haiti, starting with the
rehabilitation of the soil.

Recommendation #1:

Projects to reforest and revitalize the farmland are the first step in the rebirth of the
Haitian agricultural sector. One such project, the Haiti Timber Re-Introduction Project
(HTRIP), has been working to reforest the rural areas of Haiti in order to reverse the
effects of erosion and deforestation on the farmlands. HTRIP’s model involves assisting
farmers in rural areas to plant small tree plots, after which the community builds a small
tree nursery, which is staffed by project volunteers. Local leaders are trained to manage
these nurseries, and then in turn train members of the community to maintain them and
continue to plant more trees. In this way, the international organization is only involved
in the beginning phases of the project, and after a period of capacity building, the
program is left completely in the hands of the Haitian people. The project has been very
successful to date: HTRIP is currently working in 20 communities and had produced and
planted 60,000-100,000 seedlings. Monthly education sessions are currently being
conducted in these communities, with 500 participants (Haiti Timber Re-Introduction
Project, 3). This is just one example of the kind of programs needed to revitalize the soil
in Haiti, one in which an international organization is initially involved, but through
capacity building and training, the success of the project is ultimately up to the
communities themselves.

The next priority for rebuilding Haiti’s agricultural sector is seeds--both quality and
quantity. Even before the earthquake, there was a dearth of high-quality seeds for
farmers in Haiti, and therefore low-yielding crops were common. Since the earthquake,
many farmers have lost their seed inventory completely, and the spring planting season,
which accounts for 60% of Haiti’s agricultural production, is approaching quickly
(Miller, 1). To avoid even further catastrophe, the farmers of Haiti need to be supplied

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with better and higher-yielding seeds. The Haitian government, with the help of several
major international organizations such as the World Food Programme, has already
outlined a $US700 million package that will do just that in the next 18 months (Miller,
1). This should give the agricultural sector the boost to become more self-sufficient it so
badly needs, after which time the farmers, who will have had higher-yielding crops, will
be able to afford better quality seeds and break the vicious cycle of poor seeds/low-
yielding crops.

Analysis of NGOs in Haiti:

“It’s not only a corrupt government, you can also speak of corruption among the NGOs.
The NGOs and the international donors have kept the government in a very weak position
by bypassing the government for the past decades and not doing anything about building
the government and strengthening the government.”
Linda Polman, Journalist

Although the role of international organizations is absolutely vital to the rebuilding of

Haiti after the earthquake, Haiti’s success in moving forward and developing in a positive
and sustainable manner rests squarely on the shoulders of the Haitian community. The
key to a new direction for Haiti is the support and development of local grassroots
organizations, which are managed and supported by the Haitian people. While
international and nongovernmental organizations are crucial in providing much-needed
food and monetary aid, no real lasting change can ever be effected if the Haitian people
are not directly involved in their own development.

Several grassroots organizations currently exist in Haiti, many of which are farmer
cooperatives in regions throughout the country that have organized themselves to develop
more lucrative and efficient ways to do business. An excellent example of a Haitian
grassroots organization is PAPDA (Plateforme Haïtienne de Plaidoyer pour un
Développement Alternatif)- a “Haitian platform to demand an alternative development”
whose motto is “Yon Lòt Ayiti Posib!”--“Another Haiti is Possible!” in Haitian Creole.
This organization coordinates with multiple other grassroots organizations in Haiti to
present a united front to fight for food sovereignty, alternative economic integration,
participatory democracy, and international solidarity (PAPDA, 1). This cooperation
between organizations is a perfect example of what is possible when the Haitian people
are enfranchised and empowered to change their own situation instead of believing that
the only means they have to better their lives come from international sources.

The problem is that international organizations are not currently working with local
organizations to the extent that is necessary for real progress to be made. The goals and
agendas of foreign nongovernmental organizations often do not take into account the
goals and agendas of grassroots organizations, and because the money lies in the hands of
the international groups, the needs of local groups tend to the completely ignored.

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On the other hand, the foreign community is really coming together to assist in this
disaster. Unlike other disaster areas, Haiti is unique in that governmental infrastructure
and communication after the earthquake is essentially non-existent. Even the most basic
of needs such as shelter are not being met. Due to such constraints, the Haitian
government is simply unable to lead the relief effort. Thus, the United Nations has
become the leader in project coordination "prioritizing projects based on collective
decision making with key stakeholders." Furthermore, the international community has
initiated new, more collective outlooks of managing disaster relief to address issues such
as long-term, possibly ten years of funding, and the organization of massive amounts of
inflowing resources. One really positive practice, which should be continued in the
future, is the implementation of “cluster” meetings by the UN. These cluster meetings
offer a chance for the dynamic of NGOs and international organizations to change
towards a more cooperative, less competitive atmosphere. This system forms project
teams of organizations that meet at the UN logistic base on a weekly basis to "report on
what is being done, share lessons learned, and ask for feedback." This initiative not only
allows organizations to focus on what they do best, but also breaks down the huge
problem into specific projects or more solvable units such as security and infrastructure
(Project Managment Institute, 11-14).

Recommendation #2:

Twelve "clusters" are currently in operation in Haiti including ones that focus on health,
water, sanitation and hygiene, and logistics. For example, the World Health Organization
is "organizing medical assistance from 21 international agencies; UNICEF is leading the
“WASH” cluster to secure clean water and sanitation systems; and, the World Food
Programme is spearheading the effort to address fuel needs, secure warehouse space and
build floating docks at the port, which was destroyed in the earthquake." This system has
been responsible for increased coordination and organization that provides a streamlined
process that “brings organizations together, cuts down on duplication of efforts and
makes for a system that is more predictable (Project Management Institute, 11-14)."

Additionally, NGOs and multilateral organizations need to work with governments rather
than in opposition to them in order to break the cycle of dependency. The United Nations
and the United States need to make a combined effort to pressure the Haitian government
for good governance in a way that will inspire and empower the Haitian people.
Indigenous governance that is devoid of corruption, and restructured to meet the modern
needs of the people is essential in leading Haiti from dependence on foreign aid to
sustainable development. Part of foreign aid should be utilized to restructure Haiti’s
government by "expanding its ability to manage resources and programs by providing
training and budget support (Perito)." With a strong, functioning government, Haiti
would gain self-determination, which would then lead to a separation from U.S.
occupation and agenda setting.

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Conclusion:

Haiti has the right to autonomy in all national decision-making. The biggest barrier to this
has been political and economic intervention, primarily from the United States, and the
lack of coordination on the part of multilateral and non-governmental organizations.
Multilateral organizations and NGOs have worked against each other in the past, rather
than in a collaborative effort for positive change. New collaborative initiatives such as the
U.N. cluster system should be utilized in future projects. The Haitian government should
be strengthened through program training and budget support in order to level the playing
field between NGOs and the government as well as to combat corruption.

The long-term goal of any international or nongovernmental organization working in

Haiti should be to support and encourage Haitian-led projects and to enable the Haitian
people to take the progress of their country into their own hands. The success of
development in Haiti depends on the will and ability of Haitians to organize, vote, and
fight for what they want their country to become. Without the presence of community
and grassroots organizations in Haiti and the political and economic empowerment of the
Haitian people, the country will fall directly back into the cycle of dependence it has been
trapped in for the two last centuries.

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Works Cited:

A.) Web Based Journals and News Articles:

"A true Marshall Plan for Haiti.” Financial Times. January 2010. Web. January 26,
2010. http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/be1bf21c-0a95-11df-b35f-00144feabdc0.html
Delva, Joseph Guyler. “Haiti Approves Post-quake Reconstruction Body.” Reuters. April
16, 2010. Web. May 18, 2010 http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE63F39V20100416

"Haiti on the crutches of foreign aid." Financial Times. Web. January 26,
2010. http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/6da330f0-0a1a-11df-8b23-00144feabdc0.html  
 
“We  Made  a  Devil’s  Bargain.”  President  Clinton  Apologizes  for  Trade  Policies  that  
Destroyed  Haitian  Rice  Farming.  Democracy  Now!  April  2010.  Web.  April  01,  2010.  
http://www.democracynow.org/2010/4/1/clinton_rice  
 
“Haiti’s Earthquake: Agriculture the Key to Recovery.” New Agriculturist. March 2010.
Web. May 23, 2010.

HTRIP. Haiti Timber Re-Introduction Project, 2010. Web. 16 May 2010.

Laing, Aislinn & Leonard, Tom. “US accused of ‘occupying’ Haiti as troops flood in.”
Telgraph.co.ok. January 18, 2010. Web. April 23, 2010
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/centralamericaandthecaribbean/haiti/70209
08/US-accused-of-occupying-Haiti-as-troops-flood-in.html

Miller, Talea. “Haiti’s Farms Sow Hope for Rebuilding.” PBS. February 12, 2010. Web.
May 23, 2010.

“Haitians Protest The ‘Emergency Law’ and Demand Removal of President Preval.”
MyAyiti.com. Web. May 7, 2010 http://myayiti.com/2010/05/videohaitians-protest-the-
emergency-law-and-demand-removal-of-president-preval/

PAPDA. Plateforme Haïtienne de Plaider pour un Développement Alternatif, 2010. Web.

16 May 2010.

Perito, Robert M. "Haiti After the Earthquake." United States institute of Peace: Peace
Brief. United States Institute of Peace, 21/01/2010. Web. 18 May 2010. www.usip.org.

“No ‘Hope for Haiti’ without justice.” Al Jazeera. January 2010. Web. January 19,
2010 http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/2010/01/20101196265844450.html  
 
ReliefWeb.  “Haiti:  Earthquake  Statistics—January  2010.”  January  2010.  Web.  April  
16,  2010  http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/dbc.nsf/doc108?OpenForm&rc=2&emid=  

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EQ-­‐2010-­‐000009-­‐HTI  

"Rethinking Humanitarian Aid." Al Jazeera. March 2010. Web. May 23, 2010.
http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/rizkhan/2010/03/201033164114623624.html.

"The Rebirth Begins." Project Managment Institute. May 2010: 11-14. Print.

"FDR: Haiti's Development 'Is not Against Our Interest." Executive Intelligence Review.
February 2010. Web. February 12, 2010.
http://www.larouchepub.com/other/2010/3705fdr_haiti.html

B.) Books:

Fanon, Franz.The Wretched of the Earth. (New York: Grove Press 1963), 96

Gunder Frank, Andre (1969). The Development of Underdevelopment. In Roberts &

Bellone (Ed.), The Globalization and Development Reader: Perspectives on Development
and Global Change (pp. 77). Malden: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Klein, Naomi. The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (pp 7). New York:
Picador Reading Group, 2007

Rist, Gilbert. The History of Development: Western Origins to Global Faith. (London:
ZED Books, 2008), 109

Endnotes:
1
‘Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the head of the International Monetary Fund, called for a
“Marshall plan for Haiti”, with foreign governments, companies and NGOs doing the
rebuilding and foreign investment setting up factories. None of that has anything to do
with the original Marshall plan.’ Financial Times, January 26, 2010
2
With a $5 million credit line from the U.S. government, and active involvement by the
U.S. Export-Import Bank, SHADA pursued "the development and exploitation of all
agricultural and other resources of, and within, the Republic of Haiti.... Experimentation
is to be undertaken to improve existing crops and to cultivate new ones." LaRouche
3
In 1985 Haitian farmers producing 150,000 tons of rice to meet consumption needs
2008: 340,000 of the 420,000 tons of annual rice consumption were imported; 30 million
of the 31 million eggs that Haitians consumed monthly, were imported from the
Dominican Republic. LaRouche.

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