Mysociety 2008-2009

Research Article
mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 1-17 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in
INDIAN CONTEXTS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS AND SOCIAL JUSTICE

D.M.Diwakar*
The very concept of social progress and social justice lies in the past history, although it has become a fashionable trend to identity the concept as modern and post-modern. It is also true that the very nature of development paradigm centred around the argument of Europe,Thus the world has been constructed within the framework of European capitalist mode as well as tagged to the path of European development.This has led to the creation of European image in India , This has become a challenging task to delineate and develop an alternative model . The path the Indian state traversed over the years, signifies a departure as well reconstruction of social justice paradigm from within the context of social diversities . This does not mean that project of social justice has brought a complete paradigm shift , An analysis of the social justice project implies an incomplete project as well as uneven project Contexts of social progress and social justice
Vision for social progress itself reflects the level of development that a society has attained in its process of continuous advancement towards a desirable direction (Bury, 1955: 2) in order to achieve its perceived ideals. Such ideals are perceived by the society and articulated by its visionary depending upon the state of consciousness that a society has acquired. In early history of mankind such ideals were perceived by philosophers mostly influenced by the state of religion that society enjoyed. The ideals for different societies until the middle ages were what were described in their religious documents. Since most of the religions were taking compassionate approach to humanism, at least on record if not in practice, they have strong influence over the ideals. Bury has maintained that the progress is a condition of society in which all the inhabitants of the planet would enjoy a perfectly happy existence (Bury, 1955). One can trace this ideal in the work of Encyclopaedists
* Visiting Faculty in Economics, G. B. Pant Social Science Institute, Allahabad.
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(Encyclopaedia, 1957: 495-99). Similar examples are also available, for instance in the literature of the Greek and the Jews and also in Hebraic-Christian interpretation of messianic intervention and salvation. Regeneration of glorious past, i.e., inspiration from Pericles and Augustus, renaissance of classical learning of Lucurgus and Solan, ideals of Christianity, etc., were conceived as the ideals in the period of degeneration. In India also right from the Vedic period religion had a role in maintaining peace on the earth. Well-articulated couplet in Shukla Yajurveda emphasises on restoring peace on the planet earth, ocean, forest and everywhere in the environment1 . In the post-vedic period the ideals were translated into more articulated and concrete material forms in order to achieve happiness, health and welfare for all and sorrow for none. Significant changes took place in the world, particularly in Europe, during fourteenth to nineteenth centuries. A few noticeable among them were: development of towns, expansion of commerce, exploration of new geographical regions, emergence of modern state, scientific invention and discoveries, industrial revolution, revolt of educated middle class, etc. These events weakened the hold of religious overtone over societal ideals. All these made room for more materialistic emphasis of ideals in the society. This also brought transformation and reform in religious philosophies. In this process faith in goodness of man and efficiency of conscious reason to create earthy utopia was also an emerging feature. Thus, progress was viewed as an increase in adaptation of man to his environment that is of his internal power and wishes to his external lot and life (Bedgehot, 1956: 152). Further delineation of verifiable progress was noticeable in terms of new indicators of control and skill. Greater command of power over nature, external and internal power to command better skill and knowledge for the health and comfort of present body and mind, etc., were acquired for better life styles. Hence, the progress was explained as a march of history of human being from savage to civilised one. The difference between the savage and the civilised man may be explained on the basis of the theory that the former is yet so imperfectly developed that the progress is hardly apparent (George, 1956: 482). Thus, Euro-centric progress was considered as a historical continuity, implicit in historical evolution of nationals and civilisation reflected in Hegalian formulation of early nineteenth century influenced by material. Euro-centric progress dominated the world after emergence of capitalist mode of production, although, this found expression in the craze for gold and gold as such. Even much before the advent of Mercantilism and Physiocrats, efforts to convert baser metal to gold has been the pre-occupation of the Alchemist through out the middle ages, as gold was an ideal indicator of the wealth which was further emphasised by Mercantilism. During the age of Mercantilism the idea for the State was to facilitate the inflow of gold in the nation. Adam Smiths contribution of Wealth of Nation and the idea before the societies were deep
Indian Contexts of Social Progress and Social Justice
rooted in the capitalist tradition of profit and accumulation, which also led to colonial expansion. However, materialistic implication of progress continued to find further support in the Darwinian theory of the struggle for the existence and survival of the fittest along with Schopenhaners Doctrine of the Will as an aspect of universal blind force. This led to a search for a colony and its exploitation, which resulted, into aggravated misery for a section of world population. Emergence of condition of industrial labour and barbaric exploitation of colonies led middle class intelligentsia to shift over emphasis on profit and accumulation as was being advocated by the capitalist philosophy. They modified the capitalist piteous philosophy of profit and accumulation through the slogan of the values of humanity, equality, liberty, fraternity, etc. Their approach was to divulge and mellow down the harshness of capitalist culture by such reforms as would make it agreeable and appear humane. The earliest names in this context were of, Saint-Simon, Ferlinend Lassale, Wilhem Liebkneeh and Robert Owen. Others, who joined this camp with marginal deviations, were Fourrier, August Bebel, Pierre Loroux, Lamartine, Balzac, Sainte-Beuve, Durkheim, Lammenais, George I, Plekhanov Tocque Ville, Thoreau, Tolstoy, etc. Later they began to be known as socialist of different verities such as 1. Reactionary Socialism-expression of which was (a) Feudal Socialism (b) Petty Bourgeois Socialism (c) German: True Socialism 2. Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism and 3. Critical-Utopian Socialism, etc. Marx, using Hegels dialectics of historical materialism, interpreted history of progress in terms of class struggle related to materiel interest as the determining factor for social progress in his doctrine of scientific socialism. His analysis of the dialectical and historical materialism brought forth the facts that it is the class struggle, which has replaced the institution of feudalism with a modern competitive capitalism and will further replace capitalism with communism in the background of much higher level to be achieved by the forces of production then what is obtained in capitalism. Marx described the ideal society as: In a higher phase of Communist Society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labour and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labour has vanished, after labour has become not only a means of life but lifes prime want; after the productive forces have also increased with the all round development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly- only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society inscribed on its banner: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs (Marx & Engels, 1962: vol. ii, p.24). With the progress of capitalism and bourgeois democracy many political parties took the socialist ideal in their fold. Notable among them was German Social Democratic Party, French Socialist Party, British Labour Party, German Workers Party, SEIO in France, Socialist Party of India, etc. Gandhi was basically in this tradition, which adhered to non-violent
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social order, which was rooted in the teaching of Buddha. In his ideal of non-violent society no one is supposed to be first and none the last. Gandhian ideals of a non-violent social order outline the dream of India in his words as follows : I shall work for an India in which the poorest shall feel that it is their country in whose making they have an effective voice; an India in which there shall be no high class and low class of people; an India in which all communities shall live in perfect harmony. There can be no room in such an India for the curse of untouchability or the course of the intoxicating drinks and drugs. Women will enjoy the same rights as men. Since we shall be at peace with all the rest of the world, neither exploiting nor being exploited, we should have the smallest army imaginable. All interests but not in conflict with the interest of dumb millions will be scrupulously respected, whether foreign and indigenous. This is the India of my dreams I shall be satisfied with nothing less. (Gandhi, 1931).2 Thus, Gandhi shaped his ideals and dreams to bring the last man of the society into the mainstream of development process. He appears in the continuity of the transformation process of the society translated into Indian social context. All the ideals are sounding good and harmonious to the society. But the basic issues are to translate them into the ground reality in terms of living conditions of the common masses. The level of progress of a society, thus, should be seen in the context of the realisation of the set goals for the society. Development of productive forces as a result of closer interaction between man and nature has undoubtedly invented and developed significant technology to reduce the hardship of the life of human being to a certain extent but the facts still remain as to whether the benefit of the same has percolated down to the deprived societies and nations.
II Social Justice
Social justice is an evolving dynamic concept, which refers to a just social order culminating into a process of egalitarian society in its ultimate analysis in which questions of inequality and exploitation do not exist. Justness of any social order however, varies and depends on the level of consciousness that a society has acquired in its historical process of development of productive organisations (Marx, 1970:20)3 . Forms of materialistic control and senses of deprivation are directly linked with the nature and forms of productive organisation and inherent contradiction of the process of accumulation therein. In primitive society since material accumulation was yet to be a part of social consciousness, questions of inequality, exploitation and therefore of justice did not arise until accumulation came in its way as a resultant obstacle. Material consciousness of accumulation in due course of its historical development process stretched over its control over productive organisation operating through productive forces and relations of production. The level of development of productive forces
and the stages of relations of production thus, reflects the level of consciousness of the masses of that society to interpret and analyse its material conditions and contradiction therein, which in turn decides the level of consciousness for justice in that society. A society may have more than one set of productive organisations operating simultaneously. Dominant set prevails over other social orders through its institutions that emerged in its historical process of development to serve its interest as a substantial and integral part of the relations of production (Byres, 1986: 90). However, other sets of productive organisation emerge and develop simultaneously within the existing system, which would have the potential to replace the existing system of productive organisation but the emerging dominant set of productive organisation can only replace when it is matured (Marx, 1970: 21). Thus, the concept of social justice has both micro and macro dimensions regarding exploitation and justice, i.e., question of exploitation of one country and society by the other. Human Development Report shows that many of the poorest countries are marginalised from the growing global opportunities. The income gap between the poorest and the richest countries are widening (HDP, 2000:82). Instead of going into the debate of it, which is beyond the scope of this paper also, we would like to trace out the concept of social justice briefly in Indian context.
Indian Context
The concept of social justice in Indian context may be traced back as early as in the literature of the post- Vedic period if not earlier, where it was idealised through religious overtone. Manifestation of such ideal can be traced in Smriti (Purana) composed by Vyasa in terms of punya (good) and papa (bad) and translated in the real life concretising into two formulas, i.e., to help others is good and to torture is bad.4 Another interpretation may be seen in the concept of universe as a family away from the discrimination of own and others at least at the level of perception5 leading towards identification of the knowledge of self in others.6 One of the best forms of the perceptions of social justice may be seen in another couplet in which material consciousness is reflected. Every one was desired to be happy in that construct free from disease with an articulated proposition for general well being to all and sorrow for none.7 But the concept of happiness was still to be delinked from the deeds of last birth and its resultant continuity of the cycle of the good and bad performance in the present lives. Thus, the existence of sorrow in this life interpreted as incurable as a fate of last birth. The facts therefore remained unchanged so far discrimination; injustice and exploitation in the brahminical order of society were concerned. Position of shudras was justified at lower rung as a result of their bad deeds in their last birth. The question of social discrimination and injustice although secularised and reduced to at perception level away from this framework in the medieval era of Kabir but it was not much away from the religious
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overtone when he made his request to God to provide him only so much of material privileges that he would be able to maintain subsistence of his family and guest.8 But there was another school of thought also, which challenged the proposition of rebirth and continuity of resultant distress. Charvak was one of the main proponents of this school.9 Buddhas interpretation of the causes of miseries and their remedies in this material world itself gave a new turn to the consciousness of the society and therefore to the perception of social justice. He identified accumulation at the root of all the exploitation, discrimination and other social evils and therefore suggested measures for dispossession through inner transformation of individual, forming Sangh and adherence of truth, non-violence, and celibacy. Vivekananda diagnosed the evils of monopolising of the whole education and intelligence of the land by dint of pride and royal authority among a handful of man as the chief causes that ruined India (Vivekananda, 1972: vol. iv: 482) and therefore self assertion of shudras is necessary for their liberation. It has been the irony of the facts that although Indian tradition has been ingrained with very rich perceptions of social justice and its measures, the society remained fragmented because of inner contradiction and weaknesses. One can hardly deny that on the one hand, we had a concept of universe as our family and on the other hand we were divided into numerous fragments of castes loaded with parochial identities and social evils like untouchability. We had teachings of non-violence and peace along with inherited sense of sacrifice but we had also the arch reality of discrimination, violence and hatred in the society. Consequently, we were conquered, robbed, enslaved and ruled by many rulers including the British colonisers who gradually took India into their strong grip. When the British reached to its further lowest ebb of exploitation, the context of social justice emerged again in the foray of national movement. But this time the perception and ideal of social justice was at the higher plain and also with finer articulation, equipped with the experience of French Revolution, Paris Commune, and Socialist Revolution in European countries. This was very much reflected in the writings and speeches of our national leaders, which they used as powerful weapons to mobilise masses during freedom struggle. Among national leaders, it would be pertinent to refer Gandhi in this context, which was considered as an uncrowned leader of the national freedom movement for almost three decades until his assassination. Gandhian perception of social justice can be seen in one of his writings, when he writes: Everybody should be able to get sufficient work to make the two end meet. And this ideal can be universally realised only if the means of production of elementary necessaries of life remain under the control of masses. ...they should not be made a vehicle of traffic for exploitation of others. Their monopolisation by any country, nation or groups of persons would be unjust (Gandhi, 1928). Adding economic dimension to his concept of nonviolent social order he emphasised: Economic equality is the master key of non-violent
independence, working for economic equality means the levelling down of the few rich in whose hands is concentrated the bulk of the nations wealth on the one hand and levelling up of the semi- starved naked millions on the other (Gandhi, 1994:20). Nehru, as early as in 1929, was convinced of the argument that generating employment as the only effective solution to get rid of wide spread poverty with a vision of socialist order. Gandhi was suggesting his talisman to Nehru for clearing his perceptions and removing his doubts while making decisions about the last man. Running through pages in his Village Swaraj, i.e. poor mans swaraj where no one is to be the first and none the last (Gandhi, 1959:76, 73, 9 & 100) and elsewhere also Gandhi articulated his ideals of just social order in terms of removal of poverty, and unemployment, providing proper food, clothes, education and creative healthy condition of living for every human being so that common masses can work and earn easily to meet their needs (Gandhi, CWMG, vol. 87, p.463). Gandhi emphasised on equitable distribution of land to eradicate poverty. No man should have more land than he needs for dignified sustenance. Who can dispute the fact that the grinding poverty of the masses is due to their having no land that they can call their own? (Gandhi, 1940:97). These ideals appear closer to the proposition of Marx, i.e., from each according to his ability to each according to his needs (Marx, 1962: Vol. II, 24). Ambedkar was restlessly worried about deep-rooted injustice in the society and therefore he argued for social democracy. His concept of social justice was firmly rooted in the synthesis of social equality, i.e., dignity, involving freedom and liberty with economic equality (Guru, 1997:237-46). Integrating all these concerns of the national leaders that they made for a concerted effort to frame a comprehensive constitutional provision with greater enthusiasm and expectation after transfer of power from the British to the Indian ruling class.
III Target Group

Target groups of social justice have been identified with various social identities, very much existence of which manifest existing contradiction, inequality and exploitation in Indian hierarchical society. They are identified with different connotations such as, Atishudras, Antyajas, Avarnas, Harijans, Adivasis, Ex-touchables, Untouchables, Downtrodden, Depressed, Exterior Caste, Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and now Dalits, etc. These reflect the treatment that Dalit community has been getting from the then social institutions operating under particular mode of production. Traditionally the members of this community were generally oppressed, land less bonded labourers and sharecroppers (Beteille, 1972:2324). Without going into the debate of property right in land before the British rule in India, broadly it may not be denied that there were unequal rights in the control and use of land and that in traditional system these inequalities were closely related to the inequalities of caste (Beteille, 1972:25). These facts may hardly be negated even today. Hence, it does not appear smooth to isolate agrarian structure from caste in Indian society. Lohia distinguishes castes
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from class in terms of immobility that has crept into class relationship, the immobility of an individual to get into higher caste and of a whole caste to move up in status or income. Class is mobile caste and Caste is immobile class (Lohia, 1955: 41). However, it does not give free hand also to operate and needs a careful and proper treatment although it sounds closely related (Beteille, 1972:22; 1969; Bhowmik, 1992: 1246-48). If Dalit question is that of inequality and exploitation, this involves broadly two dimensions. One, whether they could be brought at least at the minimum satisfactory level of dignity till today even after elapsing more than five decades after the transfer of power from the British colonial rule. This requires a stock taking exercise about socio- economic condition of Dalits. And the other, if they are yet to find their dignified place in the society despite the so-called tall claims of development and operating democratic government for such a long time of half a century (Grover, 1996), whether this process of development can ever provide them a status of equality and dignified life in such a society where they (Dalit) can identify themselves in the mainstream of the progress and its advantages. Dalit question needs to be understood in a broader sense which may require a fresh account, taking cognisance of the past national experience and radically different from, the present form if at all the commitment is still adhered to bring them into the mainstream. This question is not new one. Dalit articulation may be traced even earlier at the national scene during late 1920s in the British colonial rule when the British initiated Round Table Conference and Communal Award. However, Dalit society was comprehended in a broader perspective of integrated social reality by Dalit Panthers which counts not only the SCs and STs, Neo-Buddhist, it but also includes toiling millions, the land less, the poor peasants, women and all those who are being exploited politically, economically, socially and in the name of religions as Dalits (Muralidharan, 1997:1,7). If one takes this view into account, all the exploited and direct producers who have been deprived from the ownership of the means of production, denied basic rights of dignified social life and livelihood, discriminated through biased socio-economic and political decisions taken in favour of non-producers and privileged class, and kept deliberately away from the mainstream of the advantages of the progress are to be considered Dalit. Thus, understanding Dalit question in Indian context has a wider canvas of unorganised and exploited Dalit of most backward regions and organised one of elsewhere in India who are the victims of exploitation and injustice and yet to acquire social, economic and political strength. Does it not require a careful diagnosis, which may lead to a logical proposition to consolidate Dalit force in themselves and for themselves?
Initiatives for Protection

Although question for the protection of exterior castes was raised in Karanchi Congress in 1931, which was scheduled in the constitution of 1935 and in 1936 by an order in Council
under the Government of India Act 1935 and declared as Scheduled Castes. There was a general opinion in Constituent Assembly with regard to equality of opportunity to all citizens and provision to be made for the entry of certain communities 1 0 in order to safeguard them to join mainstream by enabling them to avail this right of equality and justice to which they are denied for ages. The President of India further strengthened this idea in 1950. Preambles of the Constitution of India categorically speak about its commitment to justicesocial, economic and political. Various provisions have been made as the Constitutional safeguards for the SCs and STs,1 1 however, appear as supplementary provisions to the basic egalitarian structure in the constitution. Any weakness in the basic structure during the operational phase or any aberration therefrom otherwise can not but adversely affect the entire schema for the welfare and advancement of the SCs and STs as well (Sharma, 1994:20). It does not find wider disagreement that till today the weaknesses inherent in basic structure could not be removed and even after fifty years, more articulated protection to the weaker sections than earlier is required which was supposed to be redundant by the efforts of first ten years of Indian governance bearing with an assumption that they (weaker section) could be brought successfully in the mainstream by that time to enjoy equality and justice (Sharma, 1994:21). Even acquiring exceptionally better economic position, wider social acceptance of Dalit is yet to emerge. Indian psyche is ingrained so badly in caste structure that it becomes difficult even in modern urban settings where mental horizon is supposed to be less prejudiced among elite (i.e., bureaucrats, medical experts, educationists, advocates, politicians, etc., in almost every sphere of life). Aberration apart, Dalits have still been isolated from the mainstream and forced to suffer from the agony and humiliation in day to day life. In such a situation one can imagine as to how far Dalits of the rural area could be away from the realisation of equality of social status in a deep-rooted caste ridden hierarchical society enmeshed in feudal ethos. Unfortunately even today the Dalit question is being treated as a supplementary one within existing framework in a very narrow sense and of piece meal strategy and patch up work in the name of welfare of weaker sections of the society without working out a comprehensive package of their active participation and without considering their vision and dream of independence and justice.
Factual Position
A quick look through Human Development Report 2000 (Table 1) suggests that 19 per cent population are yet to get access to safe drinking water, 25 per cent are waiting for the access of health services and 71 per cent population are without access to sanitation. During last ten years (1987-98) poorest 20 per cent of the country could get on an average only 8.1 per cent share in the national income or consumption, whereas richest 20 per cent could enjoy 46.1 per cent of the national income and consumption. Population on an average of below poverty line during 1989-98 staggers to 44.2 per cent. Thus, it is obvious that much is
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left to reach the desired level to attain social justice. When we say these, we do not intend to negate the level of achievements that the country has attained. But at the same time we can not deny the facts that we have spent more than five decades and the issues of Dalits are yet to be addressed properly. Recent data from the Ministry of Rural Development suggests that number of family assisted under poverty alleviation programmes of self and wage employment schemes have significantly decreased. There is reduction in share of women as well (IAMR, 1998:472). Table 1 Population without Access to Amenities, Share of Income or Consumption and Level of Poverty Indicators 1. Population Without Access to a) Safe Water b) Health Services c) Sanitation 2. Share of Income or Consumption during 1987-98 for a) Poorest 20 per cent b) Richest 20 per cent 3. Population below Income Poverty Line during 1989-98 a) Estimates of Planning Commission for Rural Poverty Ratio for 1992 1995-96 1998 1999-2000 b) Population below Poverty Line (number in million) 1992 1995-96 1998 1999-2000 Percentage 19 25 71 8.1 46.1 44.2 41.7 38.5 45.2 26.10 348.0 348.8 406.3 260.5
Source: 1. 2.
Source: 1. Human Development Report, 2000, p. 170 Gupta, S.P., Trickle Down Theory Revisited: The Role of Employment and Poverty, Lecture delivered in Annual Conference of the Indian Society of Le Butter Economic Society, December 1999. 3. The Planning Commission, Government of India, Press Release, 04.10.2001.
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Another sets of data on poverty reveal that poverty has increased at faster rate during last one decade. According to the Central Planning Commission, rural poverty ratio was 41.7 per cent in 1992, which could be reduced to 38.5 by 1995-96. But again the poverty ratio has increased to the higher level, i.e., 45.2 per cent in 1998 than that of 1992. If the number of people below poverty line is considered, they were 348.0 millions in 1992, which increased to 348.8 millions in 1995-96 and further addition by 1998 made this volume to 406.3 millions. Thus, about 583 millions poor people were added to the volume of poverty in India. However, there is sudden decline significantly in the poverty ratio and number of people/persons below poverty line Table 2 Performance of Indian Economy during Last Two Decades of Pre and Post Liberalisation Indicators 1. Agricultural Production 2. Industrial Production 3.Employment in Organised Sector 4.Total Employment 5.Production of Services 6.Gross Domestic Product at Factor Cost 7.Per Capita Rural Income 8. Total Income 9. As a Percentage of National Income a) Flow of Foreign Capital b) Payment of Interest c) Profit and other Outflow d) Total Outflow (b+c) e) Domestic Saving f) Total Investment 2.63 0.93 0.89 1.82 21.0 23.4 1.6 1.72 2.18 3.90 18.40 21.00 Average Annual Rate of Change 1981-82 to 1990-91 1991-92 to 1999-2000 3.9 7.8 2.56 2.7 6.2 5.7 3.1 3.2 2.8 5.7 0.75 1.3 7.5 5.8 1.8 3.7
Source: Economic Survey, Ministry of Finance, Government of India, various Issues.
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Gaps between deprived and privileged have been widening at a faster rate. If we take stock of the recent situation, particularly of about two decades, which are pertinent in terms of inter decade comparison of pre and post liberalisation, it may through up some light in understating the issues and level of social justice. Data for the two decades, i.e., 1981-82 to 1990-91 and 1991-92 to 1999-2000, as given in table 2, suggest that the growth rates of GDP were almost constant but there was significant decline in production of agriculture and manufacturing industry, per capita rural income, and employment in organised sector. Agricultural production decreased from 3.9 per cent during first period to 2.9 per cent. Manufacturing sector recorded 7.8 per cent during pre liberalisation and subsequently declined to 5.7 per cent in the post liberalisation years. Per capita income of the rural area has decreased from 3.1 per cent to 1.8 per cent and employment in organised sector. Increase in the rates of change was registered for tertiary sectors, i.e., from 6.2 per cent to 7.5 per cent and poverty, i.e., -33 to +23 per cent. There was marginal increase in total per capita income from 3.2 per cent to 3.7 per cent. Flow of foreign capital as a percentage of national income decreased from 2.63 to 1.6 but the ratio of outflow of interest and profit to national income increased from 0.93 to 1.72 ( 85 %) and 0.89 to 2.18 (145%) respectively. Altogether increase in the ratio of total outflow was from 1.82 to 3.9, i.e., 114 per cent. Ratio of domestic saving and investment to national income decreased from 21.0 to 18.4 (-12.4 %) and 23.4 to 21.0 (i.e., -10.3 %) respectively. Thus, there has been over all deterioration in the economic condition of the country. In such a miserable situation it is hard to believe the causes of social justice have been promoted unless a comprehensive development plan is executed to attain the goal of progress. Social discrimination and atrocities are at the lowest ebb. Now even fundamental rights to live are denied. They are killed indiscriminately by the private armies and the State has been ineffective to check such recurrences. Dalits have been killed in their home states and at place of works as migrant labourers outside their states. They hardly enjoy the constitutional guarantee to safeguard their lives. Untouchability although has been reduced in urban setting to a certain extent but it still persists in its bad shape and the situation is worse in rural areas. These facts also raise the question as to whether the present set of ruling class is really interested in solving this hardship at all, which may turn against his interest. It is precisely because they have sufficient insights of progress, issues therein and the strategies.
IV Insights
This gives a basis to derive that if progress ensures distributive justice of material production and has inherent character of social justice, Dalits are in fact victims of larger process of exploitation. So long this process of misappropriation of surplus by non-Dalit castes and class continues; Dalits may not be improved. Expecting any miracle within this
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given system especially, in the syndrome of gradually intensifying economic reforms at the dictate of imperial power in which state intervention has been weakening day by day and privatisation and market orientation is at ever increasing scale, no let up is visualised to generate sustainable employment opportunities. Hence, the situation ahead is going to be worse. In last fifty years, means of production could hardly be transferred effectively to the direct producers in order to remove injustice for which, Gandhi also expressed his deep concerns, besides Ambedkar and Marx. Exception apart, no sharp polarisation of Dalit class has been witnessed for sustainable resistance against exploitation either. The question of liberating Dalits in this system thus appears merely hoping against hope. Parliamentary democracy in the hands of bourgeois political parties has been generating false hopes in order to blunt their consciousness of understanding about their material condition. And thus creating hurdles against the process, though weak one, of consolidating as class in themselves to transform as class for themselves. The role of the most of the left parties in parliamentary politics, which should have geared up struggle for social change, equity and justice, is not significantly different from others. The question of land reforms has almost lost its ground in their agenda of struggle. However, sometimes they discuss in their meetings. It has become difficult to differentiate them substantially from other political parties, who serve as good servant of imperial masters which survives through exploitation of Neo-colonial countries of the world (Prasad, 1996). However, the revolutionary groups have been fairly successful in mobilising agricultural labourers, especially scheduled castes (Dalits) among them in Central Bihar but they have not at all been able to build an alliance with the peasantry and the class unity of the agricultural labourers is itself weak and liable at times to be broken by the Dalit/backward caste divide (DN, 1988:941). Madur Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh and many others are also indications of women mobilisation against injustice which have been initiated as a protest and converted into a social movement. Hope, therefore, lies in non-parliamentary revolutionary and unorganised force of Dalits. The problem of mobilising the poor stems from their increasing alienation from the product as both sharecropping and customary labour rights disappear in the development of capitalist agriculture. This material alienation prevents any opportunities for an autonomous, non-dependent economic existence (let alone actual accumulation), which in its turn inhibits both the developments of a consciousness and the formation of an Organisation (such as a tenants or labourers union) which would challenge the system of dependence and the class of patrons (rich peasants cum capitalist farmers) opposed to the poor (Wood, 1981:34360). Thus, to organise them is an uphill task and without struggle, their mobilisation has not been witnessed by the history. There are a few brilliant examples in the history, which suggest that only masses have the insight and idea to resolve the contradictions. The question is to listen, comprehend and practice them with necessary modification in the light of experiments in due course if needed (Mao, 1975: 119).
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Moreover, mobilisation on caste and communal lines, irrespective of the provisions made in the Constitution of India, with a segmented approach in this caste ridden society has been counter productive which may reinforce reactionary element in the society further. It may result into infighting between Dalits under different banners which may lead to hatreds among inter and intra castes. If at all there is social commitment for a just social order, it requires sincere efforts towards effective land reforms and water management added with co-operative venture and collective ownership of the means of production and agro based cottage and small industries for generating sustainable employment to improve their economic conditions on priority basis. There is also an imperative need to mobilise Dalit class to resist against exploitation at the grassroots and macro levels as well. This is a hard task, which non-Dalit class, particularly ruling class, would not permit, as this would raise question against their existence. Therefore, no option seems that is left as an alternative to mass struggle (Prasad, 1995:208-11). This question however, remains as to how mobilisation of masses can be made faster in order to involve them towards building a just society. This needs proper understanding about the masses to develop an efficient skill of communication in terms of constructive works and expand grassroots network so that mass involvement is possible. There may not be a tight compartment. Strategy may vary according to adaptability of the region but in broader sense the practices to be carried out may work as complementary to each other.
REFERENCES
Bedgehot, W., (1956): Physics and Politics, Bescon Press, Boston. Beteille, Andre, (1972): Inequality and Social Change, Oxford University Press, Delhi. Bhowmik, S.K., (1992): Caste and Class in India, Economic and Political Weekly, June 13-20. Bury, J.B., (1955):The Idea of Progress, Dover Edition, New York. Byre, T.J. (1986): Agrarian Transition and the Agrarian Question in John Harris (ed.): Rural Development, ELBS. Diwakar, D.M., (1999): Dalit Question of Inequality, Exploitation and Mobilisation, Man & Development, September. see also for details: Diwakar, D.M., (2000): Emerging Agrarian Relation in India: Micro Realities, Manak Publications, Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi. DN, (1988): Problem of the Unity in the Agrarian Struggles, Economic and Political Weekly, May 7. Gandhi, M.K., (1928): Economic Constitution of India, Young India, November 15. Gandhi, M.K., (1931): Young India, 10.9.1931. Gandhi, M.K., (1940): Harijan, 20.4.1940.
15
Gandhi, M.K., (1959): India of My Dreams, Navjivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad. Gandhi, M.K., Collected Works, Vol.87. Gandhi, M.K., (1994): Constructive Programmes, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, Reprint. Grover, D., (1996): Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Four and a Half Decades of Indias Development, Political Economy Journal of India, Vol.5, No.12. Guru, G., (1997): Ambedkars Ideas of Social Justice in Bhattachrjee, A., (ed.): Social Justice and the Constitution, Indian Institute of Advance Study, Rashtrapati Nivas, Shimla. George, H., (1956): Progress and Poverty, Robert Schalknbach Foundation, New York. Institute of Applied Manpower Research (1998): YearBook of Manpower Profile, India. Lohia, R.M., (1955): Wheel of History, Navhind Publications, Hyderabad. MaoTse Tung (1975): Collected Works, Foreign Language Publishing House Pecking, Vol.3. Marx, K., (1970): A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Progress Publishers, Moscow. Marx, K. & Engels, F., (1962): Selected Works, Foreign Language Publishing House, Moscow, Vol.II. Muralidharan, V., (1997): Educational Priorities and Dalit Society, Kanishka, New Delhi. Prasad, P.H., (1995): Mass Struggle: The Only Option, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan. 28. Prasad, P.H., (1996): Dynamics of Neo-Colonial Exploitation, Economic and Political Weekly, March23. Sharma, B.D., (1994): Dalit Betrayed, Haranand Publications, New Delhi. Vivekananda, (1972): The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda, Advait Ashrama, Kolkata. Wood, G.D,(1981): State Intervention and Agrarian Class Formation: Dimensions of the Access Problem in the Koshi Development Region of NE Bihar, India, Public Administration and Development, Vol.4.
ENDNOTES
1. 2. The couplet is expressed as: Prithvi Shantih, aapah shantih, aushadhayah shantih, Vanaspatayah shantih. Shantih, shantih, shantih. See Rajgopalachari, C., (1931): Magnacharta, Young India, 10.9.1931.
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D.M.Diwakar*
3.
4. 5. 6.
Marx wrote: In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material forces of production. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The couplet is expressed as: Prithvi Shantih, aapah shantih, aushadhayah shantih, Vanaspatayah shantih. Shantih, shantih, shantih. See Rajgopalachari, C., (1931): Magnacharta, Young India, 10.9.1931. Marx wrote: In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropriate to a given stage in the development of their material forces of production. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which arises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. Writing about the essence of entire eighteen puranas of Vyasa it has been said : Ashtadas puraneshu Vyasasya vachanadwayam paropakaray punyay, papay par pidnam. (i.e, in eighteen puranas of Vyasa there are two statements to work for the wellbeing of others is good and to torture others is bad.)
4.
5.
It is a famous couplet from post vedic literature often quoted for generous gesture: Ayam nijah paroveti ganana laghu chetsam Udar charitanantu basudhaiv kutumbkam. (i.e., people of narrow mind do calculate about his own and others, generous persons consider the whole earth planet as his family.)
6. 7.
Sensitiveness as self for all living creatures is reflected and identified as knowledge of the society, (i.e., atmvat sarva bhuteshu yah pashyati sah panditah.) Sarve bhavantu sukhinah sarve santu niramayah sarve bhadrani pashyanti ma kashchit dukhbahag bhavet. (i.e., be all happy and in good health, we wish wellbeing to all and sorrow to none.
8.
Kabir says: Sayeen itna dijie jame kutum samay Main bhi bhukha na rahun sadhu na bhukha jay.
9.
Charvak was one of the main proponents of this school of thought who maintained: Bhasmi bhutasya dehasya puaragamanam kutah.
17
10. 11.
Constituent Assembly Debates: Official Report, vol. vii, and pp.701-2. In order to consolidate fundamental spirit of social justice various constitutional provisions for SCs and STs have been made in Constitution of India. Under Articles 15(against discrimination), 16(equality), 17(abolition of untouchability), 19(protection of certain rights), 23(prohibition of traffic in human being and forced labour), 25(freedom of conscience, profession and practice of religion), 29(protection of interest of minorities), 38(promotion and welfare of the people), 46(promotion of educational interest of SCs and STs and other weaker sections), 330,332(reservation for Parliament and Legislative Assembly), 334-35(claims of SCs and STs to services and posts), 338(special officer for SCs and STs ) and 341-42 (for specification of SCs and STs), etc.
18 mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 18-32 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in
Research Article
LOHIAS IMMANENT CRITIQUE OF CASTE

Arun Kumar Patnaik* Abstract Immanent critique is interested in exploring internal strength of a social order on the basis of which its limits are exposed. This paper argues that Lohias critique of caste is based on recognition of its internal strength. Lohias critique is primarily interested in exploring why caste manages to survive centuries of resistance from within or from outside. Is there any strength in caste order? Even when it looks to be weak, it is still a stronger resilient system of power. His thesis is not to legimitise caste order. Rather it aims to explore appropriate lessons for socialist movement that must aim at the destruction of caste inequalities. These issues are unexplored by previous thinkers like Gandhi and Ambedkar. Yet, in several senses, his assessment of caste complements Ambedkars annihilation of caste. The present paper, though primarily interested in exploring Lohias critique, hints at the connections between these great critics of caste order.
Caste as domination or legitimation?

Since caste is a power structure, it needs to be related to a theory of power. A theory of power is usually caught with a tension between two notions of power: power as a hierarchy of domination on the one hand and power as a system of legitimation on the other hand. The former focuses on a hierarchy of elites and subalterns, structural inequalities arising between them and strategies to dominate subaltern strata and so on. The latter focuses on why subalterns give consent to the domination of the elites and its moral and legal paraphernalia. These notions of power represent two different sides of power, sometimes pushing theorists to take sectarian positions. That is to say, theorists of power may merely echo the one or the other side of power, failing to notice that there are actually two sides of power in live tension or contradiction between each other. A comprehensive theory of power will have to
* Professor of Political Science, Hyderabad Central University, Hyderabad.
Lohias Immanent Critique of Caste
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engage with these two different tendencies of power structure. Thus, a broad view of caste power may have to take into account the hierarchy of domination and structures of legitimation. It must break with an usual binary view that treats caste as domination or as legitimation processes. This paper primarily focuses on Lohias accounts which deal with the moral order of caste. He focuses on the legitimizing process of caste system and enquires into why caste has survived as a social system. He throws some light on the resilient strength of caste system, while pleading for the destruction of castes exclusionary practices. But it would be a terrible mistake to examine Lohias account of caste in isolation from that of Gandhi and Ambedkar. Moreover, in terms of genealogy, he should be evaluated as a succeeding thinker. If Lohia needs to be examined in relation to his immediate intellectual context, the antecedent tradition of criticism (s) of caste must be placed beforehand so that we can assess his own contributions fruitfully. It may not be inaccurate to claim that the earlier thinkers such as Gandhi and Ambedkar describe caste as a hierarchy of domination (untouchability for Gandhi and graded inequalities for Ambedkar). Lohia on the other hand focuses on caste as a legitimising system: how does it draw support of people and gain acceptability as a system? A non-sectarian view of caste may thus have to combine these two important views of caste system as these views represent two different sides of caste system.
Ambedkar and Lohia on Gandhis view of Caste

There is one thing common to both Ambedkar and Lohia. Both are dissatisfied with Gandhis doctrine of least resistance to caste order. Both argue for the rediscovery of Satyagrah against caste system. If you recall, Gandhi was wary of Satyagrah against caste inequalities, notwithstanding his opposition to the British Raj on the grounds of Satyagrah. Gandhi does not think it would be prudent to place Satyagrah against caste order during the British Raj or even after Indias Independence. Rather, on the caste issues, he proposes the doctrine of least resistance as a matter of principle rather than a time-dependent strategy. Gandhi thinks that caste is an unequal structure between the touchable castes and the untouchable castes. He argues for changing the upper caste mentalities by an appeal to their change of hearts. He argues that if the upper castes could be convinced with an appeal to the principle of ancestral calling, it would be possible for them to believe in the redundancy of untouchability. According to this principle, we are doing different functions as our duties to a village community as ordained by our ancestors. Through an alternative education of upper castes, it would be possible to convince them that different castes do mere duties to their ancestors. So, there is no low or polluted duty and high or pure duty. All caste functions are duties as per the ancestral calling. Once upper castes are convinced with a notion of duty in every manual labour, it would be possible for them to remove from their minds that some groups
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do menial labour or polluted functions. All functions would be seen as necessary duties to ancestors. Once upper castes are convinced with this doctrine, they would also undertake street sweeping and so on as Gandhi himself did. That would bring an end to untouchability. So, Satyagraha against untouchability is not necessary. Ambedkar calls Gandhis doctrine as the one of least resistance1. Both Ambedkar and Lohia remain dissatisfied with Gandhis doctrine of least resistance. Both argue that Gandhi, as a matter of principle, denies the relevance of Satyagrah against caste inequalities. If you look around Indias history, it is full of such Satyagraha resistance movements against caste system, so argues Ambedkar. By denying Satyagraha against caste, Gandhi denies the relevance of this history to contemporary egalitarians. Ambedkar argues that Gandhis call for abolition of untouchability amounts to a case of limited egalitarianism. Lohia too argues that Gandhis Satyagraha may be extended against caste system and socialism, unlike Gandhism, may explore the possibility of policy action against caste inequalities, a theme in which Ambedkar is equally concerned. Thus, we find some common threads in their assessment of Gandhism vis--vis caste order. Both agree the Gandhism reduces caste into existence of untouchables and nullifies any concerted policy or political action against caste system. Both agree that it would be necessary to view caste order as power structure and offer an all-rounded critique of caste so that it would be entirely abolished. For both of them, the abolition of caste order is more important than the abolition of untouchability of the Dalits as Gandhism envisages. Both agree that Gandhism is an egalitarian ideology on the caste question but it has limited utilities in a democratic nation determined to abolish caste inequalities. In fact, Ambedkar, unlike his followers, clearly demarcates three egalitarian ideologies against caste: Gandhism, Marxism and Buddhism. For him as also for Lohia, it would be possible to learn from Gandhism and Marxism while trying to establish an egalitarian ideology, even though lessons from them may have limited applicability in relation to caste order in India. So, I submit, Ambedkar was not anti-Gandhi as made out by his followers today. In a dialectical thinking, there are no pro or anti positions2 . Both give credit to Gandhi for discovering Satyagraha as a means of peoples struggle against injustice and for popularizing Satyagraha at a pan-Indian level. Lohia assumes that due to Gandhi, it would be now possible to place Satyagraha against caste system, even though Gandhi might have placed the change of heart doctrine in relation to caste or property disputes.3 For, due to Gandhism, Satyagraha is now etched on to peoples memory at a national level. People would never forget its relevance in their own social and political struggles. There is no blind anti-Gandhism in Ambedkar as made out by his followers today, even though he is sharply critical of Gandhism.
Ambedkar and caste as a system of graded inequalities

Let us focus on Ambedkars programme of annihilation of caste as a prelude to our discussion of Lohias plea for the destruction of caste order. Ambedkar argues clearly ;
21
Gandhism has a weak understanding of caste inequalities and moreover has a weaker understanding of solutions to caste order. We have seen the latter aspect and now shall examine the former aspect. Gandhi identifies untouchability of the Dalits as a major problem in the caste order. He is for the abolition of untouchability, even though he prescribes no political action. But, he forgets that untouchability is not simply limited to the Dalits social experience. Untouchability is also experience of the so-called touchable castes and all women across caste order. By simply ignoring this simple point, Gandhi misses the essence of caste system which consists of grades of untouchability against several human beings, not simply Dalits. Caste is defined by untouchability practised within touchable castes and against untouchable castes rather than by the position of untouchables as Gandhi imagines. One of the broadest definitions of caste system as a system of graded inequalities is thus found in Ambedkar. In comparison, the Gandhian conception of caste pales into romantic narrowmindedness. Let us elaborate this feature of caste as captured by Ambedkar briefly4. Caste is simply not a system of inequalities between castes of purity and castes of pollution. Such a neat division of labour is not there in the caste system. There are grades of pollution, followed by rules of precedence in matters of education, religion, commensality, marriage, economy and so on. Such rules of precedence exclude not merely Dalits from various sectors of human life. They also exclude Sudras, Vaisyas, non-Vedic Brahmins as well as all women across caste divisions. Caste is thus a hierarchy of grades/ranks of people subdivided by the different rules of precedence in matters governing human life, where the Vedic Brahmin male occupies the top of hierarchy with Dalits occupying its bottom. Let us see how rules of precedence occur in education life under the caste order. Vedas and Puranas were seen as two different sources of knowledge. Vedic Brahmins occupied superior status over Puranic Brahmins as the Vedic knowledge preceded Puranic knowledge. Brahmin males occupied superior status over Brahmin women in matters of knowledge. Women of any caste and all non-Brahmin males were excluded from education system by caste practices. Violation of such rules by any group invited proportionate physical punishment. Such punishment rules varied from region to region. If you recall, Ambedkars submission against Gandhi is that the latter ignores the prevalence of untouchability among touchable castes. Even non-Vedic Brahmins and all Brahmin women are not supposed to know the Vedas. The Vedas must be kept away from all these groups. Forms of untouchability are practiced across all touchable castes. Even, untouchables are divided by rules of precedence. Malas think that they are superior to Madigas in Andhra Pradesh and assume that the latter are untouchables. Not merely in education but also in all other spheres of life, such rules of precedence prevail, thus creating a variety of untouchability strata across caste order. That is why Gandhis call for abolition of untouchability of untouchable castes or Dalits is a weak solution, further weakened by his plea for change of hearts of the upper castes. Thus, Ambedkar pleads that all round Satyagraha must be conducted to destroy the essence of
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Arun Kumar Patnaik
caste which lies in varieties of untouchability created by the social system. We shall leave Ambedkar here. It should be enough to indicate how Ambedkar examines caste as a hierarchy of power.
Lohias analysis: castes moral order

As I said before, Lohia does not explore how caste is organized as a graded hierarchy. I am not aware if Lohia knows about Ambedkars rich analysis. Most probably, unwittingly, he examines what is left out by Ambedkar. Why caste order manages to survive in the midst of resistance against caste and foreign conquests? This is most important question for Lohia, Castes have endured over thousands of years.5 He goes on to explore how caste creates legitimation processes so that lower castes feel that they are indeed lower, and so on. He goes on to explore how caste creates insurance or social security for which people do not have to pay a premium. How castes produce a split personality in average Hindus without a stable and sincere voice on anything? How castes disunite and divide masses who witnessed several foreign conquests by tiny armies whereas vast masses remained passive? No foreign conquests propelled them for mass action due to caste divisions. For, he continuously looks for mobilization of people for socialist action in the midst of passivity of masses imposed by caste or in the midst of social security given by caste? Can socialists learn from some positive features by destroying the negative features of caste system? What strategy they ought to have to do so? What p olicy actions are possible under socialism?
Caste as insurance
To cite Lohia: Caste is presumably the worlds largest insurance for which one does not pay a formal or regular premium. Solidarity is always there, when everything else fails.6 Caste provides for social solidarity in matters of child-bearing, marriage, funeral obsequies, feasts and other rituals. Men belonging to the same caste assist each other at these decisive hours of needs. But Lohia does not fail to notice, that caste-based security for which we may not have to pay any premium for insurance protection is also excluding men of other castes who are reduced to be in periphery of such social security system. This system of insurance without any cost or premium makes the system more resilient and durable in the eyes of its members only. I remember one incident from Aska, a small town in Orissa. One Komati family was not able to arrange their daughter in wedding due to financial difficulties of the family. The Komati Pentha arranged money for her marriage and finally arranged a boy for her too. She was happily married off after sometime. Such solidarity is found in the caste associations throughout India. Brahmin Associations give fellowship to the poor Brahmin students in the schools. Kamma Sangams do similar things. Do we ever come across beggars
23
among Komatis or Jat Sikhs? The Langar houses or Penthas take care of such people. Such activities provide legitimacy and strength to caste order. Caste continues to survive despite many crisis points posed by modernization. This partly explains why caste has survived even the foreign conquests led by Muslims and Christians who came to India with egalitarian ideologies but got adjusted with caste order. And in fact, due to a modernization drive, caste has managed to survive in urban areas by getting organized as associations offering many kinds of assistance at times of financial crisis. The more a caste group has money, the more it is organized with association offices and schemes of assistance for needy members of its own caste. To use a more fashionable term, I would say that caste provides for social capital networks. But such social capital networks are restricted within a particular caste stratum.7 Can socialism learn from this community network to weaken caste order instead of relying on the state power to do so as at present? I assume Lohia is interested in inferring such a question from his investigation into caste system, though I must confess I have not been able to see such an explicit query asked by him. Otherwise, why should a socialist leader be interested in telling us about this networking aspect of caste? Lohia does not ask such a sharp question, as I am afraid, he purely relies on the state/party model of socialism to overcome barriers of caste system while offering social security. His model of solution converges with that of Nehruvian liberals and communist parties, even though the way he examines caste system frontally his analysis differs from them. Lohia does not share what he calls their wordy opposition to caste, which will be examined in the last section of the paper.
Caste as a system of moral subordination

Another aspect of caste system is the way it survives with the support from lower castes, the upper castes do not have to dominate them with the rule of gun. Lower castes justify their subordination by discovering folklore of their kind and offer justification of their own subordination through a moral discourse innovated by themselves rather than upper castes. Lower castes have legends and myths that justify their lowly situation and transform it into a symbol of sacrifice and lustre. Lohia gives an illustration from fisherfolks life. The Kaivarts (fisher-folk caste) who presumably number more than a crore tell stories about their mythical ancestors, who were simple, un-greedy, brave and generous and who lost everything to other ancestors of Kshatriyas and other high castes because of their greater greed and deceit. The current lot of misery is attributed to the unending succession of sacrificial acts for the sake of high principles. This sacrifice is seen not as an active principle that seeks change but as a passive submission to the caste order. This sort of mythical sacrifices is wide-spread among the lower castes. They secure their subordination.8
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Arun Kumar Patnaik
Caste produces a weak nation

Lohia argues that a great misreading of Indian history is that foreigners could invade and conquer India due to our internal quarrels and intrigues. This is plain nonsense. The single most cause is caste system which produced imbecility and passivity among masses who were hardly interested in nations tragedies. Caste is the single most reason why national feeling, national solidarity and action in preventing national tragedies could not develop and still does not develop. Unless caste is destroyed new India could not revive. India would remain weak, not due to intrigues but due to caste inequalities. If political parties play with caste cards in electoral democracy, nation would remain dormant and docile. India would not be seen as a developed nation. So in Lohias estimate caste and nation do have negative correlation. If one remains strong, the other remains weak. If caste remains strong, peoples languages, their housing and general styles of living will remain undeveloped and their mind will have imbecility due to inferiority complexes instilled in them over thousand years.9 A vibrant India cannot be born in such situations. So the destruction of caste is more important for nation-building.
Caste produces a split personality among Hindus

Caste induces Hindus to commit biggest hypocrisies. Hindus like all other religious people tell lies to others. What is however unique about Hindus is they lie themselves. A Hindu tells lies to him as well as others and feels most comfortable with its success. A Hindu mind, due to caste, is a bundle of contradictions. Unless caste is destroyed in belief and practice, a Hindu mind will no way seek to develop in him/her a consistent character and sincere moral personality. There is a very interesting discussion between Lohia and Gandhi. After Lohia returned from Germany, he met Gandhi. Gandhi called him a very brave man. Lohia responded by saying that the tiger is also brave. Gandhi called him a learned man. Lohia laughed it away, by saying that a lawyer who enjoys financial benefits as a result of peoples growing conflicts is also learned man. Then, Gandhi concluded that Lohia had sheel, which can best be translated as continuity in character. Lohia kept silence.10 Lohia assumes that once we believe in caste moralities, our personalities will remain retarded and under-grown. Thus, on my interpretation of his writings, Lohia thinks that an average Hindu mind ( I would extend this idea to average caste conscious Muslims and Christians) may be brave or may be learned. But in order to have continuity in characters/he must believe in a caste-free society, must prove that s/he is committed to the destruction of caste in practice. That means s/he must have social networks (friendship, trusts) across caste order. Any restriction on this will be hypocritical. Lohia gives two more examples
25
from public life. He gives the cases of the PM and the President. The PM once over a week told the press that he would resign as nobody listens to him, even though people respect him. Next day, he would continue to hold the post. Next day, again, he would threaten to resign and next moment, he would withdraw. Thus, the PM would indicate how he lacked sheel. The President was still worse. He was part of the constitutional post which believed in prohibition but he was also the President of the Calcutta Club, founded by Indian bourgeoisie, where wines flowed every evening. A rich Tanti (a weaver caste) wanted to join as member but was refused as he was not from the families of the Tatas and Birlas18 . And the President was still the chief patron of the Club, even after a weaver from upper class was refused its membership. Neither the President nor the Prime Minister did even blink that whatever they were doing was full of contradictions. Such imbecility of mind occurs because of the lack of commitment to a caste-free society. Lohia somehow believed that continuity in character can arise only if we the Hindus (or even non-Hindus) are committed to the destruction of caste order in belief and social practice. This theme remained dear to his writings and personality throughout his life. Let us devote time to this issue which was closer to his heart. He comes back to this theme in several of his writings. Lohias argument about an average Hindu personality believing in caste order as a bundle of contradictions was anticipated by D D Kosambi, the Marxist historian. Kosambi argues that the average Hindu is like a python which assimilates contradictions, without attempting to resolve them. Caste order is indeed based on this kind of assimilation, without any attempt to resolve their contradictions. Contradictions surface and resurface, without any attempt to resolve them. Contradictions between Vedic Brahmin and non-Vedic Brahmin, contradiction between Brahmin male and Brahmin female, contradiction between each Sudra caste trying to claim purity against pollution of other Sudra castes, contradiction within Dalit castes and contradiction between Dalits and non-Dalits. If we take the case of the Lord Shivas entourage, it will be very clear what Kosambi means. Let us examine closely what constitutes Shivas entourage. In this entourage, we have different elements who are mutually opposed to each other. We have a bull, a cobra, an elephant god with a rat in His convoy. We have Parvathi with a lion in Her convoy. Quite a few of these characters induce us to believe in set of contradictions that our caste minds assimilate, without any attempt to resolve them. If we go deeper, you may find that caste order evolved by subjugating and assimilating different tribes with their different cults like snake cult, Basava (bull) cult, elephant cult and so on, thus produced an entourage of Shiva. In the process of preserving their cults, the tribes got assimilated into caste-based occupations and a Hindu pantheon was established10. Sastras and Puranas began justifying this caste order and prescribed rules of precedence for different people differently, a point we have already seen from Ambedkar. Caste and Hinduism are essentially about assimilating contradictions without any attempt to resolve them. I do not wish to equate Hinduism with caste order. But there is a caste core of the Hindu social
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order which is also a core of the converts from Hinduism to Islam and also to Christianity in post-Independent India20. Lohia argues that an average Hindu personality is hypocritical. Like any other foreigner, he tells lies to others. But he is more than this. He also lies himself21 . Lohia believes that this personality trait is product of caste order. If I take this as a working hypothesis, I find his argument very interesting. Lohia gives some more examples from marriage. A Telugu Brahmin boy may marry a Kannada Brahmin girl and may claim that their marriage is panIndian. According to Lohia, such a marriage is actually a pan-Brahmin marriage rather than pan-Indian marriage. This is a hypocritical claim. Such hypocrisies are rampant in caste society. Similarly an Oriya Kandayata gets married with an Oriya Chasa and calls this inter-caste marriage. This is marriage within touchable castes and can hardly be called as inter-caste. We can probably think of our contemporary examples. Politically, a Mala may claim that he is a Dalit but does not hesitate to ex-communicate Madigas and their assertions for self-identity, thus debunking his entire claim for a Dalit identity. Such hypocrisy from social or political life - is plenty in caste order spreading from its top to bottom. These are all cases of a split personality of a person or a group owing to the peculiarity of caste contradictions whose resolution is not sought by them.
Caste as International Order: Classes Oscillate as Caste?

Lohia believed that Western classes also oscillate towards caste order, even though caste order is uniquely Indian. Caste-like rigidities, privileges, imbecilities and excommunication exist in American and Soviet societies22. Similarities exist between castes and classes in certain matters. For example, like Indias untouchable castes, the American black people live in ghettos and cannot visit hotels marked for white population which he himself experienced in the USA when he visited an all white cafeteria in Jackson in the Mississippi state in 1964. He was blocked at the entrance by the owner, ably assisted by the police, under the rules of privacy. By merely having purchasing power is not enough in such situations. A culture of segregation, practised by ones colour or birth, exists everywhere.23 Caste-like barriers are created by people in liberal democratic class societies, even though people may believe in equality for everybody (meaning all white people). In such situations, classes oscillate towards castes. So a struggle against caste barriers is simultaneously a struggle against class inequalities. There is however a subtle difference. In class struggle, socialism is concerned with equality or distribution of resources, whereas socialism is concerned with justice or dignity of each human being in all anti-caste resistance11. But class struggle must oscillate towards caste struggle as classes veer towards caste system. Otherwise, we may end up in socialism as existed in the then Soviet Union, without any concern for justice, so argues Lohia. Thus anti-caste movements concerned with justice
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issues are basically international by nature, and are not just India-centred. If we recall, there was a huge debate on this issue in India in 2001. The World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Tolerance (WCAR), was being organised by the United Nations in Durban in 2001, when the NDA government was in power. Both the national government and the Sarakari intellectuals did not want to internationalise the caste question, and refused to participate in the WCAR in 2001.12 They claimed that caste is not same as race and tried to argue that caste is uniquely an Indian phenomenon and thereby should be delinked from the concerns of international black peoples movements26. Even if the history of caste is not the same as that of race, a point made by Ambedkar against Tamil Dalit intellectuals, Lohia would have argued that the Sarkari intellectuals tried to prevent Indias anti-caste movements to learn concerns of justice raised by Black movements. If they have similar concerns of justice opposing forms of segregation on the grounds of human dignity, then such issues are international rather than national. They have ample scope to learn about moral, political, ideological doctrines of justice from each other. Lohia argues that caste question is concerned with justice, where as class question is concerned with equality. So a struggle for equality must be interlinked with a struggle for justice, if democratic socialism must avoid the disastrous path of Soviet socialism under the Bolshevik party which was singularly concerned with class. Incidentally, Ambedkar raises a similar concern against Marxism, for the latter is singularly concerned with equality by ignoring liberty and justice. Movements for justice must be internationalized along with movements for equality. Internal oscillation must take place in between these two social movements and must provide feedback to each other.
What is to be done?
Lohia argues that there are three kinds of opposition to caste order. First, there are ones who believe in the wordy opposition to caste like Nehruvian liberals, the communists and the Praja Socialist Party. Second, there are those who believe in partial opposition to caste by the Sudras like the DK politics in South during his time or Yadava politics of the North during our time. Third, there are those who believe in a wholesale opposition to caste order. Lohia prefers the third alternative as the first two groups are basically hypocrites. True to his character (sheel), he prefers a broad-based opposition to caste involving Dalits, Sudras, Muslims and women who are all victims of caste-based hypocritical politics. Here, he disagrees with Ambedkars strategy of relying on Dalits only. Let me elaborate this aspect now. First, Lohia argues, The wordy opposition to caste is the loudest in respect of such generalized condemnation of caste as it leaves the existing structure almost intact.13 Raise everybody economically, this thesis claims. It also argues, the caste denies equality of
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Arun Kumar Patnaik
opportunities. So to solve this problem of denial, we must ensure equality of opportunity to everybody irrespective of caste. Communists, the PSP and Nehruvian Congress stand for this thesis. Any other social and political attempt to do away the caste inequalities is condemned as casteist. As a result, economic equality for Dalits and Sudras are seen as most important. But this thesis forgets that the policy of equal opportunity in economic sphere has helped the upper caste people entrenched into higher positions. Only the most talented one from among the Sudras and Dalits could be absorbed in the economic sector. This economic strategy also leaves behind caste traditions in marriage and other aspects of life intact. By condemning anti-caste efforts of all other forces by non-economic means it has failed to see how its economic strategy has failed to elevate lower castes into economically equal to upper castes. It has fostered caste-based inequalities in job sector. As a result, 80% of jobs are still cornered by the upper castes who account for 20% of population in India. To quote him, when more than 4/5th of nations vital leadership is traditionally selected from among 1/5th of its population, a state of atrophy is bound to ensue.14 Secondly, the wordy war on caste is evenly matched by the second empty struggle against caste led by select Sudra groups. Among Sudras, certain castes are numerically powerful. The age of adult franchise has placed power in their hands. The Reddys, Mudaliars, Marathas, Yadavas or Ahirs, along with Brahmins and Khatriyas, are nearly 25% of population. They still leave out 3/4th of population. So sectional elevation brings about some changes within the caste system, but leaves the basis of castes unaltered. Still worse, sectional elevation is dangerous in another way. Those among the lower castes who rise to high positions tend to assimilate themselves to the existing high-castes. In this process, they appropriate baser qualities of the high castes. It also generates bitter caste jealousies and intrigues. Caste divisions do not vanish at all. Caste distinctions reappear. Women are segregated and sacred threads reappear among the non-Dwijas.15 Finally, a true struggle against caste is concerned with elevation of all rather than one or the other section of lower castes. This struggle aims to pitchfork the five downgraded groups such as women, Sudras, Dalits, backward caste Muslims and Adivasis, into positions of leadership, irrespective of their merit as it stands today. A doctrine of preferential opportunity in employment must be followed up along with a social and political programme against caste system. Eighty percent of jobs in the leadership of political parties, national economy and government service should be reserved for 3/4th of our population. However, Lohia thinks that there should be a distinction between equal opportunity in education and preferential opportunity in employment. No child must be preferred or prevented by a policy while pursuing education. Discrimination should be exercised only in the case of government jobs. Educated Dwijas should try their luck in other fields. To end caste, social measures like mixed dinners, and inter-caste marriages and economic measures like land to the tiller
29
from among the lower castes must be encouraged. Womens issues like fetching drinking water from distant areas or building of lavatories for women in rural areas must be resolved, apart from the distribution of property to press for womens rights. Discussions, plays, and fairs should be organized.16 Even, in government jobs there should be reservation for those who marry outside their caste. This is a sure way of breaking caste barriers. The socialists must make all efforts towards the destruction of caste order among Hindus and non-Hindus. In retrospect, we must distinguish Lohias critique from those followers of Lohia who surrendered his manifold criticism of caste into the sectional politics of Sudras in North India through the Samajwadi Party of Mulyam Singh Yadav and the Rashtriya Janata Dal of Laloo Prasad Yadav. Lohias attempts in characterising such partial elevation of Sudras in South India should not be forgotten. He criticizes the Sudra politics in South for being concerned with partial elevation of Sudras, for alienating itself from Dalits, women, backward Muslims and Adivasis and for not showing interest in carrying out the agenda of destruction of caste system. While Lohias critique of caste must be distinguished from his followers in electoral field today, his alternative model merely relies on state action for equality and justice. There are two major difficulties in accepting Lohias model of socialism. First, there could be an anomaly in his claim that equal opportunity in education must be followed, whereas preferential treatment in employment is to be adopted. As Ambedkar argues, caste has denied education to many social groups: women, Sudras, Dalits and Adivasis. If there is on preferential policy protecting education for these groups, it would not be possible for spreading education among common people. So any anti-caste measure must aim at affirmative policy on education, for education alone can develop initial capacities of subaltern strata that were historically denied education by caste system. Lohias argument for equal opportunity in modern education may reproduce educational inequalities caste-wise. Second, he believes in putting pressure on the state for public policies though civil liberties movements. So his model of socialism could be called as state socialism which ultimately gets one-sided in its emphasis for neglecting a community organisation of resources that may also weaken caste communities and help in the emergence of territorial communities with sharing of specific resources at each territorial level. By sharing resources at each territory from below to a summit of pyramid, one can simultaneously retain powers of communities and also push them beyond caste order, without exclusively relying on state action as Lohia proposes. In Lohias state socialism, the state is all powerful and communities have no role to play in breaking barriers of caste order. Though his model state is a democratic state, the state is still the motor of social change. This is a theme of Jayaprakashs critique of state-centred socialism through his concept of Lokniti, which socialists may have to pay
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Arun Kumar Patnaik
attention in order to explore if these thinkers may complement each other in the withering away of caste order in future India. NOTES 1. 2. 3. The paper was presented in the Lohia Centenary Seminar, Social Science Forum, Vijayawada, July 26, 2009. I thank Dr Anjaiah for this opportunity. B R Ambedkar, An Anti-Untouchability Agenda, in V Rodrigues (ed.), The Essentials Writings of B R Ambedkar, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002. Ambedkar would have agreed with Lohia that he is not anti- or pro-Gandhi. See R M Lohia, Marx, Gandhi and Socialism, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyasa, Hyderabad, Second Edition, 1978, p. 364. Ibid, pp. 157-158. B R Ambedkar, Annihilation of Caste, and Reply to the Mahatma, in V Rodrigues (ed.), Op. Cit., 2002, pp. 263-320. R M Lohia, The Caste System, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyasa, Hyderabad, 1964, p. 81. R M Lohia, op. cit., n.5, p. 80. Hans Blomkvist, Traditional communities, Caste and Democracy: The Indian Mystery, Paul Dekker and Eric M Uslaner (eds.), Social Capital and Participation in Everyday Life, Routledge, London, 2001. R M Lohia, op. cit., n.5, p. 84.
4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
9.
10. R M Lohia, op. cit., n.5, pp. 83-84. 11. Harris Wofford Jr., About Lohia, Lohia and American Meet 1951 & 1964, B R Pub, Delhi, 2002, p. V. 12. R M Lohia, op. cit., n.5, pp. 132-134.
13. D D Kosambi, The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India in Historical Outline, Vikas Pub., Delhi, 1990, pp. 169-171. 14. Thus it is possible for all non-Hindus (including atheists) to believe in caste just as it is possible for a reformist Hindu to reject caste order. For a long time, Ambedkar thought that as a Hindu it should be possible for him to rejuvenate Hinduism by abolishing caste order internally. Cf. Ambedkar, op. cit. n. 4. Gandhi probably did not understand
31
caste order in details and yet he did not believe in casteism. Ambedkar rightly calls Gandhism or Marxism as an egalitarian ideology against caste order, even though, according to him, there are serious inadequacies in these ideologies. 15. See R M Lohia, Hinduism, in his Fragments of a World Mind, Maitrayani, Calcutta, (n.d.), pp. 112-125. 16. R M Lohia, Wheel of History, B R Pub., Delhi, 1955, pp. 33-34. 17. R M Lohia: I make it perfectly clear. I am not trying something foul in American life. Such foul spots exist everywhere also in India. (op. cit., n. 10, p. 204) 18. R M Lohia, Wheel of History, op. cit., p. 37. 19. A Pinto, UN Conference against Racism: Is Caste Race?,Economic and Political Weekly, July 28, 2001. 20. A Betteile, Race and Caste, Opinion Page, The Hindu, 10 March 2001. 21. R M Lohia, op. cit., n. 5, p. 95 22. Ibid, p. 97. 53 Ibid, p. 101. 23. R M Lohia, op. cit., n. 5, pp. 136-137. 24. I would like to propose an eclectic approach to socialism rather than take side of state socialism of Lohia and Ambedkar or communitarian socialism of Jayprakash and others. An alternative construction, however, may need to be worked out later.
REFERENCES
V Rodrigues (ed.), The Essentials Writings of B R Ambedkar, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002. R M Lohia, Marx, Gandhi and Socialism, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyasa, Hyderabad, Second Edition, 1978. R M Lohia, The Caste System, Rammanohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya Nyasa, Hyderabad, 1964. Harris Wofford Jr., Lohia and American Meet 1951 & 1964, B R Pub, Delhi, 2002. D D Kosambi, The Culture and Civilisation of Ancient India in Historical Outline, Vikas Pub., Delhi, 1990.
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R M Lohia, Fragments of a World Mind, Maitrayani, Calcutta, n.d. R M Lohia, Wheel of History, B R Pub., Delhi, 1955. A Pinto, UN Conference against Racism: Is Caste Race?,Economic and Political Weekly, July 28, 2001. A Betteile, Race and Caste, Opinion Page, The Hindu, 10 March 2001. Hans Blomkvist, Traditional communities, Caste and Democracy: The Indian Mystery, Paul Dekker and Eric M Uslaner (eds.), Social Capital and Participation in Everyday Life, Routledge, London, 2001.
Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....
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Research Article
UNDERSTANDING BACKWARDNESS FOR AFFIRMATIVE ACTION: THE MOST BACKWARD CASTES/CLASSES IN UTTAR PRADESH
Sudha Pai* Abstract The paper attempts to understand the concept of Backwardness for framing affirmative action policies for the Other Backward Classes against the backdrop of the controversy over introduction of reservation in elite higher education institutions. Such an exercise it argues is fraught with serious problems. Since its inception from the colonial period the concept of backwardness has suffered a controversial and increasingly divisive history and has not acquired even today clear meaning or definition. Second, the OBCs form a large and heterogeneous category in the middle of the caste hierarchy with significant class and regional differences. Consequently, policies framed to help backward sections have attracted criticism and proved difficult to implement. Based on this framework, using UP as a site the paper examines these issues by discussing the emergence of the MBCs as a distinct category from among the larger category of backward, the impact of existing policies on them and the need to evolve criteria by which they could be identified as the most deserving category for affirmative action policies. This is done by examining two seminal questions underlying affirmative action policies for backward groups: whether caste or class should be the criterion of backwardness and second, the need to identify the section among the backwards which is the most disadvantaged. The 1980s witnessed a phenomenon of Backward Caste mobilization in the states of the Hindi heartland significantly affecting politics in the region. The decision by the V.P.Singh government in 1989 to implement the Mandal Commission report, which provided
* Professor of Political Science, Central for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
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Sudha Pai
reservations to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in institutions of higher education and government employment, further, encouraged this phenomenon and led to deep divisions, much opposition, resentment and even a violent backlash from non-Other Backward Classes and groups in society. A similar situation though on a smaller scale - erupted when the Congress government in May 2006 decided to introduce reservation in elite institutions of higher and professional education for the OBCs. The term Other Backward Classes/Castes1 is today used to refer collectively to a heterogeneous group of castes or jatis standing at the middle level of the caste hierarchy i.e. it consists of those traditionally referred to as Shudras standing between the twice-born castes and the untouchables below the line of pollution. Thus, it is a large and heterogeneous category in the middle of the caste hierarchy with significant regional differentiation. First used in 1870 by the colonial administration in Madras to identify social groups in need of welfare measures the concept of Backward Class has had a long, contentious and increasingly politicized history and has suffered from ambiguities from the very beginning.2 With the designation of the Depressed Classes as Scheduled Castes (SC) in the Act of 1935, the other lower castes came to be referred to as Other Backward Classes. During the colonial period the term did not acquire a definite meaning; it was never clear whether these groups were to be identified on caste or class basis and the term had different meanings at different local contexts. The term Other Backward Classes was incorporated into the Constitution.3 But while the Constitution provided for preferential treatment to the Other Backward Classes the term was not defined, or any exclusive method or agency for their identification and designation provided. With the refusal of the central government to accept the Kaka Kalelkar Commission report of 1956, it was left to the states to define the term as they wished leading to a variety of interpretations. Consequently, while the issue of who is a SC and how this group could be identified for purposes of affirmative action was settled in the colonial period, the issue of how to identify the Other Backward Classes/Castes is a post-independence question. The resurgence of the issue today suggests that it has not been resolved by the implementation of the report of the Mandal Commission. This paper argues that the OBCs fall into three categories based on both caste and class criterion: social status, income and educational abilities in the states of the Hindi heartland. These are first, the numerically small, economically well off, and comparatively better placed socially, and politically important forward or upper Backward Classes. Second, a middle category largely landowning, constituting the dominant caste in the rural areas, upwardly mobile and gradually improving its socio-economic and educational status. Third, the Most Backward Classes (MBCs) or Extremely Backward Classes4 who constitute the most backward in terms of social status, income and educational abilities. The last is a category about which not much is known and in the ongoing debate on provision of
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reservations of 27% in educational institutions for OBCs it has not even been mentioned. This is because the entry of this category into politics is recent and they have not been able to put forward their needs in an organized manner. It is true that the last caste-based census was conducted in 1931 and since then apart from the SCs the census has not provided data on other categories. However, both existing research and other data sources do give a fair idea about the state of the OBCs and the MBCs some of which is provided in this paper.5 Based on an analysis of the emergence, the socio-economic condition and political consciousness of the Most Backward Classes/Castes6 in the state of UP, this paper attempts to show that it is individuals falling into this category who are the most deserving of affirmative action among the OBCs.7 Sandwiched between the `upper backwards who have cornered most of the benefits offered to the OBCs and the Dalits who have been the main recipients of affirmative action particularly in recent years, the MBCs have received little or no attention in UP. This argument is put forward based on two larger questions, which underpin the study.
The Problematique of Backwardness:

First, affirmative action policies that target broad and extremely heterogeneous social groups such as the OBCs cannot provide social justice, as the most disadvantaged sections will be excluded in favour of the more privileged and less deserving. There is ample evidence that one single caste among the backward castes and SCs Yadavs in the former and Chamars in the latter - have virtually monopolized reservation benefits. While these larger constructed categories which evolved out of horizontal mobilization helped a number of castes standing at the middle level of the caste hierarchy to come together and demand their rights in the social economic and political field. Economic differentiation beginning in the colonial period and continuing into the post-independence period has created differences that need to be taken into consideration while fashioning policies of affirmative action. It will allow the benefits to be channeled to the section and individuals within it who are the most deserving. Second, whether caste or class should be the criterion for identifying groups as backward/most backward in order to grant them some form of affirmative action. The fact of caste-based oppression cannot be denied. In the existing social science literature there is ample and increasing evidence of historical caste-based oppression and social exclusion and its continuation today in modified if not in traditional forms. This is truer of the SCs but backward castes particularly those at the lower end of this category also face some measure of social exclusion. But it is possible to supplement the caste principle with that of class to identify and target those sections of the OBCs and individuals within them, which are the most deserving. In the case of the MBCs they are the poorest section among the OBCs as
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Sudha Pai
their social status, income and educational abilities are much lower. An important reason is that they are service castes, which historically did not own land unlike the forwards among the OBCs. In fact, in rural areas they are both socially and economically oppressed by the landowning middle castes standing above them as in most cases they are landless labourers dependent on them. Removal of economic dependency on the better-off sections would as our study shows, definitely help the MBCs deal with social oppression much better. Thus, the caste and class principle can be used together for purposes of identification and implementation of the principle of affirmative action. A major problem in undertaking such an exercise is that it is now difficult to supplement caste with class as the unit of identification for purposes of affirmative action. This is due to the manner in which public policies dealing with such programmes have been formulated. Caste was used as almost the sole criterion in identifying the SCs for purposes of affirmative action in the Constitution. This was justified despite many problems such as the emergence of a creamy layer - on the ground that the SCs have suffered from discrimination and oppression at the hands of the twice-born castes over a long period historically. The result is that backwardness is seen as an attribute of an entire group or community to be dealt with by giving recognition to the community/caste as a whole designated as backward, and not as an individual characteristic of the less well off in all communities. In contrast, the simultaneous use of class criteria of income and education would ensure that the most deserving groups will be the targets of policies of affirmative action. A third and related issue is that the main and at times the sole remedy that is put forward by Commissions has been that of reservations in higher education and government service for the community as a whole, regardless of whether it is the best option or not. Sections of the MBCs are so economically and educationally backward that granting them reservation in higher education or in government jobs is of no use. Affirmative action need not be synonymous with quotas in education and different sections warrant different kinds of policies. Finally, it is argued that identifying the MBCs based on a caste-cum-class criterion for purposes of affirmative action is not easy. A few studies have tried to identify them and draw attention to their poor economic condition. Two attempts by the UP government by setting up Commissions to distinguish the MBCs from the OBCs in the mid 1970s and more recently in 2001, which are described in our study reveal the problems involved. Such an exercise would require a better database on the OBCs, their strength in the population, income, socio-economic condition, educational levels etc. A large survey or caste-based census would be the only way to obtain this information. It would also require political will as many leaders in most of the major political parties today are from the backward section.
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Much of the academic writings on the issue of reservation both during the Mandal agitation and in recent months over the issue of reservation in institutions of higher education have been on the policies of the Central government. However, caste is a localized phenomenon, due to historical reasons castes designated as MBCs in one region are often designated as SCs or even STs in another. Thus generalization across the sub-continent is not possible and this is significant for framing of policies of affirmative action. There are major differences in the socio-economic and political status of the Most Backward Classes/ Castes in the northern and the southern states. While in the former region the MBCs remain poor and deprived, in the latter region particularly in Tamilnadu the Vanniyars for example, designated as MBCs are assertive, economically better-off and upwardly mobile castes who have formed their own political party, the Pattali Makal Katchi (PMK). The Karunanidhi Government designated the Vanniyars as MBCs in 1989 and provided them 20% of the total 49% reservations in educational institutions and government employment in an attempt to retain their support after they had left the DMK to form the PMK in 1986 under the leadership of Ramadoss. The PMK has at present two ministers in the central UPA coalition. In contrast, in the states in the Hindi heartland the MBCs remain poor and have become politically conscious only in recent years. A process of differentiation is at work among the OBCs in all the states of the region, but there are significant differences. Hence, this paper focuses on the MBCs in the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP). The paper is divided into three parts. The first section provides a socio-economic profile of the MBCs in UP and attempts by scholars to differentiate them from the larger category of OBCs. The second describes the formation from the colonial period of the larger category of OBC and a more recent process of socio-economic differentiation leading to the emergence of the MBCs and their political awakening in UP. The third analyzes attempts by Commissions established by the UP government to identify the MBCs for the purpose of affirmative action and the problems faced in such an exercise. The concluding section returns to the problems of identifying backwardness for affirmative action.
I
The Most Backward Castes/Classes: A Socio-economic Profile A recent newspaper report points out that the NSS 55th Round (1999-2000) shows little difference between the economic condition of the general category (non SC/ST) population and that of the OBCs (Dobhal 2006). The annual per capita expenditure for OBCs is Rs. 15,436 while that of the general category is Rs. 16,932. Further it points out that in many items of personal consumption, expenditure by the OBCs is higher being Rs 652 while that of the general category is Rs 648 (Ibid.). However, this data does not tell us about the socio-
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economic condition of various sections of the OBCs. Drawing upon some studies, an attempt is made below to differentiate the MBCs from the larger category of OBCs in UP. According to the Welfare Department of the UP government OBCs constitute 50.02% of the states 176 million population. There are 79 groups included in this category including Yadav, Sonar, Kurmi, Gujar etc. The NSS using household level data for 1999-00 puts the percentage of upper caste Hindus in the population of UP at 21.3 % and that of OBCs at 33.4%.8 The term Most Backward Classes was first used in the Kaka Kalelkar Commission in its report on the Backward Classes to identify and designate some classes based on their educational backwardness and low socio-economic status. They can be identified in the prevailing literature both in terms of caste and class. The MB castes as they are commonly referred to in the literature, consist of the most backward section among the Backward Castes. They are lower shudra groups perched precariously on the line of pollution dividing the clean and unclean castes. Found almost entirely in rural areas, traditionally they were service or artisan castes within the Jajmani system i.e. they provided certain services within the village system to the upper and intermediate castes (K.S.Singh 1991). Good examples are the Lohar, Nai, Dhobi, Badhai etc. though names vary across the state there being considerable regional variation. Division in the occupations performed by different groups standing at different levels is an important feature of the caste hierarchy. Risley in his work on the caste system in the United Provinces in the late 19th century when these occupations were important at the village level, developed his theory of community of function or occupation instead of community of kinship as the foundation upon which the whole caste system is built (Quoted in Singh 1992: XXIV). The MBCs are themselves a heterogeneous category and traditionally performed two types of services: specialized services such as those provided by the Nai, Lohar and Jogi or artisanal services such as those provided by the Julaha, Kumbhar, Sonar etc. They can be found both in the Hindu and the Muslim population in the rural areas. Dhivars, jogis, dhobis, telis, etc are some of the Hindu MBC groups, while badais, lohars, dhunas (sheikh naddafs), faquirs, and julahs etc are some of the Muslim MBC groups (Ibid.). As they are scattered all over the state they are difficult to mobilize. In class terms the MBCs consist of the poorest among the Backwards. The reason is that as service castes they did not own land and their traditional services such as pot-making, carpentry, iron working etc are now used by few villagers. With the breakdown of the Jajmani system they are today landless labourers dependent upon selling their labour power to upper and middle caste landlords in the villages. The Uttar Pradesh Human Development Report clearly shows how asset status, income and employment, poverty, health and educational status, and availability of basic household amenities follow a stratified pattern, with the SCs being the most deprived social group. But there are some regional differences, as well as
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some differences for specific indicators, in some cases, Muslims or social groups roughly equivalent to the Most Backward Classes being worse off (Draft UP, HDR, n.d.) The National Sample Survey now makes data available for broad groups (SC, ST, OBC, Others, Muslims, other religions). But it does not provide disaggregated data for social categories apart from SC/ST. A recent study uses the category agricultural castes and other or non-agricultural backward castes i.e. those who do not own land and provide services.9 The study drawing on the NSS and a survey in UP provides data on the OBCs and attempts to differentiate the MBCs. It points to a horizontal layering of the major social groups in the State. Table 1 from the study provided below, shows marked differences between the upper castes and the OBCs in terms of average landholding and MPCE and the percentage of literates and graduates in each categories. For our purposes the most striking differences are in the percentage of literates and particularly graduates, which shows that many of the OBCs have not been able to access higher education. The differences between the SC/ST and the OBC are not so marked except in the percent of literates, which is much higher among the latter (Ibid.). Table 1: Disparities in Socio-economic Status of Social Groups in UP in 1999-00 Upper Caste 0.88 696 19.76 86.55 16.92 Other NonHindu 1.20 785 13.34 81.58 12.29
SC/ST Avg. land own (Hec.) Avg. MPCE* (Rest.) % of regular workers % of literates % of graduates 0.30 432 7.01 49.26 3.34
OBC 0.65 479 7.00 61.52 3.65
Muslim 0.33 471 9.79 48.67 2.36
Total 0.58 525 10.37 63.63 7.01
* MPCE Monthly Per Capita Consumption Expenditure Source: Srivastava (forthcoming) (All calculations based on NSS 55th Round household data (Schedule 10)).
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The study attempts further disaggregation on the basis of a survey in 1998 of 2250 households in 25 districts in four NSS regions of UP (Bundelkhand and Eastern UP) to bring out differences between the social groups provided in table 1. Table 2 below drawing on the survey shows the differences between the agricultural OBC and the other OBC i.e. the Most Backward Caste. The former own more than twice the land and have accessed more than double the amount of education than the latter. The difference between the upper and backward Muslims is similar in the case of land but even greater in the case of education. This is important, as a significant part of the OBCs in the state are Muslims (Ibid.). Table 2: Inter-group disparities in East UP / Bundelkhand, 1997-98 Monthly per capita consumption expenditure Upper caste Middle caste Agricultural OBC Other OBC ST/SC Muslim Upper Muslim Backward Total UP-Bihar Living Conditions Survey. Source: Srivastava (forthcoming) In a similar vein a study of 2000 rural households from selected villages in five districts of western Uttar Pradesh provides a picture of economic differentiation between sections of the backward castes. It shows that the Jats, Yadavs, Gujar, Lodh and Kurmi are much better off in terms of landholding, literacy, educational attainments and employment than the lower sections of the Backward Castes. In the sample the three caste groups of Jats, Yadavas and Gujars in terms of ownership of land, agricultural machinery 4910 3030 3319 2691 2426 2885 2526 3108 Land Owned (Acre) 4.3 1.4 2.7 1.0 0.8 1.2 1.0 1.9
% Matric & above 41.8 23.2 15.4 8.5 5.5 15.8 5.8 14.8
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and income from agriculture are the most prosperous. A fairly high proportion of households belonging to the lower backwards, SC and Muslim communities fell below the poverty level (Singh 2004). A study based on fieldwork in some villages in Meerut district of western UP in the mid 1990s reveals that the MBCs are poorer than the Dalits many of whom in western UP own at least small plots of land. Moreover, in the post-independence period they have been the recipients of affirmative action and a host of welfare policies from the Indian State. Equally important, during the 1990s with the BSP heading coalition governments in UP under the leadership of Mayawati, they have benefited from a number of Dalit-oriented policies. In the study MBC respondents complained that standing between the upper backwards and the Dalits they have not received any benefits from the State. They pointed out that on the one hand a small section of forward groups among the backwards such as the Yadavs, Kurmis and Gujars have benefited from reservations provided by the government particularly after the implementation of the Mandal report in 1989. In fact in the villages studied, the rich peasant families belonging to the Jat, Yadav, Gujar, Tyagi and Rajput castes have diversified into agribusiness- cold storage, khandsari, brick kiln, petrol pumps, milk trade etc. On the other hand, help in the form of loans, land for house-building, and basic amenities such as handpumps, construction of toilets and wells etc. under a number of schemes, has been provided by the government to Dalits, while poor MBC groups such as Dhiwars, Barbers, Jogis, Kumhars etc are the most deprived and nobody takes note of their problems and needs. Whatever help they are entitled to they point out, is misappropriated by the local bureaucrats and pradhans who are very powerful (Pai & Singh 1997). While agreeing that many of the policies implemented by the Mayawati government in 1995 such as construction of roads, have benefited all groups, they allege that these policies were aimed at benefiting only the Jatavs and no policy was made for them. As one of the respondents, a barber pointed out, In comparison to the Harijans we are very poor. No government bothers about us. Only Harijans benefit. Whenever we want to take loan, we are refused or given only if we pay bribes. For a loan of Rs 10,000 to get my house constructed, I had to pay a bribe of Rs 2,000. (Ibid.) Thus, there is evidence of the growing economic differentiation among sections of the backward castes. While a few landowning upper backward castes have benefited from the fruits of economic development and government policiesm those at the bottom have remained poor and marginalized.
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II
Emergence of the Most Backward Castes/Classes The emergence of the MBCs from the larger category of OBCs with rising political consciousness in north India is a recent phenomenon. It is the end product of a long process of both collective mobilization and increasing socio-economic and political differentiation of groups within this category. The rise of social groups described as Backward Classes took place first in southern and western India through anti-Brahmin movements during the colonial period in the early 20th century (Geeta and Rajdurai; Zelliot 1998). Consequently, these groups gained recognition as backward groups and reservation from the colonial government in educational institutions and government employment much earlier than in northern India. In contrast, in north India the vehicle of mobilization of the middle ranking castes was the caste association. In the early 1900s a number of caste associations were formed by them in north India such as the Gopi Jatiya Sabha and the Ahir Kshatriya Mahasabha in UP, the All India Yadav Mahasabha for herding castes, the Shri Rajput Pacharni Sabha of the Noniyas of north India and the Kurmi Mahasabha in Bihar and elsewhere. These associations unlike their counterparts in the south did not make demands for representation and reservation. Rather they enabled lower castes to make collective claims to higher ritual rank in the caste hierarchy through Sanskritization and to obtain concessions from the colonial authorities (Rudolph & Rudolph 1967: 33). Claims for reservation and representation based on notions of social and economic backwardness is a much more recent phenomenon in the northern region. What is of importance to our study is that the caste association in colonial north India brought a number of castes together into larger social categories creating paracommunities (Ibid 33). The long-term trend in the northern plains (and elsewhere) has been towards consolidation of jatis into larger conglomerations (Singh 1992: XXIV). The Yadav Mahasabha in 1924 listed about 350 gotras or segments based on various occupations associated with cattle farming. Today Yadavs have consolidated these into a few jatis such as Ahirs, Goalas, Gopas, etc. (Ibid.). By the end of the colonial period there were a growing number of associations not based on individual castes or sub-castes that brought together under one umbrella a number of similar castes without removing their distinct identities. In 1954 there were 88 Backward Class organizations in 15 states, of which 74 represented individual communities, and 14, Backward Classes in general on a local or state basis (Galanter, 1984:162). Two of the largest such organizations were in north India: the UP Backward Classes Federation founded in 1929 and the Bihar State Backward Classes Federation established in 1947. It was from these two organizations that the All India Backward Classes
43
Federation emerged (Yadav, 1994). The larger `constructed identity of BC today is a product of two parallel processes:10 fusion or integration due to horizontal mobilization and formation of large caste blocks and fission due to economic differentiation leading to fragmentation and demands for quotas. These processes can be understood in the context of UP society, economy and polity. A process of class differentiation among the middle caste peasantry had begun prior to independence due to the general land policy of the British, their revenue settlements and the early spread of commercial agriculture in some parts (Pai 1993: 78). When Zamindari abolition removed the traditional upper caste landowners, these middle caste landowning peasant groups enlarged their hold on land. According to a study (Ahmad and Saxena, 1985)11 in caste terms the principal losers in northern India were Rajput-Thakurs and to a lesser extent Bania, Kayathas and Khatris. The share of Ahir, Kurmi, Lodh and Gujar in land jumped from a meager 6 per cent in the pre-independence period to as much as 20 per cent in the post independence period, while that of other backward castes increased from 2 per cent to 18 per cent; Jat, Bhumihar and Tyagi, who were mostly owner cultivators, also gained but to a lesser extent. Thus, around 45 per cent of total land passed into the hands of the intermediate and backward castes (Ibid: 3). In the post-independence period programmes such as Land Reform, Community Development, Panchayati Raj and finally the Green Revolution helped this emergent powerful segment of the peasant castes - Jats, Ahirs, Kurmis etc. - who constituted the new rich peasantry distinct from the smaller peasantry. Two developments took place simultaneously in the 1960s which enabled them to consolidate their political position: mobilization of the backward castes which so far had not been politically active and second, class-based changes in the rural economy arising out of the Green Revolution (Pai 1993). A strong wave of BC mobilization took place in the 1980s due to the Mandal Report and improvements in the agricultural economy. These developments made large-scale horizontal mobilization of the BCs across north India possible. In fact, the mobilization of the rich peasants as a class was strengthened by their simultaneous mobilization as a status order, namely of the backward castes. It is important to underline that these movements did not create political consciousness among the lower section of the backward castes or the Most Backward Castes/Classes. They were village-based service castes and the traditional, unequal village structure continued uninterrupted organized around two institutions caste and the jajmani system. (Neale 1962: 21). Apart from some commercialization of agriculture in pockets, establishment of few sugarcane mills, leather goods factories, and rise of cantonment towns, there was little attempt in the colonial period to establish industries, which could have played a catalytic
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role in breaking down old structures. Towards the end of the colonial period, activities in towns began to have consequences in the rural sector: cane cultivation in the northern districts led to new sugarcane mills, belts of commercial farming and dairying arose around the towns, but these came too late to have an impact in the colonial period. (Ibid: 185). The result was that the lower backwards remained poor and politically backward. In the postindependence period they did not benefit from agrarian policies particularly the Green Revolution, as they are not a landowning group nor did parties representing the better-off peasantry such as the BKD/BLD try to mobilize them. The emergence of political consciousness and a feeling of separateness from the OBCs among the MBCs can be traced to developments in the late 1980s in UP. With the decline of the broad aggregative Congress party in the 1990s the OBCs became divided among different political parties: the BSP, SP and the BJP. A section of the MBCs for a short period in western UP attracted by the Ayodhya movement led by a Hindu party during a period of Dalit assertion, supported the BJP (Pai & Singh 1997). But traditionally supporters of the Congress party, they were unable to identify with any of these parties and remained political orphans yet to find an alternative for representation of their specific socio-economic needs. They were not keen in the early 1990s to support the SP, which they felt was a party of the Yadavs who oppressed them as landlords, or the BSP as they consider themselves a `clean caste (Ibid). Throughout the 1990s the SP under the leadership of Mulayam Singh Yadav attempted through horizontal mobilization to homogenize the BCs into a cohesive political community and create a strong alternative to the BSP and BJP. Despite capturing power with the BSP in 1993 the SP was not able to unite all the backwards. Although the SP-BSP combine did obtain about 33% of the OBC votes, about 28 percent of the backwards consisting of the upwardly mobile Kurmis and Lodhs voted in favour of the BJP, while 15% supported the Congress and 16% the JD.12 Rapid political change and increasing economic differentiation due to education and urbanization led to the break-up of the backward-caste bloc and the emergence of a post-Mandal phase. These developments explain the emergence of a very small but politically conscious and upwardly mobile educated new generation among the MBCs during the 1990s (Pai & Singh 1997). Feeling that only few of the forward castes such as the Yadavs, Kurmis and Lodhs had gained from the formation of the SP, they began to move away from it. Initially the BSP was able to take advantage of their discontent by giving them tickets in the 1996 assembly and 1998 and 1999 parliamentary elections in eastern UP where they emerged as an important group (Pai 2002: 180). However, this did not satisfy them and by the late 1990s two parties were formed in eastern UP: the Apna Dal and the Pragatisheel Manav
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Samaj Party (PMSP) (SG 1999:2912). The former was formed by the Kurmis who although OBCs, are not as politically powerful as the Yadavs and have provided leadership to the MBCs; and the latter by the Binds poorer MBCs just beginning to enter the political scene. The emergence of these single caste parties point to the failure of larger parties to effectively bond together these groups, and have provided their supporters with a channel of selfassertion, ensuring that castes that are small, placed low in the social ladder and poor are not swamped by dominant social groups. Formed in the early 1990s by Sonelal Patel a Kurmi leader, the Apna Dal could make a mark in electoral politics only in the second half of the decade in the 1996 and 1998 elections in eastern UP. In these elections it was just behind the three major parties the BJP, SP and the BSP but way ahead of the Congress, which it pushed to fifth place in Machhlishahar (Ibid: 2913). In the forthcoming state assembly elections in UP in early 2007, the Apna Dal has been promised support by Nitish Kumar Chief Minister of Bihar and an important Kurmi leader who captured power due to the support of the Extremely Backward Classes who voted against the RJD primarily a Yadav party headed by Laloo Prasad Yadav (The Hindu, New Delhi, July 28, 2006) Representing the poorer sections the PMSP was formed in the late 1990s by the Binds. In 1999 it had a presence in about seven Lok Sabha constituencies in eastern UP (SG 1999: 2913). Weavers of the famous Benares sarees and Mirzapur carpets, the Binds with low literacy levels and no capital to set up their own businesses or skills to market their products remain totally dependent on traders/ exporters. The MBCs have a desire to be heard and believe that politics is the path for socio-economic improvement and only a share in political power will help them achieve their goals. (Ibid: 2912). Thus, by the end of the 1990s the process of economic and political differentiation of the MBCs from the larger category of OBCs in UP accelerated, raising political consciousness among them. MBCs are no longer prepared to be vote banks of larger parties such as the SP, BSP and BJP.
III
The Process of Identification for Affirmative Action Despite the long process of differentiation among the backwards in the north Indian plains described above, identifying the Most Backward section for purposes of affirmative action remains a difficult task. Two efforts have been made by the UP government to identify the MBCs and provide them affirmative action in keeping with their position. In 1975 the Congress government headed by H.N. Bahuguna set up a three-member commission under Cheddi Lal Saathi to identify the Most Backward Classes and recommend measures for
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their upliftment. More recently, the BJP government under Rajnath Singh set up the Hukum Singh committee on Social Justice in 2001 to suggest ways and means to provide social justice to all groups in the state. A brief look at both attempts shows the difficulties involved in any attempt to identify social groups for affirmative action. The Sarvadhik Pichhada Varg Ayog (Most Backward Classes Commission) was established by the UP government on October 31, 1975 under the leadership of Chhedi Lal Saathi and two other members to list the socially and educationally Most Backward Classes and determine the percentage in the population. Keeping in mind Articles 15(4) and 16(4) and 46 of the Constitution, it was asked to make recommendations for the upliftment of this section for a fixed period of time particularly in the field of education and reservation of jobs in the government. Given a term of six months, after a number of extensions the Commission submitted its report on 31st March 1977.13 The establishment of the Commission was not in response to demands by any section of the backwards but to strengthen the base of the Congress party both at the Centre and in UP. 14 The complexity of the task faced by the Commission is evident from its terms of reference, the paucity of data in the absence of a survey and the methods adopted. The government order was ambiguous on whether caste or class was to be the criterion for identification of the MBCs. While the Commission was expected to identify those sections of society who are economically backward (Jivika Vridhi) it was also asked to examine whether the traditional occupations (Paitrik Dhande) followed by these groups could be revived to provide them livelihood (Report 1977: 17 emphasis added). Thus, the terms of reference provided could be interpreted in different ways. Against this background the Commission held that the criteria for determining backwardness could not be either caste or class but in the specific case of the MBCs, a combination of both. It pointed to numerous Supreme Court judgments to support this position.15 Based on this understanding the Commission used a fourfold scheme to identify the Most Backward Classes: social, educational, economic and political backwardness (Report 1977: 88). However, in actuality all forms of backwardness are traced to the low position of Shudra accorded by society in the caste hierarchy to the MBCs. This did not allow them access to education and allotted certain traditional occupations that are no longer economically viable in many cases and so they are backward (Samaj ki daud me pecche rah gaye hai). (Report 1977:18). Given the short time and resources allotted to it the commission faced difficulties in gathering data on the MBCs. Out of 15,000 copies of a questionnaire consisting of 83 questions covering various aspects of backwardness distributed to tehsils, blocks and various institutions and voluntary organizations it received only 500 completed questionnaires. As
47
no survey could be held, much of the Commissions findings were based on extensive tours, public sittings, interviews/meetings with leaders of various communities and earlier government reports such as the 1931 Census, the First Backward Classes Commission Report 1955 and reports of Commissions of other states.16 The Commission came to the conclusion that only 41 Backward Caste groups mentioned in the 1931 Census could be traced at present. Out of these the estimated population of only 26 groups could be gained. The Commission found it very difficult to find out the percentage of these groups in the population of the state, as after the 1931 Census, data on caste apart from that related to the SC and ST has not been collected. Moreover, much change had taken place and the names of many groups could not be found in the 1931 Census. Eventually the Commission in the limited time and resources provided could only extrapolate from the figures provided in the 1931 Census to the 1971 Census of UP. This was done for the castes that were mentioned in the 1931 Census, on the others the Commission had to remain silent. Based on this data the Commission finally listed 14 as MB given in table 3 below. Table 3 Castes Listed by Nai Kumhar Mali/Saini Bhar/Rajbhar Badhai Saathi Commission as Lohar Vihar Kacchi Murji/Modbhuja Muslim Dhobi MB Classes Patua Turha Godia Bhishti
Source: Report of the MBCs Commission, 1977. The Commission pointed out that there were more Most Backward groups in the state but they were very small in number and so backward that they could not appear before the Commission to plead their case. Due to these problems the Commission advised the government to include caste in the forthcoming Census of 1981. The Commissions report taking into consideration the percentage of the SC and ST and other groups in the population estimated that the OBCs constituted over 50% and the MBCs 26.04 % of the total population; of these Hindu MBC were estimated as 20.22% (total 1,95,19,107 persons) and Muslim 5.82% (total 56,21,991 persons) (Report 1977: 24). It held that the condition of the MBCs is worse on the whole than the SCs who have benefited from more than two decades of affirmative action and state welfarism. Hence, going beyond
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standard recommendations of reservation, the Commission made many new recommendations: free government elementary schooling; reservation in all industries that employ over twenty people; purchase of raw materials by the government from MBC suppliers; training to develop skills; a Finance Development Corporation to help establish cooperatives to provide loans to start small businesses or provide credit at low interest rates to those already established in improving/marketing their products etc. The Commission argued that land should be provided to landless MBCs from Gram Sabha or forest lands; provision of seed, water and fertilizer to small/marginal farmers; strict adherence to payment of minimum wage; ending of bonded labour and begar and strict legislation to punish castebased atrocities. While recommending measures to improve traditional occupations still followed by the MBCs, it underlined the need to help in establishing new businesses such as dairying, tailoring, poultry farming, fisheries, basketry, small farms, running taxis, buses or lorries etc. However the report of the Commission was not fully implemented. The Congress government under H.N. Bahuguna, which set up the Commission, fell in late 1975 and the 1977 state assembly elections brought the Janata party to power. It was only after many representations by the Chairman of the Commission that in April 1977 the Janata government granted 15% reservation to 58 Backward Classes (of which 21 were Muslims) in government employment. The second attempt to identify the MBCs for purposes of affirmative action was made by the BJP government under the leadership of Rajnath Singh in 2001. A Social Justice Commission was established on June 28, 2001 headed by Hukam Singh, the minister for parliamentary affairs, with two other members Rampal Shastri Health minister and Daya Ram Pal member of the UP legislative Council (Verma 2001: 4452).17 The committee was directed to look into the existing governmental programmes for the welfare of the SC, ST and OBC and suggest within a period of two months schemes to improve the condition of these communities so that they were granted social justice. The reason for the establishment of the Commission was the approaching state assembly election in February 2002. By the end of the 1990s the base of the BJP was considerably weakened due to internal factionalism, exhaustion of the Ayodhaya issue, lack of any substantial economic programme and the poor record of the party in office. UP being a key state the party hoped through populist policies to widen its social base and win the assembly elections. In fact the implementation of the Hukum Singh Committee report was a major poll plank in the elections. Given the short time span allotted, the Committee could not gather much data on the MBCs. A rapid survey by 85,000 government servants led by district magistrates collected statistics was undertaken just before the civic polls in November 2000. A Social Justice Week was also organized in the state from July 30 to August 6, and family registers in 53,000 village panchayats were screened. The Committee also received 2,233 representations
49
from various interested groups in the state and also analyzed government reports to find out the share of various OBC and SC/ST groups in the state (Verma 2001: 4453). But on the whole the Committee merely studied existing reports of various central and state commissions to see how the issue had been tackled in other states and various census reports and submitted its report on August 31, 2001. Despite its claim that there was increasing economic differentiation among the backwards, the report was based on existing caste divisions and the number of government jobs and other benefits each group had obtained through affirmative action. The report pointed out that marked economic differences had emerged among the 79 OBC groups in the state. The data suggested that the Yadavs among them had been able to corner the highest amount of benefits among the OBC groups. They had gained 32.37% followed by the Kurmis (11.24%). Similarly in matters of land allocations and other benefits the Yadavs had taken greater advantages. Arguing that social justice demanded that the benefits of reservation must be more equitably distributed among the various backward class groups it worked out the population percentage of various sub-castes among the OBCs and their share in the jobs reserved for their respective categories.18 The Committee recommended the division of the OBC groups into three parts: Yadavs were placed in part A; Sonar, Jat, Kurmi, Giri, Gujar, Gossain, Lodh and Kamboj in part B and the rest 70 groups in part C.19 The castes in part B were named the More Backward Classes (MRBCs) and those in part C the Most Backward Classes (MBCs). The 22 Muslim OBC groups were placed in category C to enable them to make use of the maximum reservation benefits. The Committee raised the OBC quota from 27 to 28%20 in government jobs and divided the quota: 5 percent for groups in part A, 9 percent for those in group B and 14 percent for those in part C. The new law retained the creamy layer inhibitions for the OBCs/MRBCs/MBCs in accordance with the 1992 Supreme Court judgment but its scope was enlarged to include more officers and an income criterion was added. The recommendations could not be implemented due to intervention of the UP High Court, which stayed the new law drafted for the purpose by the BJP government. But the idea of a separate exclusive pool of reservation benefits for the MBCs outside the reach of the OBCs is an idea that has remained with the former.
Conclusion
Our endeavour has been to understand the use of the concept of Backwardness for framing affirmative action policies for the Other Backward Classes against the backdrop of the ongoing controversy over introduction of reservation in elite higher education institutions. Such an exercise is fraught with serious problems. Since its inception from the colonial period the concept of backwardness has suffered a controversial and increasingly divisive
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history and has not acquired even today clear meaning or definition. Second, the OBCs form a large and heterogeneous category in the middle of the caste hierarchy with significant regional differences. Consequently, policies framed to help backward sections have attracted criticism and proved difficult to implement. The paper attempts to show that the MBCs form the most backward and therefore the most deserving of affirmative action policies among the OBCs. This is done by examining two seminal questions underlying affirmative action policies for backward groups: whether caste or class should be the criterion of backwardness and second, the need to identify the section among the backwards which is the most disadvantaged. Using UP as a site, the paper examined these issues by discussing the emergence of the MBCs as a distinct category from among the larger category of backwards, the impact of existing policies on them and the need to evolve criteria by which they could be identified as the most deserving category for affirmative action policies. Our analysis reveals that standing at the lower end of the backward castes/classes the MBCs have low social status and form the poorest section in terms of income, education and employment. The existing data suggests they are the most deserving of affirmative action among the OBC groups in the backward region of the Hindi heartland. The UP experience suggests that both caste and class need to be taken into consideration in identifying the MBCs. While on the one hand it cannot be denied that caste-based discrimination still exists and is responsible to a large extent for the present day underprivileged position of this category, on the other hand, there is urgent need to employ class criteria to ensure that the benefits of affirmative action reach the most deserving. However, the task of evolving criteria for identification and framing policies of affirmative action is not easy. Attempts by two BC Commissions in UP to provide affirmative action to the most deserving sections of the OBCs have not achieved much success. At least three major problems can be identified which are of significance for future attempts to frame policies of affirmative action by the central or state governments. First, the concept of backwardness has become increasingly politicized. Both the Saathi and the Hukum Singh Commissions and Commissions in many other states - were set up in response to a particular political situation and were driven by attempts by the Congress and the BJP to gain the support of the lower castes. Second, after half a century of the use of caste for a variety of public policies including affirmative action, it is now not easy to delink caste or supplement it with class as the criteria determining such policies. In this situation identifying the most deserving would be very difficult. This would require with the help of the State- negotiation and consensus building among the various castes/classes rather than confrontation and violence. Third, the standard policies of affirmative action: reservations in institutions of higher education and in government employment require
51
rethinking. It is not merely that liberalization has reduced employment in the government sector or issues quality in higher education. As our study reveals categories such as the MBCs are educationally so backward that such policies are meaningless for them. Rather, some of the recommendations of the Saathi Commission such as free schools in every district, provision of land, help in setting up businesses, or using traditional skills to obtain a livelihood would be far more productive. Thus different policies need to be fashioned for different categories. In conclusion, the issue of backwardness is of significance for our democratic polity. The decade of the 1990s has witnessed higher growth rates following the liberalization of the economy. However, much of this growth has been in certain sectors and has not percolated downwards to those at the bottom of the economic ladder. It has increased inequalities particularly in the countryside leading to much discontent, witnessed in the crisis in agriculture leading to shrinking of jobs in the rural areas. Reservation in educational institutions and government employment cannot solve these problems. Reservation has come to substitute for social justice, which ideally should include land reform, income generation policies, redress of inequality and securing the well being of the underprivileged. It has proved so far to be a soft option for political elites many of them from the better off sections of the OBCs who are reluctant to introduced deep-rooted changes that would address the sources of structural dominance in the society and economy. Thus better policies of affirmative action, which would address these problems, are urgently required.
REFERENCES
Ahmad, Imtiaz and N.C. Saxena 1994 Caste, Land and Political Power in Uttar Pradesh, in K.L. Sharma (ed.) Caste and Class in India Rawat Publications, Jaipur. Dobhal, Shailesh 2006, Caste no Bar: OBCs no Laggard Spenders The Economic Times, June, New Delhi. Galanter, Marc 1984 Competing Inequalities: Law and the Backward Classes in India OUP, New Delhi. Geeta V. & S.V. Raj Durai The Non-Brahmin Movement National Family Health Survey-2, 1998-99 International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai, May 2001. Neale, Walter 1962 Economic Change in Rural India Land Tenure and Reform in UP 18001955 Yale University Press.
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Pai, Sudha & Jagpal Singh 1997 Politicisation of Dalits and Most Backward Castes Social Conflict and Political Preferences in Four Villages of Meerut District Economic and Political Weekly June 7: 1356-62. Pai, Sudha 1993 Uttar Pradesh: Agrarian Change Electoral Politics Shipra Publications, New Delhi. Pai, Sudha 2002 Dalit Assertion and the Unfinished Democratic Revolution: the Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh vol 3, Sage Series on Cultural Subordination and the Dalit Challenge, Sage, New Delhi. Rudolph, Lloyd I., & Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, 1967 Modernity of Tradition Political Development in India Orient Longmans Ltd, New Delhi. Sarvadhik Pichhada Varg Ayog Uttar Pradesh ke Report Evam Santutiya 1977 (The Most Backward Classes Commission, Report and Recommendations) Government of Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow. SG 1999 UP Rise of Smaller Parties Economic and Political Weekly XXXIV, no 41, October 9: 2912-13. Singh Ajit Kumar 2004 Conditions of Farming Communities in UP Royal Book Depot, Lucknow. Singh, K.S. 1991(a) Peoples Of India: Communities, Segments, Synonyms, Surnames and Titles National Series, Vol. III, OUP, New Delhi. Singh, K.S. 1991(b) Peoples Of India State series, Uttar Pradesh, vol. XLIII. Social Justice Commission 2001Government of Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow. Srivastava, Ravi Economic Change among Social Groups in Uttar Pradesh, 1983-00 in Sudha Pai (ed.) Political Process In Uttar Pradesh: Identity, Economic Reform and Governance Pearson, New Delhi, Forthcoming. Uttar Pradesh Human Development Report (Draft) n.d. Verma, A.K. 2001, UP: BJPs Caste Card Economic and Political Weekly December 1: 4452-55. Yadav, K.C. 1994 Indias Unequal Citizens A Study of the Other Backward Classes Manohar, New Delhi. Yadav, Yogendra 1993 Political Change in North India Interpreting Assembly Election Results Economic and Political Weekly XXVIII, no 51, December 18: 2767-2774. Zelliot, Eleanor 1998 From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on the Ambedkar Movement Manohar Publications, New Delhi.
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END NOTES
1. The term classes is used in official documents but it is a euphemism for a grouping of castes at the middle of the caste hierarchy distinct from the upper and intermediate castes and the scheduled castes. For a history of colonial policy towards the Other Backward Classes see, Galanter 1984 Article 15 clause 1 and 4, Article 16 clauses 1, 2, and 4 and Article 46 deal with the Backward Classes in the Constitution. The term used in Bihar instead of MBCs. In Rajasthan the term Mool/Asli Backward Castes is used by the MBCs in the ongoing process to differentiate themselves from the OBCs. The NFHS and the NSS used the category of OBC in their surveys. They list castes that fall into this category and provide socio-economic data about these groups. There is little research or surveys on the MBCs, see the fieldwork in Pai and Singh 1997 and Srivastava forthcoming, both of which point to their low social and economic position among the OBCs. While Commissions set up to identify this category such as the Saathi Commission in 1975 in UP use the term class, in the existing academic literature they are referred to as castes. A recent judgement of the Supreme Court held that State governments cannot club together the Most Backward Class and Backward Class categories as one group for the purpose of providing reservation in jobs and educational institutions. MBC, BC Cannot be Clubbed: Court The Hindu, New Delhi, August 9, 2006. Estimates differ on the percentage of the OBCs in the state. The NHFS puts it much lower at 26.2%. NFHS-2, 1998-99. This division has been used by Ravi Srivastava in his work on the economic condition of social groups in UP. Srivastava forthcoming.
2. 3. 4.
5.
6.
7.
8. 9.
10. See Rudolph & Rudolph 1967. 11. Quoted in Singh 2004 12. Figures from India Today Marg Poll, quoted in Yadav 1993: 2767-74 13. Sarvadhik Pichhada Varg Ayog Uttar Pradesh ke Report Evam Santutiya 1977 (The Most Backward Classes Commission, Report and Recommendations, 1977, Government of Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow. (Henceforth, Report 1977)
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14. Mrs Indira Gandhi launched her Garibi Hatao programme in 1971 to strengthen the base of the Congress among the rural poor; in UP following the Green Revolution the rise of the BC as rich peasants made it necessary to gain the support of the lower backwards. 15. One of the most important according to the Commission was the judgment in Writ Petition 1964, of the Madras Government. The Supreme Court held Classes of citizens cannot be equated to castes of citizens. For ascertaining whether a particular citizen or a group of citizens belong to backward classes or not, his or their caste may have some relevance, but it cannot be either sole or dominant criterion for ascertaining the classes to which he or they belong. If in a given situation, caste is excluded in ascertaining a class within the meaning of Article 15(4) of the Constitution, it does not vitiate the classification, if it satisfies the other tests. If on the other hand, the castes as a whole are socially and educationally backward the list prepared on this basis though castewise is not violative of Article 15 (Quoted in, Report 1977: 65). 16. For details of the methods adopted and the functioning of the Commission see Chapter 3 of the report. 17. The data regarding the Hukum Singh Commission is taken from Verma 2001. 18. See Table 2 in Verma 2001 19. For details see Verma 2001: 4453 table 5. 20. This was done by transferring the one percent quota for ST to the OBC after the creation of a separate state of Uttaranchal as most of the ST are now in this state.
Change Heart of the Diehard! A Critical Study of the Gandhian Approach to the.....
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Research Article
CHANGE HEART OF THE DIEHARD! A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE GANDHIAN APPROACH TO THE DALIT PROBLEM
S.K. Chahal* This paper seeks to critically examine the approach of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869-1948), popularly known as Mahatma Gandhi, vis--vis the Dalit problem, i.e., the problem of Untouchables in India. The paper thoroughly discusses the ideological framework and strategy of Gandhi with regard to the problem of Dalits who had been the victims of caste discrimination and untouchability in the country through the ages. (1) Before we discuss the approach of Mahatma Gandhi to Dalits, it is necessary to know a little bit about his religious ideology which was actually the very basis of his ideas and strategy concerning Dalits. Gandhi hailed from an orthodox Hindu Bania family. He always called himself a Sanatanist (orthodox) Hindu belonging to the Vaishnava sect. He believed in all that goes by the name of Hindus scriptures, e.g., scriptural purity, idol worship, doctrine of Karma (action), theory of rebirth, cow protection, VarnAshrama Dharma (four fold order of society and life) and institution of caste.2 But at the same time he disbelieved in untouchability. He often pleaded the caste system and never agreed that the caste itself was the root cause of untouchability. Similarly, due to his firm belief in the purity of Hindu scriptures he never agreed that the untouchability had also its roots in scriptures. Ideologically, Gandhi was influenced by Brahmanism. Like any other caste Hindu of his time, he also believed that the Brahmins were the hereditary intellectual leaders of the country. He once argued that India was indebted to the Brahmins as they taught that even a Chandala (outcast) or a prostitute could attain Moksha (salvation), if he/she had purified his/her heart.3 About Manusmriti, the Hindus text of law which legalized caste as well as untouchabiliy, Gandhi opined, Manusmrit and the similar treatises put before us
* Reader, Department of History, Kurukshetra University, Kurukshetra.
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seem to be different today from what they were in their original form....What I said about untouchability is that there is no sanction in Shastras (scriptures).4 This religious ideology of Gandhi largely affected his all movements including the movement for attaining Swaraj (self-rule) and the movement for the uplift of Harijans (i.e., Dalits) Just as Ramraj (reign of Rama) inspired his idea of Swaraj, his idea of Harijan uplift was based on VarnAshrama Dharma. He wanted to reconstruct the Hindu society strictly on the basis of the institution of four Varnas, (i.e., the Brahmin, the Kshatriya, the Vaishya and the Shudra) and, therefore, wanted to eliminate the Panchama Varna or the fifth caste of the outcast Untouchables.5 He wanted to provide a Varna or caste to the outcasts. He would happily allow the Untouchables to acclaim and attain for them the Shudra status in Chaturvarna system.6 The Shudras, the people belonging to the fourth caste, were regarded as people of lower strata of the Hindus. However, they were touchables. These people mainly included artisans, labourers and farmers, e.g., blacksmith, carpenter, jeweller, brassier, potter, oilman, watchman, gardener, milkman, barber etc. The Mahatma suggested that the Untouchables and outcasts should be regarded as touchable and castemen of Shudra status. A Panchama does the work of Shudra and he, therefore, is naturally classified as such when he ceases to be regarded as Panchama.7 He further pointed out, Removal of untouchability means disappearance of fifth caste. It, therefore, does mean at least that mere touch of a man shall not be regarded as pollution.8 Having such Sanatanist ideological background, Gandhi had also some personal experiences of the Untouhables during his earlier life. For instance, he recorded in Young India his distress over not being able to touch Ukha, the family bathroom cleaner, when he was a child.9 When he returned to India from South Africa, he established Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmadabad in 1915 and admitted in it a poor sweeper family of Dudhabhai.10 Discarding untouchability was one of the eleven vows which every inmate had to take before he was admitted to the Ashram.11 Being a staunch disbeliever of untouchability, Gandhi organised some conferences of the Depressed Classes in Gujarat. The first such conference was held at Godhra in 1917 which was the first political conference of Dalits in Gujarat.12 At this conference he announced to start separate schools for the Untouchables. He entrusted to an Ashramic worker Mama Saheb Phadke the task of opening schools for the down-trodden.13 Another political conference was held at Nadiad in 1918. After this conference one local school and one hostel were thrown open for the Antayajas (outcasts).14 Hence, Mahatma Gandhi entered in the Indian National Congress with a Sanatanist ideology and a personal emotional touch with the Bhangis (sweepers) etc. In short, the Gandhian approach to the Dalit problem had following features: 1. 2. The Dalit problem is basically a religious problem. It is not a political problem at all. The problem is an internal matter of the Hindus and non-Hindus have nothing to do with it.
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3. 4. 5. 6.
The problem could be solved only by the abolition of the notion of untouchability. There is no need of annihilation of Varna or caste for the removal of untouchabllity. It is the caste Hindus who had to reform themselves by the way of change of their heart for the Untouchables. The activities of sanitation work etc. among the Depressed Classes are also necessary for their moral upliftment. God lives in the poor, they are Daridranaryana. So the caste Hindus should develop among themselves the feelings of pity, obligation and fellow-feeling for them.15
The above approach was in fact, based on a patronalistic approach. The patronalistic approach was a major component of Gandhism.16 It did not recognize political and communitarian aspects of the Dalit problem. The approach took the problem only as a socio-religious problem of the Hindus.17 It emphasized that only Hindus, particularly caste Hindus, could work for the eradication of untouchability.18 The approach did not insist much on human rights of Dalits and only adhered on charity works on the part of the caste Hindus for the Untouchables. It is also pointed out that the Gandhian approach to Dalits underwent some changes as we shall come to know in our subsequent discussion. However, the major characteristic of the approach, i.e., its paternalistic adherence remained always the same. Gandhi convinced the Indian National Congress to follow this paternalistic approach with regard to the problem of Dalits. Despite its serious limitations, it might be admitted that even such an approach was an achievement of Gandhi as the Congress party in those days was totally a party of the high caste elites.19 It is, however, wrong to say that when Gandhi introduced the untouchablility work in the Congress programme time was not ripe for revolutionary things. At that time and even before that time, there were many leaders in India whose programme against untouchability possessed many revolutionary things, e.g., abandonment of Brahmanism and casteism, and restoration of social, economic, religious and political rights of Dalits. Narain Guru, Jyotirao, Phooley and E.V. Ramaswami Periyar were prominent among such leaders. Such leaders were also supported by a remarkable section of Indian society.20 (2) The Gandhian approach to the Dalit problem basically took its shape in 1920s. It was the time when Gandhi decided to launch a national Non-Co-operation Movement. He made his position clear on the issue in Young India dated 27 October 1920 saying, Though the Panchama problem is as dear to me as life itself, I rest satisfied with the exclusive attention to national Non-Co-operation, feel sure that the greater includes the lesser.21 The first resolution of the Congress on untouchability appeared in the last paragraph of its lengthy
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and historic resolution on Non-Co-operation adopted in the Nagpur annual session held in December 1920. It read: As the Movement of Non-Co-operation can only succeed by complete co-operation, the Hindu delegates of this Congress call upon the leading Hindus to settle all disputes between Brahmins and Non-Brahmins wherever they may be existing, and to make a special effort to rid Hinduism of the reproach of untouchablilty, and respectfully urge the religious heads to help the growing desire to reform Hinduism in matter of its treatment of the suppressed classes.22 Hence, the Dalit problem was now a reproach to Hindusm rather than a hardship to the Untouchables. The request to religious heads for help in this matter was, of course, a Gandhian touch not found in earlier reformers literature.23 To indicate that this appeal was valid, the resolution was supported at the Congress session by the Sankaracharya of Sarada who claimed that his own Guru had taught that uplift of the Untouchables was in accordance with the scriptures.24 During the Non-Cooperation campaign Gandhi specially focused on the propaganda work against untouchability which was an integral part in the Non-Cooperation programme. In fact, it was at this time that he had practically included the issue of eradication of untouchability in the Constructive Programme of the Congress, though the party officially adopted the issue in its programme in 1922.25 During the movement Gandhi put forth a programme of self purification comprising of four items of which giving up the practice of untouchability was second.26 In his speeches he always mentioned the Dalit problem. He normally urged the people to treat the Untouchales as touchable Shudras and often asked them a question, (Will you) treat the Antayajas in the same way as you treat the Shudras? Raise your hand in support.27 The propaganda work of Gandhi against untouchability mainly included three types of arguments: (i) nationalist arguments, (ii) religious arguments and (iii) rational arguments. So far as the nationalist arguments were concerned, Gandhi generally mentioned the subjection of the Hindus under the British rule and compared it to the subjection of Dalits by the caste Hindus. He then went on to argue that the Hindus would become fit for independence only when they would give independence to the Untouchables from their aged-long slavery. He argued that the Swaraj was impossible unless we would not liberate the 1/5 of our brothers and sisters from socio-religious bondage.28 He compared the atrocities of the caste Hindus on Dalits with that of O. Dyerist atrocities.29 While declaring his promise of attaining Swaraj within one year, he appealed the people that they would have to eradicate untouchability during this short period of one year and not after attaining Swaraj.30
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His speeches often included a warning to the caste Hindus. For instance, in his speech at Haryana Rural Conference held on 15 February 1921 at Bhiwani, which was presided over by Lala Lajpat Rai, he warned the people that as long as they would treat millions of their countrymen as Untouchables, they also would continue to be treated as Untouchables and Bhangis by the British.31 He called the British rule satanic. Similarly he also called the oppression of the Untouchables by the caste Hindus as satanic.32 He argued that Swaraj was a meaningless term if we desire to keep a fifth of India under perpetual subjection and deliberately deny them the fruits of national culture.33 In 1921 Gandhi made it clear that there was no possibility of our getting Swaraj this year, for, not a single school was ready to admit children Dheds or Bhangis.34 He passionately warned the caste Hindus, The groans of innocent Untouchables are sufficient to keep the Swaraj away from us.35 And, Any one who believes that untouchability is a part of Hinduism has no right to become a Non-Cooperator.There can be no Swaraj, and Hinduism will perish unless this sinful practice is abolished.36 Speaking in a public meeting on 18 April 1925, he further said: I am only a Bhangi, a Chamar, a farmer and a servant. Hinduism is not likely to perish even if Khadi and spinning wheal are wholly forgotten.But unless the practice of untouchability is rooted out, we shall perish, Hinduism will perish. How can you accept a person like me, a Bhangi, unless you have given up untouchability?37 When Mahatma Gandhi began his Civil Disobedience Movement in 1930, he again reminded the people basic conditions of Swaraj including the untouchability work. During this movement he propagated that the foundations of the Swaraj were being laid by those who regarded communal unity and removal of untouchability as articles of fifth.38 He hoped that under Swaraj public temples, public schools and public wells would be used equally by Brahmins and Bhangis.39 He asked the people to celebrate national weeks for the purpose of self-purification and appealed to the caste Hindus to do constructive work especially untouchablity work during such celebrations.40 The nationalist propaganda of Gandhi made a notable influence on the people, particularly the educated caste Hindus. Making of the untouchability work an essential duty of a Congress volunteers greatly affected the Congress workers as well as the political minded caste Hindus. Mahatma Gandhi equally laid stress on religious arguments in his anti-untouchability propaganda. These arguments were the outcome of his firm belief in the Sanatana Dharma, VarnAshrama Dharma and Ramraj of his own perception. By his religious arguments he propagated that untouchability had no sanction in the Hindu scriptures and, therefore, the
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Untouchables should be treated as touchable castemen. He was of the view that untouchability was a system which was introduced as an Apad Dharma (urgent duty) during the days of social decay and the form in which it was being practiced currently was to be condemned altogether.41 He also argued, The Sanatana Dharma will not be saved by defending every verse printed in the scriptures.42 He pleaded that the Bhagawad Gita does not justify any difference between a Brahmin and a Chandal.43 He further argued that untouchability was not in keeping with the teachings of Vedas and was foreign to the principles of Hindus religion.44 He, therefore, denounced the sort of untouchability which is being practiced in the name of Shastras, and described it as sinful.45 He observed, Untouchability is a sin against God and humanity.46 Though Gandhi took up the problem of untouchability also for political reasons, he laid great stress in his propaganda that he took up it purely out of the consideration of Dharma47 and also that he advocated abolition of untouchability for a purely religious motive.48 He pointed out that it was his conscience which told him that untouchability can never be a part of Hinduism.49 He wrote in Navjivan dated 1 May 1921 : My prayer is this: The only thing dear to me is Moksha (salvation). My whole effort is to attain Moksha at the end of this very life. It is with this aim that I have taken up so seriously a movement of Non-Cooperation. However, if I do not have my aspiration fulfilled at the end of this life and if the sin of untouchability will not have disappeared by then, I would pray that I may have my next birth in an Antayaja family so that I could suffer all that they do rigorous Tapashya (asceticism) to mitigate their sufferings.50 Gandhi urged the people that we should have a fellow feeling for the poor, downtrodden and depressed people as it was the essence of VarnAshrama Dharma.51 Sometimes, during his earlier days, this fellow feeling of the Mahatma even took the shape of superiority complex. For instance, he wrote in Navjivan on 18 September 1921, Yudhisthra refused to enter the gates of heaven without his dog. Do we hope to get into the temple of Swaraj ourselves leaving our Bhangi brothers behind and running at top speed towards it?52 He repeated the same argument even in 1927 in a public meeting at Mysore.53 He uttered that Balmiki had written that Ramchandra provided justice even to a dog, and Tulsidas said that Rama made friendship with a Chandal.54 He further argued that Rama ate berries already savored by Shabri (a low caste woman) and he hugged the king of Nishadas (Dalits).55
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In addition to his efforts for convincing the caste Hindus against untouchability, Gandhi simultaneously appealed to Dalits that they should never permit in their mind the thought that they are not Hindus(as) a person does not leave his family because he is harassed by other members but tries rather to reform them.56 While speaking at an Antayaja Conference at Sagitra on 16 January 1925, he appealed to Dalits: Why should you give up your religion? It is I who has to make atonement. Why should you give up chanting the name of Rama? It is the way of Rama to make his followers and servants suffer and it is thus he tests their devotion.57 About the religious status of the Untouchables in the Hindu society under Swaraj, Gandhi was of the following view in 1925: The religious status would be the same as of the caste Hindus. They will, therefore, be classed as Shudras instead of Atishudras.I would abolish all castes and would keep the four divisions.I have questioned the statement that the Rishis (sages) taught the doctrine of untouchability as we practice it.58 As regards the inter-caste relations, Gandhi was totally against. While giving an interview to a periodical on 23 September 1920, he opined on the issue: I am against both (i.e., inter caste dinning and inter-caste marriage) on hygienic and spiritual grounds. Eating is as dirty a business as evacuating, the only difference is evacuation is a matter of relief.Suppose my son wants to marry my daughter, I will not stand in the way of marriage. But one thing I will do. I will not allow them room under my roof.59 He further clarified in Young India on 2 February 1922, When I ask you to eradicate untouchability, I dont mean that you should eat and drink in the company of Antayajas or have marriage ties with them or drink water out of jug used by one of them. The Hindu religion does not compel anyone to use any article from which another has eaten.60 Similarly, he was also against that Bhagis etc. should give up their vocations.61 Gandhi had, however, to change his views in the matter due to growing criticism by progressive people as well Dalits. For instance, he was criticized on this issue by his friends like C.F. Andrews and Rabindranath Tagore. When the caste Hindu boycotted and attacked those Dalits in Gujarat who tried to send their children to schools and to give up their dirty occupations, Gandhi called it a Swadeshi Dyerism and opined in Navjivan
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dated 14 December 1924, Other castes have also given up these old occupations.Today the Chamars vocation has been taken up by others also. I see no impurity in carrying carcasses to where they belong. However, how could I force others to do that or any other work?62 After some days, he also spoke on inter-caste relations in a political conference at Bhawnagar in a changed tone, I have personally no objection to sharing my meal with him (Untouchable).63 Though he also made it clear that, I am not asking you to inter-dine or inter-marry with him.64 He gave liberty to the people in this matter saying, this is a matter of your own choice.65 But his dilemma in the matter still continued: It (untouchability) does not stand on a par with inter-dining. And I would strongly urge social reformers not to mix the two. If they do, they would injure the sacred cause of the Untouchables and Unapproachables.66 Though he would not oppose the Untouchables who had given up their caste occupations, he still ideally regarded caste occupations as a healthy division of work based on birth. He argued, He who performs the duty of Brahmin will easily become one in the next incarnation. But a translation from one Varna to another in the present incarnation must result in a great deal of fraud.67 After 1925 Gandhi included in his religious propaganda the teachings of saints and poets. He stressed upon the element of compassion found in their teachings for the downtrodden. His first favourite saint poet was Akha, a Gujarati Dalit poet of 17th century who, according to Gandhi, described the idea of anyone being defiled by the touch of another human being as a superfluous limb.68 He mentioned another Gujarati poet Pritam in his speeches who sang At sight of the purifying flame of the path of love, people run away in fear. Gandhi argued that the path of love required that we should not mind touching the so-called Untouchables.69 He further argued that Vallabhacharya and Chaitanya lifted up thousands of people who were regarded as Untouchables.70 But it was Narsinh Mehta, a famous Gujarati saint poet, whom Gandhi admired greatly. He usually sang his famous Bhajan (prayer) in between his speeches which means that he is a true Vaishnavte who understands the sufferings of others.71 Though Gandhi quoted scriptures against untouchability, yet, when the orthodoxy refuted him by giving evidences of the existence of untouchability in the Hindu scriptures, he warned that the Shastras would become death traps if we were to regulate our conduct according to every detail given in them or according to that of character therein described.72 He quoted Bhagwad Gita at many a time in his anti-untouchability propaganda. To him, the banishment of untouchability meant translating into action the great message of Bhagwad Gita which read, Treat the Bhangi and the Brahmin alike if you would but know God.73 He tried to convince the people that they would find in Gita no warrant whatsoever for untouchability, child marriage, child widows and prostitution
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as was gone by the name of Devdasis.74 He often argued that there must be nothing like untouchability in Hinduism which had a book like Gita.75 He further argued that how could any Hindu practice untouchability when he proclaimed faith in Advaita (the theory of non-duality)?76 In his religious propaganda Gandhi also supported the Shuddhi (purification) and Sangathan (organization) campaigns of the Hindu Mahasabha. He opined in Young India dated 6 January 1927, Shuddhi of those (people) cannot be conversion. Sangathan is really a sound movement. Every community is entitled, indeed bound, to organize as separate entry.77 But he pointed out, I must tell the Hindus to wash off the stain of untouchability. This will be true Shudhi.78 Apart from nationalist and religious arguments Mahatma Gandhi also used rational arguments to convince the masses. By these rational arguments he fell heavily on the prejudicial attitude of the caste Hindus towards Dalits. He went on to say that the sufferings of the Untouchables could not be compared with those of any other class in India or the world and even the slavery of Negroes is better than this.80 He treated all professions as equal and dignified. He spoke in his public meetings that a lawyer, a doctor or a collector did not serve the society a whit more than a Bhangi,81 indeed, the Bhangis services surely rank much higher than the services of these because if the former were to stop serving, what would be the plight of society?82 He warned the Hindus, Assuming that the Bhangis on the bar sinister being not removed refuse to do our scavenging, we must be prepared to do it ourselves.83 He declared, It is by way of protest against this arrogation of superiority by one class over another that I delight in calling (myself) a Bhangi, that is sweeper, beyond which so far as I am aware inferiority does not travel.84 It is pointed out that in the public meetings the caste Hindus and the Untouchables used to sit separately during the earlier days of Indian national movement. In order to get them mixed together, Gandhi used to ask them, Do you want that this wall should disappear and that our Antayaja sisters and brothers should take their seats with us? In response, many caste Hindus would raise their hands in support. Dalits then came and took seats with the rest.85 This practice was fruitful, though many caste Hindus actually followed this practice unwillingly in order to show regards to the Mahatma. After returning from these meetings many castemen performed purificatory bath at their homes. Gandhi himself warned against this when he came to know about it, Let the Antayajas come in or permit me to go and sit in their midst. But remember that it is not proper for you to do anything out of the false regards for me and with the thought in your mind that you will take a bath after returning home.86 In the public meetings Gandhi would also prefer to be welcomed by Dalit boys and girls. When he saw them being asked to sing from a distance, he uttered, I can keep quite no longer.If the Antayaja girls are to sing from there, the presentation of the address on
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behalf of the Congress Committee would be a mere farce.87 At such occasions he asked the caste Hindus that they were just merely passing resolutions and writing slogans on their welcome arches against untouchability which were only for show.88 He even asked those who wanted to keep the Untouchables at a distance to get retired from the meeting.89 Describing untouchability as an illusion, he argued, Reason call us that no one is Untouchable. People had neither a name nor a definition for an Untouchable.90 There were occasions when people sitting in his meetings laughed over his touching references for the Untouchables. He would warn then people, My friends, it is not a matter of laughter, but it is matter of shedding tears of blood.91 He warned the caste Hindus to stop their atrocities against Dalits, otherwise their courage would ebb away.92 Gandhi observed, If Hinduism will bear untouchablility, 22 crores of Hindus will perish which means India will perish.93 He warned the people against quoting religious texts for untouchability. He emphasised that the non-violence was sole religion and if the people believed in it as a cardinal principle of their faith, they could not possibly face the world with the crime of untouchability on their head.94 In 1927 Gandhi witnessed untouchability in the Buddhist country Sri Lanka too. He spoke at Colombo on 25 November 1927, I know that if India may take pride in having sent you Mahendra and the message of Buddha to this land, I had also to accept the humiliation of having sent you the curse of caste distinctions.95 At Jaffna where Gandhi was welcomed by the Untouchables he said: I was delighted to receive two addresses from the Depressed Classesliving in a country over which the spirit of Buddha is brooding.Let us realize that it is a sin to consider a single human being as inferior to ourselves or Untouchable.96 (3) In addition to the propaganda against untouchability, Gandhi also worked for social amelioration of Dalits which was also an important part of his Constructive Programme vis--vis the problem of untouchability. His programme for social amelioration of the Untouchables included providing all necessary public and civil amenities, particularly water and education, to Dalits. Interestingly, the issue of temple entry was not included in this programme during the earlier period which, later on, became a prominent part of the Harijan work of Gandhian Congress. He expressed his views for the first time on the problem of water and education among the Depressed Classes in Young India dated 27 October 1920 : If a member of a slave nation could deliver the suppressed classes from their slavery, without freeing myself from my own I
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would do so today. But it is an impossible task.If I had a truly national legislature, I would answer Hindu insolence erecting special and better wells for the exclusive use of suppressed classes and by erecting better and more numerous schools for them so that there would not be a single member of the suppressed classes left without a school to teach their children. But I must wait for that better day.97 Again, at Bardoli Taluka Conference held on 20 January 1922 Gandhi said : If there are separate schools for the Untouchables elsewhere, it may not matter, but here untouchability must positively be considered a sin. You cannot rest satisfied with having separate schools for Antayajas. It is your duty to persuade the Antyajas of those villages which have national schools to enroll their children in those schools and you should let them sit with your children.98 This speech was delivered in the historic Bardoli Conference. Here resolution on Civil Disobedience was passed which included Constructive Programme.99 Needless to say that it was Gandhi who made the Congress to take up the issue of social amelioration of the Depressed Classes. The party, however, did not contribute much to the cause except an expenditure of a sum of Rs. 43,381 out of Rs. 49.5 lakhs collected for the Telak Swaraj Fund during 1921 to 1924.100 In the Belgaum Session held in December 1924 under the chairmanship of Gandhi, the Congress adopted a resolution on the Dalit problem saying: The Congress notes with satisfaction the progress in Hindu opinion regarding the removal of untouchability but is of opinion that much yet remains to be done and, therefore, appeals the Hindu members of the Congressto devote grater attention to the amelioration of the lot of Depressed Classes by ascertaining their wants.101 The Congress was providing separate schools for Dalits, though Gandhi regarded these schools as a matter of shame for us.102 According to the Belgaum resolution, no school could be called national where the Untouchables were refused admission.103 But Gandhi soon adopted an impartial approach and asked the Congressmen to start a larger number of schools, especially for Antayaj children.104 On 7 July 1927 he wrote in Young India that there were many schools for Dalit children being run in several provinces under the Congress and with Congress funds.105 He further subscribed that those schools were also subsidized by the Government. The Congress also built Suppressed Class High Schools, particularly in Gujarat.106 It was further resolved by the Working Committee of the Congress on 24 March 1924 at Delhi to set up an Anti-Untouchability Committee with M.M. Malviya, a prominent
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leader of Hindu Mahasabha, as President.107 He was to be assisted by Jamnalal Bajaj. Malviya appeared to have done very little work for the cause and, as such, Jamnalal Bajaj was left alone to do the work assigned to the Committee. The office of this Committee was opened at 395, Kalbadevi Road, Bomaby.108 The main objectives of this Committee were: (i) to get public temples thrown open to the Antayaja; (ii) to secure for the Antayajas the use of public wells; (iii) to remove the restrictions which Antayaja children were facing in public schools; (iv) to improve their conditions in respect of cleanliness; and (v) to induce them to give up their habits of eating carrion and taking liquor.109 The Committee also expected from every Hindu to help in educating public opinion for this work.110 Though the AntiUntouchability Committee was charged with a number of tasks related to the social amelioration of Dalits, the temple entry became the overriding field of action of the Committee as well as of Gandhi himself. There were temple entry movements in 1920s - Vaikom and Parvati - standing for early efforts of Dalits themselves to claim religious rights which probably influenced the Congresss move on this issue.111 The Vaikom Satyagraha was perhaps the only instance where Gandhi associated himself with a Satyagraha against a Hindu institution.112 He, however, also suggested separate temples for Dalits.113 He wanted that the State should contribute a sum equal to that collected by our Untouchable brothers. I should raise an amount equal to these two amounts put higher. A trust should be formed for the temple consisting of one trustee representing the Untouchables, one representing the State and a third representing me.114 He recommended that a provision for a school or dispensary etc. in the temple should also to be kept in view.115 Perhaps the first important event in the temple entry movement of the Congress was the opening by Jamnalal Bajaj of his own temple. On the event, he observed in Young India dated 26 July 1928, Nearly 1,200 men, women and children including Untouchables visited the temple without the slightest untoward incident having occurred.It is striking demonstration of the tremendous headway that the movement against untouchability had made.116 For this act Jamnalal Bajaj was excommunicated by his orthodox Marwari community. Soon after Bajajs initiative the trustees of the well-known Dattatreya temple at Elichpur in Berar also declared on 1 July 1929 open the temple for free access to Mangs, Mahars, Chamars and all Hindus alike.117 Such a response of the temple trustees impressed Mahatma Gandhi very much. Hew now seriously realized that the issue of temple entry could be very useful in his anti-untouchability movement. He soon convinced the leaders of the Congress to address this sole issue. Accordingly, Jamnalal Bajaj addressed a special appeal to the trustees of the Hindu temples to open for them the temples that we open to the rest of the Hindus.118 The Congress leadership now concentrated wholly on the issue of temple entry.
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It is pointed out that Gandhi did not take up seriously the issues of wells and schools before 1932.119 He, however, supported and admired the efforts of A.V. Thakkar who addressed an appeal to the public in March 1930 to donate to a Fund for digging wells for Dalits in Gujarat.120 It was only after 1932 that Gandhi and party took seriously the issues of well and schools.121 As of now, the Anti-Untouchability Committee supported the temple entry movement. Its Secretary toured many parts of the country such as Madras, Central Provinces, Rajputana, Sind, Kashmir, Punjab and North West Frontier Province aiming at especially to convince the temple trustees in favour of temple reform.122 The Committee also organized three conferences in Bombay presidency in May and June 1929 at Bandra, Bombay and Poona.123 Here workers took pledge to get at least one temple opened in near future by their humble efforts.124 But when these activities encouraged the Untouchables of Poona to launch a Temple Entry Satyagraha at Parvati temple, the Committee criticized their movement.125 Finally, a Gandhian Committee visited the site and talked to the temple trustees but came to the conclusion that the Satyagraha had created an atmosphere of bitterness and distrust.126 Hence, the progress on the issue of temple entry was limited, though the Committee claimed, In all parts of the country temples are being opened to Untouchables by the caste Hindus on their own initiative, many of whom often do not announce the fact or the local events are not reported to wider public.127 (4) It was after 1932 when Mahatma Gandhi did an intensive work for the cause of the Depressed Classes and, as such, made an operation of his approach to the problem on a wider scale. Actually, his clash with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1891-1956), the renowned Dalit leader, during 1930-32 over the issue of separate electorate of Dalits made him realize the seriousness of the problem.128 He found that the Depressed Classes, like the Muslims, could go away from the political fold of the Congress. He even undertook a fast-unto-death on 20 September 1932 against the grant of separate electorate to the Depressed Classes by the British Government.129 By this act, he forced Dr. Ambedkar to agree to the joint electorate with reserved seats in the historic Poona Pact (24 September 1932)130 It is, however, pertinent to note that during his fast Gandhi referred to the problem of untouchability and not the issue of separate electorate as a excuse of his fast which, for a short time, lit sacrificial fire among the caste Hindus and made them realize about their sins and prejudicial attitude towards Dalits.131 It was the only positive outcome of his fast in the interest of the Depressed Classes as they were suddenly treated properly at places. Swaroop Rani Nehru, an orthodox Brahmin lady and mother of Jawaharlal Nehru, accepted from the hands of a sweeper.132 In Shantiniketan Rabindranath Tagore began organized work against untouchability.133
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Common caste Hindus at many places organized inter-caste dinners. Many temples were thrown open to Dalits at place like Bombay (Vithoba Rukmani temple), Poona (Parviti temple), Madras (Kanhaswani temple), Karachi (Jasraj temple), Nagpur, Gauhati etc.134 After the conclusion of the Poona Pact some more temple were thrown open to Dalits, e.g., 100 year old Rama temple at Bombay, 80 year old Sindhi temple at Karachi and many other temples at Patna, Layallpur, Beawar, Rajwari, Calcutta etc.135 Rulers of some princely states like Baroda, Kashmir, Kolhapur etc. also ordered the entry of Dalits to all temples in their states. Such generous efforts on the part of caste Hindus, however, disappeared soon. Gandhi who felt jubilant over such efforts, especially opening of temples, now decided to lead the Hindus to sustain their spirit of kindness for Dalits. Hence, the idea of Harijan Movement took birth. During the Harijan Movement Gandhi operated his patronalistic approach to the Dalit problem on a massive scale. Interestingly, he made it clear that those Congressmen, who were too weak to court arrests or had lost faith in Civil Disobedience, could join the Harijan Movement 136 He also forbade its use to strengthen the political activities of the Congress among the people.137 For operation of movement, a strategy was worked out wherein Gandhi retreated his stand on the issue. He stressed that untouchability had no sanction in Hinduism and Hindu scriptures.138 Secondly; he again declared the anti-untouchability work as an internal religious and social matter of the Hindus. He suggested that the caste Hindu reformers, whom he named Harijan Sevaks (servants of Dalits), should take this work as a purely religious work and it must be carried in a religious spirit.139 He opposed the association of the non-Hindus in this cause saying that this cannot be effectively done by non-Hindus as Hindus cannot bring about religious reform among Christains and Mussalmans.140 Thirdly; Gandhi emphasized on a change of heart among the caste Hindus towards Dalits by the peaceful means of reformers. He made it clear, Anti-untouchability movement is, as applied to the masses, for merely changing of heart and changing their (the caste Hindus) attitude towards Harijans, the vast majority of the caste Hindus do not need to interrupt their daily activity in order to serve the Harijans.141 He also pointed out to the reformers, You have to cultivate public opinion in your favour by the gentlest mesns.142 He warned the reformers against using unbecoming language for the orthodox Sanatanists and no-changers.143 He opined, If reformers are truthful and humble, they can bring about a change of heart in the Sanatanists.144 Fourthly; Gandhi sill regarded Varna and caste as ideal social institutions. He did not want to mix the question of untouchability with efforts of inter-caste marriages and inter-caste dinning. Though he allowed the marriage of his adopted Dalit girl Laxmi with a Brahmin boy Maruti in August 1933, yet his opinion in the matter was that inter-marriages and the like this one are in no way a part of movement for the removal of untouchability.I do not hold this marriage as an example for anybody to follow.146 He only said that inter-caste dinning should be left entirely on individual
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choice.147 He made it clear that like inter-caste marriage, inter-caste dinning is not a part of anti-untouchability programme.148 Finally; he promised Dalits that in free Indias Constitution, the evil of untouchability would be abolished.149 In short, Gandhis position was still almost the same as was in 1920s. Mahatma Gandhi tried his best to satisfy both Dalits as well as the caste Hindus during the Harijan Movement. He made clear his position on the question in very beautiful words, I feel like the wife whom her many husbands profess to reject because the poor woman cannot give satisfaction to all her lords and masters(though) the faithful wife (is) staunch in her loyalty.150 Gandhi said that he had undertaken the Dalit cause not in the spirit of patronage but in the spirit of service.151 To this, however, Dalits would not agree. Their opinion was that the so-called spirit of service itself indicated the spirit of patronage, as it reflected the feelings of pity, kindness etc. towards Dalits. Further, his spirit of service had nothing to do with the capital issues concerning the problem, i.e., need of land reforms, political and economic empowerment of Dalits etc. It only emphasized on opening of temples etc. to them.152 In his statement to press after breaking his fast-unto-death on 25 September 1932, which reflected his future plans for the Depressed Classes, Gandhi said that he had decided to use the word Harijan (people of God) for them saying he would like henceforth to name them Harijans, and assured his best to work for their cause.153 After this he began his campaign against untouchability namely Harijan Movement. He also began to use the new name on a massive scale, despite the fact that it was disliked by both orthodox Hindus as well as Dalits. To proceed further, Gandhi decided to found an All India Anti-Untouchability League, a non-political organization of the caste Hindus, which was later on renamed as Servants of Untouchables Society, and finally Harijan Sevak Sangh.154 Gandhi started his Harijan Movement with undertaking a penance fast from 8th to 21th of May 1933.155 If followed the so-called Harijan Tour, a most extensive journey in which Gandhi toured various parts of India continuously till nineteen months, i.e., from 7 November 1932 to 21 July 1934.156 During this tour he made an extensive anti-untouchability propaganda among the masses and tried to get access for Dalits in public places, especially temples. He also collected a Harijan Purse Fund worth Rs. 8 Lakhs which was contributed to the newly formed Harijan Sevak Sangh.157 During the Harijan movement he repeatedly warned the caste Hindus, If we do not remove root and branch untouchability from our hearts, we are a doomed race and Hinduism like many other isms will perish.158 In his propaganda he gave the same nationalist, religious, and rational arguments as he did earlier. The only new thing was that this time
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his tone was sharper. He even described an earthquake, which occurred in Bihar in 1933, to be an outcome of the sins of the caste Hindus against the Untouchables.159 He also suggested Dalits to reform themselves by observing laws of cleanliness and abstaining from drugs and social evils.160 He especially emphasized on Bhangi work during his movement and asked scavengers to become ideal Bhangis161 He also suggested village tanners to use modern scientific methods for tanning work.162 During the movement Gandhi also guided K. Kelappan, a Congressman of Malabar, to launch a Satyagraha for securing entry of Dalits to the Krishna temple of Guruvayur in 1932-33. Zamorin (trustee) the temple, however, remained unconvinced even after undertaking a fast by Kelappan163 and holding of a referendum among people by the reformes.164 Hence, the Guruvayur Satyagraha could not succeed and the temple remained closed to Dalits upto the independence of India.165 Gandhi just presented a scheme of model temple for building new temples where necessary for Dalits.166 (5) In 1935 the Government of India Act came into force and the British Government announced elections of the reformed Provincial Assemblies to be held in 1937. After the elections the Congress got majority in most of the provinces and formed Ministries.167 The Congress Ministries made some legislations in the respective provinces for ensuring the access of Dalits to public places, particularly temples.168 They gave financial aid to the branches of Harijan Sevak Sangh.169 They also increased government funds for education of Dalits.170 Especially in Bombay and Madras provinces, the Congress Ministries did a good work for the welfare of the Depressed Classes. During this period Mahatma Gandhi continued to guide the Congress Ministries and the Harijan Sevak Sangh in their welfare activities concerning Dalits. He also continued his individual activities for their uplift. The most significant thing which appeared now in his approach was that his efforts and ideas - all witnessed a revolutionary change.171 He attacked on the institution of untouchability in a very sharp language. His speeches were full of sincerity, passion and love for the drown-trodden. He now even made an attack on caste system and expressed his desire, like Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, to abolish it. He also reinterpreted Varnashrama. Said he: Today neither the Varnas nor the Ashrams (four stages of life) of my conception are in existence anywhere.The Ashrams have disappeared altogether and Varnas are found in the form of privileges. The claim of being a Brahmin, a Kshtriya, a Vaishya connotes pride. How can there be pride where there is religion? And the Shudras are not taken into consideration at all. Shudras are low and the Ati-
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Shudras (i.e., Dalits) are the lowest of the low. This is not religion, but negation of it.172 He further pointed out, If I had the power, I should declare that we are all Hindus, all of the same Varna.I do not know...when shall (we) be able to revive true VarnAshrama.173 He also openly advised inter-caste relations including inter-caste dinning and inter-castemarriages: So long as there are restrictions regarding inter-dinning and inter marriage, untouchability is bound to survive to some extent.174 He advocated inter-caste marriage in most revolutionary manner, If an educated Harijan girl marries a caste Hindu, the couple ought to devote themselves to the service of Harijans....It is certainly desirable that caste Hindu girls should select Harijan husbands.I would agree that at present the marriage of a caste Hindu girl to a Harijan is better than that of a Harijan girl to a caste Hindu.175 He also allowed Dalits to select the professions of their choice and not the hereditary ones. When he was asked by a Dalit, We want the right of true citizenship, equal opportunity, I want my son to have equal liberty to be a Vaqil or Barrister or a Doctor according to his wish, the Mahatma replied, There is no legal bar.Dr. Ambedkar is a barrister.176 Gandhi criticized the activities of the Charistian missionaries who were seeking to wean Dalits from Hinduism under promise of better treatment and especially freedom from forced labour.177 He said, Such proselytizing efforts demoralize society, create suspicions and bitterness.178 Conversion, he continued, wherever it has taken place, has not been a spiritual act. They are conversions of convenience.179 He however, could not notice the fact that Dalits were converting themselves to Christianity etc., not for convenience but for humiliation they were suffering from in the caste-ridden society of the Hindus. Many Dalit correspondents wrote Gandhi about such sufferings. For instance, a correspondent from Punjab wrote him : (1) They are forced to labour for their Maliks (peasant proprietors) and other caste Hindus of villages at about half or even less wages than they would get from the same kind of labour in other villages. (2) They are forced to labour for their Maliks and other caste Hindu villagers on occasions of marriages and deaths in their families on almost no wages. (3) They are charged 6 Annas per year per family as Mutharfa .(4) They have to pay Re 1, Rs. 2 and Rs. 3 or Rs. 4 for the hide of every dead cow, bullock or buffalo respectively to their owners if they fail to deliver a corresponding number of pairs of shoes to them. (5) Their wives are paid only 4 Annas for a male and 2 Annas for a female child born in the house of the caste Hindu villagers where they have to work as midwives during confirmation and even these payments are not regularly
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made. (6) They are forced to work for their Maliks and the caste Hindu villagers even at the sacrifice of their own agricultural need or when they are ill or engaged in their social and religious functions. (7) The lay of Chowkidari (guard) tax on them is generally excessive.180 Mahatma Gandhi asked repeatedly the Harijan Sevaks and the Savarnas (caste Hindus) to work hard to remove all such difficulties of the Depressed Classes.181 When the problem of finances confronted the Harijan Sevak Sangh after resignation of the Congress Ministries in 1939, Gandhi redoubled his efforts in collecting the donations for it from the people. He followed a practice of charging a price for his autographs for the cause of the down-trodden. He got few hundred of rupees every year by this practice.182 The other practice was begging for Dalits during travels and after the evening prayers. At a small wayside station, poor people were seen putting a few coppers into his outstretched palm.183 There were another very interesting cases. One day, for instance, a youngman asked for his autograph. He signed his autograph as usual in Hindi. The youngman who happened to be a Tamil requested him, Please do sing in Tamil. I shall try, said Gandhi but you will have to pay other ten rupees. The youngman watched him scratching his head to remember his Tamil alphabets but he signed his name in Tamil. Mahatmaji your memory is wonderful, the Youngman gave another ten. But nothing for my memory? I have passed creditably and you must give me a price. A third ten rupee note came immediately out of his pocket, and then the Mahatma said in great delight, Thirty rupees for Harijans within a few seconds. They will bless you!.184 Such was the Mahatmas method to work out his paternalistic approach to the Dalit problem during the old age of his life. When Gandhi began his Individual Satyagraha in 1940, he stated that only those Congressmen would be permitted to take part in the Satyagraha camps who worked against untouchability.185 He waged a powerful struggle against the obnoxious custom.186 He appealed to the Congressmen to accept Dalits as cooks as well as in other capacities also.187 When the independence came nearer, Dalits began to ask him about their position in free India.188 They were also worried about the special safeguards they got during the British period for their well being. A Dalit leader asked him pointedly: Q. : What will be the position of the Harijans in future Constitution to be framed ? Gandhi : In the Constitution I could influence...the so-called Untouchables would have seats reserved for them in all electoral bodies according to their population within the electoral areas concerned.189
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And Gandhi agreed to give the Depressed Classes 15 percent reservation of seats in the Central and Provincial Legislature.190 He came with the same generosity and kindness to Dalits when he, in a prayer meeting at New Delhi on 27 June 1947, declared his desire that he would like to see a Dalit to be the first President of the Indian Republic.191 Actually, this idea came into his mind on the demise of Chakrayya, a Dalit disciple of Gandhi from Andhra Pradesh, in May 1947.192 The Mahatma observed on his death, He certainly did deserve to be the first President of the Indian Republic.If I had my way, I would put a suitable Harijan girl in the presidential chair. In free India. Knowledge of English would not be necessary for the President. She needs not to have knowledge of high politics. All the learned statesmen of the country would help her to carry on the Government.193 He again said in a prayer meeting at Delhi: Who will be the President of Indian Republic?... My answer is that (it) will be a chaste and brave Bhangi girl.It is not necessary that President should be highly educated person knowing many languages.By electing a Harijan girl to that office we shall demonstrate our soul force.She should be chaste as Sita and her eyes should redicate light. Sita had such radiance that Ravana could not touch her. If I can find such a girl, she will be our first President. We shall all salute her and set a new example before the world.This is real moral power.194 Such a moral power was, however, yet to develop among the Congressmen and the caste Hindus as nobody among them took the Mahatmas words seriously. Perhaps this old great man of modern India was, to them living in a world of dreams and old mens illusions (he was 78 then). But this was all said and done by Gandhi, the real Gandhi!
REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Navjivan Trust, Ahmadabad, d.d., Vol. XIV, pp. 73-74. Ibid. Young India, Ahmadabad, 4 April 1921. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXIII, p. 292. Young India, 23 April 1925. Ibid. Ibid.
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8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.
Ibid., 1 December 1921. Ibid. Mukut Bihari Verma, History of the Harijan Sevak Sangh (1932-1968), Harijan Sevak Sangh Press, Delhi, 1971, p. 24. Ibid., p. 23. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. S.K. Chahal, Dalits Patronised : Indian Natural Congress and the Untouchables of India 1921-1947, Shubhi Publications, New Delhi, 2002, p. 67. Ibid., pp. 67-68. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar : Writings and Speeches, Education Department, Government of Maharastra, Mumbai, d.d., Vol. V, pp. 62-74. Young India, 24 October 1920. B.R. Ambedkar, What Congress and Gandhi have Done to the Untouchables, Thacker and Co., Bombay, 1945, p. 112. S.K. Chahal, op. cit., p. 68. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XVIII, p. 78. Eleanor Zelliot, Congress and Untouchables 1917-1950, in Richard Session & Stenly Wolpert, Congress and Indian Nationalism :The Pre-Independence Phase, Berkley, 1988, pp. 184-85. Ibid., p. 185. Ibid. Ibid., pp. 184-85. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXI, p. 267. Ibid. Sampurna Gandhi Vangmya (Hindi), Navjivan Trust, Ahmedabad, d.d., Vol. IXXX, Document No. 17. Ibid. Ibid.
23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.
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31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58.
Ibid., Document No. 177 and 267. Ibid., Document No. 267. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XX, p. 136. Ibid., p. 132. Ibid., p. 304. Ibid., p. 382. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 524. Ibid., Vol. XLIII, pp. 264-68. S.K. Chahal, op. cit., p. 72. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XLIII, p. 340. Young India, 8 December 1920. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XIV, pp. 73-74. Young India, 11 May 1921. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XX, p. 510. Ibid., p. 510. Ibid., Vol. XXI, p. 132. Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 45. Ibid. Vol. XXI, pp. 2-3. Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 471-72. Ibid., Vol. XX, pp. 53-54. Ibid., pp. 335-36. Ibid., Vol. XXI, p. 143. Ibid., Vol. XXXIV, p. 212. Young India, 26 February 1932. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXVI, p. 4. Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 518-19. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 7-8. Ibid., pp. 67-68.
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59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86.
Ibid., Vol. XXI, pp. 185-88. Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 292. Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 75. Ibid., Vol. XXXII, pp. 428-29. Young India, 8 January 1921. Ibid. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXVI, pp. 130-32. Ibid., pp. 329-31. Ibid., p. 539. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 132. Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 275. Ibid. S.K. Chahal, op. cit., p. 76. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXX, pp. 212-14. Ibid., Vol. XXXII, p. 513. Ibid., Vol. XXXIV, p. 549. S.K. Chahal, op. cit., p. 77. Ibid. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XLI, p. 540. Ibid., Vol. XXXIII, p. 540. Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 471. Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 73. Ibid., Vol. XX, p. 30. Ibid. Ibid., pp. 262-63. Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 436. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 130-32. Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 378.
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87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99.
Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 477. Ibid., p. 478. Ibid. Ibid., Vol. XLII, pp. 242-43. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 373. Ibid., p. 147. Ibid., p. 525. Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 525. Ibid., Vol. XXXV, p. 318. Ibid., p. 312. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 375. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 130-32. B.R. Ambedkar, op. cit., p. 21.
100. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar : Writings and Speeches, Vol. IX, pp. 35-36. 101. The Indian Quarterly Register, H.N. Mitra (ed.), Calcutta, 1924, Vol. II, p. 425. 102. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXIV, pp. 492-96. 103. Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 168. 104. Ibid., p. 352. 105. Ibid., Vol. XXXIV, p. 126. 106. Ibid., Vol. XXXVI, p. 232. 107. Ibid., Vol. XLI, p. 3. 108. Ibid. 109. Ibid. 110. Eleanor Zelliot, op. cit., p. 187. 111. The Indian Quarterly Register, 1924, Vol. I, pp. 12-13. 112. S.K. Chahal, op. cit., p. 86. 113. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 103-04. 114. Ibid.
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115. Ibid. 116. Young India, 26 July 1928. 117. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XLI, pp. 324-25. 118. Ibid., pp. 348-49. 119. S.K. Chahal, op. cit., p. 87. 120. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XLI, pp. 348-49. 121. Ibid., Vol. XLIII, p. 191. 122. The Indian Quarterly Register, 1929, Vol. II, pp. 326-27. 123. Ibid. 124. Ibid. 125. Eleanor Zelliot, op. cit., p. 189. 126. Ibid., p. 180. 127. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXXV, p. 52. 128. B.R. Ambedkar, op. cit., pp. 68-69. 129. Ibid., p. 87. 130. Ibid., pp. 88-89. 131. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LI, pp. 117-18. 132. Mukut Bihari Verma, op. cit., pp. 53-54. 133. Ibid. 134. Pyare Lal, The Epic Fast, Mohanlal Maghan Lal Bhatt, Ahmadabad 1932, pp. 14245. 135. Mukut Bihari Verma, op. cit., pp. 54-55. 136. Eleanor Zelliot, op. cit., p. 191. 137. Ibid. 138. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XLI, pp. 171-78. 139. Ibid., Vol. LV, pp. 124-25. 140. Ibid., Vol. LVII, p. 415. 141. Ibid., Vol. LI, pp. 434-35.
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142. Ibid., p. 398. 143. Ibid., p. 69. 144. S.K. Chahal, op. cit., p. 163. 145. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XLI, pp. 218-19. 146. Ibid., Vol. LIV, p. 16. 147. Ibid., Vol. LIII, p. 192. 148. Ibid., Vol. LVI, p. 217. 149. Ibid., pp. 362-63. 150. Ibid., Vol. LII, p. 358. 151. Ibid., pp. 157-58. 152. S.K. Chahal, op. cit., p. 164. 153. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LI, p. 145. 154. Ibid., Vol. LIV, p. 18. 155. Harijan: A Journal of Applied Gandhism, Joan Bondurant (ed.), Garland Publishing Company, New York, 1973, Vol. I, 18 February 1933 and 16 September 1933. 156. Mukut Bihari Verma, op. cit., pp. 85-86. 157. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar : Writings and Speeches, Vol. IX, p. 129. 158. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LIV, pp. 348-49. 159. Ibid., Vol. LVII, pp. 23 and 164. 160. Harijan: A Journal of Applied Gandhism, Vol. III, 24 August 1934. 161. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXII, p. 329. 162. Harijan: A Journal of Applied Gandhism, Vol. I, 18 March 1933. 163. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar : Writings and Speeches, Vol. IX, p. 116. 164. Ibid. 165. Ibid., p. 117. 166. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LIV, pp. 335-37. 167. S.K. Chahal, op. cit., pp. 200-01. 168. Ibid., p. 205-10.
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169. Ibid. 170. Ibid. 171. Ibid., p. 210. 172. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXXX, p. 222. 173. Ibid., Vol. LXII, p. 291. 174. Ibid., Vol. LXV, pp. 182-83. 175. Ibid., Vol. LXXXIV, pp. 388-89. 176. Ibid., Vol. LXII, p. 292. 177. Harijan: A Journal of Applied Gandhism, Vol. V, 1 May 1937. 178. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXV, p. 298. 179. Harijan: A Journal of Applied Gandhism, Vol. V, 19 June 1937. 180. Ibid. 181. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXXI, p. 429. 182. Harijan: A Journal of Applied Gandhism, Vol. IX, 26 April 1942. 183. Ibid. 184. Ibid. 185. Ibid., Vol. VIII, 25 May 1940. 186. Ibid., Vol. X, 17 March 1946. 187. Ibid. 188. Ibid., Vol. VII, 20 January 1940. 189. Ibid., Vol. IX, 2 August 1942. 190. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXXXV, p. 102. 191. Harijan: A Journal of Applied Gandhism, Vol. XI, 15 June 1947. 192. Ibid. 193. Ibid. 194. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LXXXVIII, pp. 224-25.
Exploring Women in the Literary Space of Fakir Mohan Senapati, the Early Oriya Writer
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Research Article
EXPLORING WOMEN IN THE LITERARY SPACE OF FAKIR MOHAN SENAPATI, THE EARLY ORIYA WRITER
Pritish Acharya and Shri krishan*
Women are no longer erased in history. We come across iconic versions of female as symbols of nation, as mothers, or simply as virtuous women within narratives that rip up and de-realize them as historical entities. Women have started to surface in the social history but the naturalization of gender roles has been questioned by the Feminist scholars. In this paper we wish to recover the women characters that lie metaphorically buried alive in the literary texts of Fakir Mohan Senapati, the most important figure of early modern period of Oriya literature and its cultural landscape. Fakirmohans projection is a more mimetic picture of rural uneducated women with all their virtues and vices. It is difficult to describe his literary project in culturally neat terms of tradition and modernity. Some of the stories of Fakirmohan offer advice to the women that had explicitly a maleoriented agenda. This paper is an attempt to explore the literary writings of Fakirmohan to give us an idea about plurality of imagined women characters inscribed in his fictional world. The Feminist scholarship has done much to produce a kind of re-configuring of history practice in last couples of decades. The idea of women history as a supplement to history 1 proper has some contradictory signification as Scott (1991: 42-43) pointed out that the idea of a supplement means both an addition to and a substitute for what pre-exists.2,3 Bringing women into history by adding women and their experiences involves rethinking about epistemological basis of history itself. A literal (liberal!) assimilation of women in history writing meant that they were incorporated as white, European, bourgeois, educated (with a
Pritish Acharya is Reader in History at the Regional College of Education (NCERT), Bubneshwar and Shri Krishan is Professor in History at the P.G. Regional Centre, M. D. University, Rewari and currently a Senior Fellow,NMML, Teen Murti, New Delhi.
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sense of propriety), property-owning or as surrogate mother in the project of writing history. Women did start to surface in the social history as the history writing moved towards ordinary people but the naturalization of gender roles was questioned by the Feminist scholars from different positions because as they pointed out women were the signifiers of freedom and equality only in the intimate (domestic) sphere and women were constrained by a discourse of sexual difference.4 It is no longer the case of erasure of women place in history or that the women issue remains under-examined, under-acknowledged and under-explored but a wide spectrum of critical issues still need to be explored because gender functions more as a glossy fetish through which history is jettisoned. We come across iconic versions of female as symbols of nation, as mothers, or simply as virtuous women within narratives that rip up and de-realize them as historical entities.5 Implicit and explicit assumptions about gender and sexual identity shape the public sphere of policies and culture as well as the private domain of family relations. Whether one considers nationalism as a natural phenomenon, as an extension of kinship ties on a broader national scale or as a constructed artifact through the print culture and political ideologies of nationalism espoused by the intellectuals, the fact remains that women reproduce nations biologically, culturally, and symbolically. Partha Chaterjee, in his conceptual fortification of the domestic space, depicts home as the spiritual-moral domain, as a space unconquered by colonial intrusion and its expanding public space. In this private space of home, indigenous communities retained their sovereignty over its primary denizens, women.6 We feel that such a static picture of family life and its forms neglects the central role of family in local-power structures, which got drastically altered by forces unleashed by direct and indirect interventions of colonial power. The private-ness of family became a concern of public discourse. The interior of family did not remain inert. It may be true that the bibliocentric view of Indian family as a unit of patrilineal descent and patri-local residence played important role in reproducing caste-hierarchy and patriarchal domination but there were regional and caste variations in the form of family. Women are not a unified, timeless or ineluctable other as the gender hierarchy is locally variable, mediated by other entities. The domain of home or its boundaries are drawn for it by the larger culture, as well as by the political economies of race, nation, sexuality and empires that shapes it.7 The oriental home was depicted as a pathological, dark, unhygienic space by the British and hence an indication of indigenous communities incapacity to self-govern themselves. In order to understand the process of nation-in-themaking in India, it is equally important to know how Indians themselves refracted about their homes, families and women. In this paper we wish to recover the women characters that lie metaphorically buried alive in the literary texts of Fakir Mohan Senapati, the most important figure of early modern period of Oriya literature. It becomes noteworthy because he was the writer of a story about
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female education, the celebrated story of Rebati, which has often been read as a metaphor of female education and liberation and which stimulated literary domestics or early Oriya women writers in domestic settings such as Kokila Devi, Kuntala Kumari Sabat, Sita Devi Khadanga, Sarala Devi, Basant Kumari Patnaik and Bidyut Prabha to raise their own voices or it furnished the yarn to these writers to weave further literary fabrics.8 Fakir Mohan Senapatis (Fakirmohan hereafter), literary career began in 1866 and continued up to his death in 1918. A multitalented intellect, which is credited with the writing of novels, short stories, poems, essays and school textbooks as well as translated a number of Sanskrit classics into Oriya, Fakirmohan (1843-1918) is an integral part of the cultural history of Orissa. His unyielding struggle to assert a distinct Oriya identity in the face of the growing supremacy of Bengali in the colonial context and his enormous contribution towards the shaping of modern Orissa in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have turned him into a legendary hero of the Oriya people. Fakirmohan was born on 13 January 1843 in Mallikaspur of Balasore town. Orissa and its society had already been colonized by the British much before his birth and the Christian missionaries had already begun their proselytizing activities in Orissa. The English Charity School, established in Cuttack in 1823, was taken over by the East India Company in 1841. Thirteen years before Fakirmohan was born, the Brahmo Samaj was established and by the time of his birth, many distinguished Bengali intellectuals such as Michael Madhusudan and Debendra Nath Tagore had joined this reformist organization. These were a few momentous events in the socio-cultural history of the eastern India preceding Fakirmohans birth and he grew up in a milieu fashioned by these sociopolitical realities.9 The colonial oppression of the British culminated in the great famine of 1866, known as Naanka Durvikhya, so named because it happened in the ninth regal year of the then Gajapati king of Puri. Thousands of people died of starvation. Fakirmohan has given a stunning account of this famine in his Atmajivanacharita (autobiography): As many as three million people died in the space of one year. Nearly six million people became homeless.Husbands and wives, fathers and sons all were separated. They would go from house to house begging for alms. But who had a handful of rice to spare?10 Fakirmohan married Leelavati Devi in 1856 when he was only thirteen. She died when he was twenty-nine. About Leelavati, Fakir Mohan says, She was cruel, conceited and was always opposed to meThe bitterness of my domestic life gave me more pain than my childhood illness.11 In summer 1871, he again married krushna Kumari Dei about whom he says, It seemed as if God had sent me Krushna Kumari to relieve me of all my miseries and bring me happiness and prosperity. She was endowed with truthfulness, loyalty to her husband, and all virtues. She felt it her uppermost duty to take loving care of me and respect every wish of mine. She was only eleven at the time of our marriage. When she died in 1894 leaving behind a son and a daughter, my life became empty.12 The most creative and eventful phase of Fakir Mohans life began after he settled down at Cuttack in 1896. He
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wrote most of his last poems during 1896-1905, published a translation of the Upanishads and Rebati, probably the first story in Oriya language.( He claims to have written a story, Lachhamania ,in 1868.however, it is not yet retrieved. ) He wrote two of his four novelsChha Mana Atha Guntha and Lachama-during this period. In 1898, Fakirmohan attended the Madras convention of the Indian National Congress as well as the monotheist convention of the Brahmo Samaj as a delegate from Balasore. During his stay at Cuttack, he had developed an intimate relationship with two of his contemporary literary luminaries: Radhanath Ray and Madhusudan Rao. In1905, Fakirmohan returned to his native house at Mallikaspur of Balasore and lived there for the rest of his life. During this last phase of his life, he wrote most of his short stories, the last two of his four novels, Mamu and Prayaschita, and a long poem entitled Boudhavatara. He completed writing his autobiography, Atmajivancharita, in 1917 and it was published posthumously in 1927. This is not only the first Oriya autobiography, but also a faithful document of the social and cultural ethos of his time. It is a public statement partly on his career, but mainly on his times. In 1917, Fakirmohan presided over the annual conference of Utkal Sammilani, which had been set up earlier in 1903 to fight for the amalgamation of all Oriya speaking tracts into a separate province of Orissa. In that same year he presided over the annual conference of Utkal Sahitya Samaj at Cuttack,13 Unlike his contemporary Oriya (and Indian) writers, Fakir Mohan Senapati wrote his novels and short stories in the colloquial speech the living language of the common people. Fakir Mohan came to draw on this language using mostly desaja and tadbhava words while many of his contemporary Oriya writers were using mainly tatsama words, Sanskrit words adapted into the Oriya language. In order to understand why and how Fakir Mohan adopted such a prose style it is necessary to link this to a set of significant historical events as well as the forces and counter-forces that operated in the context of the Oriya Language Agitation, a socio-political movement that occurred, in three successive phases, from early 1868 to mid-1870. In the modern age, characterized by the construction of competing and contesting social identities, the role of language, especially because of its capacity to determine a groups identity, became crucial.14 In these new language practices, Fakirmohans masculine projection of women characters is not usual type of iconic version where women were depicted as double creatures as the nurturing mother and as spoiling whores but is a more mimetic picture of rural uneducated women with all their virtues and vices. Fakirmohans writings were a rupture from old literary traditions of verbose poetry of sensuousness and devotionalism. It is neither a mimicry of the western bourgeois Victorian idea of domesticity nor a straightforward answer to a modernitys critique of indigenous traditions but something that arose from both from internal domestic impulses and outside influences, a new organic or macrobiotic
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whole formed within cultural ideals of masculinity. It is difficult to describe his literary project in culturally neat terms of tradition and modernity. No doubt, Fakirmohans writings convey a sense of unease with the colonial penetration, yet the anti-western idioms that he used are not static, fixed or homogenous. They are rather like several living strands of indigenous culture. In his Atmajivancharita or autobiography (written in 1917 but published posthumously in 1927), Fakirmohan recounts his life experiences, real women characters are described in great details. His grandmother, his mother (he had hardly any memories of her as she died when Fakirmohan was an infant), his paternal uncles wife (badama) and his two wives, the first wife from 1856 to 1871 and the second from 1871 to 1894, all bear similitude to women fictive characters of his novels and stories. There was a realization in Fakirmohan that the microcosm of social organization is family as it is within the structure of family that human beings love, mate and reproduce themselves. Society itself was an aggregate of basic families and this institution was enmeshed in a number of social ties. In his world, women are central to sustenance of society. Analyzing Chha Mana Atha Guntha (Six Acres and a Third)15 , Debendra K. Dash and Dipti R. Pattanaik (2008), show how Fakirmohan is not only lampooning colonial forms of knowledge and historiography; but, more importantly, in a thinly disguised allegory he gestures towards the universal theme of exploitation, colonial or otherwise. If the fish stand for the natural resources of the world, the four types of predatory birds represent four types of human beings in a stratified colonial society. This is how he puts it in his chapter on Asuradighi (a village pond and its story of being dug by asuras or demons): Some sixteen to twenty cranes, white and brown, churn the mud like lowly farmhands, from morning till night. This is the third proof that there are fish in the pond. A pair of kingfishers suddenly arrives out of nowhere, dive into the water a couple of times, stuff them with food, and swiftly fly away. Sitting on the bank, a lone kingfisher suns itself, wings spread like the gown of a memsahib. Oh, stupid Hindu cranes, look at these English king-fishers, who arrive out of nowhere with empty pockets, fill themselves with all manner of fish from the pond, and then fly away. You nest in the banyan tree near the pond, but after churning the mud and water all day long, all you get are a few miserable small fish. You are living in critical times now; more and more kingfishers will swoop down on the pond and carry off the best fish. You have no hope, no future, unless you go abroad and learn how to swim in the ocean. The kite is smart and clever; it perches quietly on a branch, like a Brahmin guru, and from there swoops down into the pond to snatch a big fish that lasts it for the whole day. Brahmin gurus perch on their verandahs, descending on their disciples once a year, like the kite.16 According to Dash and Pattnaik, if the fish stand for the natural resources of the world, the four types of predatory birds represent four types of human beings in a stratified colonial society. Representing the lowest rung of the exploiters in the society, there are Kaduakhumpis who survive on physical labour alone. They are the lumpens
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lacking insight into the complex reality that circumscribes them. Like beasts of burden, they complacently allow themselves to be used by others. The cranes represent the calculative comprador class of the petty bourgeois who survive on white-collar jobs. Above them are the hangers-on, who, using their mythically superior status of caste, feed on the labor of others. They use their shrewdness in order to fatten themselves without contributing anything to the process of production. They are compared to the kites. These three groups are all exploiters of the resources of the land no doubt, but due to a lack of proper skills of exploitation and the ability to understand the world around them, they are condemned to a lower level of subsistence. In contrast, the outsiders like kingfishers are a skillful and clever group who can be properly said to live off the fat of the land. They run away with the very best the land can provide, thanks to their superior skill, power and tact. The narrator compares the kingfishers to the English colonisers, whose exploitation is much more acute and pervasive than the exploitation of the local indigenous natives. From the above description it appears as if the narrator sets up a binary opposition between the coloniser and colonised and that his sympathies are all with the colonised, the disempowered, and the lowly whom he exhorts to raise themselves by honing their skills and raising their awareness about their own disadvantaged status.17 If we put literary discourses and practices of Fakirmohan in the socio-political context, we clearly see that he is indulging in a particular type of collective remembering meant to provide the nation with a shared understanding of its past and present. He is not averse to demonstrating internal social cleavages although he seldom takes sides. Fakirmohan also did not use any particular strategy to incorporate women into collective memory of the nation. In many similar cases, nationalists often used familial rhetoric to stress fraternal ties within the nation and to depict the nation as a family and to replicate the sense of belongingness and loyalty experienced within family on a national scale, and to project men as the sons of the soil and girls or more specifically women as daughters and mothers of the nation.18 Fakirmohan envisioned the language of the land (mother tongue) as the mother figure in many of his writings. In 1899, he said, . Language is like the mother of a society. Like the parents, it gives the society its identity.....Oh people of Utkal! You must remember, a nation cant progress without the progress of its mother tongue. It is our good luck that we have a government19 committed to the welfare of its subjects. Look how the government is liberal in its grants for the development of public education. Oh educated people! Rise to the occasion, give up your laziness, and take up your responsibilities. Now opportunities are not scarce... Despite this if you continue to disrespect your mother tongue, you would be destined to suffer defenseless and unknown for ever.20 According to Hobsbawm, lower class, illiterate and women, farmers and pastoralist had no meaning of written script/language, except, increasingly, as a reminder of their lack of knowledge and power.21 In 1914, while addressing the Utkal Sahitya Samaj at Cuttack, Fakirmohan depicted India as the mother, a
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feeling very natural and innate to every educated person of this land. He said, Every educated person of Bharatvarsha would naturally have the devotion for motherland, though, linguistically speaking, every one is distinct. Bankim Chandra visualized it as the inner voice of the people, who by virtue of their education could have the national feeling earlier than others and gave the call Vande Mataram . All people, from Himalayas to Kanyakumari, responded in one voice Vande Mataram22 Land can easily be feminized in agrarian peasant societies due to its association with fertility. But in the spatial symbolism of Fakirmohans literary space, although men and women are naturally assigned to certain physical places and social ranks, the division of private-public realms does not hold as the idea of privateself had emerged in the West in tandem with a bourgeois conception of individualism. Ravi Shankar Mishra (2002) in his scrutiny of Chha Mana Atha Guntha demonstrates how Saanatanis 23 moral presence despite her silence colours and shapes the novel. The silence of this central character of the novel is in opposition to history as writing or self as individuated power and presence. Saantani, Mangarajs wife, is not assertive or dominating as she just speaks two sentences of five words in the text of about 160 pages and paradoxically, the most important event in her life is her natural death and the most significant vision is her appearance in a vision of beatitude in heaven. Such invisibility or rather spiritual presence cannot be understood in terms of womens rights or emancipation.24 In a contradictory appraisal of Fakirmohans sensibility in another story Rebati25 , Subha Kanta Behera (1999) feels that pro and anti-female education arguments are only peripheral in the narrative or tale as the story is about female identity and empowerment, although Fakirmohan did not have the guts to endow Rebati with an identity of her own, and also remained silent to aptness of Rebatis education or even later her grand mothers conservative and old-fashioned response to her education.26 Some of the stories of Fakirmohan are in the discursive mould of Conduct-Books, written in the late nineteenth century, offering advice for women that had explicitly a male oriented agenda and also contained the implicit ideology of female repression. In Pathoi Bohu or the educated daughter-in-law (1915), Fakirmohan deals with the issue of female literacy. Gopal Babu is an educated muktar (traditional lawyer) who wants to marry a cultured and literate girl. But Saraswati Dei, whom he actually married, is uneducated and ignorant. Gopal Babu tried to educate her but as a simple rural girl; she hardly realized the worth of education. She believes in the merit of girl knowing cooking and household management. She is reluctant to learn and in order to satisfy his intellectual curiosity, the educated husband starts going for intellectual gatherings, as he feels stifled within the four walls of home. Saraswati Dei is doubtful of her husband because she does not understand that such a craving (attending intellectual gatherings) could ever exist. The situation turns ugly when she tries to commit suicide. The implicit moral of the story is that in the changing colonial milieu education has become imperative for women. Muktars mother and his motherin-law were
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also illiterate, but were well versed in household management. The author is, thus, suggesting an ideal arrangement of traditional domestic responsibility and the need for attainment of some elementary form of learning in the new domesticated and reclaimed women.27 While the western education disseminated through schools, the colleges and universities were generally thought to be superior to the indigenous knowledge and learning, it was also linked, especially in the nationalist discourses to the moral decline of the educated Indians. It was reflected in the anxiety about the results of modern education and how it failed to produce modern subjects it had presupposed or how it was spoiling the moral fibre and character of society, particularly women.28 A similar concern is raised in Fakirmohans story Sabhya Jamidar, or the cultured landlord (1914), where Fakirmohan is very critical of the bogus education leading to nothing but simulation of western culture. In the story, Rajiblochan is a spoilt child who comes to Calcutta for education and where in the company of educated youths, he becomes morally bankrupt. He begins imitating false western fashion. After his fathers death, he inherits a vast patrimony in the form of a large estate and marries a semi-literate Anglo-Indian girl of low origin. The bride comes to the village and ignores all mores and customs of the rural society. She enters to the kitchen with sandals and can not tolerate the cow dung used for cleaning. Bereft of time-honored shyness and timidity in bride, a desirable quality of newly wed bride, she wanted to shake hand with her mother-inlaw. When saantani, the old mother-in-law, feels incensed and objects to all this behaviour, the couple calls traditional morality as asabhyata, murkhata, bhari kusamskar (uncultured, ignorance, great vice) It annoys the saantani so much that she leaves for pilgrimage never to return again. With the departure of old mother-in-law, symbolic of conventional values, the family is in deep trouble and meets a very tragic end.29 The notion of an ideal partner plays a very significant function in the literary production and it may be locally variable but generally the patriarchal, patri-local and patrilineal features of marriages were detrimental for the women as it involves uprooting from childhood social networks, and women were more vulnerable in new households of in-laws and after marriage they became devalued even in their natal households. This switch over from daughter to daughter-in-law under the specific conditions of patri-locality could be the theme of a historical investigation but in newly emergent literary fields, we only finds its distinctive representation in the binary form of an ideal, virtuous or bad, dreadful creature. Anshu Malhotra (2002), in a different context, relying on the evidence of Jhagras and Kissas that were drained off their sexual content under the influence of middle class project of cleansing whether of cloth, home, language or culture, tends to conclude that the Victorian trope of de-sexualized housewife and the sexually loaded harlot also tended to colour the world of middle class sexuality in the colonial context as well.30 Such an understanding is based on the impression of the oneway acculturation and we do not find such rendering of women in Fakirmohans novels and stories.
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Scholars have also emphasized the attempt to re-attire women in the age of social and religious reforms. Malhotra (2002) perceives it to be a part of middle class project of cleansing, which by dressing the women in a particular way withdrew them from the gaze of other men especially of lower castes.31 Prem Chowdhary also stresses shift from ghaghra (long skirt)- kameez to salwar- kameez combination in rural Haryana. She explains the continuation of ghunghat (veil or purdah) as a symbol of sexual control and ideology of seclusion but also stresses that participation in agricultural fieldwork also led to adoption of veil known as dhatia (wrapping of face and head in such a way so as to leave eyes unveiled so also the bosom as odni (or a long scarf) is thrown back well behind the shoulders, closely hugging the neck) as a utilitarian aspect.32 Analyzing the role of clothing in a similar context Himani Banerjee argues that clothing was a moral signifier of womens social roles and patriarchy provided the basic philosophy for the appropriate investiture of the female body. In the concrete terms it meant what parts of her body were to be covered and which were to be uncovered and style and manner in which this was done. The clothes were, thus, a form of moral investiture, symbolizing ideologically class gendered notions of appropriate behavior or decorum such as civility, decency and lajja or shame. The notion of shame or lajja became an ornament of women an especially commendable feminine virtue that incorporated within it a keen awareness of sexual possibilities, infusing elements of denial, forbiddenness and guilt within female sexuality. Therefore, the clothing project meant the investiture of the female body in a new enclosure that Baneerjee calls a sartorial enclosure.33 Emma Tarlo emphasizes the functions of clothes as markers of social-identity as they play active role in identity construction of individuals, families, castes, region and nations.34 Bernard Cohn also links dress codes to the notions of modesty, honour and respect and argues that a clash between different styles of clothing is often symbolic of a wider conflict between different cultural and social values and norms.35 C.A. Bayly in a celebrated article linked politics, value and demand in the social history of clothes. In his argument, the production, exchange and consumption of clothes constitute the material of a political discourse that ties together royal demand, local production structure and social solidarities, and the fabric of political legitimacy. Market was a neutral medium in which clothes were exchanged but they were bearer of medium in which clothes were exchanged but they were bearer of certain symbols and even colour, texture and quality of cloth were markers of the moral and material statuses of the user. 36 Fakirmohan wrote an important eassy entitled as Narijatir Paridheya Paribartan, in the Sambad Bahika37 , one of the earliest of its kind in Oriya and made the suggestion to the women to wear a cloth [blouse ] below their saree as inner garment so that they look graceful, beautiful and respectful. This would also give them protection from cold, and also take care of their modesty, he argued fervently. While the sahibs appreciated the suggestion, the amalas or the educated natives of his home town, Balasore laughed at such a wild idea. However, the text of the essay in original form has not yet been retrieved.38
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In the context of debate on widow-burning, Lata Mani has shown how the women became the site for contestation of traditions both in the civilizing mission idea of the colonial rulers as well as the self-critique of the indigenous social reformers, while women themselves and the materiality of their suffering are marginal in the whole debate and the focus was on the scriptural authority of customs.39 The home or the domestic space under the influence of the bourgeois Victorian cult of domesticity was racialized in England to keep away the racial dirt by erecting barriers against racially unclean lower orders and the colonial space was simultaneously domesticated. In colonial spaces, the white prestige and the safeguarding of white control rested not only on the policing of rigid, unbending boundaries between the colonizers and infectivity from the colonized but also on the imposition of western bourgeois ideal of sanitation and purity and gender difference on indigenous populations.40 These changes affected not only notions of propriety but also manner in which the indigenous male writers reacts to many social problems of their times. In an essay Baha Bibada, (Quarrels on Marriage) written in 1878 Fakirmohan advocated for nyayadatta kanya (bride given in accordance with justice) as against the prevalent system of pitrudatta kanya (bride offered according to paternal wish). In case of later, he argued, it was nothing but selling of the bride to the highest provider of bride price. The girls aspiration was never taken into consideration. In most of the cases she was sold to an old widower and suffered widowhood in the prime of her youth. As the society was not even allowing widow re-marriage, unlike in Bengal, these young widows would very naturally indulge in perverted and sinful activities. When a widow has abortion for ten times, the society does not feel mortified or anxious, but idea of widow re-marriage scares it.... Is there a community as kapurush (bereft of manliness or impotent) as ours in the world?41 In his story Madha Mohantinka Kanyasuna (The Bride Price as received by Madha Mohanti), written in 1915 and first published in the Utkal Sahitya (Cuttack), Fakir mohan narrates the story of a greedy father, Madha Mohanti , who evolves an avaricious plan to get a big amount of bride price by giving his daughter to any bridegroom irrespective of age or his persona. His elder daughter, Madhabi, sold for Rs. 700 to a sixty years old man, had been a widow after four months of her marriage to a sixty year widower. This disaster was associated to her misfortune by the old father, who was himself a widower for sixty years. Madha does not appreciate the feelings of his young daughter. However, he is finally cheated and the young girl marries a young boy. Padi, the village barbers widow, in connivance with the mahant (priest) plays a trick on Madha. A young man, Binodia, with the help of Padi and the mahant of Gopaljiu village math (monastery) assures to pay Rs. 700 as pride price for Malati, the daughter of Madha. He managed to marry the girl without paying. Padi plays a very crucial role here, as she could not stomach the young girls miseries and sufferings. In this way, a widow becomes the agency for the liberation of Malati.42 In another story Birei Biswal, written in 1913 and also first published in the Utkal Sahitya, the focus of plot is an orphan boy, Birai Biswal. The
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boy is diligent and lives with his maternal uncle, who exploits him. He loves Kamali, the young daughter of a greedy father and an old widower, who contrives to sell his daughter to anyone who could pay a big bride price. Kamali is up against her fathers scheme as she is aware that her two sisters have suffered widowhood right away after their marriage, because they had been sold off to old widowers. In a move similar to the earlier story, the daughter conspires against her father. Taking the help of Api Aai, a widow in the village, she sends words to Birei through Api Aai to give consent to pay the big bride price demanded by her father .The marriage is fixed up. However, after marriage at the time of parting her fathers home for her in-laws home, she manages to take all the money and jewelry and hand it over to her husband. The physical appearance of Kamali causes so much misgiving that she is suspected of pregnancy on her wedding day, as she is concealing a bag full of jewelry and money under her saree. Stealing may be against conventional morality but Kamali takes this course to help her widowed sisters as part of stolen property is given to them to demonstrate her non-acquisitiveness. The daring act of Kamali and her unethical behaviour is justified as this is a means to attain some bigger objectives.43 In some other depictions, however, widow characters are portrayed as venomous and malicious elements that being deprived of conjugal bliss derive a sadistic or vicious pleasure out of causing hurt to others.44 In his autobiography, Fakirmohan mentioned three virtuous women, his grand mother Kuchila Devi whom he called thakurma, his mother who died when he was only a little child and his second wife krushna Devi. He describes her grandmother as a soft-spoken, motherly, and unassuming figure who played a protective role in his life especially protecting him from the brutality and rough treatment of his other son and his daughter-in-law (Fakirmohans uncle and aunt) as well as the village teacher whom his uncle instigated to treat young Fakirmohan very severely. But Kuchila Devi, as was expected of widows, had a meek, compliant and composed temperament. She brought up his sons when her husband died at a very young age and even played the major role in Fakirmohans upbringing, for he lost his both parents as a child. His mother, who died when Fakirmohan was only two years old, naturally did not find much mention in the autobiography. However, he mentions her as a virtuous woman, which could be substantiated by her death following her husbands untimely death. But the writer had all praise for his second wife whom he married when she was merely eleven years old and who died after twenty three years of blissful married life. She had all the womanly virtues like truthfulness, simplicity and unfussiness, religiosity, and devotion and loyalty to husband, and docility. As Fakirmohan Described: The merciful God sent me Krishnakumari as a wife to deliver me from all domestic trouble and distress and to improve my fortune, comfort and property. She possessed all the virtuous in full measures: truthfulness, loyalty and piety. Her primary mission was to serve me and always remain obedient to me.45 The sustenance of social and familial order and biological reproduction were the main functions of a woman and not to create a scandal by assuming
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public visibility. Fakirmohan admits that the apprehension of extinction of family (kula) had obligated him to go for a second marriage after the death of his first wife.46 Fakirmohans literary world is replete with such exemplary woman whose self-identity and personality is fused in their husbands. The life of Chemi, for instance, the wife of Sapana Patra (the village chowkidar) in his short story Bagala Baguli (1913), centres on his husband. Oblivious of the complex world around her, she only follows the dictates of her husband whom she considers her God and never says no to his demands. She perishes with the death of his husband, as there is no purpose in life after the death of her beloved husband. As Fakirmohan describes, his virtuous mother had met a similar kind of death following his fathers untimely death. Death for woman here is seen as a kind of reward and compensation for leading honourable, virtuous life. This is a kind of literary sati enforced by Fakirmohan on the poor Chemi.47 This is how the spatial symbolism functions in literary space by naturally assigning men and women to physical places and social strata as a gigantic symbolic machine tending to endorse the masculine domination on which it is founded. The connection between ideological statement and symbolic representations is ineluctably founded on a belief of male pre-eminence that limits the potential of women. The public identity of women is often a derivative of their men folks (as an ideal wife or sister). This dependence of women on their husbands for information, good judgment and fortification can be seen in other female fictional prototypes of Fakirmohan. For example, Saria, the tragic heroine of his celebrated novel Chha Mana Atha Guntha, is a picture of simplicity, innocence, purity and fidelity and service provider to her husband Bhagia. The wretchedness and torment of this poor peasant couple is linked in the novel to the wish to have a child by the couple and fertility of soil is mortgaged to achieve the fecundity of a barren woman like Saria, as Champa, the evil-incarnate treacherous mistress of landlord Mangraj, convinces her of the efficacy of an expensive ritual ceremony to achieve that objective. This results in the mortgage of their cultivable land. The wife of Mangaraj, Saantani is also a virtuous lady, but despite her fidelity and faithfulness to her husband, she is deprived of conjugal bliss and love and care of her wily, covetous husband who is involved in illicit extra-marital relationship with Champa. She is lady of a wealthy, well-to-do household and offers whatever little pittance she could to victims of her husband. Although she is emotionally in ruins from within due to her husbands extra-marital relation yet she is a model of docility, meekness and fortitude. In the voice of the author: The thing which could generally drive a supposedly tough man crazy becomes at the end of the day endurable to a soft-hearted woman. Usually women have more enduring power. They can bear a lot. But, death is preferable for a sati woman than to tolerate the insult, abuse, mistrust and contempt hurled by her husband. Although this [her husbands open indulgence with Champa] was not new to her, yet she becomes speechless, her head started reeling, her body became frozen, and tears have been rolling down from her eyes endlessly.48
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It is a customary practice in fictional discursive strategies to project women as merely trimmings to their male cohorts. However, apart from depicting women as spouses, mothers and daughters, sometimes women are praised not only for their innate feminine virtues of docility and swiftness, but also for aggressive male traits and their fighting capabilities. In Bharatbarshar Itihas (1869 and 1870) published in two volumes and written for the purpose of making it a school textbook, Fakirmohan strongly criticized the rebels of the Revolt of 1857 for creating the anarchy in peaceful British India, but praised Rani Lakshmibai for her bravery and audacity. In the depiction, Lakshmabai becomes a female central character and Lord Dalhousie a bad character.49 Although Fakirmohan praised the British rule as the subarna yug (golden rule) and disapproved of its opponents, yet the Ranis boldness, despite her stiff resistance to the good British rule, was something worth emulating and exceptional in a woman. Subsequently, he modeled his female lead Lachhama in the novel Lachhama (written in 1901-02, but published in book form in 1914), who fought like a male soldier against the Marathas on the model of Rani Lakshmibai. Dressed in male attire, this Rajput lady Lachhama, driven by exigency fought in war against the marauder Marathtas. But her personality transforms after reunion with her husband as she retreats into a shy, compliant, and passive creature.50 Another discursive approach often depicts the women bodies as a location of peril and disgrace. Women are generally depicted in religious literature as sexually tempting or as a danger to male or family honour. Thus, obligation is put on women to be accountable for mans morality. The ideal women are contrasted with sexually active women outside the familial system of control or with the evil seductress.51 However, we do not find such negative iconography of women in the secular literary space of Fakirmohan. The Singhani in the story Randi Pua Ananta (1913) is a young widow who did not waste time in bereavement after her husbands premature death, but became the surrogate masculine figure for her son. When the abhadhan or village teacher beats her son, she confronts him like a lioness (Singhani means lioness in Oriya language) in a manner that he had to flee the village. Although her nurture makes her son very boorish, uncouth, aggressive and a brute and he could not make any advancement in school, her assignment is fulfilled when her son dies a heroic death in his effort to save the village from floods. Her life is also finished when her son is no longer alive. She passed away just after her sons loss. In short, Singhani was successful in inculcating manliness and desirable quality of sacrifice in her son.52 In his celebrated story, Patent Medicine (1913), the role of woman in reforming the home and restoring familial order is praised. Sulochana is good-looking, congenial and committed to her husbands happiness, but her husband Chandramani is an alcoholic, morally corrupt visiting brothels and not performing his household duties. Unable to bear her husbands maltreatment and cruelty, Sulochana, starts using every form of abuse including beating his husband with a broom in order to reform her husband.53 This type of behaviour is quite weird and anomalous in a dutiful woman and even the Brahmin cook is struck by it. To quote from the story:
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The Brahmin cook went off with a smile. She is an odd creature, my mistress, he thought. She has the utmost reverence for the master when he is off colour.but when her tempers up, shell hit him with whatever happens to be handiest, a stick, the broom, anything. Yet, for all that, the mistress is a good woman, of good family, and a very good wife. Her heart is definitely in the right place. But she is inclined to be quick-tempered and sharptongued.54 What are the epistemological consequences of this type of study of language of male dominance and construction of womanhood in male literary field? Can knowledge and its creation be distinguished by means of a male/female duality? Do the women and men know and experience world in different ways? If knowledge production is situated within a gendered framework then whose history are we writing? These are complicated questions that demand attention. One may assume that historical agency was denied to women in all the colonial and indigenous discourses but if we wish to do away with linear temporalities by paying more consideration to localized illustration and make the field of women studies more segmented by targeting class and caste specific identities of women or to deal with the question of where and which women, then assorted depictions of women in the early literary space might still be valuable. The way women become women also varies and male gaze also plays a noteworthy role in that process of becoming. It is an asymmetrical process shaped by caste and class relations. A single axis of bipolar opposites along gender lines neglects the plurality of genders obtainable in every society. In other words, gender is also classed, raced and casted. For instance the notion of proper sphere, an ideal spouse, and conjugality might vary among different social groups. Even the home has a very different configuration of private and public for a mistress or a maid, for an aristocrat or a peasant woman. The literary writings of Fakirmohan also give us an idea about plurality of imagined women characters inscribed in his fictional world.
NOTES AND REFERENCES 2,3. 4. Joan W. Scott, Womens History, in Peter Burke, New Perspectives in Historical Writings, pp. 42-66. Some of the significant works of this type are: Elizabeth Maddock Dillon, The Gender of Freedom: Fictions of Liberalism and the Literary Public Sphere, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2004; Barbara L. Marshall, Configuring Gender: Explorations in Theory and Politics, Broadview press, Peterborough, 2000; and Kate Soper, What is Nature? Culture, Politics and Non-Human, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 1995. Analysing the relationship between nationalism and gender, Soper writes: Nationalism
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very frequently makes use of iconography of the land as female to reinforce, by ways of women-nature association, its legitimacy as natural, and then appeals to this natural status to justify the oppression of women. Idealized affinities between women and the land and earth-bound values thus function as the support for a politics that employs iconic female figures and pastoral idylls to veil the deeply reactionary quality of its policies towards women and gender division of labour. (p. 111) 5. The Multiple contexts of invocation of the nation as a mother in India has been analyzed in the following works: Jasodhara Bagchi, Representing Nationalism: Ideology of Motherhood in Colonial Bengal, Economic and Political Weekly ,(hereafter EPW) Oct. 20-27,1990, pp.565-571, Tanika Sarkar, Nationalist Iconography: Images of Women in Nineteenth Century Bengali Literature, EPW, Nov.21-28,1987, pp. 201115, Sugata Bose, Nation as Mother: Representations and Contestations of Indias Bengali Literature and Culture in Sugata Bose and Ayesha Jalal, eds., Nationalism, Democracy and Development: State and Politics in India, Oxford University Press, Delhi,1997, pp.50-75 and Charu Gupta, The Icon of Mother in Late Colonial North India: Bharat Mata, Matri Bhasa and Gau-Mata, EPW, Nov. !0-!7,2001, pp.429199 For Partha Chatterjees conception of women under colonialism, see his works: Colonialism, Nationalism and Colonised Women: The Context in India, American Ethnologist, VOl. XVI, NO. 4, 1989, pp. 622-653, Nationalist Resolution of the Women Question in Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid, ed., Recasting Women: Essays in Indian Colonial History, Kali for Women, New Delhi, 1989, and his Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Post-Colonial Histories, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1995. Antoinette M. Burton, Dwelling in the Archive: Women Writing, House, Home, and History in Late Colonial India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2003, p.6. Sachidananda Mohanty, Early Womens Wrtings in Orissa,1898-1950, A Lost Tradition, Sage Publishers, N. Delhi, 2005, pp. 1-16 Jitendra Narayan Patnaik, Life and Times of Fakirmohan Senapati, Orissa Review, Feb-March, 2008, pp.56-61 English Trans: Jatindra K. Nayak & Prodeepta Das, Story of My Life. Bhubaneswar: Sateertha Publications, 1997, pp.25-26. ibid, p.41 ibid, p.41
6.
7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.
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13. 14.
Jitendra Narayan Patnaik, op. cit., pp.56-61 Gaganendra Nath Dash, Fakir Mohan Senapatis Discovery from Below: Decolonisation and the Search for Linguistic Authenticity, EPW, November 18-25, 2006, pp. 4801-06. Fakir Mohan Senapatis novel Chha Mana Atha Guntha (Six Acres and a Third) sets in colonial Indian society during the early decades of the19th century. It tells a tale of wealth and greed, of property and theft. On one level it is the story of an evil landlord, Ramachandra Mangaraj, who exploits poor peasants and uses the new legal system to appropriate the property of others. But this is merely one of the themes of the novel; as the text unfolds, it reveals several layers of meaning and implication. Although it contains a critique of British colonial rule, the novel offers a powerful indictment of many other forms of social and political authority as well. Quoted from Fakir Mohan Senapati, Six Acres and a Third, 103-104) in Debendra K. Dash and Dipti R. Pattanaik, Ungrafting Colonialism: Fakirmohans Pragmatic Vision in Six Acres and a Third in Kerstin W. Shands ,ed. , Neither East Nor West: Postcolonial Essays on Literature, Culture and Religion, Huddinge, Sweden, 2008. ibid For example see Beth Brown, Egypt as Woman: Nationalism, Gender and Politics, University of California Press, California, 2005, pp.5-17. Ironically Fakirmohan used the term government, not sarkar, the word used for government in Oriya, to differentiate the British from all pre-colonial polities. Debendra K. Das ed., Fakirmohan Granthawali. Vol. III, Granthamandir, Cuttack, 2008, pp. 328-331. Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1992, p.115. Debendra Kumar Dash, ed., Fakirmohan Granthavali, Vol. III, op. cit., p. 424. Saantani in Oriya is not a proper name. It is a position of house-lady in a feudal and affluent household. She is addressed as Saantani by the subordinates. Fakirmohan used this term in a number of his writings. Ravi Shankar Mishra, Chha Mna Atha Guntha: The Language of Power and the Silences of a Woman in Meenakshi Mukherjee, ed., Early Novels in India, Sahitya Akademi, Delhi, 2002, pp. 240-254.
15.
16.
17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.
24.
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25.
The story of Rebati is as follows: In village Patapura in Cuttuck district, there lived the family of Shyamabandhu Mohanty, collecting land revenues on behalf of local landlord. He lived there with her mother and ten years old daughter Rebati, who was fond of learning. Without attending any formal school, she had managed to learn Oriya Bhajans and parts of Bhagavata. In the village school, a graduate teacher Basudev was closer to the family and on Shyamabandhus request started teaching Rebati who learned quickly. But misfortune followed the family after the death of parents in a cholera epidemic. Initially Basudev helped the family but tragically he also dies accidentally and Rebatis grandmother links all the misfortunes to her education. Subsequently the both female survivors of the family also die tragically due to illness. See Fakir Mohan Senapati, Galpasalpa, Friends publishers, Cuttack, (new edition ) ,1987, pp.-1-10 Subha Kanta Behera, Phakir Mohans Rebati: Empowerment, Identity, Feminism, Economic and Political Weekly, December11-17, 1999, pp. 3505-07. Fakirmohan Senapati, Galpasalpa, Vol II,Cuttack, (new edition ) , Friends Publishers, 1987, pp. 14-27. Sanjay Seth, Subject Lessons: The Western Education of Colonial India, Duke University Press, Durham, 2007, pp. 129-182. Fakirmohan Senapati, Galpasalpa, Vol., 1, op. cit,, p 81. Anshu Malhotra, Gender, Caste and Religious Identities: Restructuring class in colonial Punjab, N.Delhi, 2002, pp. 4-9. ibid, pp.127-129. Prem Chowdhary, The Veiled Women: Shifting Gender Equations in Rural Haryana : 1880-1990, Delhi, 1994, pp. 286-88. Himani Bannerji, Attired in Virtue: Discourse on Shame and Clothing of the Gentlewomen (bhadramahila) in Colonial Bengal in her edited work, Inventing Subjects: Studies in Hegemony, Patriarchy and Colonialism, Tulika Books, New Dehli, 2001, pp.99-134. Emma Tarlo, Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India, Viking, New Delhi,1996, pp.1-8 Cited from Bernard Cohn Cloth, Clothes and Colonialism: India in the Nineteenth Century in Tarlo, ed., Clothing Matters, 1996, p.13 See C.A.Bayly, The Origin of Swedeshi (home Industry): Cloth and Indian Society, 1700-1930, pp 285-325 in A. Appadurai, ed., The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, Cambridge Univ. Press, Cambridge and London, 1986.
26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33.
34. 35. 36.
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37.
J.K. Samal and Pradip Kumar Nayak, Makers of Modern Orissa: Contributions of Some Leading Personalities of Orissa in the Second Half of Nineteenth Century, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1996, p. 67 Debendra K. Das, ed., Fakirmohan Granthavali, Vol. III, op. cit. p. 255 Lata Mani, Contentious Traditions: The debate on sati in Colonial India, University of California Press, California, 1998, pp. 1-10. Ruth Roach Pierson, Nupur Chaudhuri and Beth McAuley, Nation, Empire, Colony: Historicizing Gender and Race, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1998, pp. 4-5 Debendra K. Das ed., Fakirmohan Granthavali , Vol. III, op. cit, p. 278. Fakir Mohan Senapati, Galpasalpa, Vol. II, op cit., pp. 35-57. Falir Mohan Senapati, Galpasalpa, Vol. I, op. cit., p. 83-97. J.K. Samal and Pradip Kumar Nayak, op. cit., pp. 68-69. Fakirmohan Senapati, Atamjivancharita, op. cit., p.49 ibid, p.48. Fakirmohan Senapati, Galpasalpa, Vol. II, Cuttuck, 1987, pp. 71-74. Fakirmohan Senapati, Chha Mana Atha Guntha, Arya Prakashan, Cuttuck, 2006, p.54. Debendra K. Das, ed., Fakimohan Granthavali. Part, II,Grantha Mandir,Cuttack, 2002, p. 346. Fakirmohan Senapati, Lachhama, Friends Publishers,Cuttuck,( new edition),1989, pp.108-12. Majella Franzmann, Women and Religion, Oxford University Press, Oxford and NewYork, 2000, pp. 83-85. Fakirmohan Senapati, Galpasalpa, Vol. I, op. cit., p. 34 ibid, pp. 15-21 The passage is quoted from J.V. Boulton, Phakirmohan Senapati: His Life and Prose Fiction, Bhubaneswar, 1993, p. 282.
38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54.
Women Being Noticed : Gender Budgeting in India
99 mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 99-108 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in
Research Article
WOMEN BEING NOTICED : GENDER BUDGETING IN INDIA

N.Bharani* and Prof. Meena Deshpande**
Abstract The field of gender studies is fast becoming popular in academic circles and the intensity and seriousness of its study is also increasing. Gender budgeting is one of the important issues in this field. These days governments all over the world have a gender sensitive approach in their working and have realized the fact that, state budgets need to recognize the needs and requirements of women helping them in socioeconomic upliftment. In ancient India, scholars like Kautilya wanted to ensure that women are brought into the mainstream by providing employment opportunities, ensuring property rights and financial independence. In present era, governments, political parties and civil groups are trying to strengthen the concept of gender budgeting by its regular inclusion in five year plans and other initiatives with considerable support from UN. Individual state governments are picking up pace and promoting gender sensitive budgeting by introducing programmes for emancipation of women. This paper is an attempt to introduce the concept of gender budgeting in general with a special focus towards its application in Indian socio political scenario.
Introduction
The term gender, came into common academic usage in the late 1970s and early 1980s in the United States among feminist social scientists. The widely influential historian Joan Scott urged historians to use the term gender to describe womans social and historical differences from men positively (Scott 1986). Thus, the concept of gender is relatively
* Research Scholar, Depart of Political Science, Bangalore University ** Professor of Political Science, Bangalore University
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N.Bharani and Prof. Meena Deshpande
young. Since two decades gender studies has become popular in academic circles and the intensity and seriousness of its study has also increased. Gender is mainly defined from a social perspective. By its usage the position of women is raised from just a biological being to an active social being. It also refers to the social factors that determine what behaviour is considered acceptable for men and for women ( Source: Institute for Democracy in South Africa, IDASA). Gender studies include issues like gender equality, gender justice, gender sensitivity and gender budgeting. In gender budgeting, political as well economic issues intermingle. These aspects play an important role in the formulation, presentation and implementation of budget of any state. With the changing times, governments all over the world have become aware of the fact that, socio-economic emancipation of women demands that they be given considerate space in the states budget especially in the fields of education, health and employment . These fields clearly point out the adverse status of women vis--vis men. As women are part of poverty struck population, development and empowerment of women needs priority from all governments.
Defining Gender Budgeting

Budget is an important financial tool using which the state can bring about considerable reforms within the society. It can also work towards improving gender relations. It can help to reduce economic inequalities, between men and women as well as between the rich and the poor (NCAS, 2003). Gender Budgeting can be defined as a process that entails incorporating a gender perspective at various stages- planning/ policy/ programme formulation, assessment of needs of target groups, allocation of resources, implementation, impact assessment, reprioritization of resources ( Ministry Of Women And Child Development, Government of India). European Council defines gender budgeting as Gender budgeting is an application of gender mainstreaming in the budgetary process. It means a gender-based assessment of budgets, incorporating a gender perspective at all levels of the budgetary process and restructuring revenues and expenditures in order to promote gender equality. The main objective of gender budgeting is to ensure that the government through its departments and welfare schemes spends public money in a more just, equitable and proportionate manner. It aims at fulfilling the needs of women along with empowering them.
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Emergence and Growth of the Concept in West

On the global front, many historical events paved way to ensure economic independence of women and highlighted the necessity to provide them space in states budgets and financial expenditures. According to Christiana Giampaoli During World War II, the development of wartime economy had given women more freedom than they had ever had before. Though they did face some discrimination in the workforce it was minimal compared to that which they were privy to in pre-world war II times. For the first time, women were able to experience some sort of social and economic mobility. Suddenly women were faced with choices, and by utilizing these choices they were able to explore their own individuality and independence. In modern times, Australia became the first country to develop a gender-sensitive budget, with federal government publishing in 1984 the first comprehensive audit of a government budget for its impact on women and girls. South Africas Womans Initiative (WBI) was initiated in 1995 and involved NGOs, parliamentarians, researchers and advisers. The effort was carried on in other nations like Philippines (1995), Srilanka (1997), United Kingdom(1998). Gender budget initiatives in Tanzania (1997) and Uganda (1999) adopted it with specific focus on education and health. In September 1995 the Fourth World Conference of Women was held in Beijing and through its Platform for Action it called for a gender perspective in all macroeconomic policies and their budgetary dimensions. The Outcome Document of the UN General Assembly special session on women held in June 2000, also called upon all the nations to mainstream a gender perspective into key macroeconomic, social development policies and national development programmes.
Gender Budgeting in India

Kautliya in his Arthashastra (Chapter V) mentions that the creation of ideal state depends upon recognition of womans employment. He also advocates certain property rights for women and suggests financial rights for emancipation of minor girls, widows and elderly women. He recommends providing employment opportunities to women by ensuring them work-from-home facility. Therefore, we can note that though the issue of gender budgeting in official terms has reached the Indian shores very recently, the concept always existed in India since ancient times. Through their writings, scholars like Kautilya wanted to ensure that women are brought into the mainstream by providing employment opportunities, ensuring property rights and financial independence. In post independence era, the report of the Committee on the Status of Women in 1974 opened up the discussion regarding introduction of gender based budgeting in India.
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UNIFEMs work in India sought to influence the planning processes through interesting initiatives like Womans Component Plan. Its focus has been towards developing a gender sensitive approach especially in policy formulation ( five year plans in particular) and its implementation. Indian initiatives can be traced back to the Seventh Five Year Plan (1985-1990) with the establishment of department of Women and Child Development within Human Resource Development Ministry. The Eighth Five Year Plan (1992-97) highlighted for the first time the need to ensure a definite flow of funds from the general developmental sectors to women. Focus shifted from development to empowerment. The Plan document made a statement that the benefits of development from different sectors should not by-pass women and special programmes on women should complement the general development programmes. The latter, in turn, should reflect greater gender sensitivity. Emphasis on gender budgeting was also placed by the Sixth Conference of Commonwealth Ministers of Womans Affairs held in New Delhi in April 2000. The Ninth Five Year Plan (1972-2002), while reaffirming the earlier commitment adopted Women Component Plan as one of its major strategies and directed both the Central and the State Governments to ensure not less than 30 per cent of the funds/benefits are earmarked in all the womans related sectors. It also directed that a special vigil be kept on the flow of the earmarked funds/benefits through an effective mechanism to ensure that the proposed strategy brings forth a holistic approach towards empowering women. The need for taking up gender budgeting was also recognized in the National Policy for the Empowerment of Women, 2001, which observed Availability of adequate financial, human and market resources to implement the policy will be managed by concerned departments... and that this process shall include, among other initiatives, Assessment of benefits flowing to women and resource allocation to the programmes relating to them through an exercise of gender budgeting.
Need for Introduction of Gender Budgeting in India

As women constitute around 48% of the Indian population, they are large and important part of our countrys valuable human resources. Indian constitution, the supreme text of our country duly recognizes gender equality. But, unfortunately gender discrimination is visible in the Indian society and asymmetric socio-economic development of men and women is evident which needs immediate relief. Effort and lobbying by leaders, NGOS and women groups is being carried out with lot of vigor to make government departments especially the
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ones like power, defense, petroleum and transport gender sensitive because these departments are the core of governmental functioning and it invests huge sums of capital but the role and involvement of women in these departments has not been sufficiently recognized. Government policies by being gender sensitive help in overall and comprehensive transformation of society and also lead to sustainable and balanced growth of economy.
Political Parties, Women groups and study centers and Gender Budgeting in India
Initiatives by Political Parties : Political parties play an important role in formation of public opinion as well as in policy making. In India, both national as well as regional parties have included the issue of gender budgeting in their agenda and have emphasized the same by providing the issue regular space in their election manifestos. The term gender budgeting is relatively new to the Indian political parties. However, they have been including women oriented welfare programmes to promote the same. The following is a summary of some initiatives and programmes conceived by the main political parties in India. Bhartiya Janta Party ( BJP) Pandit Deenadayal Upadhyaya, the economic ideologue of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh spoke of gender budgeting in 1966, when he espoused an economic philosophy named Ekatma Manavavaad (Integral Humanism). Women issues have been one of partys prime focus and it has been highlighted in the partys election manifestos. Its 1998 manifesto, deals with women issues under the title Nari Shakti. It recommends free education, legal and economic rights, equality in employment and promotion opportunities, equal wages for equal work for women. In its manifesto for General Election 2009, the party gave special focus to Womans empowerment. It mentioned adoption of a National Policy on Womans Economic Empowerment to ensure every woman has access to livelihood and to enhance the income of all categories of working women. It also mentions the elimination of gender based wage discrimination, in both organized and unorganized sector. It mentions programmes like Ladli Lakshmi Scheme and Bhamashah Scheme which are aimed at providing better educational opportunities and securing economic efficiency.
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The Congress party Women issues have been an integral part of Congress partys agenda as well. A peek into its different manifestos starting from 1989 to the present shows the different programmes designed by the party for the financial upliftment in particular and their overall empowerment in general. Programmes like Indira Mahila Yojana (1989), Chulha Programme (1991), Rashtriya Mahila Kosh (1996), establishment of National commission of Women (1996) showcase importance given by the party towards women issues. In its 2004 election manifesto it says that 30% of funds in local government will be utilized for programmes relating to development of women and children. In the same manifesto lot of emphasis has been laid by the party for financial empowerment and property rights of the women. It also aims at encouraging setting up of family courts for solving domestic problems of women. In 2009 General elections manifesto the partys focus is mainly towards emancipation of rural women and it states that Rural women population will be enrolled as members of self group linked with banks and that they will get loans from banks at moderate interest rates. It also proposes to introduce business development programmes and stimulate entrepreneurial activities among the women. The Congress party has been actively backing gender based budgeting through its eminent women leaders. In 2008 an all-women delegation was formed which demanded its leadership to include provisions like loan waiver for widows of indebted farmers who had committed suicide and removal of anomalies in the insurance cover for women aged above 50. Left parties (CPI(M), CPI, RSP and Forward Bloc ) Left parties in their joint manifesto during the 1998 and 1999 general elections called for equal status for women in economic, political and social spheres apart from ending gender discrimination. They also demanded legal and constitutional guarantees for the same. In its 2004 election manifesto it spoke about expanding employment opportunities and strengthening the self help groups by improving credit facility. In their weekly publication, Peoples Democracy in 2007, the left parties responding to 2007-08 budget had called for gender-sensitive budget and demanded that a special allocation should be made for the implementation of the Domestic Violence Act. They also spoke in support of increasing central allocation for widow pension. The party recommends that gender component be included in all employment generation, poverty alleviation and other welfare schemes and a gender-based target of 33% of all beneficiaries to be women
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Civil Society Initiatives

In promoting the concept of gender budgeting the role of women groups has been commendable both at international as well as national levels. International organizations like Womans National Commission, a non-government organization with consultative status with the U.N.s Economic and Social Council (ECO-SOC) has clearly remarked that United Nations can play a decisive role by giving a call to its 192 member states to take clear and definite steps towards implementing gender budgeting. United Nations Development Fund for Women ( UNI FEM) has designed an exclusive Gender Responsive Budgeting website which informs, empowers and provides country wide reports and developments in the area of gender budgeting. Other women groups on global scene working in promoting gender budgeting are Womans Rights and Citizenship at the International Development Research Center (IDRC) in Canada and European Womans lobby. In India, women groups like All-India Democratic Womans Association (AIDWA) and National federation of Indian women had raised many women related queries during the elections 2009 through a charter. One of the important issues in the charter was gender budgeting wherein they mentioned that all ministries and departments should implement a gender budgeting policy with one-third allocation of resources to women. Another important non-government organization, Women Power Connect (WPC), is keeping a keen eye on gender aspects of both union and state budgets. Its president Ranjana Kumari remarked on 2007-08 Union budget The Government should not treat gender budget as another buzz word. Unless gender issues are seen as being integral to the planning of development schemes, the efforts towards achieving gender equality cannot be achieved. In its objectives, the organization clearly states that it is lobbying for engendering the eleventh five year plan. Another civil society organization, The Independent Commission for Peoples Rights and Development (ICPRD), was one of the first NGO to be invited to discuss gender budgeting by the Ministry of Finance in 2005.
Study Centers, Research Institutions and Experts in Gender Budgeting

Women study centers and research groups worldwide have also been extensively carrying out research projects concerning gender budgeting. Forum for women in Democracy (FOWODE) in Uganda has initiated a Gender Budget Project. Under the project it provides training to help influence national as well as local budgets. In India, Social Watch Tamil Nadu and Budget Analysis Rajasthan Centre are some regional organizations with a special focus on gender budgeting at regional level. Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India has designed a Gender Budgeting scheme wherein it encourages establishment of Women Budgeting Cells (WBC).
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It will also provide grants for research, training and documentation activities to institutions in this regard. UNIFEM in its gender responsive budgeting website names the following Experts who have been extensively carrying out research works in the field of gender budgeting. They include Diana Elson (UK), Rhonda Sharp (Australia- Asia), Nalini Burn (West Africa, Morocco, Asia), Mary Rusimbi (Tanzania,East Africa), Nirmala Banerjee ( India) and Ahalya Bhat ( India).
State Government Initiatives: Few case studies

The left government in Tripura during its 2005-06 budget, had clearly highlighted gender budgeting as one of its priorities. Nine development departments like education, agriculture, health & family Welfare, tribal Welfare and other 85 minority groups had been identified and allocated total fund of Rs, 149.82 crore for that financial year for providing different benefits to women. Department of planning, Government of Rajasthan came out with a report in 2006 where it clearly highlighted the state governments initiatives towards introduction of gender sensitive approach in its working. The report states that gender based budgeting would be initially introduced six departments i.e. Health, Education, Agriculture, Women and Child Development, Registration & Stamps and Social Welfare. It goes on to explain in detail how each of these departments can become more efficient and women friendly by bringing modifications and by including newer programmes. Government in Madhya Pradesh was also one of the earliest states in the country to introduce gender responsive budgeting in 13 of its departments. In its 2007 budget, it not only allocated more resources for women-specific schemes but also looked at gender neutral departments to make them more women-friendly. It also set up gender budgeting cell to examine the flow of funds to women related schemes in these departments. Bihar Government termed its 2008 budget as a Gender Budget. The budget included exclusive programmes which aimed at women empowerment. 15 percent of the total budgetary allocations for 10 departments were earmarked for the empowerment of women in the state. The government announced that Rs.720 million had been provided for Chief Ministers Balika Poshak Yojana, Rs.421.4 million for Balika Cycle Scheme, Rs.200 million for Kanya Vivah Scheme, Rs.260 million for Kanya Suraksha Yojana and Rs.225 million for Nari Shakti Yojana.
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In early 2009, Kerala government came out with its exclusive Womans Policy which emphasizes providing a share to women in the states annual budgets and fiscal resources. For the promotion of the same, government set up a Gender Board in 2008 which called for allocation of atleast 10 per cent of the states budget to be for women-related programmes and activities. Through its 2008-09 budget, the concept of gender budgeting was introduced in the state of Assam. Various programmes worth Rs 207.81 crore funds were allocated to 12 different departments aiming at benefiting 30 lakh (3 million) individuals, which includes both women as well as girls.
Conclusion
From the above discussion it is clear that gender budgeting has gradually gained relevance in government expenditure. Both central as well as state governments have realized the fact that by providing facilities and opportunities to women of the nation, not only a section of the society is getting empowered but development path for the whole nation becomes much easier. Efforts made by respective state governments need to be appreciated however, allocation of funds to 10-12 departments will be grossly insufficient. Gender sensitivity should become an integral part of governments day to day functioning. By being gender sensitive and designing gender based budgets, governments will become people friendly and gain success in its welfare objectives.
REFERENCES
Das Subrat and Mishra Yamini Womans Component Plan and Gender Budgeting in India:Still a Long Way to Go!. Giampaoli Cristina , http:// history.sandiego.edu Election Manifesto- 1998,1999, 2004,2009, www.bjp.org Election Manifesto 1989, 1991, 1996, 2004, 2009- www.congress.org.in Election Manifesto- 1998, 1999- www.cpim.org Express news service Gagoi follows Centre, Budget focuses on minorities, women(March 10, 2008) Express news service Bihar announces gender budget, agri sector gets maximum allocation (February 26, 2009) indianexpress.com. Gender Budget Project, www.unpac.ca/gender/index.html
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Gender Budgeting Handbook for government of India Ministries and Departments, wcd.nic.in/gbhb/.../Hand%20Book%20Introduction.pdf Gender Responsive Budgeting, Women Power Connect, http://www.womenpowerconnect.org/gender_responsive_budgeting.htm International Budget Partnership, www. internationalbudget.org Jain Sonu Gender Budgeting MP takes lead (February 27, 2009) , indianexpress.com. Kumar Hemanth S.A Gender Budgeting in Karnataka (March 7, 2008) Asian Age. Kumar K.G. , Gender Sensitive Budgeting (February 16, 2009) Hindu Business line. Ministry of Women and Child development, Government of India Gender Budgeting in India www.wcd.nic.in Patel Vibhuti (2003) Gender Budget A Case Study of India. Patel Vibhuti(2007) Cities, Gender Budgeting and Civic Governance Pillai Radhakrishna Management fundamentals in Kautilyas Arthashastra Chapter V Thai Indian News Bihar presents gender sensitive budget (March 27, 2009). Tripura Budget Speech 2005-2006, www.neoportal.org
Promotion of Gender Equity for Empowerment of Rural Dalit Women in Karnataka
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Research Article
PROMOTION OF GENDER EQUITY FOR EMPOWERMENT OF RURAL DALIT WOMEN IN KARNATAKA

M. Indira* Abstract Caste structure plays an important role in India both in economic and social issues. Even in the 21st century it is a dominant factor, especially in rural areas. Constitution of India adopted a three-pronged strategy for changing the status of Scheduled Castes [and the Scheduled Tribes] based on the traditional social order. This consists of Protection, Compensatory discrimination, Development. This strategy was operationalised through appropriate policies both at the central and state level. In this highly hierarchical society SC women bear the triple burden of caste, class, and gender. SC women are positioned at the very bottom of Indian society. These women suffer from many forms of discrimination and deficiencies, including lack of education, economic disadvantages, social disempowerment, domestic violence, political invisibility, and sexual oppression. Studies have shown that the Scheduled Caste women do not know their rights and are too powerless individually to hold the Judiciary and the Executive accountable for enforcing protective laws. Under these conditions developing confidence and make them aware of gender equity, their rights are important to empower them. An attempt is made in the present study to understand the impact of the interventions of Mahilasamakhya in sensitizing rural women about gender equity and there by empowering them. It is based on the premise that unless women understand that the gender roles are social construct and demand their legitimate rights, any number of programmes will not be able to improve the conditions of rural Dalit women. The present
* Reader, Department of Economics and Co-operation, University of Mysore
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study revealed that this method could achieve the objective of empowering women. After participating in the programme more women have realized the need for gender equality, freedom and greater participation of women in development process. Another advantage of this method is its sustainability. This approach has greater long run impact on women than economic empowerment approach which does not aim at changing the attitude of women.
Introduction
Caste structure plays an important role in India both in economic and social issues. Even in the 21st century it is a dominant factor especially in rural areas. Constitution of India adopted a three-pronged strategy for changing the status of Scheduled Castes [and the Scheduled Tribes] based on the traditional social order. This consists of: (a) Protection: Legal/Regulatory measures for enforcing equality and removing disabilities; Providing strong punitive action against physical violence inflicted upon them (b) Compensatory discrimination: Enforcement of reservation provisions in public services, representative bodies and educational institutions. (c) Development: measures to bridge the wide gap between the Scheduled Castes and other communities in their economic conditions and social status This strategy was operationalised through appropriate policies both at the central and state level. Several development programmes were launched and schemes were introduced for ensuring equality. Despite all these efforts the position of SC has not reached the desirable level. The incidence of poverty among SC and ST is higher than the general population. The gap between the percentage of general population and SC population living under poverty line in rural areas is 10.84 in 93 -94 and 9.16 in 99-2000. The gap is much wider in urban areas (14.85). During 99 2000, 36.25 percent of SC in rural areas and 38.47 percent in urban areas are under poverty line. According to NSS 55th round only 61.5 percent of SC girls of the age group 6 - 14 is attending school while the percentage is 77.5 in the case of other groups. In terms of health indicators also SC and ST lag behind. While infant mortality rate is 83 and 84 in the case of SC and ST, it is 61.8 in the case of others. Under five mortality rate is as high as 119 in the case of SC and 126 in the case of ST while it is 82.6 in the case of others (Dev, 2004).
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In this highly hierarchical society SC women bear the triple burden of caste, class, and gender. SC women are positioned at the very bottom of Indian society. These women suffer from many forms of discrimination and deficiencies, including lack of education, economic disadvantages, social disempowerment, domestic violence, political invisibility, and sexual oppression. The weak position of SC women enables two important conditions: 1. Scheduled Caste women are intentionally victimized by upper castes because they lack the social position to stand up for their rights individually and because assaulting or raping them reinforces the subordination of the whole SC community to upper castes. Scheduled Caste women do not know their rights and are too powerless individually to hold the Judiciary and the Executive1 accountable for enforcing protective laws. (Sharon Barnhardt et.al, 2003)
2.
While studying the atrocities on scheduled caste women in AP the authors observed that many of the problems SC women encounter when interacting with the police and judiciary are similar to problems faced by SC men and possibly other women. However, the degree to which these conditions combine to dis empower SC women is significantly greater. Under these conditions developing confidence and making them aware of gender equity and their rights is important to empower them. This will have a long run effect not only on the present generation but also on the future generations.
Women Development: A Paradigm Shift

Women development has been one of the priorities of the planners ever since planning was introduced. However there is a paradigm shift from welfare Approach to Empowerment Approach. The first plan adopted Welfare Approach and the objective was to provide adequate services to promote the welfare of women so that they can contribute to the welfare of the family and community. It was felt that special organizations at the central and state level are needed for promotion of welfare of women and the major challenge of organizing women programmes for women should be given to private agencies. Central Social Welfare Board was set up in 1953 to promote voluntary organizations at various levels to take up women welfare programmes. The same welfare strategy continued during II, III IV and V plans. The welfare of women was clubbed with other welfare schemes like welfare of old and disabled etc. Schemes like condensed course of education for women and socio economic programmes were introduced during II plan. Working girls hostel and short stay homes
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were started during IV plan. At the end of the IV plan, report of the committee on status of women was released and it recognized women as critical inputs for development, not as targets of welfare programmes. A womens welfare and development bureau was setup under the ministry of social welfare. Four separate working groups were constituted to look into the aspects like 1. Employment 2. Adult Education programmes for women 3. Women in Agriculture 4. Rural Development The sixth plan (1980-85) witnessed a shift from welfare to development recognizing women as participants of development and not merely as objects of welfare. The plan adopted a multidisciplinary approach with a special thrust on health, education and employment. Accordingly several programmes were introduced to create employment opportunities for women in agriculture, animal husbandry, small scale industries etc. The seventh plan approach was to inculcate confidence among women and bring about an awareness of their own potential for development. Voluntary organizations and educational institutions were fully involved in launching organized campaign to combat the evils of dowry and harassment of women. The Department of Women and Child development was set up in 1985. Special programmes were launched for girl child also. Emphasis was given to human development through advocacy, mobilization and community empowerment. Eighth plan adopted the strategy to ensure that benefits of development from different sectors do not bypass women. Special programmes were launched to complement the general programmes. National Commission for women and Rashtriya Mahila Kosh were set up. Another important mile stone was the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments for encouraging women to participate in governance. National Nutrition Policy was adopted and Indira Mahila Yojana was introduced advocating an integrated approach for womens empowerment through Self Help Groups. Draft of a National Policy for the Empowerment of women was formulated. The Ninth plan adopted women empowerment as one of the primary objectives and tried to achieve it by adopting National Policy for Empowerment of Women and integrated approach through convergence of existing services, resources and infrastructure available. The plan directed the central and state governments to adopt Womens Component Plan in which 30 percent of funds are to be allocated for women related sectors.
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Tenth plan approach paper gave maximum importance to the implementation of National Policy for Empowerment of Women. The main strategy is mainstreaming the gender perspectives in all sectoral policies and programmes. The operational strategy directed all the central ministries and state departments to draw up time bound action plan for translating the policy into a set of concrete action through a participatory process of consultation with all concerned. Introduction of women friendly personnel policies is an additional feature during tenth plan. The National Policy for Empowerment of Women (2001) emphasizes on promotion of economic empowerment, social empowerment and ensuring gender justice through several policy measures and gender sensitization (The National Policy for Empowerment of Women, 2001).
Definition of Empowerment
Empowerment had been defined by several researchers and activists from different perspectives. It is a process of awareness and capacity building leading to greater participation, greater decision making power, control and to transformative action. According to Vanessa Griffin (1987), empowerment means addition to womens power and power means: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Having control, organising further control Having a say and being listened to Being able to define and create from a womens perspective Being able to influence social choices and decisions affecting the whole society. Being organised and respected as equal citizens and human being with a contribution to make.
Some describe empowerment primarily as a goal while others look at it as a process. Power is the key word of the term Empowerment which means control over material assets, intellectual resources and ideology. The material assets may be in the form of physical, human, financial such as land, water, forest, peoples bodies, labour, money and access to money. Knowledge, information and ideas can be included in the intellectual resources. Control over ideology signifies the ability to generate, capacity to propagate, capacity to sustain and institutionalize specific sets of beliefs, principles, values, attitudes, actions and behaviour virtually determining how people perceive, think and function in a given socioeconomic and political environment. The ability to redefine one self and to act effectively for oneself is the essence of individual empowerment. Individual empowerment is not the solution for the powerless groups. To attain equality, structural changes are needed and these changes need collective effort.
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Apart from consciousness, belief and attitudes, empowerment requires practical knowledge, solid information, real competence, concrete skills, material resources, genuine opportunities and tangible results. The capacity for effective actions is an essential component of any meaningful conceptualization of empowerment (Sahay, 1998).
Objectives and methodology

With the above background the present study makes an attempt to understand the impact of the interventions of Mahilasamakhya in sensitizing rural women about gender equity and there by empowering them. It is based on the premise that unless women understand that the gender roles are social construct and demand their legitimate rights any number of programmes will not be able to improve the conditions of rural Dalit women. Due to deep rooted patriarchal system, misconceptions, lack of education and exposure, rural women are not sensitized towards gender equity. Even in the case of presently much publicized and acclaimed micro credit programmes gender relations are not addressed which is leading to greater burden on women. The main objective of this paper is to assess the impact of Mahilasamakhya interventions on influencing the perceptions of Dalit women about gender equity and there by leading to their empowerment. There are two methods to understand the changes. One method is reflexive comparison of before and after scenario of the participating households. But we need to have a base line data for such a methodology. The other method is to have a control group, which is similar to the participating group in all respects except the programme so that the control group provides the counterfactual of the participating group. The present study uses the second approach. The analysis is based on primary data collected form 150 SC members of Mahila Samakhya and 75 non members through a pre tested questionnaire.
Profile of Mahila Samakhya Karnataka

The Mahila Samakhya Project was initiated in 1987-89 for the education and empowerment of women in rural areas, particularly of women from socially and economically marginalised groups. Mahila Samakhya (Education for Womens Equality) was launched in Karnataka, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh in 1989 with Dutch assistance. The project was extended to Andhra Pradesh at the end of 1992. A foundation for empowerment at the grassroots level has been laid with the organisation of cohesive Mahila sanghas (womens collectives), though different in form and size, but which are committed to collective action to address their own issues. Mahila Sanghas in all the States have taken initiatives to address issues/ problems ranging from
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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
Meeting daily minimum needs Improving civic amenities Gaining control over their health Ensuring educational opportunities for their children especially girls Entering the political sphere Articulating their concerns and tackling social issues like violence against women, child marriage etc. Seeking and obtaining literacy and numeric skills for themselves
Analysis and Results

The impact of Mahilasamakhya interventions on attitudinal changes of Dalit women are classified into attitudes relating to social issues and economic issues. Attitudinal changes relating to social issues is observed with the following indicators 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Perceptions about the education of girl child Perceptions about division of work Women in higher positions Opinions about voting decisions and womens political participation Opinion about freedom to be given to women Opinion about womens position.
Changes relating to economic issues are observed with the following indicators 1. 2. Opinion about control over her own earnings Opinion about participation of women in decisions relating to purchase or sale of assets
Profile of sample respondents

Majority of the respondents belong to the age group of 20 to 40 years and more than 80 percent are married. Literacy status indicates that nearly 31 percent of the sangha members are illiterate. Illiterates are more among non sangha members. Even among sangha members 50 percent can only sing their name which means they can not read and write. Only 10 percent can read and write.
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Table 1. Literacy status of the Respondents Status Illiterate Can only sign Can only read Can read and write Not Reported Total Source: Survey data SANGHA 47 (31.33) 76 ( 50.67) 8 ( 5.33) 15 (10.00) 4 (2.67) 150 ( 100.00) NON-SANGHA 46 (61.33) 8 (10.67) 1 ( 1.33) 7 ( 9.33) 13 ( 17.33) 75 (100.00)
Perceptions about childrens education

There is a clear difference in the perceptions of women regarding the education of boys and girls. This is revealed by their responses to a question regarding how much a girl or a boy is to be educated. Table 2 . Perceptions about Education for children (In percentage to total respondents) EDUCATION Boys IV STD VII STD 10 / SSLC PUC /Diploma Degree Interest Not reported Others Total Source: Survey data 100.00 2.56 14.29 10.71 30.1 33.67 8.67 SANGHA Girls 2.04 7.65 25 12.25 19.9 26.02 7.14 100.00 NON-SANGHA Boys 2.06 12.01 8.16 25.51 36.73 14.29 1.24 100.00 Girls 15.8 15.31 35.31 8.16 9.1 8.24 7.06 1.02 100.00
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While 30% of the sangha women said that a boy is to be educated up to degree, only 20% of the women said that regarding the girls education. Nearly 34% of the women felt that a boy is to be educated as long as he is interested, only 26% of women felt so in the case of girls. Majority of the women (25%) felt that the girls need to be educated only up to X standard. None of the women said that education up to 4th standard is sufficient for a boy, 2.04 % of the women felt so in the case of girls. Similar trends could be observed in the perceptions of the non-sangha respondents also. The gender discrimination is more prominent in the case of non-sangha women. While 37% of women said that boys are to be educated up to degree level only 9% of women felt so in the case of girls. 15.8% of the women felt that education up to 4th standard is sufficient for a girl.
Perceptions about division of work

Division work is a social construct. For many ages there are misconceptions about certain tasks branded as female oriented. Particularly in rural areas fetching water and fuel wood, cooking and cleaning, harvesting etc are considered as female tasks. Even when women are taking up new tasks, their work load of traditional tasks has not come down due to the attitude of women that they should not be performed by men. Only when women are sensitized about the rationale of gender equity, it is possible to reduce the extra burden on women In order to understand, if this happened with the sangha members, a question was asked to list the kind of work that boys are not supposed to take up
Table 3. The tasks that boys should not do (In percentage to total respondents) Work Cooking,WashingVessels &Clothes HH work,sweeping,cooking Can do everything Total Source: Survey data The answers indicate that the percentage of women who listed many activities that boys should not take up is more among non-sangha members. Similarly, the percentage of Sangha 17.78 35.2 47.02 100.00 Non-sangha 40.8 50.7 8.5 100.00
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women who said that there is nothing that a boy should not do is more among sangha members than non-sangha members.
Perceptions about women in higher positions

Regarding the opinion about usefulness of women in higher position for the welfare of women, sangha women are more expressive. Table 4. Usefulness of women in higher positions (In percentage to total respondents) Opinion Yes, easy to approach Women understand women well Women are less corrupt No Yes Source: Survey data * Percentages do not add up to 100 due to multiple responses. While 68% of sangha women felt that it helps in easy approach of higher officials, only 35% of non-sangha women expressed so. According to 60% of sangha women, if women are in higher position it will be good because a women understands the requirements of women more easily. 6% of non-sangha women felt that this will not really help women. Sangha 67.86 59.18 23.47 2.55 17.35 Non-sangha 34.48 31.03 16.55 6.21 11.72
Voting decisions
Regarding who decides voting, contrasting picture emerges out of the responses of sangha and non-sangha women. While 57% of sangha women said that they themselves decide to whom they should vote, 47% of non-sangha women said so. In the case of 22% of non-sangha women, it is the husband who decides to whom his wife should vote. The influence of husband is less (9.18%) in the case of sangha women. Another important feature is that in the case of sangha women nearly 18% said that they discuss among themselves in sangha meeting and decide. The percentage of women who did not give any reply is also high (21.43%) in the case of non-sangha women which clearly shows the political awareness and freedom to vote of sangha women.
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Table 5. Who decides vboting (In percentage to total respondents) Person Self Husband Family members Land lord Village leader Elders of the caste Political leader Discussions in Sangha Not Reported Total Source: Survey data Opinion about womens political participation Sangha 56.63 9.18 1.53 1.53 2.55 4.08 0.51 17.86 6.12 100 Non-sangha 46.94 22.45 1.02 1.02 2.04 2.04 3.06 21.43 100.0
From the earlier results it is clear that sangha women are politically more aware compared to the non-sangha women. This has a positive influence on their opinion about womens political participation. While 97% of sangha women felt that womens political participation is good, only 82% of non-sangha women felt so. Nearly 11% of sangha women said that it is not good. Table 6. Opinion about participation (In percentage to total respondents) Opinion Good Not good No reply Dont know Total Source: Survey data Sangha 96.93 1.53 1.54 100.0 Non-sangha 81.64 11.22 4.08 3.06 100.0
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Freedom to be given to women in decision making

Regarding the freedom to be given to women in decision making, sangha women show greater awareness. Table 7. Opinion about freedom to be given (In percentage to total respondents) Opinion All matters Purchasing HH things Family matters Marriage Money matters Not reported Total Source: Survey data Forty percent of sangha women felt that women should be given freedom in all matters. Only 26 percent of non sangha women felt so. More non sangha women felt that freedom should be given in family matters. Table 8. Opinion about necessity for more decision making power (In percentage to total respondents) Opinion Both are equal It will be good Women also can think and act Women are intelligent and rational Women are more responsible Women should progress Not reported Total Source: Survey data Sangha 20.41 11.73 10.20 5.10 7.65 11.22 33.67 100.00 Non sangha 10.20 20.41 9.18 10.20 5.10 3.06 41.84 100.000 Sangha 40.82 5.61 20.41 17.14 2.04 23.98 100.000 Non Sangha 26.53 12.24 25.51 8.16 3.06 24.49 100.00
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Similarly regarding the opinion about the need for more decision making power for women, more sangha women felt that both are equal. Majority of the non sangha women felt that it would be good if women have more decision making power.
Opinion about womens position

Awareness about her own position and understanding of gender equity leads to changes in her own attitude. Regarding whether a man should be given more respect than a women, sangha women showed greater awareness. While 59% of the sangha women said that there is no need to give greater importance/respect to men than women, only 23% of non-sangha women could express so which means the remaining 77% of non-sangha women are of the opinion that men need to be given more respect. Table 9. Opinion about more respect to men (In percentage to total respondents) Opinion No Yes, only when men earn Yes, it is tradition Yes, men are more intelligent Yes, women get respect only when men are respected Source: Survey data Majority of the non-sangha women (41%) expressed that men need to be given more respect because it is the tradition. Only 21% of sangha women expressed the above opinion. According to 27% of non-sangha women men are to be respected more because they are more intelligent. Another important reason cited by 22% of non-sangha women is that only when men are respected, women also get respect. Only 10% of sangha women felt the dependence of womens respect on mens respect. This clearly brings out the imapct of Mahila Samakhyas intervention in creating awareness about gender equity. Sangha 59.18 7.65 20.92 7.65 10.20 Non-sangha 23.46 21.43 40.82 20.41 22.45
Perceptions about financial autonomy

Regarding financial autonomy 79 % of sangha women said that only women should take care of the earnings. But in the case of non-sangha women 60% of the women expressed so.
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Table 10. Who should take care of her earnings (In percentage to total respondents) Person Self Elders Men Others Not Reported Sangha 79.08 3.06 13.78 2.04 1.53 Non-sangha 60.20 12.24 24.48 2.04 1.02
Table 11. Reasons (In percentage to total respondents) Reasons Self because men waste Self because useful when needed Self because of freedom and security Men because they are the elders Elders take responsibility Source: Survey data Similarly 25% of the non-sangha women expressed that men should take care of the family earnings, but only 14% of sangha women said so which shows the increased confidence levels of sangha women. Majority of the women who said that they only should take care of the earnings gave the reason that men waste money by drinking and gambling if they are given control over spending. Financial freedom, security, useful as and when money is needed are some of the reasons expressed by snagha women. While 26.53% of sangha women could express that men waste, only 18% of non-sangha women could express so. Out of those who felt that men should be given responsibility, majority said so because they consider that men are elders. Sangha 26.53 24.48 9.69 10.20 4.08 Non-sangha 18.36 25.51 8.16 14.28 11.22
Participation of women in decisions relating to purchase or sale of assets

Similarly, in the case of participation in decision making, 97% of the sangha women said that they should be consulted before buying and selling of any assets. But only 89% of non-sangha women said so and 8% felt that they need not be consulted.
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Table 12. Opinion about consulting women (In percentage to total respondents) Response Yes No Not Reported Source: Survey data Sangha 97.45 0.51 2.04 Non-sangha 88.77 8.16 3.06
Summary and Conclusions

Empowerment has been defined in many ways and one comprehensive definition given by Keller and Mbewe (Indira, 2000) says that it is a process whereby women become able to organise themselves to increase their self-reliance, to assert their independent rights to make choice and to control resources which will assist in challenging and eliminating their own sub-ordination. Empowerment is a positive dynamic concept. Individual empowerment occurs through the process of personal development. This entails both the growth of skills and abilities as well as a more positive self-definition. Empowerment is a process of awareness and capacity building leading to greater participation, greater decision making power, control and to transformative action. Generally three approaches are followed by both Government and Non governmental organizations aimed at empowering women. They are Integrated Development Approach, The Economic empowerment Approach and The Conscious-raising Approach. Mahilasamakhya followed the third approach to empower women through educating about their position, gender equity etc. The present study revealed that this is method could achieve the objective of empowering women. After participating in the programme more women have realized the need for gender equality, freedom and greater participation of women in development process. Another advantage of this method is its sustainability. This approach has greater long run impact on women than economic empowerment approach which does not aim at changing the attitude of women. However the problem is that of its spread. The number of women covered under this programme is much smaller. In order to increase the spread of it, the agencies involved in the promotion of microfinance and micro enterprise should concentrate not only on the economic aspects but also on attitudes of women to dispel the misconceptions in order to empower not only this generation but also future generation.
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REFERENCES
Griffin, Vanessa(ed).1987. Women Development and empowerment: A Pacific Feminist Perspective, Asian and Pacific Development Centre Kuala Lumper, pp. 117-118. Indira M. 2000, Women in Micro Enterprise: A Study of Mysore and Dharwad Districts, Unpublished Report of Indo-Dutch Project Management Society, Bangalore. Mahendra Dev.S. 2004, Is Rural India Shining? Key note address at National Seminar on Globalisation: Rural Transformation, 20 22, Feb, 2004. Sahay Sushma.1998. Women and Empowerment: Approaches and strategies, Discovery publishing house, New Delhi. Sharon Barnhardt, Joshua Chang and Caroline Nauyen, 2003 Report on Scheduled Caste women and Atrocities in Andhra Pradesh, Princeton University, USA.
Empowering Harmony at the Individual and Community Level
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Research Article
EMPOWERING HARMONY AT THE INDIVIDUAL AND COMMUNITY LEVEL

Dr. Vibhuti Patel*
Presented at Workshop on Empowering Harmony at the Individual and Community level organised by Sakti, Banglore at ISI from 17-21 March, 09
Abstract India is witnessing social turmoil and conflict based on religion, caste, language and ethnic differences as never before. Atrocities and violence are unleashed on the poor in general and others belonging to minorities and those belonging to socio economically weaker sections of Indian society in particular. The Constitution of India was drawn up by a group of enlightened persons who laid the foundations for a secular democratic state. The maintenance of communal harmony and the prevention of communal disturbances/ riots/ terror attacks/bomb blasts in several cities in India are primarily the responsibility of the state. However in the present scenario it is imperative that individuals, groups and civil society in India actively get involved in promoting and sustaining harmony at the individual and social level. Existing socio-economic models of development have failed to alleviate the poverty and backwardness of the people of the country. Since independence, the ruling class has strengthened the business monopolies and the urban and rural elite, as it ignored the basic
Director, PGSR, Professor and Head, Post Graduate Department of Economics, SNDT Womens University, 1 Nathibai Thakersey Road, Churchgate, Mumbai-400020 Mobile-9321040048 Telephone-26770227 and 22052970 E mail: vibhuti.np@gmail.com
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needs of the people below. The traditionally dominant social groups have also hijacked the democratic process. The fascist forces have deeply penetrated and corrupted the system and they work hand in glove with neo-colonial and racist forces. The Dalits, the tribals, the religious, the linguistic and the cultural minorities, the backward classes and the women are denied their cultural and social space, posing major threat to the democratic fabric of the country. Resistance against exploitation and deprivation is mostly local and isolated now with no co-ordination and pooling of resources at national level. Only after understanding historic genesis of communal tension, we can address the following concerns with regard to Empowering Harmony at the Individual and Community Level. Justice, Equality and Peace in the family, in the community, in the country and in the world. Harmony at the grassroots is best promoted by those whose stakes are high: the urban and rural poor. Putting womens concerns center-stage to ensure development is equitable and sustainable.
History of Communalism in India

Puniyani (2005) traces the beginning of communal politics in India to the 19th Century when the first industries were laid here. Industrialisation led to a rise of various associations such as industrialists, civil servants, business professionals and the intelligentsia. These associations resulted in the formation of The Indian National Congress, purely on secular principles, to put forward their demands, and the aspirations of a modern India. However, soon, under the leadership of a Hindu and Muslim gentlemen, the India Patriotic Association was formed (August 1888) in opposition to some of the beliefs of the Congress and put forward the voice of Hindu and Muslim organizations. Later, many of the people associated with this organization became members of the Hindu Mahasabha and the Muslim league. It is also pointed out by Puniyani that the use of religious consciousness (concepts of Ramrajya, the Khalifat movement) by the national leadership to inculcate modern nationalism amongst the people, apart from doing that, also resulted in communalization of masses.
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Partition and Communalism

What came to be known simply as Partition was the final botched job of an inattentive and insensitive ruling power that never really understood its largest colony said Sir Cyril Radcliff, the English lawyer who was given just 36 days to draw a line between India and Pakistan. Partition was a seminal event in the history of the Indian subcontinent a reference point as the Indian writer and publisher Urvashi Butalia (2000) puts it in The Other Side of Silence, for everything that has come after. A psychoanalyst would have a field day with the modern Indian nation. So many of its neuroses its fratricidal distrust of Pakistan, its intransigence in Kashmir, its desperate attachment to a secular nation-state amid the daily onslaughts of religion in political and social life stem from that original anxiety, the intimation of death mocking the elation of birth. Communalism if we see is multi faceted and can be viewed in various ways. However, one of the most popular notions shared both by Engineer (1991) and Puniyani (2005) is that Communalism results due to the politics of the elite and for the elite. Communalism is a product, not of religion, but of the politics of the elite of a religious community (Engineer, 2002). Likewise, more elaborately, communalism is the politics of the elite and for the elite, but executed by mobilising the broad layers of society in the belief that they are joining hands in a collective endeavour to protect an order that is sanctified by religion and a time- honoured tradition. The aim is to further the political and social aspirations of the elite (Puniyani, 2005). India adopted a secular political structure during the formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885, due to the deep conviction of the then national leadership. Ironically, however, Engineer (2002) points out that India achieved its independence along communal lines. There were differences of opinion among the elite of the two communities in matters related to sharing of power, reservations in government jobs rather than on any religious issues or beliefs, but religion was used as a tool for gaining mass support. Mohmed Ali Jinnah who suggested the two nation theory was not the sole representative of the entire Muslim community. While he represented the upper class Muslims, the poor Muslims were represented by the likes of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and Tayabji. Again, Engineer (1991) throws light on the fact that since there was no adult franchise at that time, and voting restricted only to the elite of the communities, a large numbers of Hindus and Muslims remained mute spectators to the partition drama. Clarifying the myth about Muslims at the helm of partition, it is stated (ibid) that only 10 percent of the Muslims had the right to vote, and of these only a few were in favour of a two nations theory. Only 4 percent of the total Muslim population voted in favour of Pakistan.
Historical Considerations
With independence in 1947, British India was partitioned into two countries, Hindu majority India and Muslim majority Pakistan. Again, a neat division was impossible, and
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many thousands migrated in the violent days following partition, a period in which thousands lost their lives. Indias leaders, many of whom opposed partition, argued that India would be secular state, not just a state for its Hindu majority; yet many Muslims worried that the end of British dominance would only mean the beginning of Hindu dominance in India. Some lived in the regions that became Pakistan; others moved, but many, including those without the means to move, remained in even more reduced numbers as a minority in India. Although Muslims are a relatively small percentage of the population, India is still one of the countries in the world that has largest population of Muslims. The post Independence Congress government, led by the Prime Minister Nehru, did not want to further alarm the remaining Muslims regarding their status in independent India and, in more pragmatic terms, wanted to ensure that the Muslim leadership, which opposed such reforms, would remain loyal to the government. The Muslim leadership did not relish the idea of the Hindu dominated government reforming their laws for them. An understanding developed that any changes in personal code would be left to the community in question, leaving them a small sphere of autonomy, which, hopefully, would help hold the new country together.
The they and us divide

One of the major factors in perpetuation of communal violence is the doctoring of the mass consciousness. The social common sense is manufactured in such a way that the targeted community is made to appear as the culprit. The classic case of Victim as Culprit. And thats how so many myths percolate about the minorities. Apart from the historical myths the ones related to demographics are playing a serious role in the demonisation of Muslims in particular (Puniyani, 2005). Sangh Parivar though deeply believes in this and propagates it; it is done in a way whereby the electoral wing does not have to resort to this propaganda making, as the RSS, VHP, Bajarang Dal etc. are there to do this job, to prepare the fertile ground for electoral benefits for the Hindutva politics. The electoral wing, BJP, has to ensure that it keeps a neutral face to win over even the enemies (Muslims, Christians and Communists) of Hindu nation, as defined by M.S. Golwalkar, the major ideologue of Sangh Parivar. As such what are the facts behind the Ham Panch Hamare Pachis (A derogatory reference to Muslims attitude towards family planning, meaning We are five, one husband four wives and have twenty five children). The census surveys by religion totally negate this firmly held popular belief. Religion is one of the markers used in these surveys. As per 1971 survey Hindus constituted 82.7% and Muslims 11.2% of the population. The corresponding figures for 1991and 2001 census are Hindus 82.6% and 80.05% and Muslims
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11.4% and 14% respectively. The difference in the growth pattern as we will see a bit later has more to do with socio-economic factors rather than the religious ones. Over all, this statistics shows a reasonably stable (religion wise) population. That apart, even if the current differentials persist, it is not only unlikely, but also impossible for Muslim population to overtake the Hindu population for the next century or so. Similarly what about four wives to the Muslim male? Is it possible at all? On first count it is immaterial whether a man is having one or more wives as the total number of children depends on the number of women, which does not get influenced by polygamy. If at all, this number of women has more to do with the prevalence of social practice of female infanticide and bride burnings in the areas where the practice of extortion by parents of grooms called dowry is prevalent. Secondly, the male/female ratio cannot permit the luxury of four wives to the Muslim males unless three fourths (75%) of them go without marriage. As per 1981 census the male/female ratio for Muslims was 1.068 and for Hindus 1.072 i.e. for every 1000 Muslim females there are 1068 Muslim males. One has to conceive of gigantic mental acrobatics, in the light of these statistics, to believe that all Muslim males can have four wives. As such a slightly earlier but relevant statistics of polygamy (1961 census report) totally smashes the myth of Muslim polygamy; unless the social trends have worsened drastically, which obviously have not. As per this the incidence of polygamy is highest among the Adivasis (15.25) followed by Buddhists (7.9), Jains (6.72) Hindus (5.80) and followed by Muslims (5.70). From the above it will be interesting to draw the religion based fertility patterns. These patterns differ within Muslim community itself, they vary from region to region as per the socio economic and educational levels of the community concerned. Those in the better socio economic and educational ladder have lesser population increase, while those on the lower rungs of socio-economic educational ladder have higher rate of population growth. This conforms to regional, urban and rural distribution as well. Birth rate in Malabar region of Kerala, whose Muslim population is 40%, is significantly lower than those in Uttar Pradesh with a Muslim population of 15%. The contrasting case is that of Kashmir, a Muslim majority state. Here the Fertility rate of Hindus is almost twice that of Muslims. Here again the birth rate was lower 31.4 (per thousand) than in U.P 36.5, M.P 36.4, Bihar 34.8 and Rajasthan 33.4 (per thousand). Also let us have a look at urban rural divide. More than on third of the Muslim community is concentrated in the peripheral and decaying areas of urban economic life. Incidence of urban poverty is higher among them by 17% (vis-a-vis Hindus). The number of Muslims living below poverty line is close to 65%. They are generally living in older areas of modern cities, which are well known for poor sanitation, lack of health facilities and basic amenities. On the top of this the repeated outburst of communal violence against them
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is ghettoizing them with the result that improvement in their lot is becoming more and more difficult. And lastly what about the Muslims not taking to family planning? In Islamic countries like Turkey and Indonesia family planning methods are quite popular. In Turkey for example 63% of the population in the reproductive age group uses contraception and in Indonesia the figure is 48%. In India the number of Muslim couples in the child bearing age practicing family planning in 1970 was 9% (Hindus 14%) and in 1980, 22.5% (Hindus 36.1%) (Operation Research Group, Baroda 1981). Thus, the number of additional Muslims taking to family planning is keeping pace with the number of Hindus doing the same. Like all other social programmes family planning is also linked with socio-economic status, level of general social awareness, etc. We will be repeatedly encountering this fact that a large number of Muslims being in the low socio economic strata share these statistics more with other socially disadvantaged sections of society. Politician use of abusive and abrasive language to distort the Demographic facts in a way does not come as a surprise as it has been the major fodder on which the communalism has been feeding itself. Whatever be the far reaching implications of such statements, it is sure the communal politics will keep resorting to such myths to strengthen itself.
Faces of Indias political pogrom

There have been pogroms in India before, every kind of pogrom-directed at particular castes, tribes, religious faiths. In 1984, following the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the Congress Party presided over the massacre of three thousand Sikhs in Delhi, every bit as macabre as the one in Gujarat. At the time, Rajiv Gandhi, never known for an elegant turn of phrase, said, When a big tree falls, the ground shakes. In 1985 the Congress swept the polls. On a sympathy wave! Twenty four years have gone by but nobody has been punished yet! Whipping up communal hatred is part of the mandate of the Sangh Parivar. It has been planned for years. It has been injecting a slow-release poison directly into civil societys bloodstream. Hundreds of RSS shakhas (branches) and Saraswati Shishu Mandirs (Hindu religious schools) across the country have been indoctrinating thousands of children and young people, stunting their minds with religious hatred and falsified history. They are no different from, and no less dangerous than, the madrassas (Islamic schools) all over Pakistan and Afghanistan which spawned the Taliban. The whole enterprise has a formidable religious, ideological, political, and administrative underpinning. This kind of power, this kind of reach, can only be achieved with State backing. Madrassas, the Muslim equivalent of hothouses cultivating religious hatred, try and make up in frenzy and foreign funding, what
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they lack is the State support. They provide the perfect foil for Hindu communalists to dance their dance of mass paranoia and hatred. (In fact they serve that purpose so perfectly; they might just as well be working as a team.)
Attacks on Muslims
Under this relentless pressure, what will most likely happen is that the majority of the Muslim community will resign itself to living in ghettos as second class citizens, in constant fear, with no civil rights and no recourse to justice. What will daily life be like for them? Any little thing, an altercation in a cinema queue or a fracas at a traffic light, could turn lethal. So they will learn to keep very quiet, to accept their lot, to creep around the edges of the society in which they live. Their fear will transmit itself to other minorities. Many, particularly the young, will probably turn to militancy. They will do terrible things. Civil society will be called upon to condemn them. Then President Bushs canon will come back to us: Either youre with us or with the terrorists.
Attacks on Christians
Attacks on nuns, churches and Christian refugees across India are stoking fears that Hindu extremists are planning to target minority communities as the country prepares for a general election. The worst anti-Christian violence in India since independence 60 years ago came in Kandhamal district, in the state of Orissa in 2008. Hindu fanatics attempted to poison water sources at relief camps holding at least 15,000 people displaced by mob violence, local activists alleged. Hundreds of Christian refugees in the region were told not to return to their homes unless they converted to Hinduism. In Chattisgarh, central India, two nuns from the Missionaries of Charity, the order founded by Mother Teresa, were beaten by a mob when they took four orphans to an adoption centre. A spokesman for the Catholic Bishops Conference of India said: These nuns are known for spending their life for the service of the poorest of the poor in the world. In India most of the beneficiaries of their services belong to the Hindu society. A church was burnt down in Karnataka, southern India, the state that recorded the highest number of anti-Christian incidents in India last year. There were also reports of violence in Madhya Pradesh, central India. More than seven months after Orissas tribal-dominated Kandhamal district experienced widespread anti-Christian violence, 3,100 people belonging to the minority community are
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still living in relief camps being run by the administration. About 25,000 people took shelter in 19 relief camps when communal violence was at its peak in the district in the aftermath of the killing of Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Lakshmanananda Saraswati and four others on August 23 last. The number of people living in the camps has decreased slowly but the 3,100 people in six camps are not willing to leave as they are being told by the communal forces that they can return to their homes only as Hindus. The camps are at Raikia, Tikabali, K. Naugaon, Mandasar, Mandakia and Tiangia, according to Kandhamal District Collector Krishan Kumar. The Church properties are being sold all over Madhya Pradesh, after terrorizing, humiliating and brutalizing Christians in the state.
Attacks on Dalits :
Caste based discrimination and atrocity against Dalits community is alarmingly increased all over India that lead to bloody and brutal killing of Dalits everyday. These antisocial activites committed by so called caste Hindus terrorize the Dalits in almost many parts of India. The extent and occurrence of Dalit atrocity is rampant like an epidemic in many parts of India. In many states such as Bihar, Maharashtra, Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan, Gujarat, U.P., M.P., Karnataka and several parts of Tamil Nadu and AP the violence against the Dalits reached to newer heights. The severity of violences against Dalits is beyond any human comprehension as Dalits are lynched, murdered and mutilated. This kind of violence is not seen even in animal world. There is hardly any day goes by when Dalits are not killed, harassed, socially boycotted by the upper castes. Dalits houses are burnt, physical violence against Dalit woman like rape, terrorizing the Dalit woman by parading naked on streets, cutting genitals of Dalit childrens, beating elderly Dalits are rampant and it is like an epidemic in rural areas and villages across India. The so called caste Hindus cannot tolerate Dalits for no reason. The dictatorial attitudes of upper caste Hindus go beyond any legal authorities, the law and order is in serious danger due to this anti-social elements, so to say that any social activities of Dalits such as marriages, temple festivals, funeral proceedings of Dalits cannot go smoothly without violence and Dalit killings because the Hindus cannot stand a Dalit wearing a decent cloth, a Dalit should not ask for minimum wages in rural areas, they are not allowed freely to participate in political meetings and activities, Dalit bridegroom cannot ride a mare in front of upper caste Hindus, the Dalits have to step down voluntarily from the above said activities otherwise he or she and the marriage party has to face the wrath of the upper caste Hindus, this is particularly common in the ignoble Rajputana state called Rajasthan. The violence and attack on Dalits are so horrendous that Dalit people live in constant fear, insecurity and torturous life. It is a gross human rights violation, state governments
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like Maharashtra where the recent Khairlanji murder of entire Dalit family members, states like Haryana where 5 Dalits were lynched like animals in a day light under the blessings of law and enforcement (the local police), raping of minors as young as 5 year old Dalit girl, mutilating and cutting hands, legs and genitals of children, adults and old people, parading Dalit woman naked in broad day light in the presence of entire village people are few of the thousands of examples of organized and well planned caste brutality against Dalits. Dalits are treated all over India as cheap dirt or less than animals and this sad status of Indian society is displayed with detailed information with graphics to the world by digital media. In this 21st century where the information spread at the speed of light to entire world, sadly our local authorities, political leaders and law enforcement is sitting quite and encourage such heinous crimes go unaccountable in India. No human being should ever tolerate such heinous crimes committed by anti-social caste Hindus.
Identity Politics: The Shah Bano controversy

For a country like India where religion plays an important part in politics, Shah Bano case is not the sole example of appeasement of minorities or of bending the law. The existence of personal laws is in itself an indicator of a constitutional bias towards maintaining religious harmony. They have been legal in India since the British period. The importance of personal laws lies in the fact that India is secular nation with a sizeable concentration of several different religious groups. But personal laws have been criticized for their orthodox approach and for disadvantages to women due to them. Women rights and religious rights remain at conflict due to the disparities in religious laws. Critics also point out the fact that while divorce is within the purview. The distinct sphere of personal law was codified under British rule. To administer their colony, they did away with various legal traditions to come up with a single legal code, yet allowed some limited legal pluralism in one sphere, the laws relating to the family. The colonial rulers persistently viewed India as made up of irreconcilable religious communities. Whether this was an accurate description or part of a policy of divide and rule is still a subject of debate. Given the varied peoples and practices subsumed under the categories of Hindu law and Islamic law, this notion of communities with singular legal traditions was problematic. The court decision, written by a Hindu, not only over-ruled Muslim personal law but included a demand for a uniform civil code, which would do away with Muslim personal law altogether. This double blow caused much concern among many Muslim politicians. At the same time, an ongoing agitation to destroy the Babri mosque was being rekindled by Hindu extremists. Anti-Sikh riots in the wake of Indira Gandhis assassination had caused
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much death and destruction. Perhaps because the Shah Bano ruling seemed part of broader anti-Muslim or anti-minority political trend, it led to unexpectedly large protests: The agitation started as a cautious protest call during the Friday prayer, but quickly developed into a mass movement all over the country, to the surprise of both Muslim and non-Muslim leaders. Coordinated as a sharia (Muslim law) protection week by the newly formed All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), hundreds of thousands of Muslims gathered in October 1985 at rallies against the Shah Bano verdict and for upholding the status of Muslim personal law. The size and spontaneity of the mass rallies such as the 300,000 people who gathered in Bombay indicated the frustration and a sense of insecurity had been fermenting for a long time among the Indian Muslims, especially in the major cities (Hansen 1999, 149). Notably, other individual Muslims and Muslim organizations spoke out in defense of the Supreme Court decision and Shah Bano. Cabinet Minister Arif Mohammad Khan argued that the Muslim Womens bill was anti-constitutional, anti-Islam and inhuman, and several Muslim groups sent protest letters and demonstrated against the bill (Engineer 241). In spite of this diversity of Muslim opinion on the matter, the mass rallies and political power of the bills proponents were important considerations. Although Rajiv Gandhi had won in a landslide electoral victory in 1985, his Congress Party had lost a number of Muslim dominated districts. Muslims votes for Congress Party were important in upcoming state elections. Muslims are a sizable minority and had been a key constituency of the Congress Party since independence. Continuing autonomy in the area of personal law would be a key assurance that minority interests would be preserved by the Congress Party. Shah Bano, the elderly women abandoned by husband, was a sympathetic figure at the center of this case; the public could not help but be concerned. The Hindu nationalists, including the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), portrayed themselves as champions of women through critiques of womens unequal treatment in Muslim law, although they failed to launch a comparable critique of their own personal laws unequal treatment of Hindu women. The BJP even convened a Muslim Social Justice Conference in Bombay, resolving to help Muslim women achieve justice while criticizing Muslims who defended their personal law. Bal Thackeray, a Hindu nationalist politician, argued in an interview: The issue is not of religion, but of poisonous seeds of treacherous tendencies. Those who do not accept our Constitution and laws should quit the country and go to Karachi or Lahore (in Pakistan) . There might be many religions in the country, but there must be one constitution and one common law applicable to all (Engineer 243-5). This politician and the Congress Partys emerging rival, the BJP, drew on the Shah Bano case to reinforce their arguments for a uniform civil code. Shah Bano also became a cause among many womens organizations. Some, such as the Joint Womens Programme, a national association with members of various religious
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backgrounds, were inspired to issue a Memorandum and organize demonstrations to fight against the Muslim Womens Bill and support a uniform civil code for all women. Muslim women were divided on the issue: Some Muslim feminists and others sympathetic to Shah Banos situation supported the court decision, while other activists lobbied for the bill. For example, in Pune, 200 women, many of them Muslim divorcees, staged demonstrations to register their strong protest against the Muslim women bill, and 200 Muslim women from Madras sent a letter to Rajiv Gandhi also opposing the bill; on the other hand, a memorandum from the Muslim Womens Graduate Association of Bombay favored the bill (Engineer 237-242). Many progressive women liked the idea of a uniform civil code but worried that their own activism on this issue could facilitate the Hindu nationalists more xenophobic advocacy of the same cause. The religious and ideological divisions among women over the Shah Bano case diluted the political force of their demands. The bill is a setback to the goal of achieving a uniform civil code. It also retrogrades our endeavor towards national integration as it tends to discriminate between Muslim women and women of other communities and therefore the Muslim community from other communities. (Engineer 235-6).
Ideological Attacks on Secular forces:

Further on, Mr. L. K. Advani, the leader of the BJP, gave the party a new direction. Nehruvian secularism was criticised and the word pseudo secularism was coined for it, arguing that it was only meant for Muslim appeasement. The demand for a Uniform Civil Code was made. This demand was further aggravated by the agitation of the orthodox Muslims, who strongly opposed the Supreme Court decision to allow maintenance to divorcee Shah Bano, since they considered it interference in the divine Muslim personal law. Under pressure, Rajiv Gandhi, the then prime minister, passed a bill, Muslim Womens Protection (of Rights on Divorce) to that effect, changing the law for Muslims. This was a great setback to secularism and a great opportunity for the BJP to exploit this passage of bill as a move of appeasement politics by the Congress. Puniyani (2005) reiterates that the BJP politics has made maximum capital of the fact that successive Congress regimes have struck compromises with he religious fundamentalist leaders of the Muslim community. However, it should be understood that the condition of Muslims based on economic standards and social privileges is abysmal. If at all the opportunist political policies of the Congress have struck compromises with the religious leaders of the minorities and kept the minorities in a very poor condition, then in that sense the government policies have been directed against the oppressed (ibid). Another balancing act of the Congress the opening of the Babri Masjid doors for the Hindus for prayer was manipulated by the BJP in gaining support from the lower caste and
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rural Hindus, since Ram is worshipped across all castes and classes. It launched a strong movement for the construction of the Ram temple, thus beginning the Mandir Masjid dispute for its political gains. The BJP support, which up till now was restricted to the upper caste urban Hindus, could now increase manifold, thus brightening its chances of gaining power at the centre too.
Building up of Tension
The decade of eighties was the most dangerous one where the communal forces succeeded in consolidating its political base. In this decade a large number of riots resulted into massive human misery all over the country, including Vadodara in 1982. Shiv Sena had also provoked communal violence in a lot of places in Maharashtra. Anti Sikh riots took place in November 1984, followed by Ahmedabad riots in February 1985 which lasted up to October 85, primarily with the aim to topple the then Chief Minister, Mr. Solanki who had come to power using the KHAM (Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi, Muslim ) formula. Engineer (ibid) believes that it was the success of this strategy that encouraged the BJP to involve Dalits into its fold by making them proud of their Hindu identity. Identity is concerned with the self esteem and self image of a community real or imaginary- dealing with the existence and role who are we? What position do we have in society vis- a- Vis other communities (Shah 2001). It was this very search for identity of the Dalits in the Indian society, which was exploited by the Hindu communalists to further their goals. Also, the Shah Bano case generated tremendous heat in India. It proved that fundamentalist minorities can exert pressure on government and judicial decisions. The mainstream media disapproved the decision. The opposition BJP reacted strongly against the Congress partys policies which according to BJP reflect Pseudo-secularism. The 1985 riots of Ahmedabad were followed by 1987 and 1989 in Meerut and Bhagalpur respectively. In 1989 general elections, V. P. Singh and others joined hands with the BJP to topple the Congress, and this time, the BJP won 88 seats from the 2 seats in the previous elections. Thus, the BJP finally got a stronghold and the Masjid- Mandir issue had played a vital role in it. The Rathyatra of Advaniji in 1990 was the final stroke, where he gathered tremendous Hindu support; even while more than 300 riots broke out in different parts of the country. Puniyani (2005) points out the cleverness with which the objective of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement was twisted and presented as not just the issue of construction of the temple for Lord Ram but also to reawaken national self esteem, and a cause not only for religious unity but national unity. Another point worth noting was the very little resistance that the rath yatra received, whether it was from political parties or social activities, barring that which came from the respective administrative quarters in the states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh in the form of arrest of Mr. Advani and shooting down of the Sangh Parivar vandals.
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According to Banerjee (2002), two visibly disturbing trends emerge. One is the capacity of religion to make any mass movement successful in India and the second, the increasing dependency of the secular and leftist parties on state administration rather than mass education and mobilization to resist communalism. Political situation in India in the decade of the nineties was defined by identity politics. The Babri Masjid was demolished in December 1992 leading to large scale communal riots throughout the country, including Mumbai, Bhopal, Surat and Ahmedabad. Gujarat Riots of 2002 against Muslims and Communal attacks on Christians by Hindu militants during this decade have permanent scar in the psyche of the religious minorities, may they be Muslims, Christians or Buddhists.
Gender, Identity and Violence:

Denial of human rights and fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution of India by the fundamentalists by imposition of dress code, not granting right to work and attacks on female headed households have been objected by womens rights groups through out the world. Extreme form of punishment meted to women by the fundamentalists is in the form of stoning to death of an adulterous woman by the assembled community. During the last decade innumerable women in several countries have lost their lives in painful and undignified manner at the hands of self-appointed custodians of morality. Honour killing has become most widespread among all types of fundamentalists and communalists throughout Asia, Africa and the Middle East not only among the tribals, but among so called civilized sections of the nation states. Girls and boys are punished for talking or marrying boys or girls from other religious groups even in progressive states such as West Bengal and Kerala. Caste Panchayats in Haryana have brutally killed and publicly hanged young lovers or newly married couples for caste Hindu-Dalit marriages. Recently, the law court of Shariat in Nigeria has passed a judgment of stoning to death to a mother of an infant, Ms. Amina Lowal for adultery. There has been an international uproar against the judgment. As a result, for the first time, the state has not executed the decision of the Shariat. Sex Segregation: The fundamentalists forces have prevailed upon the state to enforce sex-segregation in Iran, Albania, Sahel in West Africa, Pakhtun, Malaysia and Turkey. (Hjarpe, 1983). Women in Saudi Arabia live complex existence which mingles strict traditions and codes of conduct with modern demands of education and freedom.( Megalli, 2002). Nonentry of women in the stadium and sports complexes is practiced in several theocratic states. On 22-1-2003, the chief justice of Afghanistan ordered nationwide ban on cable television and coeducation. (WLUML, 2003). Al Badr Mujahideen and Lashkar-e-Jabbar, an offshoot of Lashkar-e-Toiba pasted a poster outside the government Higher Secondary School in Kashmir asking girls to discontinue their studies on December 19, 2002.
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Dress Code: Kashmir conflict has created a situation of great fear and insecurity in womens lives. (Dewan, 2002). Those who opposed the imposition of burqa by Kashmiri militant had to face dire consequences. Under Taliban rule, Afghanistan went to absurd lengths to implement Islamic laws that made womens life a never-ending punishment. It imposed ban on drivers of all types of vehicles from carrying women not wearing chador or chadri. It also prevented women from washing their linen in rivers and deserts. (Pevrin, 1997). A senior Shiv Sena leader, Mr. Nanak Ram Thavani has urged the federal and state governments to formulate and implement a dress code for girls in all schools, colleges and other teaching institutes. (WLUML, 2003). Within hours of the expiry of their deadline for Muslim women and girls to wear burqa, the Kashmiri fundamentalist militants killed three women, including 2 students and a teacher on the morning of 20th December, 2002 at Hasiyot in Thanamandi tehsil of Rajouri district. (The Indian Express, 27-12-2002) Girls throughout India get attacked by conservative forces for wearing denim and T shirt. Couples get beaten up for getting cozy in parks, sea beaches, attending dance parties or celebrating Valentines Day. Jan 24, 09 attack by members of the Sri Ram Sene on young women in a Mangalore pub in which the Sene members had accused the women who go to pubs of violating Indian tradition created nationwide uproar. As a result, even Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader L.K. Advani had to say, I strongly condemn the attack on girls in Mangalore. There can be no compromise on this. It is wrong and against Indian culture and ethos. Girls and boys will have their own ways, and you may not approve, but it is wrong to attack them for it. (Thaindian, 2009)
Moral Policing:
Culture policing or moral policing is a term that is much discussed as it has devastating influence on young women. In fact, much of our society is split by the debate on culture and moral policing. This comes into evidence especially during Valentines Day celebrations. There have been instances of right-wing mobs violently attacking shops and restaurants in the past and the protests continue. Also, many young couples have been driven away from sea-fronts and beaches, by conservative factions who do not like public display of affection. There have been protests against beauty pageants and few bars and pubs have been shut down. Culture or moral policing is an attempt to control the cultural and moral atmosphere prevalent in society. LGBT groups have been targeting for violent attacks and verbal abuse and face discrimination in jobs and housing. Attacks on Right to Work: Women were the first targets of theocratic states in the neo-colonial phase and the post liberation phases in the Middle Eastern, the Mediterranean
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and the North-West Frontier countries. In all these countries, women bravely fought along with their male comrades against the imperialist forces. But once, the revolution or the national liberation was attained, the fundamentalist forces dumped women into the four walls of domesticity. Arab News, the Saudi English language daily has revealed that Saudi women are more concerned about finding good work in tough jobs than being veiled. The Kashmiri militant group, Lashkar-e-Jabbar has asked Muslim women to quit their jobs and stay home, or face punishment, including death. (The Times of India, 21-1-2003). In spite of the threats by the fundamentalists women are entering male bastions such as foreign services, diplomatic missions, judiciary, military, and police force, sports such as soccer, political bodies, academic institutions, and industrial chambers even in the theocratic states. Attacks on Female Headed Households: Fundamentalists of all hues perceive female headed households as eye-sore and make all efforts to persecute, stigmatise, isolate, marginalize and terrorise deserted, divorced, single and separated women leading an independent, economically self-sufficient life with dependent children or senior citizens. They dont accept, women as heads of the household. Wherever, the fundamentalist forces have become powerful, the female-headed households face persecution and witch-hunting.
Communalised Education:
In the X National Conference of The Indian Association of Womens Studies the issue of communalisation of school and college textbooks was discussed at length as representatives of different states reported that there was a systematic attempt by the Sangh Parivar to educate young and old through schools, shakhas, temple networks, satsangs, etc. Through such education which encompasses a whole range of institutions, the Sangh Parivar has managed to draw into its fold large number of women, who in turn seem to transmit this hatred to their children. (IAWS, 2003) Changes in the curriculum that is being pushed through the National Curriculum Framework and the new NCERT text-books portray women only in highly regressive patriarchal terms within the framework of the family. They have targeted womens movement as being responsible for the break-up of the family. Many womens studies scholars have interpreted Gujarat tragedy as a failure of education that created brutalised masculinity. Kashmir situation has jeopardised education of women. The same happened in the ULFA affected areas in Assam and LTTE prone areas in Jaffna (Sri Lanka). The Christian fundamentalists in Latin America are no different. All of them use young women in suicide squads and as cannon fodder for their barbaric agenda. In the camps of Vishva Hindu Parishad,
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young girls are brain-washed first with an ideological investment of communal education (Muslims will outnumber Hindus, Muslim men are lustful and Muslim women are breeders, Muslims are born criminals, Caste system is crucial for racial purity, Shudras and ati-shudras are pollutants) and at the same time given training to use weapons (lathis, swords and daggers). (Vaz, 2003) Communal mindset created by Hindutva forces is so powerful that young college students of, the enlightened Wilson College got a humorous article based on stereotypes about MUSLIM as a murderer, drug seller, a cheater in cricket, kidnapper, terrorist, published. Its title is PAKISTANI MATH QUESTION PAPER. The very first question signifies man-woman relationship among the Muslims. It goes like this: Abdul was sent to jail for murder. He has seven wives in his house. Abdul distributed money to his wives in such a proportion that the youngest and the most recent wife receives maximum and oldest wife gets minimum, and each wife gets double of her former competitor. Abdul has 1700 Rupees left in his house. Abduls oldest wife needs at least 25 Rupees per month. Find out the time when Abdul will have to break jail to come out and come out sop that his wives dont have to starve. There are innumerable websites with similar constructions that demonise Muslim men. The most widely circulated cassettes of the speeches and slogans by Sadhvi Ritambhara, the crudest version of Hindutva ideology provides Ram centered and RSS-led perspective that has nothing in store for women but Agni pariksha (i.e. enter the fire to prove chastity and purity). Sadhvi Ritambharas speeches and pet slogan If there has to be bloodshed, let it happen once and for all during Ram Janmabhoomi campaigns organised by Hindutva forces between 1986-1990 played crucial role in massacre of Muslims in the 1992 riots. (Sarkar, 2001) Ban on Inter-caste, Inter-religious and Inter-racial Marriages: Obsession about racial, caste and religious purity are so deep in the psyche of fundamentalists that have strong aversion against inter-mixing and inter-marriages among citizens of different caste groups, religious communities and racial backgrounds. Newspapers are full of incidences of torture, abduction, forced abortion, lynching, and murder of newly married couples with different caste, religious, ethnic or racial backgrounds. Even the state and criminal justice system miserably fail to provide adequate protection to such love marriages. Such couples have to face social boycott, cant easily get jobs, accommodation and school admissions for their children. Conversion of husband or wife as a conditionality for allowing couples to get married is a logical extension inward looking mentality generated by the fundamentalist mindset.
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Communalised Violence Against Women:

The communalized violence women have experienced recently in Gujarat is unprecedented in terms of the degree of state complicity, the unashamed valorization of these acts of depravity, the horrific participation of women in the violence and the creation of an implacable wall of hatred that provides the reason and then the justification for its spiral effect. It took us fifty years to document excesses against women during the Partition. One wonders how much longer it will take now. Religious revivalism, cultural nationalism and anti-west feelings should be understood in the context of last three hundred years of history of slavery in Africa and two hundred years history of colonization of Asian and Latin American countries by Europe. Devastating effects of humiliation as a result of racial insults, physical and social injury of slave trade and colonial rule is seen in terms of destruction of social confidence. We can say the same about Dalits /the untouchables in India with an uphill task being winning the war against humiliation. Dialectics of Colonized Mind is such that global ideas of democracy and personal liberty are labeled as Western ideas, intellectual and scientific history of the world that has mixed heritage gets distorted and touted as Western and religious fundamentalism and international terrorism play havoc with peoples lives and use innocent youth as cannon fodder in attempts to get even with the West (Sen, 2006). The Western leaders have facilitated authoritarianism and militarism, a breakdown of civil order and educational and health services, and a veritable explosion of local conflicts, intercommunity strife and civil wars not only through diplomatic moves but also through macro economic policies that ensure super-profit (through neo-colonial exploitation of the poor economies) for the Transnational and multinational corporations controlled by G8. Poverty and inequality within and between the nations escalated by economic globalization are creating massive recruiting grounds for the foot soldiers of the terrorist camp. While talking about culture, Sen (2006) says that culture is not uniquely significant in determining our lives and identities; class, race, gender, profession, politics also matter. There are great variations in the same cultural milieu. Culture does not sit still, it changes. Culture interacts with other determinants of social perception and action. There is a need to examine the exact relation between cultural liberty and the priorities of multiculturalism. Cultural captivity does not help. There is a great need for broadening the horizon of understanding of the other people and other group. There is a need for theoretical and conceptual clarity. Theories can influence social thought, political action and public policy. Conceptual confusion about peoples identities
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turns multidimensional human beings into one dimensional creature, living human beings into cartoons. It is disturbing to note a neglect of gender concerns in the meta narratives. Womens rights groups in all parts of the globe have rallied against myriad issues that play havoc with womens lives as a result of identity politics. Family laws based on religion are discriminatory towards women in matters such as marriage, divorce, custody of child, maintenance, alimony, land rights, as well as the right to stay in matrimonial and parental home. African feminists have fought against genital mutilation. Indian womens rights organizations fought against Sati (widow-burning). Even while describing wars Bangladesh (1971), Somalia (1993), Bosnia (1993) and communal riots in India, Prof. Sen does not mention how women were brutalized/ repeatedly raped and forcibly made pregnant by the men from enemy camp as a target for ethnic cleansing. According to Prof. Sen 85% of arms sold internationally in the recent years were sold by G8 and the international womens movement has been at the forefront of anti-war struggle. Currently wars are waged in 200 places on this planet and for G8 wars have been the most profitable venture. In this disturbing global and local context, rays of hope have been provided by inspiring community-based initiatives as follows:
Rajendra Sachar Committee Report:

The Rajinder Sachar Committee, appointed by the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India was a high level committee for preparation of a report on the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India. In the field of literacy the Committee has found that the rate among Muslims is very much below than the national average. The gap between Muslims and the general average is greater in urban areas and women. 25 per cent of children of Muslim parents in the 6-14 year age group have either never attended school or have dropped out. Muslim parents are not averse to mainstream education or to send their children to affordable Government schools. The access to government schools for children of Muslim parents is limited. Bidi workers, tailors and mechanics need to be provided with social safety nets and social security. The participation of Muslims in the professional and managerial cadre is low. The average amount of bank loan disbursed to the Muslims is 2/3 of the amount disbursed to other minorities. In some cases it is half. The Reserve Bank of Indias efforts to extend banking and credit facilities under the Prime Ministers 15-point programme of 1983 has mainly benefited other minorities marginalizing Muslims. There is a clear and significant inverse association between the proportion of the Muslim population and the availability of educational infrastructure in small villages. Muslim concentration villages are not well served
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with pucca approach roads and local bus stops. Substantially larger proportion of the Muslim households in urban areas is in the less than Rs.500 expenditure bracket. The presence of Muslims has been found to be only 3% in the IAS, 1.8% in the IFS and 4% in the IPS. Muslim community has a representation of only 4.5% in Indian Railways while 98.7% of them are positioned at lower levels. Representation of Muslims is very low in the Universities and in Banks. Their share in police constables is only 6%, in health 4.4%, in transport 6.5%. In the absence of developmental investment among socio-economically and culturally stigmatized sections of society, the youth turn to terrorist forces are captured by the terrorists of all hues to be used as cannon fodder. With this perspective in mind, after nation-wide communal carnage after breaking of Babri Mosque in 1992, in several cities of our country, Neighbourhood Committees comprising all religious groups have started functioning, the most successful of them are in several suburbs of Mumbai. Peace Begins from HomeA Case Sturdy of Womens Grievances Cell of Mohalla Committee Movement, Mumbai Mohalla Committee Movement (MCM) in Mumbai was formed with a firm understanding that the quest for peace is an eternal pursuit for human fulfilment. Peace or absence of antagonistic, violent, or destabilising conflict is essential for existence to become life, for survival to become human. Human beings can become human and humane only in conditions of peace. Creativity, spirituality, individual and collective achievements attain grandeur and glory only when there is peace. Qualities of compassion, forgiveness, love, sharing and universal solidarity become cherished and sought after virtuous attributes only when a community, society or nation is at peace within and without. War on the other hand, internal or external, civil or military, declared or undeclared valorises bravery the capacity to kill or be killed the destruction of human life and accomplishments; it mocks compassion and conscience; it belittles refusal to erect artificial walls that divide human beings in the name of one identity or the other; it glorifies the destructive principle and devalues the principles of creation and life. The war mongers are invariably persons with few qualms of conscience, ever ready to eliminate and exterminate human life, emotions, thought, ideas, and achievements. MCMs were formed in Mumbai to counter communal frenzy during Bombay riots in 1992-93. In the words of its founder member Julio Francis Ribeiro, After the riots in Mumbai in 1992, a long term, interventionary and developmental solution was deemed necessary. The creation of Mohalla committees was one of the solutions proffered and their proliferation in various areas of Mumbai has made a measurable difference in the life of this metropolis. These committees were seen as simple, people-centred and appropriate mechanisms through which peoples participation in the peace process is highlighted. MCM made a crucial
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contribution to restore peace and confidence among different communities. Moreover, it promoted developmental activities such as education, civic issues and programmes for youth and students. As MCM has a gender-sensitive approach and does not believe that Womens issues can wait, it decided to focus on women- both in the community as well as in the domestic arena.
Formation of Womens Grievance Redressal Cell

Women in the communities have been mainstays of the MCM. Womens response to the proponents of World Peace was Peace begins from home. Peace of course can have two faces, two forms- Public and private. Peace in the community, go hand-in-hand with the peace in the family life, hence the need to deal with domestic violence and womens grievances. There may be an apparent stability and absence of conflict in situations of successful intense repression-beating, abuses, psychological torture wherein all dissent is brutally, immediately, and surgically suppressed. This is a condition in which only one group (men, in-laws, bully neighbours) dominates, in which womens views and dignity is not allowed to exist. The other situation is one in which democracy and human rights reach their pinnacle in each and every core of the community and domestic lives. It is the condition in which there are always avenues of settlement of differences and disputes without a breakdown of the framework of mutual respect, recognition of the rights of the other, and belief in good faith of the adversary. It is the condition in which negotiations and persuasion are the methods of overcoming even major digressions in points of view. It is a condition in which people have the right to be different and where difference is not denied. It is also the state of affairs in which difference is not a cause of hierarchy, where the other is not the enemy or the lower or the higher being. To create such condition, the MCM initiated a project- Womens Grievance Redressal Cells (WGRC) in March 1997, first at the MIDC and on 2nd April 1998 in Andheri (E) to enable women of different communities to come together on a common platform.
Distressing Condition of Women in the Community

While working in the community, MCM activists realised that women were doubly oppressed, both socially and economically and hence needed an outlet to voice their grievances. Most of the women led submissive lives and suffered in silence. Ironically, even though communal harmony prevailed in the area, marital conflicts disturbed the peace and tranquillity of the families. Many of them had to face physical violence their personal lives.
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Even so they were apprehensive of lodging a complaint at the police station, either out of fear of society or due to fear of retaliation/ backlash from the family members, especially husbands. It was in this background that the members of MCM along with the police conceived the idea of WGRC in order to help women in distress. These Cells made the people aware of a common link between women and the community they live in. As a result, effective outreach programmes were developed and major extension activities were initiated to promote peace, communal harmony and constructive activities for area development. These Cells, being projects of MCM are working in collaboration with the local police and 3 NGOs function twice a week at the MIDC and Andheri (E) police stations. Awe inspiring experiences of these two Cells, motivated the members of MCM to start similar Cells in Bandra, Nagpada and Worli.
Objectives of WGRC:
1. To work with individual women and men, families, groups and communities to create harmonious gender relations and to promote ethos of cultural pluralism. 2. To give the women a listening ear and to take cognisance of the offences perpetrated on them. 3. To coordinate with the police in cases of crimes against women. 4. To conduct training programmes/workshops for women as well as the family members on wide range of issues and themes concerning multicultural existence, developmental problems and skill and capacity enhancing projects. 5. To network with womens organisations and other like-minded organisations for collaborative work. 6. To facilitate and mediate out of court settlements and if needed, to organise legal services for women at affordable rates.
Approach of the WGRC:

As the thrust of the Cell is on mediation and reconciliation, all the concerned parties are invited to the Cell and given a fair chance to voice their grievances against each other. Some of the meetings can be very time consuming. However in some cases, redressal process is shorter and cases quickly get resolved. Due to consistent activities of MCM in the community, the Womens Cell could get easily established and legitimised as many women who approached the Cell were also the members of MCM and attended MCM meetings regularly in their respective beats.
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The following examples delineate the processual dimension of WGRCs intervention: a. Easing of tension between Hafeeza Shaikh and Vimal Pawar (MIDC)
For several years, Hafeeza and Vimal were at loggerheads. Even thought their fights revolved around issues such as garbage and drainage, their anger and hatred towards each other was immense. Both had lodged complaints and counter complaints against each other at the police station. But to no avail, the animosity between the two continued to prevail. Finally, the duty officer at the police station asked them to visit WGRC. On visiting the WGRC, both complained bitterly against each other. While Vimal blamed Hafeeza of witchcraft, Hafeeza blamed Vimal for provoking the fights and instigating the neighbours against her. It was evident that both did not want reconciliation. It was a Herculean task for the members of the Cell to bridge the gap between the two as they belonged to two different communities. However, after a continuous dialogue with them at the end of the third session, both agreed to bury the past and forgive each other. The Cell members were jubilant as they were able to resolve the problem that existed for many years and most importantly they were able to bring about peace in the area, especially since Hafeezas was the only family from the minority community living in a majority dominated area. b. Reformed Swami and relieved Vasanthi (Andheri)
Vasanthi, a young girl, married C. Swamy in 2003. However, on the very next day of her marriage, her husband demanded money to set up his business. She was shattered. In order to keep her marriage intact, she borrowed a small amount of money from her father and gave it to her husband. Still he continued to harass her mentally and physically for more money. Moreover, he forcibly took her gold ornaments and sold them for a large amount of money. Torture by her husband was so her unbearable that she left her matrimonial home to live with her parents. Her parents felt so cheated by their son-inlaw that they decided not to send Vasanthi back and decided to call of the marriage. It was at this point in time that distraught Vasanthi approached the Cell and related her woes to the members. Vasanthis husband was subsequently called to the Cell and there was a major showdown between the spouses. The members made uphill effort to seek reconciliation between them. But it was only after the second session that Vasanthis husband agreed to return the money and jewels and do a service job. After the third meeting both the spouses agreed to give their marriage a try and Vasanthi returned to her husband. They are in touch with WGRC and the Cell members have found that Swamy has changed for better.
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Nature of Grievances 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Marital conflicts (wife-beating, extra-marital relationships, alcoholism, unemployment, financial constraints) Problems concerning in-laws Disputes with neighbours Conflicts with kith & kin Sexual problems (impotency, violent sexual encounter, pervasive and lustful behaviour) Love affairs resulting into elopement & marriage Divorce, desertion, maintenance, illegal second marriages Support Work of WGRC for Women in Distress Year 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 Total MIDC 60 150 150 160 170 175 175 195 1235 Andheri 140 150 155 165 170 173 190 1143 Bandra 60 50 45 60 75 75 365 Worli 115 120 135 135 160 190 855 Nagpada 135 155 160 170 185 210 1015
Legal Intervention
The cases that could not be resolved through negotiation were either referred to the family court at Bandra or to individual lawyers. Some women filed their petitions in the family court for maintenance and divorce while others sought the help of their lawyers in connection with illegal marriages, child custody and dowry demands made by their husbands. An advocate from Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) also helped with her legal expertise at the Cell at MIDC.
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Teamwork between the Police and WGRC members

In all the Cells, the police constables are a part of the team. Their presence helps WGRC to get a better insight on the problems faced by numerous women and moreover it gives an opportunity to empathise with the victims in need of help. The police also play an important role by visiting the home of the victim and inviting the spouse to the Cell for mediation.
Follow-Up Work
WGRC visits the homes where the conflict is of a serious nature so as to assess the prevailing situation. If the relationship continues to be strained, the spouses are once again invited to the Cell for further mediation.
Empowerment of women through Education

WGRC believes that public education is the major tool to womens empowerment. Hence, it organised five workshops on gender sensitisation at Bandra-Kurla police station for the police personnel of the west region. The team from the legal aid cell of justice and peace commission conducted sessions on The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, laws related to women and crimes against women. The five-day workshop provided legal training to three hundred police personnel that included constables, sub inspectors, inspectors and assistant commissioners of police. Even women police took active part in the workshop that was divided into a lecture, a group exercise and a slide show. WGRC has also organised workshop on women and health, counselling, legal provisions, communication skills and unlearning communalism through creative methods of role-play, story telling, group exercises, street plays, screening of films, vocational training programmes, haldi kumkum samaroha, rangoli and poster competitions and teaching precautions like first aid, fire extinguishing skills.
Commemoration of International Womens Day

8 March, International Womens day, that symbolises solidarity, sisterhood and strength of women, has been a focal point for women from all five Cells to meet at one place and get a feeling of empowerment. For the past seven years, the Cell has been celebrating this day with vigour an enthusiasm reflected in singing of group song, experience sharing, presentation of annual progress report, speeches of dignitaries and childrens stage shows. These events have instilled a feeling of confidence and leadership qualities in women.
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Pre-emptive measures
Knitting Communities together has been the most effective tactic for preventing communal conflagration. In 2002, after the communal carnage in Gujarat, there was a lot of tension in the community. Women Grievance Redressal Cell (WGRC) worked with the police and held meetings all across the city through the MCM. WGRC also participated in the MCM-organised painting competitions, cultural programmes on communal harmony, sports like volley ball, gymnastics and athletics, table tennis and cricket for peace as friendly and healthy competitions to inculcate a spirit of recreation to counter cut-throatism and promote peace making. After these programmes, many participants have expressed their feelings, Until now we were very scared and prejudiced about the police and did not feel we could approach them. But these past few days have helped us to overcome this.
Study Rooms
The other strategy implemented by the Mohalla Committees has been in the setting up of study rooms, as in many slum colonies young students do not have a quiet space where they can study. Often many of them need help with their studies. By using the classrooms of local municipal schools, which are free and unused in the evenings, the Mohalla Committees have been able to provide a much-needed service to their communities.
Twelve steps (1997-2009) to Womens Empowerment

During the last twelve years of its existence, WGRC, has played an important role in cementing the bonds between communities, spouses, neighbours and enlightened the youth. It is an acknowledged fact that WGRC has played a useful role in forging a meaningful relationship between individuals in the family and also expanded the meaning of family that encompasses the whole community. At the time of communal tension (at times of religious festivals, release of controversial films depicting inter-religious love marriage, during ongoing unsecular episodes happening elsewhere) both police and the Cell members play a proactive role and display courage of conviction to diffuse the tension. This has been possible due to the close and constant co-operation between the police and the Mohalla Committees. The work of MCM has been successful only in areas where police officers have taken personal interest and have ensured that the right kind of people are inducted in the Committee. After seven years of functioning of the WGRC, both the communities and the police have realised that the process requires constant vigilance and evaluation. WGRC member are torchbearers of womens dignity, bodily integrity and gender-justice. Activities of WGRC have brought womens issues on the agenda of MCM. Now, members in the community accept that womens rights are human rights. This experience of MCM needs to be replicated through out the nation.
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Approaches to Peace & Conflict Resolution:

All those who are involved in peace building, peace keeping and peace making are our natural allies. There are following approaches to conflict resolution:
A. The UN Initiative:
The process of promoting the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values needed to bring about behavior changes that will enable children, youth and adults to prevent conflict and violence; both overt and structural; to resolve conflict peacefully; and to create the conditions conducive to peace whether at an intrapersonal, interpersonal, inter-group, national or international level. Peace Education Working Group of UNICEF is focusing on schools and colleges with thias perspective. Educationists promoting tolerance and peaceful existence are working at three levels Transformative Education: Unlearning casteism, sexism, communalism, ethnic chauvinism, racism Collaboration in Reciprocity: Mutual respect, respect for plural lifestyles- dress code, food habits, music, art, craft, aesthetics, cultural-national history Dialogue among Cultures: Cross cultural get-to-gathers, festival celebrations, quiz, study tours of shrines, liberative dimensions of religions B. Mahatma Gandhis views on violence are extremely relevant in the contemporary context where he says, If I can have nothing to do with the organized violence of the Government, I can have less to do with the unorganized violence of the people. I would prefer to be crushed between the two. For me popular violence is as much an obstruction in our path as the Government violence. Indeed, I can combat the Government violence more successfully than the popular. For one thing, in combating the latter, I should not have the same support as in the former. I make bold to say that violence is the creed of no religion and that, whereas nonviolence in most cases is obligatory in all, violence is merely permissible in some cases. But I have not put before India the final form of nonviolence. I object to violence because, when it appears to do good, the good is only temporary; the evil it does is permanent. Gandhian institutions organize camps, study circles, public lectures, peace marches and discourses on conflict resolutions in a participatory democratic manner.
C. Global Appeal of Dr. Martin Luther King (Jr)

Nonviolence in the civil rights struggle has meant not relying on arms and weapons of struggle. It has meant noncooperation with customs and laws which are institutional
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aspects of a regime of discrimination and enslavement. It has meant direct participation of masses in protest, rather than reliance on indirect methods which frequently do not involve masses in action at all. Nonviolence has also meant that my people in the agonizing struggles of recent years have taken suffering upon themselves instead of inflicting it on others. It has meant, as I said, that we are no longer afraid and cowed. But in some substantial degree it has meant that we do not want to instill fear in others or into the society of which we are a part. The movement does not seek to liberate Negroes at the expense of the humiliation and enslavement of whites. It seeks no victory over anyone. It seeks to liberate. As per this approach, Conflict Resolution refers to the process of resolving a dispute or a conflict permanently, by providing each sides needs, and adequately addressing their interests so that they are satisfied with the outcome. Civil Rights Movement was built by Dr. Martin Luther King with this understanding and there is resurgence of interest in this philosophy in the 21st century among a section of youth.
D. Culturally Sensitive Approach:

Amnesty International, while taking care of survivors of violent conflicts in Sri Lanka, Central Asia, Bosnia, Somalia used psychotherapy, psychoanalysis, and counseling. Care givers are taught effective conflict resolution and peace building skills to build bridges of cultural understanding and mutual respect through art and media, Conflict analysis and prevention; Mediation and conflict resolution; Post-conflict peace and stability operations; Religion and peacemaking. Anti War Movement of 1970s: No to Bombing of Vietnam, opposition to the US invasion in Afghanistan and Iraq were governed by this approach.
E. No Peace without Social Justice

Justice and Peace Commissions established after communal carnage in several parts of India believe in the philosophy of Sarvajan Hitay, Sarvajan Sukhay (Working in the interst of all and to bring happiness to all) through solving burning problems of community. At the same time, they are committed to Retributive Justice: International War Crimes Tribunals Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Gujarat: Punishing the guilty Restorative Justice: Rebuilding shattered lives Reconciliation: Collaborative work, community based work, trust building
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Moverover, through community work, peace festival, human rights education, such initiatives exposing the game of Competitive Communalism between Majority & Minority communities carefully engineered & crafted by their elites to retain their power-base HinduMuslim, Shia-Sunni, Muslim-Christian. Use of child soldiers as cannon fodder by fundamentalists/ terrorists has been challenged by Mothers Associations and Peoples Initiatives in Kashmir, Manipur and Nagaland. In the recent Ethnic Strife in Kenya, Multi tribe alliance against Kibaki from wealthy Kikuyu tribe has highlighted crosscutting of economic divide & identity politics. JPCs appeal is high as it sees religion as an ethic that informs human actions/ projects and draems of integrated humanity founded on peace & justice. It deconstructs the discourse around monolithic construction of Muslim identity or Christian Identity and projects concerns for social justice, gender justice and distributive justice. It countering with examples and data exaggerated sense of paranoia about Muslim or Christian identity in our country that keeps in check all the other contradictions & solidarities. JPC also respects liberation theologies within Hinduism, Sufism, Christianity, Buddhism, materialist school.
F. Approach of Conflict Transformation:

Through Media Development, Child Protection, Project Management, Humanitarian Assistance, Human Rights Protection, human development-Health, education, employment and accountability of refugees. There are three stages of Conflict Resolution Peace building is the process of restoring normal relations between people. It requires the reconciliation of differences, apology and forgiveness of past harm, and the establishment of a cooperative relationship between groups, replacing the adversarial or competitive relationship that used to exist. E.g. OLAKH, PUCL & SAHIYAR (Vadodara). Peacekeeping is the prevention or ending of violence within or between nation-states through the intervention of an outside third party that keeps the warring parties apart. Unlike peacemaking, which involves negotiating a resolution to the issues in conflict, the goal of peacekeeping is simply preventing further violence. (The UN Peace Keeping Force, UNHCR in Afghanistan). Peacemaking is the term often used to refer to negotiating the resolution of a conflict between people, groups, or nations. It goes beyond peacekeeping to actually deal with the issues in dispute, but falls short of peace building, which aims toward reconciliation and normalization of relations between ordinary people, not just the formal resolution which is written on paper. (Peace rallies, appeals, efforts thro media)
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In Manipur: 2004 Hunger strike, Nagaland: Womens Protest, Burma: Peace Rally, Tibet: Demanding comprehensive dialog with H.H. the Dalai Lama, Latin America: Mothers of Missing Children have been at the forefront of Conflict Transformation. All over the world womens groups have been highlighting Womens Rights are Human Rights every year from 25th November to 10th December (The UN human Rights Day). Efforts of Sisters Without Border, Doctors Without Border and Citizens without Border are guided by the approach of conflict transformation.
G: To give peace a chance, make peace the story:

While reporting every media personality must have faith: In every conflict, there is always something retrievable. It is very important to popularize peace journalism. Public felicitations of persons involved in rescue operations and rehabilitation such as nurses of Cama Hospital in the midst of terrorist attack on 26-11-08 and hundreds of unsung heroes & heroines. Popularise efforts of global, national and local networks involved in peace-making. For example, The Thousand Cranes Peace Network is made up of groups and individuals who are willing to fold a thousand paper cranes (or as many as they can manage) as a symbol of their hope for, and commitment to, peace and non-violence. A visit to the Peace Park and the Peace Memorial Museum allows the visitor a glimpse into the horror of the worlds first use of the atomic bomb against people on 6 August 1945. It is a reminder that we must work together to make sure that such a tragedy never happens again.
Five Priorities for Conflict Resolution and Peace:

Practitioners involved in Conflict Resolution are unanimous in their conviction about five core principles and they are: Dialogue, communication, networks- Centre for Studies in society and Secularism (CSSS), Mumbai has been doing this for past two decades thro research, documentation, training of people of all stake groups. Contemplation-Communalism Combat, (Hate Hurts, Harmony works) a monthly magazine provides platform for debate and discussion on political economy of conflicts and ways to resolve them. Community Life-Moholla Committee Movement is doing illustrious work that must be replicated everywhere. Justice, peace & integrity of creation in solidarity with the most vulnerable- JPCs must attract all types of professions.
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Simple living, Solidarity for Social/Economic Justice: All approaches, from A to G advocate socio-economic and gender justice.
Focus on Youth:
Through sports for peace, quiz for peace, songs for peace, debate/discussion on peace, painting for peace, theatre for peace, politics for peace, rereading history of wars & peace and interfaith dialogues the youth can be motivated towards philosophy of Vasudhaiv Kutumbkam for Local as well as Global Harmony. The concept of vasudhaiv kutumbakam- the world is but one family - culture of peace and global citizenship should be inducted into all aspects of human life and education, especially humanities. Let us celebrate and promote the spirit and philosophy of satyam, shivam, sundaram (Truth, Goodness, Beauty) and live life purposefully and peacefully. There is a need to create Peace Museums and Peace Galleries to help promote a better understanding of other people and cultures around the world. Organisation of Peace Festivals and Peace Rallies. In 2004, over one million people in different part of our Globe had candle light marches to stop US invasion in Iraq.
Conclusion:
The quest for peace is an eternal pursuit for human fulfilment. Peace or absence of antagonistic, violent, or destabilising conflict is essential for existence to become life, for survival to become human. Human beings can become human and humane only in conditions of peace. Creativity, spirituality, individual and collective achievements attain grandeur and glory only when there is peace. Qualities of compassion, forgiveness, love, sharing and universal solidarity become cherished and sought after virtuous attributes only when a community, society or nation is at peace within and without. War on the other hand, internal or external, civil or military, declared or undeclared valorises bravery the capacity to kill or be killed the destruction of human life and accomplishments; it mocks compassion and conscience; it belittles refusal to erect artificial walls that divide human beings in the name of one identity or the other; it glorifies the destructive principle and devalues the principles of creation and life. The war mongers are invariably persons with few qualms of conscience, ever ready to eliminate and exterminate human life, emotions, thought, ideas, and achievements. In this context, for empowering harmony at the individual and community level, liberal humanism needs to be backed by solidarity, service and authority. Social activists like us have To organize and mobilize men, women and children to reiterate and reinforce the importance of secular values for a harmonious coexistence.
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To create pressure groups to condemn acts of violence and exclusion and to propagate actions and initiatives to promote peace and inclusion. To reaffirm secular values and multiculturalism for maintaining and strengthening democratic values based on respect for human rights. To encourage, facilitate and establish similar networks/coalition of citizens to promote secular values, religious tolerance, democracy and human rights and accelerate womens participation in secular movements striving for equality and justice. To counter violence on women, Dalits, minorities, tribals and to contribute to the efforts for gender justice, social justice and distributive justice. To consistently raise our voices against fundamentalism and communalism and to initiate action against all forms of discrimination. To expose the consistent abuse of religion, tradition, national and cultural heritage by vested interest and to gain legitimacy and political power.
REFERENCES
Agnes, Flavia (2002) Transgressing boundaries of gender and identity, Bom: Economic and Political Weekly, Commentary, September 07. Ahmed, Riaz (2002) Gujarat violence: meaning and implications, Economic and Political Weekly Commentary, May 18. Banerjee, Sumanta (2002) When the Silent Majority Backs a Violent Minority, Economic and Political Weekly Commentary, March 30. Berndt, Hagen (2006) People building peace, transforming violent conflict in South Asia, Germany: Church Development Service EED. Bhasin, Kamla and Nighat Khan (2006) Feminism and its relevance in South Asia, Kali for Women, New Delhi. Bunch, Charlotte (2002) Feminist conceptualisation of peace, human rights and womens peace activism, International conference in Srilanka on Women, peace building and Constitution making, May. Bushra, El (2003) Women building peace: sharing know how, USA: International Alert, June published by Womens International League for Peace and Freedom. Butalia, Urvashi (2000) The Other Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India, USA: Duke University Press.
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Cupiles, Julie (2004) Counter- revolutionary women: gender and reconciliation in post war Nicaragua, USA: Gender and Development, Peace building and reconstruction, Vol. 12, No 3, November. Dewan, Ritu (2002) Gender dimensions of communal violence, Lessons from Gujarat, Mumbai: Vikas Adhyayan Kendra. Engineer, Asghar Ali (1991) Communal Riots in Post Independence India, Delhi: Sangam Books. Engineer, Asghar Ali (2002) Gujarat carnage in the light of history of communal violence in India, Lessons from Gujarat, Mumbai: Vikas Adhyayan Kendra. Human Rights Watch (2002) WE HAVE NO ORDERS TO SAVE YOU State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat, May, Vol. 14, no 3(c) INSAF (2002) Gujarat Laboratory of Hindu Rashtra a report, New Delhi. International Initiative for Justice (2003) Threatened existence: a feminist analysis of the genocide in Gujarat, Mumbai: New Age Printing Press. Kaluagu, Banda Agnes (2004) Post conflict programmes for women: lesions from the Kosovo Womens Initiative, USA: Gender and Development, Peace building and reconstruction, Vol. 12, No 3. Mckay, Susan (2004) Restructuring fragile lives: girls social reintegration in Northern Uganda and Sierra Leone, USA: Gender and Development, Peace building and reconstruction, Vol. 12, No 3. Muggah, Robert (2005) Columbias Chimera: Reflections on Human Security and armed violence, USA: Columbia University. Patel, Vibhuti (2002), Womens Challenges of the New Millennium, Delhi: Gyan Publication. Patel, Vibhuti (2209) Fundamentalism, Communalism & G Justice, http://www.europesolidaire.org/spip.php?article13223 PUCL Vadodara and Vadodara Shanti Abhiyan (2002) At the receiving end- Womens experiences of violence in Gujarat, Vadodara: Peoples Union of Civil Liberties. PUCL Vadodara and Vadodara Shanti Abiyan (2002), Violence in Vadodara: A report, Vadodara: Peoples Union of Civil Liberties. Puniyani, Ram (2005) Communal Politics: facts vs myths, Sage Publications, New Delhi.\ Reardon, Betty (2006) Women and Peace Peace and security for all, a feminist critique of the current peace and security policy (2006) Feminist Institute of the Heinrich Bll
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Foundation, based on the input of working group- Gender in Peace and Security Policy and Civil Conflict Prevention. Rege, Sharmila et al (2002) Gujarat carnage: Outlining the Gendered character of Communal stereotypes, strategies and violence, Lessons from Gujarat, Mumbai: Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, Sen, Amartya Kumar (2006) Identity and Violence The Illusion of Destiny, New Delhi: Penguin Books. Shah, Ghanshyam (2002) Deprived castes, Identity Politics and Communal violence in Gujarat, Lessons from Gujarat, Mumbai: Vikas Adhyayan Kendra. Shah, Ghanshyam (2001) Dalit identity and politics, Sage Publications, New Delhi. www.thaindian.com/newsportal/politics/mangalore-pub-attack-against-indianculture_100160969.html Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars (2002) More Than Victims: The Role of Women in Conflict Prevention, A conference report, Washington D. C.
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Meena Deshpande mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 158-166 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in
Research Article
DOMESTIC MIGRATION: FAILURE OF LAW

Meena Deshpande* Abstract Migration for work and the problems associated with it is not a part of political discourse, even though it affects sufficiently large section of population of India due to voters in wrong places and imbalanced development. The State of Orissa was the first to identify the problems of migrant workmen and hence passed Orisssa Dadan Labour (Control and Regulation) Act in 1975.Dadan in 0riya language means advance payment. Under this Act, the Dadan sardars or the labour contractors and agents sending workmen outside the state are required to register. The intention of the Act is to protect the Dadan labour of Orissa. Subsequently, the Central government noticed the seriousness of the issue and passed Interstate Migrant workmen (Regulation of Employment and conditions of Service) Act in 1979. The Act intended to reduce the hardships and remedy the miserable conditions of the inter-state migrant workmen; it also contains certain provisions for female workers. The noble intentions of the Act are not fulfilled due to various reasons and the pathetic situation of the migrant workers continues. The reasons for non-implementation of law begin with the difficulties in identifying the target group and providing them the protection of law. The nature of migration differs from state to state. In some only the male members migrate, in some others the family migrates. Migration of either type has a gender dimension. There is a need to identify the migrant workmen and address their problems. The paper intends to address some of the issues connected with the non-implementation of the Act. In this paper an attempt is made to identify the problem area and suggest simple remedies within the given structure.
* Department of Political Science, Bangalore University.
Domestic Migration: Failure of Law
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Conceptualizing Migration
Migration whether internal or international is not a new phenomena, it is as old as human history. Men went in search of better and better location, either by self-motivation or due to external compulsions. The incessant search of man for good life has been one of the important compelling factor for his movement from place to place and from time to time, either for a short period or for longer period resulting in permanent or temporary migration. The meaning of good life need not be confined to material existence and wellbeing; it should be taken in a wider sense as Aristotle conceptualized. When one is attempting to comprehend migration, one has to keep in mind its complex structure. (Ayhan Gencler and Sudi Apak June 2009). The push and pull factors of migration need not be always economic. The non-economic motivation and factors too have constrained man to change his place of living. Though the economic dimension attracted the attention of economists and became an important aspect of development debate. The same is not true with political scientists. Migrations are caused by multifarious factors but the driving factor continues to be self preservation in a wider sense. The other social, political, economic, cultural, geographical, psychological, professional and spiritual factors too need a mention. Generally an economically advanced relatively secure region attracts people from relatively backward insecure region. But generalization is neither desirable nor possible, as migration is a multifaceted, multidimensional phenomenon. Migration is not always patterned, though at times it may show a pattern, trends can be observed and on the basis of which forecasts can be made. A comprehensive table provided by Mansoor A and B Quillin (2006) clearly points out the complexity of the issue of migration, though some of the push and pull factors refer exclusively to international migration, some of them are applicable to internal migration. Encouragement and Motivation for an individual to Migrate Push Factors Economic and demographic Poverty Unemployment standard of living Low wages development High fertility rates Lack of basic health and education Pull Factors Prospects of higher wages Potential for improved Personal or professional
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Political
Conflict, insecurity, violence Poor governance Corruption Human rights abuses Discrimination based on ethnicity, religion and the like
Safety and security Political freedom
Social and cultural
Family reunification, Ethnic (diaspora Gender, migration) homeland freedom from Discrimination
Source: Mansoor A and B Quillin (2006), Migration and Remittance, The World Bank, Washington As produced by Ayhan Gencler and Sudi Apak (June 2009)
Inter-State Migration in India

Domestic migration in India is constantly increasing, the micro-studies estimate as in 2006 was 30 million (Deshingkar, 2006). But there is no corresponding response from either society or the state. The problem is either overlooked or its intensity underestimated. The economic benefits of migration are not recognised and migration tends to be viewed as an economically, socially and politically destabilising process because it overburdens urban areas, deprives rural areas of productive members, destabilises family life, leads to labour exploitation by the informal sector and causes administrative and legislative headaches (Deshingkar and Grimm, 2004; Deshingkar and Anderson, 2004). The authors feel the local, state, and national policy response is weak or ineffective. Its positive effects on the economy too are ignored. Inter-state migration in India is mainly from states having low agricultural productivity. Orissa, Bihar, Eastern Utter Pradesh, parts of Bengal, and Telangana region in Andhra Pradesh fall in this category. Inter-state migration takes place for casual and temporary employment in the following spheres: 1. 2. Seasonal agricultural labour required at the time of harvesting and for agricultural operations in Punjab, Haryana and Western UP. Construction labour engaged in irrigation projects, major road and rail projects all over the country.
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Specialised labour like Oriya labour in Madhya Pradesh brick kilns, sugarcane harvesting labour in South Gujarat and other coastal states, textile labour in Surat and Bhivandi in Maharastra.
There is no uniform pattern in the position of migrant workers as the variables determining it vary from sector to sector and state to state. For instance, the position of migrant agricultural workmen from Bihar and UP is slightly better than the construction workmen from Orissa and AP. The agricultural labourer, after finding his way in the new territory becomes an old hand in subsequent years, and a relation with the employer is established. Hence, the obvious reasons are that there is a one to one relation between the employer and the workmen, and some kind of continuity is there in the case of agricultural sector. These relations once established continue due to nature of the work. Both these factors are absent in the case of construction workers. The migrant worker knows neither the employer nor the nature and place of work are known before hand. Once the project is over, the worker and the employer lose contact, and both have to move to a new work site. This adds to the vulnerability of the workmen.
Gender Dimension
There is a gender dimension to migration. Working Paper of K. Shanti (2006) contains the data about Intra-district and inter-district Rural -Rural, Urban-Rural, Rural-Urban and Urban - Urban female Migration, independent and employment oriented Migration and brings out the special needs and requirements of female migrants. The paper concludes: In view of rising urban-ward migration and increased labour force participation of women after migration, questions related to sanitation water housing educational and infrastructural needs require greater attention at the level of policy planning and implementation. Since women are a highly heterogeneous group migration among females should not only be understood as a poverty reducing strategy but also as a strategy of economic diversification, upward mobility and desire for personal growth and autonomy. Micro level case studies are warranted to understand the intricacies involved in female migration.
Response of the State- the Act and the implementing Machinery

The vulnerability of migrant workers demands a positive action by the state machinery. The problem of migration no doubt has attracted the notice of the government and policies are being made. Efforts are made by the local, state and national governments to overcome the push factors by creating infrastructure, providing financial assistance, creating job opportunities through different schemes and programs. The effectiveness or ineffectiveness of these is beyond the focus of the paper.
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Let me go back to the focus of this paper that is to locate problem areas in the law that intends to address the problems of migrant labour. The State of Orissa was the first to bring about a legislation whose aim was to protect the dadan labour of Orissa. Following this lead, The Inter-state Migrant Workmen (Regulation and Employment and conditions of Service) Act 1979 was passed by the union Government, hence forth referred to as ISMWA. And subsequently The Inter-state Migrant Workmen (Regulation and Employment and conditions of Service) Central Rules 1980 were framed. The Act intended to reduce the hardships and remedy the miserable conditions of the inter-state migrant workmen. It was an Act to regulate the employment of inter-state migrant workmen and to provide for their conditions of service and the matters concerned therewith. The implementation of ISMWA requires fulfillment of two necessary conditions: 1. Registration of the contractor of the sending state. 2. Registration of the employer in the recipient state. If either of the two condition is not fulfilled the Act cannot be implemented except in the extreme cases of death or killing as in Punjab in the year 1992, where militants gunned down thirteen migrant workers. The Act is so comprehensive that it involves maintenance of large number of registers, accounts and fixes definite responsibility both on the labour contractor and the employer. The contractor should maintain registers like muster roll, register of wages, deductions, fines, overtime, advance paid etc. The contractor should give particulars of the migrant workmen to the concerned authorities, pay the return fair, maintain pass book containing the details about date of employment, names and addresses of the next of kin of the worker, in case of the accident inform the family and the authorities, report the action taken by him to the authorities, distribute the wages on time, convert the refundable advance to displacement allowance etc. The responsibility of the principal employer also is clearly enlisted in the Act. The Act also provides for the medical facilities like free of cost treatment, or the refund of medical cost (this clause was added in 1991). The employer is also expected to provide for free accommodation, protective clothing, drinking water, washing facilities, urinals, rest rooms in the case of night halt or if the work is more than three months, canteen facility with no profit no loss if the number of workmen is hundred or more and the work is for six months. The Act also provides for the inspection machinery. The powers and functions of labor inspectors are enumerated. Apart from the above mentioned provisions which benefit the migrant workers without any gender discrimination, the Act contains certain provisions relating to female migrant workers. It envisages:
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1.
Provision for separate rest rooms if they are required to halt at night in connection with working of the establishment or if they are likely to continue for more than three months or more. The dimension should be 1.1sq meters for each person. Provision for two room crche where 20 female migrant workers are employed and the work continues for three months. Provision for separate toilets for every 25 females in every establishment. Washing facilities with adequate screening securing privacy and finally Timing restrictions.
2. 3. 4. 5.
Thus the Act lays down very stringent and difficult conditions to be fulfilled by the employer; which deters him from adhering to the provisions of the Act; he would rather prefer not to come within the purview of law. The states sending workmen make some attempts to register the contractors but the recipient states strongly resist identification of the migrant workmen. Hence the Supreme Court had to intervene to protect the rights of the inspectors of the sending states to conduct inspections in the recipient states. The case in point is the case of Damodar Panda vs Orissa State in the year 1990.
Impediments
Even though the migrant workman has a right to raise the dispute either in home state or in the state where he was working, there may be no instances of the migrant workman having raised the dispute. One of the significant factors contributing to this inability is lack of unionization among migrant workers. Unionization requires constant intermingling, leadership and awareness among the workers. This does not happen on account of two major reasons: Firstly, the nature of their work and workplace is not known before hand to the workmen. Secondly, work place is abandoned by the worker after the completion of the work. As a result the worker can neither ask for more wages and good working conditions nor fight for injustices done to him. In a case where the worker died in an irrigation project it took sixteen years for the judgment to be passed under the Workmans compensation Act. Even when the state government took up their case at the highest level the amount remained unpaid. The then Chief Minister of Orissa had to address his counterpart in Punjab. When the cases remain unresolved under such circumstances one can understand how difficult it is for an individual worker to get relief from the Act. Internal migration in India has a gender dimension, which is changing due to socioeconomic factors. Fawcett (1984) observes three distinct types of female migration: (a) Autonomous female migration; (b) Relay migration; (C) Family migration:
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When the Act itself is not implemented in its letter and spirit it is difficult for women to get any relief. Women are in double jeopardy, as workers accompanying their male relatives and as women left behind to take care of the family. In the latter situation, their position is vulnerable as no able bodied men are left behind and all of them go to work to unknown destination. Lack of communication with the men folk further worsens their plight. But recently the communication revolution with the onset of mobile phones is slowly changing the scenario the effect of which needs to be studied. The pattern of migration varies from state to state. Majority of the workmen from Orissa do not take the family with them, where as in the case of migrant workmen from UP, MP, Bihar and Rajasthan migrate with family, even the breast feeding mothers accompany them. In South Gujarats sugarcane fields, men and women form a team to cut and bundle sugarcane. Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Rajasthan are the deployment states and the recipient states are Gujarat, Delhi, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Union territories and North Eastern States. The states from North East are trying to register the employers, as the employers are mainly contractors from outside, with no political clout, and they do not want the migrant workers to settle in their states.
The way out

Migrant worker represents a syndrome - illiteracy, poverty, lack of sufficient employment in his home state and lack of enforcement of rules, which are designed by the system for his protection in the sending state and the recipient state. The study by Damodar Panda recommends many measures to reduce the hardships and improve the condition of the migrant workers. Some of the major suggestions are: Some amendments to the Act: The employer and the contractor escape liabilities by stating that the workman has come on his own, hence the Act needs to be changed suitably; the hands of the inspectors need to be strengthened; as per the recommendation of expert committee headed by M.S.Swaminathan Migrant Workmen Boards should be constituted at national and state level.(Check from internet) Voluntary vigilance committees at Block and district levels be constituted, each Panchayat should serve as vigilance committee. Co-ordination of Center and States Migrant workman need to be organized The authorities should conduct enquiries wherever family is left behind by the workmen so that families can be protected from misery and starvation. Women welfare officers should be appointed to address the problems of women as they are exploited more, paid less.
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Given the low level of social and political attention at state and national level, the above measures are difficult to come through. They require political will and social demand for their successful incorporation and implementation. Hence I feel some simple measures without or with minimum fiscal implication can be given a trial. The given infrastructure can be utilized with maximum benefit to the migrant workmen:
Inspection of workers at railway stations

Since independence there is a steady increase in the number of trains connecting states, resulting in steady increase in inter-state migration, either individual or collective.There are special trains from Bihar to Punjab, euphemistically called Kisan Express,meant to carry migrant agricultural labor to Punjab. The first step is the step of identifying the migrant workmen. The labour inspectors of the sending state should be posted at railway stations, and they should see that no workman is allowed to move outside the state without a proper guarantee of employment from the employer and passbook from the contractor. The same practice is followed in the case of emigrants to gulf region.
Simplification of rules
The Labour Ministry at the Center as well as the State should make a serious study of the rules and make the Act easy for implementation. The rules are difficult to follow: For instance, a large number of forms 1 to 24 to be filled by the contractors, employers and the workers, who in most of the cases are illiterate.
Strict implementation of employment guarantee scheme

Since the areas from which the workers migrate are more or less known, the employment guarantee scheme should be implemented with all vigor, at least this will make the worker leave his place only if migration brings in higher wages and better conditions of work. A study should be conducted to assess the impact of National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in the areas where migration is high, and the results should be used to strengthen the scheme, so that the workers do not migrate.
Encourage Co-operatives
Though co-operative sector in other areas like agriculture is problematic, a trial in the case of migrant workers can be given. Migrant workers should be encouraged to form co-operative societies for dealing directly with the employers so that the role of contractors can be reduced.
Establishment of migrant workers Welfare Fund

Just as welfare funds function for different kinds of workers, like the Beedi workers, mine workers, etc., a fund should be established for the welfare of migrant workers. The contribution
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to this fund can be collected both from the labour contractors and the employers, and the way in which this fund is to be spent should be laid down. This fund serves a dual purpose. It identifies the employer and the worker, and its size indicates the effectiveness of the legislation. Migrant workers form a section of unorganized labour, therefore they are neither noticed by the politicians nor the society as the organized factory workers. They do not get any political attention as they may not be present in their villages at the time of preparation of electoral rolls and hence do not form part of the vote bank. This puts them in a disadvantageous position in attracting attention of the system, be it local, district, state or national level. Given the vulnerable position of the migrant workmen within India, male and female, the system has to make extraordinary effort to recognize and protect them. By system I mean not just the governmental machinery but the civil society as well. Or else, the legislative intention will remain only on paper.
REFERENCES
Ayhan Gencler and Sudi Apak (2009): Illegal (Labour) Migration: Trends and Politics, Journal of Social and Economic Development, Vol 11, No 1, pp 1-41. Wiggins, S., and Deshingkar, P. (2007) Rural employment and migration: In search of decent work. ODI Briefing Paper, No 27. October 2007. http://www.odi.org.uk/publications/briefing/bp_rural_employment_oct07.pdf Sundari, S (2005) Migration as a Livelihood Strategy A Gender Perspective Economic and Political Weekly May 28-June 4, 2005. pp. 2295-2303. Deshingkar, P. (2006a) Time to recognise the importance of internal migration for poverty reduction and development. ODI Blog.http://blogs.odi.org.uk/blogs/main/archive/2006/12/15/Priya_Deshingkar.aspx Deshingkar, P., and Anderson, E. (2004) People on the move: new policy challenges for increasingly mobile populations. Priya Deshingkar and Edward Anderson.Natural Resource Perspectives. Number 92, June 2004. http://www.odi.org.uk/nrp/nrp92.pdf Rao. M.S.A. (1986) (ed.) Studies in Differentiation: Internal and International Migration in India, Manohar Publications New Delhi K. Shanti, Working Paper Female Labour Migration in India: Insight from NSSO Data, Madras School of Economics, Chennai February 2006
Drunkenness and Temperance in Global and Indigenous Context: A Study of Temperance.....
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Research Article
DRUNKENNESS AND TEMPERANCE IN GLOBAL AND INDIGENOUS CONTEXT: A STUDY OF TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT IN INDIA
Shri Krishan* Abstract The use of alcoholic beverages has been common to virtually all cultures through most of their recorded history. This was also linked to early mans desire to achieve altered state of consciousness through use of intoxicants. The contemporary functionalist anthropology of drinking behaviour focuses on the symbolic and cultural specific aspects of alcoholic consumption. Scholars have linked drinking and drunkenness with class, gender abuse and the economy of households. In the early cultures, it was realized that excessive use of intoxicants be dangerous and could pose problems for social cohesiveness. Liquors were a major source of revenue for the colonial state in India. The colonial government tried to regulate the consumption of liquors through the excise system. There was also some organized resistance to governments liqour policy. Another radically different solution to the problem brought about by British abkari (excise) policies was to give up drink altogether. The indigenous temperance was based on the Brahmanic Hindu belief that abstention from spirituous drinks was a great virtue. Food and drinks are an important source of identity symbol in South Asian society as elsewhere and is related to issues of purity and impurity as well as to issues of status and social mobility. Food symbolizes identity at the same time as it marks boundaries. This paper will try to investigate relationships between the Imperial temperance and indigenous forms of
* Senior Fellow, Nehru memorial Museum and Library
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temperance. There were many indigenous movements against liquor. This paper examines them and also the use of anti-liquor sentiments by nationalist leadership especially Gandhian movements. The nationalist intervention was basically confined to promotion of temperance movement although the nationalist also agreed with the colonial administration about the moral impact of drugs and liquor. This aspect of social history has not been well investigated and we would focus our gaze on that aspect too. During the Civil Disobedience movement, Gandhi specifically asked the women volunteers to engage in activities like picketing of liquor and toddy shops. The paper will also try to narrate the womens involvement in the nationalist temperance movement.
Introduction
The use of alcoholic beverages has been common to virtually all cultures through most of their recorded history. This was also linked to early mans desire to achieve altered state of consciousness through use of intoxicants. The human nervous systems limbic system has sites for natural pleasure, which are essential for our survival. The contemporary functionalist anthropology of drinking behaviour focuses on the symbolic and cultural specific aspects of alcoholic consumption. In this approach, cultural mores are linked to the basic functional needs of a society. Scholars have linked drinking and drunkenness with class, gender abuse and the economy of households. In the early cultures, it was realized that excessive use of intoxicants be dangerous and could pose problems for social cohesiveness. Therefore, consumption was made a social and group activity and it was integrated into the core system of myths and ritual practices of the emergent culture. Such cultural traditions and normative order prescribed the use of intoxicants for social and ceremonial functions and proscribed excessive solitary consumption. However, a fundamental change took place between 1500-1800 in the pattern of use of drugs or means of altering waking consciousness due to the rise of transoceanic trade and empire-building. As there were enormous profits and revenues involved in the marketing of psychotic resources and products, European merchants, planters, and governments encouraged their production and exchange on a global scale, the use of which was restricted and confined geographically and in some cases democratized their consumption as the use of such substances was earlier a privilege of the affluent sections only.54 Viticulture or selective cultivation of grape vines for making wines was an old practice in Europe but use of sugar and the Baltic grains and subsequently conversion of perishable potatoes into spirits as cheap source of calories and intoxication made it possible to mass-produce the spirits and exacerbated drunkenness and alcoholism
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in both European and Non-European societies. The modern technology also raised the potency of the new alcohols. The pre-modern fermented beverages were had low-alcohol content and they spoiled early but the modern techniques made it possible to add heavy ethanol punch to the alcohols. Drugs including alcohols were at the heart of the empires of the modern period. They provided the financial resources to build administrations and the economic impetus to open new markets and to control ever wider areas. The relationship between consciousness altering commodities and imperialism was significant in cultural terms too. The image of the dissolute Asian addict, or the helpless African or Australasian lost in alcohol, was a recurring theme in the orientalist construction of Western superiority that legitimated empire; it was also at the centre of debates about the civilizing nature of imperialism as liberals and missionaries decided that these victims were in need of salvation. This is how the global Temperance movement began. Apart from the public order, the colonial authorities also linked drugs with poverty, ignorance, disease, crime and other problems that were endemic to the colonial countries and hence demanding improvement. Liquors were a major source of revenue for the colonial state in India. The excise regulations of the Government of India began in Bombay in the year 1790. The argument used was that putting a tax on the tree, would make people drink less. However, the real motive, at least according to some contemporary observers, was to grind money out of a vice, and not to pulverize the vice. The colonial government tried to regulate the consumption of liquors through the excise system. The country liquors, arrack or a variety of country liquor and modak, a preparation of opium with spices and ganja were the commodities sought to be brought under excise regulation of the state. It was based on the system of farming under which the right of manufacture and sale of liquor was given to the highest bidder without any restriction being placed on the number of shops or their location. This system was prevalent in Bengal and adopted in other provinces with slight local modification and variations. The successful bidders appointed their agents who worked the still in the allotted area. Often there would be a coalition of bidders to keep the bid down.54 Under a system where liquor manufacture was in the hands of the people, it was not possible to regulate the manufacture and consumption of alcoholic drinks effectively. Proper control was only possible if liquor was made in a limited number of factories under the close supervision of excise officers. In this wish for central distilleries, the moral ideals of the colonial administrators, turned out in best Victorian fashion, to be in complete accord with their financial needs. The response of the government, to further these noble aims, was to recommend that customary drinks such as toddy and locally made arrack be replaced by a mass produced commodity in central distilleries for supply to liquor shops throughout each district. The system initially adopted by the Government, was to restrict manufacture by licensing Government distilleries - The distillery system was designed ostensibly for controlling the traffic in liquors and the strength of country spirits. The central distillery
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system began in Unite province in 1862. Distilleries were established in large cities and the liquor, after adding excise duty to it, was supplied to the retailers. It was called the stillhead duty. In 1871, The Government ordered auction of licenses for liquor shops under the central distillery system. In 1879, licenses for distillation were given to each working still. The outstill-keeper was not required to maintain any account of sale and was not expected to adhere to any standard of alcoholic strength.54 Indian social reformers were concerned about increasing drunkenness. R.B. Gopalrao Deshmukh expressed anxieties over the problem in 1840s and later Keshab Chander Sen sent a memorial to the Viceroy in 1874 asking for immediate steps to curb the drunkenness. Apart from commercial motive to earn profits from the trade, he also stressed the effects of English education in increasing this menace. In other words, he believed that Shakespeare and Milton came along with Bottles.54 The conclusion sounds far-fetched as the practice of drinking in India was quite old, dating as far back in historical times as the celebrated soma of the Rigvedic times.54 The Tenth century Shaivite tantric Practices employed it in their caste-bending rituals. However, the British raised the use of mood-altering substances so much so that Government derived about 15% of its total revenues in the late nineteenth century from such sale of intoxicants.54 The Bombay Abkari Act (1878) was a revenue law relating to the import, export, transport, manufacture and sale of liquor and of the other intoxicating drugs. The Government claimed that its policy was to raise the maximum revenue with minimum consumption! It is interesting to note here that the colonial state also selectively intervened in the famine conditions to ensure economy in expenditure and saving maximum lives. Colonialism was, therefore, a bundle of contradictions and inconsistencies as far as social policies were concerned. However, the prevailing high prices of liquor often led to illicit manufacture and sale of liquors.54 Lord Ripon tried to pursue a policy of maintaining the revenue derived from alcohols and intoxicants but also restricting the undue increase in their consumption. This won him some approval from the Indian national leaders. However, the Indian national leaders also criticized Ripon for not allowing them to exercise control over the licensing of out-stills, the chief source of illicit liquor business by some Indian entrepreneurs, despite the powers granted them under the provisions of newly constituted Local Municipal institutions to allow them to exercise Local Option of control of such licenses.54 The British abkari (excise) affairs became the centre of debate in the British parliament during 1886-1889. Radical-liberal members of parliament Samuel Smith and William S. Caine came to India to look into the effects of alcohol consumption. Indian leaders were soon disillusioned with their one sided efforts. They were more concerned with domestic politics than about the temperance cause in India. The roots of temperance and anti-opium politics lay in internal party politics of Britain.54 The fourth session of Congress passed a resolution in Allahabad in 1888 that there has been a serious increase in the consumption of intoxicants and also urged the Government to
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adopt an improve system of excise taxation to discourage the increasing consumption of liquors.54 William S. Caine not only exaggerated the figures and statistics of drinking behavior in India but also had certain false notions. He believed that indigenous drink toddy was the source of all evils and responsible for public drunkenness. In fact Caine thought that toddy was as potent as European fortified liquors whereas it was only naturally fermented alcohol and as such could not have more than 13% alcohol content whereas the European fortified liquors could contain between 35-50% of alcohol.54 Some native newspapers like Jame Jamshed and Rast Goftar claimed that toddy drinking was less harmful and healthy compared to western liquors.54 The Congress at this stage preferred policies that protected the morals of Indian people but also insisted that policy should not deprive them of their customary practices or force them out of their livelihoods.54 This was evident in the political language of Indian national Congress at the Lahore session in 1900 which again highlighted the problem of liquor and its impact on Indian laboring masses.54 In 1905-06, the Indian Excise Committee was established by the government to enquire the extent to which the out-still system could be replaced by an efficient distillery system. The taxation of manufacture was not an easy task under the old system. Under the new system, a large number of private distilleries were allowed to function. The manufacture of country liquors and beer developed into a profitable industry. The Government through the system of taxation, that is, still-head duty and vend fees; acquired an interest in the production and sale of country spirits. They now contributed nearly half of the total excise revenue. The colonial state, in its policy of deriving maximum revenue from minimum consumption, provided an impetus also to the imports of potable spirits which recorded an increase of 85% from 701,177 gallons to 1,297,611 gallons during 1875-76 to 1904-05. It has to be noted here that the population growth during this period was only 42.7%.54 The factors contributing to such drunkenness were many from demonstrative impact of the consumption patterns of English babus to growth of organized commercialization in the traffic in the intoxicants to the pressures of urbanization and migration and shrinking livelihoods. There was also some organized resistance to governments liquor policy and some 301 temperance associations met in Bombay in 1904 under the All-India Temperance Conference and demanded complete prohibition. Another radically different solution to the problem brought about by British abkari policies was to give up drink altogether. In the Brahmanic Hindu culture abstention from spirituous drinks was considered a great virtue, and even before the colonial era there were certain tribal and low-caste peasants who refused to drink in the belief that this would raise their status in the wider society. These families tended to be the more prosperous ones which were trying to distance themselves from other members of their community, for refusal to drink together in a community in which such drinking represented a symbol of mutual solidarity could be considered a gesture of renunciation of membership of that community.
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Food is an important identity symbol in South Asian society as elsewhere - and is related to issues of purity and impurity as well as to issues of status and social mobility. Food symbolizes identity at the same time as it marks boundaries. The boundaries drawn by the discourse and practice around food deal with questions of status. In the caste system, the hierarchy of foodstuffs attributes to each stratums diet its hierarchical value. A change in dietary practices has frequently been described as a means for the lower strata to acquire a higher social status. In South Gujarat, the collector of Surat noted in 1895, the formation of total abstinence leagues almost through the district. The movement began in the towns of Surat and Nowsari and spread to the outlying villages. An organized crusade against drink was carried on for a while by means of public meetings and caste pressure. The great mass of those who joined did so under the persuasion that they would force down the prices of liquor and toddy while a few were roused by a sincere desire to diminish drunkenness. This particular movement was short-lived, collapsing rapidly after several influential caste leaders were found to be drinking secretly, however many such movements were recorded in Gujarat, ultimately culminating in the famous Devi movement of 1922-23. This anti-liquor movement represented a major attack on the abkari system throughout south Gujarat, as well as on the much hated Parsi liquor and toddy dealers. The movement forged an alliance between the peasants and tribals and the middle class Gandhian nationalists of Gujarat. The common platform was that of abstention from liquor and toddy.54 (Hardiman: 1987). In his preaching, Viswanath Maharaj, who was an influential religious leader in South Gujarat in 1930s, asked his Dhanka and koli and other followers to give up drinking.54 The emergence of Gulia Maharaj and later his brother Ramdas in West Khandesh district also proved important in weaning Bhil adivasis from drinks and it was the popularity of these Bhagats that compelled the Congress ministry to declare West Khandesh as a dry area in 1938.54 The Indian National Congress had from its earliest years put forward the view that the chief concern of the British in their excise policy was to raise as much revenue as possible in a manner which went against the best interests of the people. It was argued that although officials claimed that high prices discouraged drinking, in practice the local revenue officers did their utmost to stimulate the consumption of liquor. The nationalist intervention was basically confined to promotion of temperance movement although the nationalist also agreed with the colonial administration about the moral impact of drugs. Rajgopalachari, although he mostly relied on the citing British Physician and medical experts and only marginally on religious sanctions against drinking to propagate the ideal of prohibition, but he strongly believed that drinking incited the baser instincts of combativeness and licentiousness and it robbed man of all that makes him superior to the beast.54 This aspect of social history has not been well investigated. Apart from inculcating a sense of national purity, the nationalist discourses also stressed the economic loss due to alcohol consumption and the poverty and misery of the working masses inherent in liquor use.
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Gandhi encouraged the temperance movement although he neither planned it nor anticipated it during the Non-Co-operation days. According to Judith Brown (1972:315), a combination of factors contributed to its emergence such as the antipathy of orthodox Hindu as well as Muslim to alcoholic drinks, the inducement of claiming a higher ritual status for the backward This paper will try to investigate relationships missionarysponsored temperance and indigenous forms of temperance. A combination of factors contributed to its emergence such as the antipathy of orthodox Hindu as well as Muslim to alcoholic drinks, the inducement of claiming a higher ritual status for the backward castes, shortage of money after the war and its efficacy as a political weapon because this could impact the governmental revenues from excise. The picketing of liquor shops found the most enthusiastic support during the Non-Cooperation campaign as the foreign liquor shops symbolized wealth and were readily identified with the customs and habits of colonial rulers in the popular imagination. Secondly, in the context of Khilafat wrongs, the theme of colonial injustice was infused with religious prohibitions on the consumption of liquor. The anti-liquor campaign also provoked were also communal antagonisms and tensions in some cases. During the Civil Disobedience movement, Gandhi specifically asked the women volunteers to engage in activities like picketing of liquor and toddy shops. After his arrival from South Africa, Gandhi became central figure in the Indian politics and also the politics of indigenous resistance to alcohol drinks. While Gandhi was staunch supporter of prohibition, not all nationalist leaders were for introduction of total prohibition. Many were only interested in using it as a tool to popularize the swaraj and swadesi through boycott of imported foreign liquors. This practical aspect of serving themselves while serving liquor to the country continued even after the Independence. But Gandhi was unequivocal in his agenda. He had tried to wean away the indentured labourers in South Africa from the habit and he was to raise his voice against the moral and economic wreckage it was creating in India. Mahatma Gandhi, while speaking at Porbunder on the occasion of his welcome by the citizens of that place, touched upon the evil of drink and particularly the lives of poor people. He said: The shopkeepers are competing with those in the civil station with the result that those get liquor thus cheap shed tears of blood afterwards. The workers wives tell me that the evil of drinking has ruined their homes and introduced discord in their families: their husbands have taken to immoral ways and their homes are sinking into poverty.54 Speaking again at Karadi, Gandhi advised the audience: Thirdly, there is alcohol. Kolis and Dublas are given to drinking. Imagine what a deadly enemy alcohol must be that it wont let you go. It must be given up. The best recourse for giving it up is to take the name of Rama early in the morning.54 Subsequently, Gandhi criticized the view that argued that its a question of personal freedom if somebody drinks or not. He said: There is much flaw in the argument that it (prohibition) is an interference with the right of the people as there would be in the argument that the laws prohibiting thieving interferes
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with the right of thieving. A thief steals all earthy possessions, a drunkard steals his own and his neighbours honour.54 He further went to the extent of imagining himself to be a dictator for an hour and what he would do then. He said humourously: If I was appointed dictator for one hour for all India, the first thing I would do would be to close without compensation all the liquor shops, destroy all the toddy palms as I Know them in Gujarat, compel factory owners to produce human conditions for their workmen and open refreshment and recreation rooms where these workmen would get innocent drinks and equally innocent amusements..and arrange for the examination of my European friends and diseased persons who may be in medical need of brandy at the state expense by medical experts and where necessary they would receive certificates which would entitle them to obtain the fiery water from certified chemists. This rule will apply mutatis mutandis to intoxicating drugs.54 There was also some organized resistance to governments drug policy and some 301 temperance associations met in Bombay in 1904 under the All-India Temperance Conference and demanded complete prohibition.54 There were stray cases of resistance to the policy of colonial government by the villagers. In March, 1935, some Thakarda tribesmen killed the village headmen of Chamasa near Ahmedabad as he had spotted them distilling illicit liquor.54 Similarly, the raid by an excise party at Narangi village under Virar police station to detect illicit distillation on 12 September infuriated the villagers who beat the sub-inspector leading to his death subsequently. It happened to be an auspicious day of celebration of Gauri Ganpati festival.54 Bombay Provincial Congress Committee launched a vigorous campaign in June 1921, forming vigilance committees and a number of volunteer groups to enforce picketing of liquor shops and even social intimidation was used to put into effect the decisions.54 The picketing of liquor shops found the most enthusiastic support during the Non-Cooperation campaign as the foreign liquor shops symbolized wealth and were readily identified with the customs and habits of colonial rulers in the popular imagination. Secondly, in the context of Khilafat wrongs, the theme of colonial injustice was infused with religious prohibitions on the consumption of liquor. Both the Hindu and Muslim volunteers participated in this campaign. There were instances of communalized abuse of customers and they were taunted if Hindus, whether they had gone to drink cows blood and if they were Muslims, if they were to liquor shops to drink pigs blood.54 The anti-liquor campaign also provoked were also communal antagonisms and tensions as the November 1921 riot between the Parsis and Muslims in Bombay city was result of this.54 During the Civil Disobedience movement, Gandhi specifically asked the women volunteers to engage in activities like picketing of liquor and toddy shops. In a Pamphlet entitled How to do Picketing? Gandhi outlined the tactics to be followed during picketing. The women volunteers were advised to first appeal to the owner, and then the potential customers. They were also advised to dress in a
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recognizable dress, carry banners and sing bhajans or devotional song when picketing. In order that women volunteers appeared respectable, Gandhi prohibited the practice of obstructing customers and the use of abusive language by the volunteers. Thousands of Gujarati women were involved in the Bombay Presidency in this work of picketing liquor and toddy shops during Civil Disobedience. In Bombay city itself, the number of women volunteers organized under the banner of Desh Sevika Sangha peaked at 560 but remained stable around 300. However, only women of good classes were recruited in the work. The membership was strictly controlled and the suggestion of leftist that women volunteers should lay on the floor of doors of liquor shops was found to be against the innate modesty and dignity of women.54 The women were supposed to be the symbols of the purity and respectability of the nationalist movement. Favouring women for the job, Gandhi wrote, If men approach drunkards, the latter will resort to obscene language; however, if young girls approach as to why they drink, ask them what indeed they are up to, whether it befits them under drink to fail to recognize a mother or a daughter, then hearing such words steeped in affection, even the worst drunkards will hang his head in shame54 There was intense picketing of liquor and toddy shops in some parts of Agra. There both male and female volunteers sat on dharna during Civil Disobedience movement before the liquor shops in Firozabad and Sevikas disrupted the normal business by persuading customers not to buy drinks. In Pinhat, Dhimishri, Fahaibad and Samshadbad volunteers destroyed toddy trees and in Sikanderpur zamindars pledged not to lease their toddy trees. There was also some disruption in the auction of toddy shops during the Civil Disobedience movement and Toddy Bacha Hai Hai (the toddy babies, be doomed, be doomed) became a popular slogan. The British were called toddies because of the revenue the colonial state earned by encouraging liquor sales.54 The Colonial state dependence on revenue from liquor was so important that that the authorities were not willing to tolerate even the most peaceful resistance. In Delhi, the Chief Commissioner was advised by the Home secretary to introduce, as a legal technique of discipline, the Prevention of Intimidation Act Ordinance in Delhi Province to deal with the liquor- picketers. There was a debate among the official as how to apply such a measure in dealing with non-violent picketing. The Delhi Public Prosecutor stated on 21April, 1930 that the system of picketing was mostly peaceful and non-violent and confined to free persuasion. He lodged a dissent that law would make such a nonviolent act of persuasion an offence. The Deputy Commissioner also commented that if molestation were defined as attempt to stop someone doing or not doing an act or loitering near a place where someone resides or works then the law would effectively ban people from standing around in public. Despite these protests, however, the Ordinance was made available to deal with picketers in Delhi on 30 May, 1930.54 During the late 1930s, the Congress-ruled states introduced
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selective prohibition. This was a break from the earlier policy of the colonial state of just depend upon higher taxes without encouraging illicit distillation and in a few places to restrict the number of shops to minimize the temptation to drink. Such a strategy could be useful in case of commodities whose demand was elastic. But in case of narcotics, the consumption was habit forming and their demand was inelastic. In the words of the Royal Commission on Labour(1929-31), alcohol offers its dangerous relief to a fatigued body54 Despite the claims of Sir Basil Blackett, the finance member of the Government of India contention that the policy of maximum revenue and minimum consumption had been very effective distinctively effective in securing a very remarkable reduction in the total quantity of alcoholic drinks either imported or country-made consumed in India54, it is difficult to support this statement in terms of statics of declining consumption. At best, the Government could provide the figures of licit consumption. There were no reliable figures for consumption of toddy and pachwai, the indigenous alcoholic drinks. Moreover, the figures of illicit consumption of alcohol were generally not available. But qualitative evidence suggests that there was fairly large scale illicit manufacture and smuggling of the alcoholic drinks. The Annual Report on Administration of Excise in 1928-29, Punjab says that the consumption of illicit country liquor in Punjab was more than the consumption of licit consumption.54 After 1921, Some Provincial Governments had enacted Local Option Laws which gave the powers of self-determination on the part of local bodies to restrict the sale of liquor within their respective jurisdictions. During the Congress- Rule in 1937-39, the states of Madras, Central Province, Orissa, Bihar and North West frontier Province, these states introduced partial prohibition in certain pockets. Both the measures failed owing to large scale smuggling and illicit trade in alcohol. In 1946, it was declared that a complete prohibition would be introduced in India within four years. The Bombay Prohibition Act (1949) prohibited manufacturing, selling, buying and consumption of or bottling of liquor. The Prohibition Inquiry Report of the Bombay State contended like earlier colonial official about the decline in figures of decline in alcoholic drinks with an additional figure for decline in excise revenue derived from manufacture of alcoholic drinks. But it conceded that there was a considerable rise in the sale and manufacture of medicated alcohols especially Tincture Zingiberis with alcohol content of about 90% had penetrate in many urban centres. In urban centres the report blamed illegal sale and manufacture of alcohol but in rural areas, the ex-criminal tribes were seen as the main culprits in production and sale of illegal liquors.
Post-Colonial Context and Continuities

We observe some continuity with the colonial drug policies after independence as the Gandhian programme of prohibition was sidelined on the plea that the state could not take
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the steps in this direction due to potential loss of revenue. The loss of revenue would have hurt the governments action in volatile Kashmir and Hyderabad. So the satanic influence of drugs continued so as to protect excise revenue of the government. Some of the states did introduce prohibition especially Bombay, Madras and Saurashtra after the independence but it failed miserably due to continued trade of all intoxicants in the adjoining states.54 Susequently, some Gandhian workers and followers of Vinoba Bhave launched agitations in some parts of country but again it was confined to sale of liquor. One was led by Sunder Lal Bahugana in Uttarnchal area in 1966 which continued till women activists were successful in getting enacted a law banning liquor in the state in 1972. The environmental Chipko movement later marginalized this campaign. The adivasi women also led a similar movement in 1973 in Dhule district of Maharashtra when they indulged in large scale destruction of illicit distilleries. The anti-liquor agitation resurfaced in Uttaranchal again in 1984 and in Andhra Pradesh in early 1990s.54 However, despite these isolated movements, the drug use patterns and governmental policies have not changed much.
NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. 2. See . David T. CourtWright, Forces of Habit: Drugs and the Making of the Modern World, Harvard University Press, Cambridge and Massachusetts, 2001, pp. 2-19 See Tek Chand, Liquor Menace in India, Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi and Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1972, p. 10 and M.D. Bhansali, Prohibition Enquiry Committee Report, Govt. Central Press. Wasson Bombay, 1952, p. 2. Tek Chand, Liquor Menace, pp. 10-11 Tek Chand, Liquor Meance, p. 11 See R. Gordon, Soma: Divine Mushroom, Mouton, 1968. Marc Jason Gilbert, Empire and Excise: Drugs and Drink Revenue and the Fate of sates in South Asia in James H.Mills and Patricia Barton,eds., Drugs and Empire: Essays in Modern Imperialism and Intoxication, Plagrave,Macmillan, Basingstoke, New York, 2007, p.117 Bhansali, Prohibition Enquiry Report, p. 3 TheBengalee, November 19,1887 and Sanjivani, April 30,1887, Indian Native newspaper Reports. Gilbert, pp.120-122
3. 4. 5. 6.
7. 8. 9.
10. Report of the Indian National Congress (1888), Resolution VII, p.60. 11. Rajgopalchari, the prominent Congress leader who was a strong advocate of prohibition, made this distinction between naturally fermented and fortified liquors in his pamphlet, Prohibition (Kamala Prachulalayam, Madras,1931), pp.2-5
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12. Jame Jamshed,July 16,1889 and Rast Goftar, July 21,1889, Indian Native Newspaper Reports, Bombay 13. Gilbert, Empire and Excise, pp. 126-127 14. Tek Chand, Liquor Menace, p.12 15. Report of the Prohibition Enquiry Committee, 1954-55, Government of India, New Delhi, pp.5-6 16. David Hardiman, Coming of Devi, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1987 17. P.G.Shah, Tribal life in Gujarat, Bombay, 1964, pp.72-74 18. Home/Special file No 982, 1938-43, Maharashtra State Archives, Bombay. 19. C. Rajagopalachari, Prohibition, 1931, pp. 11-26 20. Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol., XXVI, pp.175-76. 21. Collected Works, Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXVI, P.508 22. Young India, January 6,1927 23. Young India, June 25,1931 24. ibid, p.50 25. Bombay Chronicle, 24 March,1935 26. Bombay Chronicle, 1 October, 1937 and also Annual Police Administration Report, Maharashtra State Archives, Bombay, 1937, p. 15 27. Judith Brown, Gandhis Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1922, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1972, pp. 315-16 28. Chief Excise Inspector, Bombay to The Superintendent of Salt and Excise, Bombay, November 7, 1921, Govt of Bombay, Home (Special ) File 355(21) F of 1921, MSA. 29. Rajnarayan Chandravarkar, Imperial Power and Popular Politics: Class, Resistance and State in India, Cambridge University Press, New Delhi, 1998, p. 315. 29. Geraldine H. Forbes, Women in Colonial India: Essays on Politics, Medicine and Historiography, Orient Black Swan, Delhi, 2005, pp. 46-48. 30. Mahatama Gandhi, Collected Works, Vol. XLIII, PP. 154-55. 31. Suruchi Thapar-Bjorkert, Women in the Indian National Movement: Unseen Faces and Unheard Voices, 1930-1942, Sage Publishers Pvt. India Ltd., New Delhi, 2006, pp.116-17
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32. Stephen Legg, Spaces of Colonialism: Delhis Urban Governmentalities, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, p.112. 33. Quoted in The Report of Prohibition Enquiry Committee, p.8 34. Central Legislative Assembly Debates, Vol. VI, Part-I, 1925, p. 625. 35. Annual Report on the Administration of Excise Department, Punjab,1928-29. 36. M. Emdad-ul-Haq, Drugs in South Asia, pp. 107-11 37. David Hardiman, Gandhi: In His Times and Ours, Orient Blackswan, Delhi, 2003, pp. 216-18
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Moosa Akefi Ghazi and Prof. P. Ishwara Bhat mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 180-194 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in
Research Article
CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM AND INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS : SAUDI PERSPECTIVE

Moosa Akefi Ghazi* Prof, P. Ishwara Bhat** Abstract The argument that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia will adher to international human rights regime is defeated . This is because of the fact that its basic laws does not provide any scope to recognize the rights of the people, nor does it allow the participation of people in the politics.. The power whether executive, legislative or judicial is centralized in the hand of royal family without any break in favor of electoral rights of people in the process of constitutional system. All this happens in the name of Islam, as if Islam and its Holy Koran is meant to serve the officials. In fact injunctions of Koran is grossly misused by the government to justify its essential breach of human rights norms in the process of shaping constitutional structure of the state The world conference on human rights urges governments to incorporate standards as contained in international human rights instruments in domestic legislation and to strengthen national structures institutions and organs of society which play a role in promoting and safeguarding human rights54.
Introduction
Saudi land has always been considered as sacred by Muslims, since the emergence and the cradle of Islam is Mecca to which all Muslims in the globe turn in their daily obligatory prayers. Millions of Muslims from all continents go to perform their annual pilgrimage function haj in this Holy Shrine. Moreover, Saudis legal system and practices in respect to human rights has an impressive effect on the other members of the GCC54.
* Research Scholar of Law Department, University of Mysore. ** Prof. of Law, DOS in Law, University of Mysore.
Constitutional System and International Human Rights : Saudi Perspective
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Given that legal system is a hierarchical normative order54 of which the constitution has highest influence, a concise allusion into the Basic Law of Governance54 BLG can illustrate the situation of human rights norms across the country. As, the Constitutions of democratic states organize and control power, ensure human rights, balance the competing claims of social and individual interests, mirror the culture and experience of the country and operate as vehicles of national progress and unity54 now it is a question of thought as to whether the Basic Law of Saudi guarantees these rights. The international legal rules that have not been approved by legislative authority of national system may not penetrate into states legal system, except in case of incorporation or transformation into domestic agenda54. Further, the improvement of international human rights standards in national territory depends on the first step necessitated by regulatory power of the state. Hence it is tried to get acquaintance with constitutional structure of Saudi to realize what criteria it pursues. In addition, even the important rules will be useless if the independent judiciary system that has the responsibility to implement human rights standards is not established. Therefore, judiciary and its role in the context of localizing the international human rights norms are discussed in this paper. However, the constitution resulted from political environment and religious atmosphere of the given society, at first the nature of the legal system will be discussed.
Nature of Saudi Legal system

Each legal system codifies a set of norms that deeply roots in philosophical, social or religious background. The Reason of various constitutions can be argued for sake of this. Islamic Shariah54 and above all the holy Koran comprise the main historical sources of legal structure in Saudi54. The nature and definite features of Saudi Laws as well as its quantities or the extent of jurisdiction are not readily accessible to laypeople. Excepts to jurists and legal scholars who spend their life on Koran, Sunnah and the works of previous capable scholars, no one can grab the precepts, origins and applications of Shariah. In this process they apply some methodologies usual al-figh such as traditions and verification of true prophetic tradition to realize the very true essence of Shariahs object. The philosophy may be justifiably traced back to common law system in which the Gods rule and country rules are considered the same Le ley de diev et ley de terre sont tout un54.The system basically depends on the school of Abd al-wahhab with his special interpretations on his own understanding of original texts which are close to that of the Hanbali School of jurisprudence54. This school does not accept the judicial precedents stare decisis, instead it prefers to imply original legal reasoning ijtihad to the Koran and Sunnah to derive the appropriate ruling for the case under consideration.
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The absence of rules of precedent in the criminal cases, in which judge has discretion over definition of what constitutes a crime and over the sentence, without being bound by judicial precedent, can result in widely differing sentences in various courts. In fact, judges with their wide latitude, in the absence of a written penal code determine to legislate and criminalize any accused under their custody. This policy can be considered explicitly clashing with the essential principles of criminal law nullum crimen, nulla poena sine lege54. However, the countrys legal system is based on Koran, it should be examined as to how and whether this claim can be truly upheld or not.
The Koran as a source of Constitutional Rights

At first, it ought to be clarified that although the holy Koran is the primary expression of the Islamic law, in practical sense may be taken as a main source of Basic law including human rights. Nonetheless, following points should not be neglected; i. The Koran is not ipso facto a sole legislative document, since it contains an enormous number of moral, historic, devotional, virtual, sociological and faithful verses or precepts much more than ordinary. Therefore, Koran should not be described as a code or constituent book with a particular mission, as it is typically expected from constitutions. From the viewpoint of Koran some aspects are tacit, and the solution of contemporary matters or necessities left to the mind of society, such as the branches and jurisdictions of Courts54 or the numbers of the ministers or the consultative council54. For instance the matter of social rights of women is inserted in this category, while personal status of women such as marriage and divorce are contended in opposite category. Therefore, one should distinguish between criminal, contractual section and political, social or public rights of citizens in Koranic verses. For example, the decree against a thief54 is expressed, though; the shape or kind of verdict is not mentioned. As such, no body can claim that the mode of government in view of Koran is republic or royalty, nor is the ordinary acts like driving prohibited in case of Saudi women. These are within the silent shariah.
ii.
iii. Islamic legal system is based on a text and text (Holy Koran) has predominance over other subsidiary sources. Hence, Koran as a Constitution as claimed by Basic Law of Saudi Arabia, needs to be interpreted by scholars54. Bearing in mind that many of its verses are allegorical54, although the Book is the best announcement54, interpretation is the function of human body (Ulama / interpreters) and it can be wrong or correct. No one has a right to attribute the sanctity of the text (Koran) to his/her human interpretation; since each interpretation is derived from a personality of a scholar whose knowledge and considerations may have an effect on the result of the interpretation.
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iv.
Since Koran is used as a source of legal regime within the territory of the Saudi Kingdom or of reference for accepting the international human rights instruments, no chance is imagined for so called lawyers to analyze or define characters of the countrys legal structure. Therefore, direct effect of the said articles54 address, is taking constitutional law away from legal criteria substituting new criteria or standards instead of legal rules which are handled by religious jurists or interpreters. Koranic concepts should not be interpreted according to whims and fancies of the political rulers as it has been done in the case of U.L-amr Rulers 54, as if, they may only be found in the line of ancestors of the Saudi founding Kings sons. Koran was not revealed to be in favor of Sons (not girls) of this imperial family recognizing their ancestral right to ruling. Accordingly, the nature and interpretation of human rights issues may be realized under the meaning expressed by theologian scholars. Of course, their views on human rights could not be immune from extralegal considerations. Probably, this may be the reason as to why women are not in the council of ministers nor have they been permited to drive. Hermeneutically, perceiving of the Koranic substance needs the manner which entirely differs from that of the constitution. Here we face two different texts with their own qualities and features. While the former is a religious manuscript, the latter is a legal passage.
v.
Common characters of constitutions inconsistent with the Koran

i: Constitutions of the countries, in general view, consist of some principles or standards and invoke on particular aspirations, such as; the matter of the supremacy of constitution over the other ordinary legislative rules or codes within the domestic Jurisdiction of specific territory54. But Koran was not revealed for specific territory nor is its universal precepts restricted to the land of Saudi as an example54. Constitutions represent the will of its own people or sovereignty. In case of revolution or coup-detat and military occupation its legally binding era may cease, whereas Koran was neither drafted by people, rather it is the revelation from God without any doubt54, nor would its eternity of codification not be authenticated among Muslims all around the world. At the same time as constitutions respect the non intervention principle in interrelations among states, Koran encourages its adherents to unqualified support for all the oppressed nations of the world, because, in view of Koran, Muslims constitute one nation54. The primary concern of constitutional task is to balance and harmonize the innate conflicts of interests between individuals vis--vis the state, whereas that is not the primary mission of Koran. It is not a book to share out power among governmental or royal families.
ii:
iii:
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iv: The Basic Law is a chief document of the Saudi Kings polity towards the people as obedient54 and its task is to deal with human rights, whereas a very primary fundamental rights namely the matter of non-discrimination between men and women is neglected in the text of Basic Law. If one believes in Koran as a Holy Book of Islam and if one was to submit to its rules per se, s/he should believe on the principle of nondiscrimination as a base for fairness among human rights54. This is the meaning of a whole and unqualified submission to the will of Allah.
The rise of constitutionalism

The Constitution as the highest source of hierarchical legal regime of Saudi, has become manifest in different way. Therefore, in regard of codification and approval of constitution the following points can demonstrate the characters of the system and make distinction between Saudi and other states in respect of legal system. i. The creation of political and legal system in Saudi is merely the product of governmental (king) will. Now the question of Saudi peoples role in creating the Basic Law is raised. By referring to the history of constitutionalism it appears that the legal as well as political system of the country is much older than the constitution. In other words, the Basic Law is created according to the existing system, to regulate and formulate it on the shape of texts and articles acceptable by international standards. This event happened by the Royal Decree issued by Fahad Ibn Abdul Aziz in 1992 for the first time of Saudi modern era. He along with the Royal family54 created the Basic Law and afterwards issued some required orders to implement the articles. In this process as we understand the role of people and the ballot box is lost. The second distinctive point is that the Saudi political and legal system revolves around the axle of one family. Saudi Arabia is among the rare countries named after its ruling family54. This indicates that the high position of this family is regarded as superior than anything else. According to the Basic Law the rule passes to the sons of the founding king, Abd Al Aziz Bin Abd Al-Rahman Al-Faysal al saud and to their childrens children. No role is anticipated in favor of people except obedience to the king and the heir apparent54. The main role of people is illustrated in article 6, which demands citizens to pay allegiance to the King in the name of Islam.
ii.
iii. Considering the role of people in the process to create the legal system, the important and essential distinction may appear due to categorization of the legal system in which the Saudi belongs to mono system in character. Accordingly the Saudi follows with firm insist on Shariah or Islamic rules in its judiciary not observing the entities of civil Roman law system. This factor is very important and has made a lot of special
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features on the political system of the country. For instance no rights are recognized in favor of religious dissidents. Therefore, the applied literature of the Basic Law in respect of human rights is totally distinguished from what could be expected from such documents text. Equal rights of people, equal protection of law, rights of women, right to honor, life, property, jobs etc. are among those rights that Basic Law is completely empty, except in article 26 which is provided by an ambiguous condition, in accordance with the Islamic shariah. The vast concept may be easily misused by officials to protect their political interests instead of Islamic/national values. iv. Another subsequent result of the absence of peoples role in legal structure of the Saudi system relates to the matter of non-governmental organizations and Syndicates activating on human rights affairs. It should be noted that the first municipal election in the history of Saudi took place in 2005 as a first step to open the way to form political parties54. However, these political events depend on the will of officials since according to the Basic Law, no articles deal with the right of associations and assemblies is allowed
Constitutional Balance of Power and its Human Rights orientation

The matter of balance among authorities and powers has much noticeable position in the course of constitutional rights of people, since the extent of nations cooperation to form the political system and applying the right of self determination can make vital influence to ensure the civil and political rights in accordance with laws. Hence, a brief study to examine the authorities and their powers in the state seems necessary. We know that on March 1, 1992 the King announced three fundamental laws, established by Royal Decree which promoted the international appearance of the state in developing its diplomatic position in global scenario as well its domestic legal system. These fundamental documents are as follows: The Basic Law of Governance (Basic law). The Consultative Council Law (Majlis Al-sharow). The Regional Law54. Subsequently, some more Royal orders have been issued amending these new laws, including the Council of Ministers Law in order to coincide with Saudis constitutional evolution. It may be assumed that these fundamental laws and their amendments can improve participation in government on the part of the citizenry. While these laws constitute significant steps towards codifying the largely unwritten legal system of the country, they fall far short of internationally recognized standards in their treatment of civil and political rights54.
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Moreover, it is intended to examine the importance given to civil and political rights in the governmental structure of the state to comprehend the true extent of this presumption. Naturally the whole legal system is derived from and complied with as the main and principal rule of the country. Therefore, the Basic Law and its alleged precepts ensure the human rights enjoy much importance in the course of discussion. The basic system is not produced by people in their consultative participation by passing the process of enacting a constitution. Hence the Basic Law does not owe itself to peoples will nor does it recognize the people as the source of power or legitimacy of authorities. It confirms that the government draws its authority from Koran and the people only pay allegiance to the King and his crown54. As a corollary, the Constitution is not bound to empower people or to ensure their rights; rather, it expressly declares that the states object is to protect the principles of Islam and to enforce its Shariah54. Despite some similarities between Basic Law and the constitutions of other countries in terms of content, it lacks any chapter under the title of human rights or rights of people54. The area of similarities would be found in respect of economic principles, guarding the kingdoms sacrosanct public funds, the obligation of the state to provide healthcare to citizens. But the diversities in comparison with standard constitutions seem more important and challengeable. These differences may be enumerated in brief as follows: The state remains an absolute monarchy without elected and representative institutions. According to articles 55, 23 the king is charged to rule the nation according to the Shariah. He shall also supervise the implementation of the shariah, the general policy of the state and the defense and protection of the country. Not only the king is the head of state and ministerial cabinet who as well occupies the position of Prime Minister according to articles 56, 57, but also he reserves the power of enacting along with the Consultative Council and the Council of Ministers54. In this process the role of CC members is to express views, in an advisory capacity, on policies submitted to it by the King. The members would not act on behalf of the people since they are appointed by the King54. Therefore, the membership is restricted to men who approved their allegiance to the King54. Not only the statutes without kings approval would not take effect as enacted laws, but also king has power to dissolve and reorganize the legislative power54. It is clear that the universal standard which is stipulated in article 21 of UDHR is in contrary to this absence of peoples contribution in governmental affairs. The King has failed to ratify the UDHR and its two supplementary documents i.e.
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ICCPR and ICESCR. Apparently the argument stated is that these instruments violate the precepts of Islam54. In addition, the state applies a general reservation to all such articles which are apparently in conflict with the provision of Islamic law54. As we realize, the theory of separation of power that is identified as the distinguished feature of standard constitution is violated by Saudi Basic Law. This violation has also occurred on the independence of judiciary, where the rights of citizens are directly related and supported by the state authority. In case of non-independence, no one can assure that the primary rights of the nationals can be served and protected by state. Unfortunately, the judiciary is subordinated to the authority of the executive branch. The Minister of justice as the head of judiciary and chief justice as well as the minister of interior, who is responsible for the entire process of arrest and detention are appointed by the King54. Therefore the origin problem of the Basic Law is that the role of people is neglected and they cannot participate in the formation of the government and its branches. The natural result of these deficiencies and shortcomings show itself in the form of king centric or autocracy of the Basic Law.
Judicial system
The Saudi Basic Law did not do much in establishment of judicial order as so described codifying current practice. Indeed, the Koran and the Sunnah form the constitution of Saudi Arabia, in a sense, that shariah is seen superior to any positive legal or judicial order. Despite this modesty, the Basic Law does have a section on the judiciary comprising nine articles54. On the other hand administrative judiciary known as the board of grievances divan mazalim,54 stands along side the court system and is accountable to and affiliated directly with the king. Although Saudi judicial system comprises of shariah courts, there are several administrative committees with special jurisdiction along with specialized courts that may be established by royal order on the recommendation of the supreme judicial council54. The courts of guarantees and marriages that exercise jurisdiction over family suits are exceptions as is the court of juvenile delinquency since these two courts are seen not under shariah court but by royal decree as specialized54. In one word, it can be concluded that the courts are generally divided into two categories the shariah courts which apply the rules of Islamic shariah to the cases that are brought before them, and the administrative or specialized courts which are governed under the rules issued by royal decree instead of shariah54.
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Supreme Judicial Council

The Saudi Arabian judiciary is governed by a Supreme Judicial Council with eleven members54. Five members are full-time; they are appointed by royal order from among senior judges. The remaining six members consist of the president of the council (appointed by royal order), the president of the appeal court, the deputy minister of justice, and three other senior judges54. With the exception of the deputy minister of justice and potentially the president, therefore, all the members of the Supreme Judicial Council, all members are judges. It seems that the role for royal appointment whether directly or indirectly is significant. The Supreme Judicial Council has wide jurisdiction over judicial matters, but much of the administrative support for the courts comes from the Ministry of Justice. It is probable that the Ministry of Justice maintains oversight over the budget of the courts54. By considering the role of ultimate power of the king which appears in the shape of enacting and appointing the judges of the courts54, the vital matter of independence of judiciary would be diminished. Moreover, the shariah and its embodied rules are not clear unless interpreted by judges of courts whom are appointed by the King though indirectly. Therefore, the definitions of rules or crimes and the extent of punishment or compensation depend on the judges comprehension and understanding through which they try to find the will of God in his holy Book54. In fact Saudi judges apply their ijtihad to reach decisions through using Islamic jurisprudence trial tools such as analogy54.
Independence of judiciary
At the outset the judiciary in Saudi should be an independent54 power54 to protect individual as well as social rights. Today, the independence of judiciary is recognized as an indispensable requisite of a free society under the rule of law. Such independence implies freedom from interference by the executive or legislature with the exercise of the judicial function54. Moreover, every one is entitled to an independent and impartial tribunal upon international human rights instruments54. The Judicial authorities are appointed by the King and are accountable to him54. Therefore, the judiciary is not independent from executive power of the state, no one has authority over possible offences of the King or related officials of his office. Whereas, in the modern constitutional law no body is regarded above law ultra vires54. In fact, according to Article 44 and 52, the judiciary should exercise under absolute authority of the king. Moreover, the administrative and employment affairs of the judiciary are not independent of other powers54. Therefore, executive power can interfere in the appointment and salary of judges which may influence the judicial decisions. Independence does not require only impartial or independence of judges; rather, the control
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of finance and administration may provide any threat to judicial independence. According to some writers the enforcement of the rule of law by the judges could be wholly frustrated by the refusal to appoint judges to provide courtrooms for them to sit in or staff to service those courts.54. An independent judiciary is effective in the protection of rights and freedoms of citizens. If the Basic Law provides fair trial under an independent and impartial court system, then the idea of independence is protected by referring to the Basic Law. Apart from the Basic Law, the law of judiciary provides some extent of safeguards to ensure the impartiality of the judiciary54. The principle of separation of powers as well as the independence of judiciary is acknowledged by the Law of the Board of Grievances in 1982, 2007, nonetheless the rule is restricted to the protection of judges from removal from their office or transfer54. However, the provisions are not sufficient to guarantee the independence since as far as the regulations are not sanctioned by enacted laws in particular, wherever there is no written laws in case of criminal courts, the impartiality of judges can not be ensured. In addition the King appoints the supreme judicial council members and the chief of the high court54. The reason behind this authority of the king may be justified under the conception of Gods vicegerency rule that the king has joined it, accordingly he should oversee the implementation of Islamic rule and shariah which courts are evolved to ensure54. By referring to article 55 of the Basic Law this fact could be realized54. Obviously in case of unsatisfactory courts decrees the king has the authority to dismiss judges or decree their welfare or salaries etc. Independence of courts is basic and absolute and suffers no exception in view of modern human rights standards54. The European Court on Human Rights has clarified that the tribunal must be subjectively free of personal prejudice or bias and it must be impartial from an objective point of view54. 54The international instruments and guidelines require that the courts operate in a manner strictly consistent with fair trial requirements54. The judicial laws clearly assert the independence of judges and their adherence to Islamic rules while providing them with adequate safeguards to protect them from arbitrary transfer dismissal or legal action. Unfortunately the problem is related to the lack of regulations to ensure such written values and precepts.
Conclusion
The Kingdom of Saudi is an Islamic country under a monarchical system. The power whether executive, legislative or judicial is centralized in the hands of royal family without any break in favor of electoral rights of people in the process of constitutional system. All this happens in the name of Islam, as if Islam and its Holy Koran are meant to be interpreted
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to serve the officials. In fact, it is believed that the power is derived from God and the people are given the obligation to pay allegiance to the ruler and sons of founding king. It is true that the Koran is grossly misused by the government to justify its essential breach of human rights norms in the process of shaping constitutional structure of the state.54
REFERENCES
1. 2. Para 83, Section E, Part 2, Vienna Convention on Human Rights.1993. The Gulf Cooperation Council was established by Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf Sheikhdoms of Kuwait Bahrain, Qatar, The UAE and Sultanate of Oman in 1981. See: A.K. Pasha India, and the GCC states. Manas Publications, 2000, p: 105 onwards. Hans Kelsen.Principles of International Law.2nd edition revised and edited by Robert W. Tuker. Johns Hopkins University. 1966. P: 110. The king avoided (1992) to introduce the Basic law as the constitution of the country. Because according to Article 1 of the Basic Law, the Holy Koran and the prophets tradition which comprise the Shariah as the law governing in Saudi, are elevated to the status of immutable constitution of the country. P. Ishwara Bhat Fundamental Rights A Study of their interrelationship. Eastern House Book Law. 2004. P: 1. The Doctrine of incorporation considers that international law is a part of the municipal law regardless of whether there exist municipal statutes that reflects these norms. While the transformation doctrine says there must be a legislative enactment to transform an international norm into a municipal norm. See: Robert L. Bledsoe and Boczek. International Law Dictionary. Oxford Press. 1987. It means Islamic Law or fiqh. A science which deals with Islamic rituals, pillars and socio- economic rules. It is imilar to Jurisprudence of the Roman, Rerum divinarum atque humanarum notitia. BLG 1. See: Henry Campbell Black,Blacks Law Dictionary1951,P:1034.
3. 4.
5. 6.
7.
8. 9.
10. Natalie de lony Bas,Wahhabi Islam; from Revival and Reform to Global Jihad.Oxford University Press, 2004. 11. This is an age old-doctrine expresses that for every interference with life, liberty and property of the subjects, there should be authorization of law and not executive fiat caprice. See: P, Ishwara Bhat, Fundamental Rights A study of their interrelationship. Eastern Law House. 2004. P:40.
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12. CEDAW report by Saudi Arabia 2007. 13. BLG 56, 57, 68, 69. 1992. 14. Verse 38, Chapter 5. Even here we need interpretation as to the value of the property stolen from a protected place and to the portion of hand which should be cut off for the first theft. Notwithstanding the matter of plagiarism is newly either. 15. BLG 45. The council is headed by Grand Muftis (jurist consults) who issue the official interpretations of Islamic law with the consent of the king. See: The Shura Council Law, Royal Decree No. A/91 of 1st March 1992, available at: http:// www.shura.gov.sa/englishsite/Elaw/law1.htm. 16. Verse 7, Chapter 3. Verse 23, Chapter 39, Koran. 17. Ibid. 18. BLG 1.1992. 19. Verse 59, Chapter 4 Koran. See: BLG 5,6, and 7. 20. Indian constitution 13. 21. Koran addresses all people and nations, say O people I am the messenger of Allah to you all verse 151, Chapter 7. And also see: Verse 21,213 Chapter 2. 22. Verse 2, Chapter 2, 23. Verse 92, Chapter 21. Verse 60, Chapter 8. According to Iranian constitution Muslims of the globe constitutes one nation and the leader of the Islamic Republic is their Imam leader, See: Article 11. Also See the Preamble of Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam August 5, 1990, adopted by 45 foreign ministers of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. 24. BLG 6, 23. 25. Verse 1 Chapter 4 Koran. 26. The royal Saudi family consists of some 4000 members, of whom approximately 60 are involved in major policy decisions. See: www. World information. com/world/ meast/Saudi Arabia/profile. 27. Ibid. 28. BLG 5, 6. 29. See: Draft report by Ms Lilii Gruber, delegation chair 8th EP-Saudi Arabia Inter parlimentary Meeting 7-13. Feb 2005. 30. BLG, Royal Order No. A/90, (Mar. 1, 1992), O.G. Umm al-Qura No. 3397 (Mar. 5, 1992); The Regional Law, Royal Order No. A/91 (Mar. 1, 1992), O.G. Umm al-Qura
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No. 3397 (Mar. 5, 1992); The Shura Council Law, Royal Order No. A/91, (Mar. 1, 1992), O.G. Umm al-Qura No. 3397 (Mar. 5, 1992). 31. Despite article 25 of ICCPR Saudi people have been refused to access public office. See: Res/ GA/ 2200, 26 Dec 1966. 32. BLG 6,7. 33. BLG 23. 34. There is only one ill defined article that allocated to human rights i.e.: Article 26. 35. BLG 48. The power of king is not limited to this article on the domestic laws, rather king has authority to approve or deny any international rules or treaties. See: Articles 81, 70. 36. BLG 44. Also See: Article 3 of the Majlis ash Shura Law. No. A /91. 37. See: WWW. UNDP (POGAR-Programme on Governance in the Arab Region)-Saudi Arabia: legislature. 38. The legislature is composed of consultative council and the council of Ministers which headed by king who has the mere power to approve the laws, BLG 44. 39. The report of the International Commission of Jurists, available at: www.icj.org/IMG/ pdf/Saudiarabia. 40. The CRC 1996, CERD 1997 and CAT 1994 are among those document which ratified by the state under such reservations. 41. BLG 44, 50, 57(a). 42. These provisions assume a unified, shariah-based judiciary, independent of the ruler but respected by him, supplemented by a Board of Grievances and other supporting bodies: 43. Article 46 The judiciary is an independent authority. There is no control over judges in the dispensation of their judgments except in the case of the Islamic shariah. 44. Article 47 The right to litigation is guaranteed to citizens and residents of the Kingdom on an equal basis. The law defines the required procedures for this. 45. Article 48 The courts will apply the rules of the Islamic shariah in the cases that are brought before them, in accordance with what is indicated in the Book and the Sunnah, and statutes decreed by the Ruler which do not contradict the Book or the Sunnah. 46. Article 49 Observing what is stated in Article 53, the courts shall arbitrate in all disputes and crimes. 47. Article 50 The King, or whoever deputizes for him, is responsible for the implementation of judicial rulings.
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48. Article 51 The authorities establish the formation of the Higher Council of Justice and its prerogatives; they also establish the seniority of the courts and their prerogatives. 49. Article 52 The appointment of judges and the termination of their duties are carried out by Royal decree by a proposal from the Higher Council of Justice in accordance with the provisions of the law. 50. Article 53 The law establishes the seniority of the Board of Grievances and its prerogatives. 51. Article 54 The law establishes the relationship between the investigative body and the Prosecutor-general, and their organization and prerogatives. 52. Diwan Means :account books of the treasury (in the older Islamic Administration),collection of poems written by one author; governmental office,Mazalem means :misdeed ,wrong ,inequity, act of injustice ,thus the phrase in combination means the office of examining the injustice actions See: Hans Wehr A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic ,Edited by :J Milton Cowan, 2nd Ed.Wiesbaden.1966. 53. The law of the Judiciary 26. Royal Decree No. M/64, July 1975. Official Gazzet Ummal Qura no. 2592. Sep 1975. 54. See: Royal Decree no. 19. Feb. 1967. Also see the law of the judiciary adopted in 1975 in which the competence of the Saudi judicial courts system as such is set up. 55. BLG 48. 56. Law of The Judiciary, 6, Royal Decree No. M/64, 1975. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid. 87. 59. BLG 50, 52, 56. 60. Charles P. Trumbull, Islamic Arbitration: A New Path for Interpreting Islamic legal contracts, Vand L. Rev., 59 Issue 2, Mar. 2006. PP: 629-630. 62. Frank E. Vogel.Islamic Law and Legal System: Studies of Saudi Arabia Leiden; Brill, 2000. P: 141. 63. The independence of the judiciary shall be guaranteed by the State and enshrined in the Constitution or the law of the country. It is the duty of all governmental and nongovernmental institutions to respect and observe the independence of the judiciary.Basic principles on the Independence of the judiciary adopted by the Seventh United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders
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held at Milan from 26 August to 6 September 1985 and endorsed by General Assembly resolutions 40/32 of 29 November 1985 and 40/146 of 13 December 1985". See also: clause 1 of the report of committee 4 International Congress of jurists, New Delhi 1959. See also: UDHR,Art,10 64. Article 46 states: The judiciary is an independent authority. There is no control over judges in the dispensation of their judgments except in the case of the Islamic shariah. 65. Clause 1 of the report of committee 4 International Congress of jurists, New Delhi 1959. 66. ICCPR 14.1 67. Articles 44,50,52. 68. S.A.DE SMITH , Judicial review of Administration Action 57(1959) 69. The king appoints the mininisters including Judiciary. Article 57 BLG. 70. Sir Nicolas Browne Wilkinson believes that A modern lawyer might say that the crown and its servants like all other public authorities must not act Ultra Vires.The independence of the judiciary in the 1980s Public Law, The British Journal of Administrative Law. 44 (1988) 71. Article 1 .1975, 2007. And See; Ordinance concerning the prosecution of ministerial Decree No.88.art.5. Mar 1961. 72. Article 2, 51, the Law of Judiciary 1975. And Articles 2,3,46 the Law of Judiciary 2007. 73. The Law of the Judiciary 1975 and 2007. 74. BLG 50, 52. 75. Frank E. Vogel. Ibid. P: 292. 76. Gonzalez del Rio v. Peru, communication, No. 263/1987, U.N. Doc. CCPR /c/ 46/ D263/1992,Report of the HRC, at 20 vol.11,A/48/40/1993. 77. See: Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Also See: Findlay V. the UK, APP. No. 22107/93Eur.ct, H. R. Feb. 1997; Mc Gonnel V. The UK, APP. NO.28488/ 95 Eur. Court. H. H. feb. 2000. 78. See: www. Amnesty usa. org/ icc/ document. Uk /northern Ireland: Submission by Amnesty international to the criminal justice Review. See also: UDHR 10.
Discussion : Interpreting the World in a World of Interpretation
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Research Article
DISCUSSION : INTERPRETING THE WORLD IN A WORLD OF INTERPRETATION*

V. Anil Kumar Abstract This article sheds light on the interpretative theory and its role in contemporary world. The article argues that the role of the hermeneutically informed theorist is to make hermeneutics perform a more this-worldly function so that the complex strife generated often through politics of recognition is reduced and the world becomes more democratic and humane. The article attempts to delineate the need for interpreting the world which is often is also a world of interpretation. It is often cited saying of Marx in his eleventh thesis on Feuerbach that all the philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world, the point is to change it. With this many journals have started on eleventh thesis. The eleventh thesis has been very influential and inspiring point of Marx. This is a very crucial thesis of Marx. If that is so is it really true that, and this is what we have to reflect, the task of philosophers has been really over and complete? My reading of this is with reference to the todays globalised world, particularly the world after 1989 and more particularly of post 9/11 world; in this world is the task of philosophers to interpret the world has really been over? In the contemporary, early twentieth century world we need to revisit the eleventh thesis and both the sides of it: a) that the philosophers have only interpreted the world b) that the point however is to change it. My point is that every attempt to change the world, in every direction, requires an interpretation of it. And thats what is important. For those who are familiar with Lenins emphasis on theory this is well known. Every urgent need to change the world in a direction requires a certain theorization of the world, that is, an interpretation of it. There is no change without certain interpretation preceding it. All agents of change presuppose a certain world view. In this context we also have to remember in the tradition of Marxist theory what the
* Slightly revised text of the Inaugural Seminar of the Colloquium on Social and Political Thought by the author on 16th November, 2007, at the Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore)
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famous theorist Antonio Gramscis writing in Italian context said once of self- knowledge and the acquisition of it: which is so important for both knowing the self and knowing the world prior to interpreting it: knowing oneself better by knowing the other; and knowing others better by knowing oneself. These two are key statements for me to start. Interpretative theory from Shleiermacher to Dilthey to Gadamer to Habermas deals with these questions. I would like to say that the theory of hermeneutics began basically as biblical interpretation; particularly as an exercise of theological philosophers attempt to interpret the medieval Bible. Dilthey breaks with this tradition. Dilthey deals with this differently by using the methods developed in theological interpretation to secular texts. Interpretation of texts no more remains a theological exercise. It becomes a philosophical exercise of secular understanding of texts and their interpretation. He makes a clear distinction between Geisteswissenschaften and Natureswissenschaften that is human studies and natural studies respectively. Human studies would consist of history, arts, philosophy, social sciences and humanities in general; probably even non-technical economics. This distinction is central to human sciences. Dilthey presupposes the task of hermeneutics as essentially pertaining to human sciences. This distinction is important for hermeneutics. Because human sciences have meaning embedded in them, whereas natural studies do no have meaning embedded in the subject of study; Human actors have meaning embedded in their actions. Dilthey deals with these broadly as products of mind. That is all human sciences deal with products of mind; all cultural objects and cultural products as creations of human mind. This distinction is important for interpretative theory as it deals with all cultural objects and broadly with mental culture. Once interpretation goes beyond the interpretation of the written word and becomes main activity of understanding the meaning, human action also becomes text; human actions can also be interpreted as textsbecause all human action is filled with intentionality and meaning; this is understandable in terms of empathic understanding and interpretation. The tradition of interpretative theory attempts to understand the meaning of actions. But why this is important? We will return to this question but before that let us consider the literal meaning and the etymology of the word hermeneutics; the origin of the term. The term hermeneutics comes from the name of Greek god Hermes. Hermes interpreted the messages of Gods to ordinary Greeks. In interpreting gods Hermes used to play tricks. Gods and messengers of Gods still play tricks on us sometimes. Therefore the act of Hermes is literally hermeneutics. Human action too is full of innate meaning and intentionality and therefore necessitates the interpretation of it and in this a revisiting of hermeneutic theory is helpful. We need to make hermeneutics function a more this-worldly task. We need to revisit the interpretative theory in our present world which is a complex world; this world which Marx took so much for granted has changed beyond recognition.
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We live in world of complex world of politics of recognition and politics of identities; whether or not we like it we are expected become party to it. Politics of recognition and politics of identity is global now. We need interpretative theory to understand the complex politics of recognition and these are global in scale at present. The global politics now are shaped in terms of identity. Race, ethnicity, religion, gender are of great significance now. One can argue that global political economy is more important. We can argue that global multinational corporations and transnational corporations are commanding our economies and marginalizing labour; subjecting our peasantries to suicides and so on. But it is not sufficient to say this. More significant changes are happening today. We live in more complex world than can be interpreted only by critical political economy. In todays world politics and the politics of recognition is extremely significant and is a global phenomenon. The interpretation of these politics of recognition is of paramount importance to the social and political theorist. With globalisation taking place we need new interpretative theory to understand and interpret the world. Politics of recognition and politics of identity are of encompassing nature - we are subject to them irrespective of where we are. Politics of recognition is no more a phenomenon limited to nation-state either. In such context the interpretative theory is needed to understand so much of the strife going on by way of politics of recognition, identity and so many super-structuralisms. These politics have globally overtaken class as a category of social and political action. Terrible politics of strife are taking place in the name of religion and identities. This is an interpretation of the world that I present to you, in all modesty, to consider. All identities are getting mobilized. We have not foreseen in history these forms of strife. Today global conflict is as much in terms of these identities as in terms of class politics. While we attempt to interpret the world as mentioned above, this world is also a world of interpretation. Why world of interpretation? Why do we need to revisit this interpretative theory in the world of interpretation? Why the world of interpretation in the first place? Politics of recognition and identities are global now and not only are these are global but they are also presented by the global media for all too see. All these politics that I am speaking now are flashed through cameras. TV has reached nook and corners of the world. TV is under no bodys control. Airwaves are under no bodys control. Internet is under no bodys control. While the world remains unequal and asymmetrical these very ubiquitous changes have continuously been taking place. The world needs to be interpreted by ordinary people and the world as it is presented by 24*7 news channels gradually, or even perhaps instantaneously, becomes a world of interpretation; if Pakistan imposes emergency the news gets flashed; if Myanmar clamps down on monks and on pro-democracy protests these news are flashed; these messages, information and communication are reaching and are flashed around the world. Once they
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are flashed we are free to interpret them as we like; the information flows are reaching every geographical region of the world along with the capitalist market. We are all subject to it. The news flashed, the information flashed from one place to the other the information evokes different responses, actions of different kind from different quarters. Therefore the conflict around the identities increasingly becomes global and the information on these conflicts becomes global. We now live in a world of information over load. This is happening even in remote villages even where the Cable TV has reached. To say this is not to repeat the clich that its a small world. The world is not yet so much integrated to say that it is a small world, as yet. It is still a big world. The elites of this world are of course more integrated and the world is small for them. But not the ordinary people; this world is still a large world. We can say this even if this goes to some extent against the grain of what we have said a little earlier. The integration is actively happening and particularly the means of communication have reached to far flung areas. No politician can clamp down entirely on these flows of information. No way of stopping this information is available. Once the news is received the individual recipient has his choice to take whatever action he or she wants or not to react at all. The world becomes a world for everyone to interpret according to his or her own like. This rapid change in communication and information technologies increasingly renders the world amenable to multiple interpretations. This world of information also increasingly expects the viewer or listener to actively participate in it. This kind of phenomenon is particularly acute in the case of communalism, for example, in India. If this is increasingly the case then is there a role in this complex world for the interpretative theorist? In such global politics of recognition and identities is a there a need for interpretation of this complex world? Therefore what is the role of philosopher in this? The point is that since the world becoming far more complex than earlier we not only need to change the world but also to interpret the world in such a way that the world becomes more and more democratic and humane. As we get increasingly into the politics of recognition, whether or not we like it, the philosophers role becomes more and more important and not less. What is the role of social theorist or political theorist in this? If changing the world is the only imperative then do philosophers have to give up their mtier and close down their profession. In a world where the increasing flows of information is accentuating conflict and global strife, the role of the hermeneutic theory and philosopher is to interpret the world in such a way that the world becomes democratic and humane. She or he has to decipher the complexities involved in the rise of politics of recognition and analyze the conflict. The world of increasing fundamentalisms has to be interpreted in such a way that the communication and information is so distorted should be illuminated in such a way that the conflict is mitigated. Philosophers need not give up their mtier because changing the world is more important; even when the world is still full of monstrous inequalities.
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Philosophers role remains as important critical hermeneutic theorist. He has the task of deciphering the complexities involved in the rise of these multiple fundamentalisms. These global fundamentalisms are unheard of in the early period of de-colonization. The role of theorist is that of Edward Said, who not only saw the extremity of both the sides of the conflict but also pointed to the third point of view; The critical hermeneutic philosopher is the one who can say that both the sides of a conflict are wrong and that there is always a third way out. Interpretative social science can not be reduced to a joke comparing it with natural sciences. The major task of interpreting the complex world, that the social theorist raises up to, is the task of interpreting the complex world. And this philosopher hopefully brings froth an interpretation of the world that is fresh, meaningful and sensible so that the conflict that we have out lined in terms of politics of recognition is reduced and the human suffering involved is lessened if not totally mitigated. And here lies the role of the hermeneutically informed social science. Hermeneutics surely has to be made to perform a more this-worldly function.
REFERENCES
Anderson, R.J, J.A.Hughes and W.W.Sharrock (1988): Philosophy and the Human Sciences (London: Routledge). Dilthey, W (ed, tra. Intro. by H.P.Rickman)(1976): Selected Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Dilthey, W (1976): The Rise of Hermeneutics in Paul Connerton (ed)Critical Sociology (London: Penguin Books) pp 104-116. Gadamer H-G (1976): The Historicity of Understanding in Paul Connerton (ed) Critical Sociology (London: Penguin Books), pp.118-133. Phillips, D.C. (1987): The Hermeneutical Case Against the Naturalistic Social Science in Philosophy, Science and Social Enquiry (Oxford: Pergamon Press) pp102-114. Said, Edward. W (1994): Representations of the Intellectual: The 1993 Reith Lectures (London: Vintage).
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Prof R K Barik mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 200-205 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in
Research Article
COMMENTARY : PROFILE OF A NEW MIDDLE CLASS IN INDIA

R K Barik* Abstract The middle class has a peculiar position in India because of structural reasons. It is not only in India but also other colonies this class has played a decisive role in transformation of a society. They played a role in anti imperialist politics of a society. They demanded a parliamentary democracy where the constitutional rights to be quarantined. They went for a reservation policy for the SCs and STs in the constituent assembly on a consensus. They were sensitive to the needs of the disadavadanged social groups of the society. They had the vision of a nation which can be based on social reconciliation of various social groups and communities. They went for a secular democracy where all the minorities have religious and cultural freedom. This class played a decisive role in economy which went for a state controlled economy. They played a very important role in party politics after Independence. Today they are losing their perspective and losing their roots in a society. We have examined this in this paper titled Profile of a new Middle class. Can the middle class of today be compared with the old middle class? It is an interesting problem which needs to be probed in a historical and sociological sense. The old middle class is the product of modern education, which created a common space in the schools and colleges. In the beginning these schools and colleges were created by the colonial state, later these institutions were made a part of the national movement. As B B Misra gives his observation about the old middle class that they formed a composite intermediate layer consisting of a wide range of occupational interests but they are bound together by common style of living and behavior pattern. Secondly they stood for certain liberal, democratic values which they expressed in their social and political Conduct.(Mishra 1961) This
Professor IIPA, New Delhi-110002
Profile of a new middle class in India
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class changed their social outlook with the changing situation. They adopted some form of protestant ethics to suit their professional interest. They might not have experienced the historical stages of European enlightenment which passed through renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. They acquired a certain degree of autonomy within their caste and community. They renegotiated with their community on their own terms. They became active in their caste association with a modernist agenda. Whenever they faced the onslaught from the conservatives they succeeded in mobilizing public opinion in support of their reformist position. This happened in the case of Swami Sahajananda who took the majority from the Bhumiar with a progressive agenda. Furthermore, Namboodirpad was an active member of the Brahmin association but introduced a progressive social reform agenda of women education and banning of child marriage. They acquired an enlightened social outlook. Their links with their respective communities had not worked as the social blockade. Mishra is right in giving subtle observation about their social outlook, The depth of Indian scholarship, the flexibility of Hindu philosophy and superiority of its ethics enabled Indians to interpret their traditions so as to make them ideologically conformable to the demands of western liberalism(Misra,p16) The Muslims of India had a similar social experience with the establishment of Aligarh University. The social elite spent money with the support the labour and materials from the common people to establish the institutions for educating the poorer sections of their communities. For the first time a multi-caste intelligentsia was constructed. They were bilingual who were proficient in their vernacular language and English language. This duality was the necessity of that time as their knowledge of English was the prerequisite for getting entry into various modern professions such as law, medicine and teaching etc. But their knowledge of language was a part of their love for their own society. This duality enabled them to work for the society and get a foothold in every profession that they preferred. This class got radicalized with their involvement in national movement. They played a creative role in establishing links with other social classes. Their anti- feudal approach got articulated in the non cooperation and civil disobedience movements. Nehru and Gandhi were the best expression of this class. Their approach to Republican democracy in making of Indian constitution got expressed on the floor of the Constituent Assembly. They got the support of the legal acumen of Dr. Ambedkar who prepared various provisions for creating an inclusive society. Provisions of reservation for SCs and STs got overwhelming support of all the members belonging to higher castes. Their opposition to women issue remained as startling news for all the people. This class with the support from peasantry played a constructive role in reconstruction of the nation. They abolished feudalism in a peaceful manner. They supported the Congress Party till the party in power pursued the economic and social reforms. The moment the party lost its reformist vigour and pursued emergency agenda there was a major split in the middle class. The last battle they experienced was in fighting emergency.
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They created pressure groups for working of schools and hospitals. These welfare measures worked for the masses where the middle class took the leadership. They were part of the great social experiment orchestrated by the middle class and participated by other social classes including the industrial class. The social compactness of such a grand project explains the character of the Indian middle class. Their pressures succeeded to keep a political regime which is progressive in character. This brought the Kaleski Namboodirpad debate about the intermediate regime which had one foot in middle class and other foot in peasantry. The regime had a political truth. With the pressures from the middle class the political sovereignty got reconstructed with the implementation of green revolution project. India achieved the food security which is an integral dimension of Indian sovereignty. India could play a critical role in international politics because of its strength. In contemporary India withdrawal of the support of middleclass led to farmers distress. This also resulted in a large scale suicides of farmers. This changed the balance of social forces in favour of Indian bourgeoisie. As Parth Chatterjee argues the Indian bourgeoisie rules that Indian urban society. Why did the middle class change their character and what are the reasons behind their turning apolitical which is part of reality today ?. It is like the conflict between the parents and children. As the class has not expanded much but the children have boycotted the project of their parents. Their children turned hostile towards politics. The new elite is the product of the present globalization period which made them a part of the globalised village and not of their own society. This conflict is there both in the economy and society. They are not ready to reconcile to the conflict. They have made a choice for getting a highly paid job in the globalised economy; they are honest to their values ; they do not have hypocrisy about conscience ; They are not a split personality. Lacking in hypocrisy is creating problem for the society from which they have come. The society and community expect that they would contribute to the nation-building project that was done by their parental generation. They think of their profession, which has made them excellent in their areas, which have given them recognition in global market. The world economy has gained from their excellent works but the nation and society has lost. They are monolingual which means they are proficient in the language, which is required for their professional excellence. They are not aware of the other languages which are required for the national project. This brings a conflict between project of nation building and their professional ethics. They come from the public schools which is not public in the Western sense but these are private schools. They do not experience the social space created by the Indian society here. This is a private space where their worldview remains confined to their class and castes. They are not ready to share something with others. They have a defined their self which is based on self interest not enlightened self interest. They know very well various elements going into the construction of the self. In this imaginary self there is no
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presence of others. This restricted self has brought the conflict between the enlightened self and restricted self. Those enlightened self went to the civil society which has resulted in the net work of civil society which is dominating the public space. This has brought the conflict between the political space and civil society. The political society is shrinking because of lack of recruitment of public spirited people where as the civil society is getting fatter and fatter. This brings decay in the political institutions. Political democracy is going to suffer the worst. The recent study conducted by NDTV on public schools managed by the DAV Trust shows that the absence of teachers belonging to minorities and Dalits creates a distorted view of Indian situation. The absence of students belonging to these communities creates myopic view of social reality. Non-interacting with the children belonging to these communities does not create space for realizing certain human values of equality in their own social experiences. It brings a conflict between their worldview with the emotional world. This conflict pushed them sometimes to the streets in support of the violent agitation against the reservation issues. Moreover they are not taught the subjects related to literature or humanities. This is required for shaping their human sensibility. This reflects in articulating their feelings in creative world. Rarely a good Hindi or writer in regional language is the product of this public school environment. Krisna kumar, an educationist and a Hindi story writer raises this point in a discussion on school education in India. Being an educationist and Hindi story writer he is of the opinion that public school education does not create such sensitivity for creative writers. A writer in Oriya who used to teach English literature in a leading university raises a point that those who used to do masters in English in his time were proficient in both Oriya and English. Today they are good only in English. This reflects the present state of affairs in regional literature. Western literature used to influence the regional literature in a subtle manner shaping the growth and quality of literary production which is not happening. Being bilingual they used to keep in touch with the wider society where as today they losing their roots, as they know only English. They are getting so easily globalised without any cosmopolitan consciousness, this reflects their approach to their caste and ethnic identity. It is being observed that they maintain their sub caste identity in America. They play today a major role contributing to the various religious fundamentalist groups. Diaspora people are encouraging the fundamentalism in the sub continent. These educated people could have acquired an enlightened self interest which is happening in many developed countries where as they are pursuing the narrow interest. They are falling to the trap of self interest leading to kinship, then to caste rather than society and region. This narrow view got demolished by Gandhian movement during the national movement. Hinduism got an element of Daridra Narayan consciousness where self keeps engaged with the others. This relationship was getting further enlarged with their
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involvement in politics and national reconstruction. Indian development after Independence got these human energies to have a planned growth which is inclusive. This reflects in the planning process of Indian state. The responsibility of the state is to provide education, health and other social welfare measures. More so the state is in the field of creating capital goods sector and physical infrastructure. The class who used these welfare facilities such as education and health turn into the old middle class; today abusing these public institutions. They want every thing to be privatized and their children would get schooling from the private schools and health facilities from the private health centers. They have withdrawn from the common schools and common transport system. They are not only blaming these systems but want the death of these public institutions. As these institutions are owned by the state, those who are working there are not ready to take the responsibility. Their parents work in these public places and today want to see that these institutions get declined. In the process the weaker section of the society do not get these facilities provided by the state if they get the quality of these institutions remain so low they do not really get skilled enough to enter into the labour market. They lack an element of empathy for others. It gets expressed in their day to day life. They acquire a culture of wastage. They waste more water, energy, paper, pencil etc. that is not eco friendly. They lack civic consciousness. They do not bother about their own institutes but they want to study there. But lack of commitment to the local environment where their intervention is required to take care of the sanitation or beautification. But they are ready to join the big NGOs to work as the executives. Their study is confined to their subjects which can help them to have a good job. They are not aware of other subjects. They lack the capacity of observation and having a reflective judgment. This gets expressed in doing hard work for showing some originality. Their reading of newspaper starts with the third page. They are fascinated with colour and modeling rather than the serious stuff. Some news papers have privatized the editorial page. With this their profit has multiplied. They talk of corporate responsibility but they do not show any commitment to the society. They cannot negotiate with the political class but they want democracy. This contradiction in their behaviour gets articulated in their action on the incident of 26/11. They abused the political class. The times third page December3rd 2008 gives a coverage to their views. Dirty politicians are seen raising their ugly head all throughout India Indian politicians are the lowest and dirtiest of creatures. No wonder our political class grows richer by the day whereas our armed forces and police dont have basic necessities. They have sympathy for the armed forces and police rather than the political class. When the next attack happens and it will because we have more such people in our government sucking our blood and surviving on our money why do not we trade them for hostages? .
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They are anti politics and anti politician approach gets articulated in the novel of Aravind Adigas The White Tiger which got the booker prize of 2008. Adiga says,It is a fucking joke-our political system and I will keep saying it as long as I like. Things are complicated in IndiaIt is not like in America. He has compared Indian political system with America. This prize reflects the mentality of Indian new middle class. Adiga is the best expression of the brilliance of this class. Their slogan is, Indian mind with American money will help India to grow. This attitude has gone into framing of Indo American nuclear deal and strategic partnership. They want a high rate of growth not sharing of this wealth with others. They are against democracy as democracy demands the mediating among many social classes. They want conflicts to be settled by the intervention of military and police administration. Their role in moderation in politics is gone. Their apathy brings Savarkar to the forefront who pleads for violence and nation based on religion. Today blending of criminality and communalism is possible in the name of the Hindutva as the middle class has withdrawn which used to temper and moderate the tone of Indian politics. This middle class is highly mobile whose only interest is about their level of high consumption. As Dipankar Gupta says, Globalisaton is about mobile people and about generalized consumption standards. Therefore, globalisation would like to believe that nations do not matter at all. This it has done with a certain degree of success, but it is not as if nations have become residual historical categories.(Gupta,p79:2000) National interest is no more a composite and complex concept which was defined by the framers of Indian constitution. Equality and justice would be the beacon light for making the nation move ahead. This was possible because of the compactness of Indian society where middle class had an association with poor. This reflects the rule of law and administration of justice. Today we are ready to abandon the national project by defining the national interest as sectional interest. For them history is no more relevant. They post modernist in their outlook where reason has no place. With death of reason and rationality we are searching for a post modernist middle class. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adiga, A. (2008)The White Tiger, HarperCollins Publ. India Misra, B B.,(1961) Indian middle classes: their growth in modern times, Oxford, London. Gupta, D. (2000) (Mistaken Modernity: India between Worlds,Delhi)
mySOCIETY
(Biannual Refereed Arts Journal of the University of Mysore) Volume I-IV (1-4) March-September 2008-09
UNIVERSITY OF MYSORE MYSORE
mySOCIETY- Biannual Arts Journal of the University of Mysore, edited by an Editorial Board and published by the Director, Prasaranga, Publication Directorate, University of Mysore, Mysore. Volume I-V(1-4) March-September 2008-09, Pages viii +205
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EDITORIAL BOARD Prof. MUZAFFAR ASSADI Department of Political Science Prof. SEBASTIAN JOSEPH Department of Development Studies Prof. ISHWAR BHAT Department of Law Prof. D. ANAND Department of Management Science Prof. A.S. DASAN Department of English
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Printed by Sri S. Anand Director Mysore University Printing Press Manasagangotri, MYSORE - 570 006
mySOCIETY
(Biannual Refereed Arts Journal of the University of Mysore) Volume I-IV (1-4) March-September 2008-09
EDITORIAL NOTE
Social progress has become a major contesting terrain for those who have been historically marginalized, as well as remain rentrenched social categories. This has given rise to multiple debates : debates about social deprivation, accessibility, social justice, representation to Dalits or backward class, affirmative action, gender inequality etc. It is a fact that academic scholarship has not disassociated from the Eurocentric methodologies , framework to understand the Indian reality. The crux of the matter is that we need to develop indigenous models, methodologies as well as framework to understand our own reality. This is the broad framework of this volume. However, there are some diviations or digressions. D.M.Diwakar raises a fundamental question as to the feasibility of understanding the Indain situation from the western framework. His argument is based on the premise that context of social progress in India is different from that of the western worldboth belonged to different world altogether. This is the reason why we need to understand the Indian reality. Although Indian state has tried to develop alternative models, however it does not mean a complete paradigm shift- it has remained as an incomplete project. One of the major components of the Indian society that has come under scrutiny is the caste. It is a fact that any analysis will not be complete without engaging ourselves with a critique of caste itself. Lohia is one of the well known critics both as a pragmatic politician and intellectual ( Arun Patnaik). Lohias critique is mainly based on the argument that any engagement with caste requires an analysis of its inner strength to survive despite many resistance to it both from within and without. Caste is no more a sociological category but also has become a political category.Gandhis engagement with Dalit issues(Chahal) is primarily meant to bring in Dalits to the political domain, however it is also carried another agenda- agenda of social emancipation . This is based on the inherent belief that nationalist movement will be strengthened only with the inclusion of retrenched social categories.
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The political engagements with caste has taken a twist with the emergence of Backward class politics in recent past. One of the major problems of backward class is how to define the very term Backward caste or class itself. It is argued particularly by Sudha Pai that Backward caste cannot be reduced to or analysed as homogeneous category which has significant class and regional differences. To understand the politics of affirmative action, she has taken U P as a case study. Second important category which has come under scrutiny is women. There are a couple of arguments in the recent scholarship on women or on gender: one, recognizing the women in the intellectual space as well as social history. This has come under scrutiny in the literary space of Fakir Mohan Senapati, the early Oriya writer (Pritish Acharya and Shri Krishan). The Oriya writer incidentally dismisses the notion of homogeneous and singular women. On the contrary, the writer gives an idea about plurality of imagined women in his fictional world. This brings us to raise couple of fundamental questions: can women be recognized as distinct social category? Gender Budgeting is one such component of women being noticed,(N.Bharani and Meena Deshpande). Second, how to bring in social transformation? The latter is taken up for scrutiny in the context of Dalit women. Dalit women, as argued by Indira, are the victims of triple burdens: caste, class and gender. She argues that interventionist mode of civil society can change the political perception as well as it creates spaces for dialogue on gender issues. Classic case is the way Mahila Samakyas intervention has sensitized or invoked gender issues. This has led to the conclusion that women have realized the need for gender equality, and gender development. Interrogating middle class has become another concern in Indian scholarship in recent past years. They can not be glossed over and reduced to non-existence. They are the ones who have helped in the construction of an imagined Indian nation, development of political structures, constitutionalism etc. However, the same middle class has become a disillusioned lot. They are, as argued by Barik, losing their perspective and losing their roots in a society On the contrary, in the midst of various conflicts and contradictions it has become imperative to bring in harmony both at the individual as well as community level for the larger social project of progress. Vibhuti Patel in fact argues that harmony at the grass-root level is best promoted by those whose stakes are high, particularly the urban and rural poor. In the midst of all these issues we cannot ignore the primacy of four important issues: issues of theory, issues of history, issues of migration and the issues of rights. The first issue basically revolves around the question of how to interpret the theory.
Does theory require interpretation?( Anil Kumar) . In fact Anil Kumar makes an attempt to justify the need for interpreting the world which often is also a world of interpretation. Issues of history is clearly analysed by the method of entering into a dialogue on Temperance Movement during the nationalist period( Sri Kishan). Third imporatant issue is the issue of domestic migration( Meena Deshpande) and finally the human rights issue particularly from the perspective of Saudi . All these articles we hope will open up new debates, new discourses and new theoretical formulations in the years to come.. Muzaffar Assadi Editor-in-Chief (on behalf of Editorial Collective)
mySOCIETY
(Biannual Refereed Arts Journal of the University of Mysore) Volume I-IV (1-4) CONTENTS
INDIAN CONTEXTS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS AND SOCIAL JUSTICE : ................. D.M.Diwakar 1-17
March-September 2008-09
LOHIAS IMMANENT CRITIQUE OF CASTE ................................................................ 18-32 Arun Kumar Patnaik UNDERSTANDING BACKWARDNESS FOR AFFIRMATIVE ACTION: THE MOST BACKWARD CASTES/CLASSES IN UTTAR PRADESH ........................33-54 Sudha Pai CHANGE OF HEART OF THE DIEHARD : A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE GANDHIAN APPROACH TO THE DALIT PROBLEMS: ......................................... 55-80 S.K. Chahal EXPLORING WOMEN IN THE LITERARY SPACE OF FAKIR MOHAN SENAPATI, THE EARLY ORIYA ........................................................ 81-98 Pritish Acharya and Shri Krishan WOMEN BEING NOTICED: GENDER BUDGETING IN INDIA .............................. 99-108 N.Bharani and Prof. Meena Deshpande PROMOTION OF GENDER EQUITY FOR EMPOWERMENT OF RURAL DALIT WOMEN IN KARNATAKA ................................................................ 109-124 M. Indira EMPOWERING HARMONY AT THE INDIVIDUAL AND COMMUNITY LEVEL Vibhuti Patel DOMESTIC MIGRATION: FAILURE OF LAW Meena Deshpande 125-157
........................................................ 158-166
DRUNKENNESS AND TEMPERANCE IN GLOBAL AND INDIGENOUS CONTEXT A STUDY OF TEMPERANCE MOVEMENET ........................................................ 167-179 Shri Krishan CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM AND INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS: SAUDI PERSPECTIVE ................................................................................................ 180-194 Moosa Akefi Ghazi* Prof, P. Ishwara Bhat** DISCUSSION : INTERPRETING THE WORLD IN A WORLD OF INTERPRETATION: ................................................................................... 195-199 V. Anil Kumar COMMENTARY:PROFILE OF A NEW MIDDLE CLASS IN INDIA ...................... 200-205 R. K. Barik
mySOCIETY
(Biannual Refereed Arts Journal of the University of Mysore) Volume I-IV (1-4) March-September 2008-09 OUR CONTRIBUTORS
D.M.DIWAKAR Visiting Faculty in Economics, G. B. Pant Social Science Institute, Allahabad. ARUN KUMAR PATNAIK Professor of Political Science, Hyderabad Central University, Hyderabad. SUDHA PAI Professor of Political Science, Central for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. S.K. CHAHAL Reader, Department of History, Kurukshetra University, Kurukshetra. PRITISH ACHARYA Reader in History at the Regional College of Education (NCERT), Bhubaneshwar SHRI KRISHAN Professor in History at the P.G. Regional Centre, M. D. University, Rewari and currently a Senior Fellow,NMML, Teen Murti, New Delhi. N.BHARANI Research Scholar, Depart of Political Science, Bangalore University MEENA DESHPANDE Professor of Political Science, Bangalore University M. INDIRA Reader, Department of Economics and Co-operation, University of Mysore VIBHUTI PATEL Director, PGSR, Professor and Head, Post Graduate Department of Economics, SNDT Womens University, 1 Nathibai Thakersey Road, Churchgate, Mumbai-400020 Mobile-9321040048 Telephone-26770227 and 22052970 E mail:vibhuti.np@gmail.com MEENA DESHPANDE Department of Political Science, Bangalore University. SHRI KRISHAN Senior Fellow, Nehru memorial Museum and Library MOOSA AKEFI GHAZI Research Scholar of Law Department, University of Mysore. P. ISHWARA BHAT Prof. of Law, DOS in Law, University of Mysore. V. ANIL KUMAR Slightly revised text of the Inaugural Seminar of the Colloquium on Social and Political Thought by the author on 16th November, 2007, at the Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore) R.K. BARIK Professor IIPA, New Delhi-110002

Mysociety 2008-2009

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Mysociety 2008-2009

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Research Article

mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 1-17 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in

INDIAN CONTEXTS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS AND SOCIAL JUSTICE

Indian Contexts of Social Progress and Social Justice

Indian Contexts of Social Progress and Social Justice

Indian Contexts of Social Progress and Social Justice

III Target Group

Initiatives for Protection

Indian Contexts of Social Progress and Social Justice

Indian Contexts of Social Progress and Social Justice

Source: Economic Survey, Ministry of Finance, Government of India, various Issues.

Indian Contexts of Social Progress and Social Justice

Indian Contexts of Social Progress and Social Justice

Indian Contexts of Social Progress and Social Justice

18 mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 18-32 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in

LOHIAS IMMANENT CRITIQUE OF CASTE

Caste as domination or legitimation?

Lohias Immanent Critique of Caste

Ambedkar and Lohia on Gandhis view of Caste

Arun Kumar Patnaik

Ambedkar and caste as a system of graded inequalities

Lohias Immanent Critique of Caste

Arun Kumar Patnaik

Lohias analysis: castes moral order

Lohias Immanent Critique of Caste

Caste as a system of moral subordination

Arun Kumar Patnaik

Caste produces a weak nation

Caste produces a split personality among Hindus

Lohias Immanent Critique of Caste

Arun Kumar Patnaik

Caste as International Order: Classes Oscillate as Caste?

Lohias Immanent Critique of Caste

Arun Kumar Patnaik

Lohias Immanent Critique of Caste

Arun Kumar Patnaik

Lohias Immanent Critique of Caste

Arun Kumar Patnaik

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 33-54 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

The Problematique of Backwardness:

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

OBC 0.65 479 7.00 61.52 3.65

Muslim 0.33 471 9.79 48.67 2.36

Total 0.58 525 10.37 63.63 7.01

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

Understanding Backwardness for Affirmative Action: the Most Backward Castes.....

mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 55-80 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in

23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

mySOCIETY I-IV(1-4), 2008-09, 81-98 University of Mysore http://mysociety.uni-mysore.ac.in

Pritish Acharya and Shri krishan*

Pritish Acharya and Shri krishan*

Pritish Acharya and Shri krishan*

Pritish Acharya and Shri krishan*

Pritish Acharya and Shri krishan*

Pritish Acharya and Shri krishan*

Pritish Acharya and Shri krishan*