Name: Gavin Jose Word Count: 2,198 Module Code: TCPH212

To what extent was the 1889 Great Dockers Strike a turning point in trade unionism?

This essay will be evaluating to what extent was the 1889 Great Dockers strike a turning point in trade union history. The period immediately following the successful strike saw a dramatic increase in union membership; and also the creation of what has been referred to as new unionism . These were general unions which would allow unskilled and skilled workers of various trades to join whose organisation and tactics were vastly different to the trade unions created in 1850, and have been referred to by labour historians as a major transformation in trade union history. However, other factors will be considered which could have attributed to rises in union membership ; such as periods of economic prosperity and public awareness though sympathetic press coverage. Moreover, following the downturn in trade after 1891 a majority of new trade unions were already resorting to more traditional tactics of reconciliation and closed membership not dissimilar to the new model unions of 1850. Finally, the influence of socialism, which has been argued as influential in the starting up and success of both trade unions will be evaluated against counter arguments of collective bargaining. Although the extent of socialist influence has been disputed in influencing the majority of the working class; younger members who became more active in politics during this period , which eventually led to the creation of the Independent Labour Party, will be proven to have stemmed from the successes of these new unions. The Great Dockers Strike of 1889 was undeniably a success for casual dock workers in London. John Burns wrote in the New Review following the strike: I am asked, what is the net result in the strike? I can answer in a word. The strikers have gained 1d. per hour on ordinary time; 3d. per hour from 6 to 8 p.m.; 2d. per hour after 8; whilst the four hours call for 2 s. pay gives a permanency that has only now been secured... By the abolition of contract the men cease to be sweated by the gangers.. (Maccoby, 2001, p. 81)

Name: Gavin Jose Word Count: 2,198 Module Code: TCPH212

The Dockers strike was by no means an isolated event. It was no doubt influenced and inspired by the success of the Bow match girls and the gas workers who had both successfully won concessions off their employers; and has been put forward by historians as marking a new era of industrial relations (Crosslan, 1989). The dramatic increase in trade union membership immediately following the successful strikes of 1889 has been noted as a significant change in trade union history. Hobsbawm (1967) has argued the significance of such increases in membership during this period, drawing attention to an increase from 750,000 members to 1.5million members during 1889-91 as an unprecedented

transformation. More recent studies have shown that this was not an isolated event however. Far from being unique, similar surges of trade union membership occurred during 1835 and 1872 -1874; Lovell (1977) saw no mystery in this: In an overstocked labour market, such as existed in nineteenth century Britain, it was only in times of exceptionally high employment that the m ass of workers possessed any bargaining power. (Lovell, 1977, p. 21) Another factor which needs to be considered when evaluating the success of the Dock Workers strike was the outpouring of public sympathy and support for their cause. The strikers successfully managed to gain the support and sympathy off the national press; furthermore from the peaceful processions which went through the city much of the public opinion was in support for the Dockers cause (Crosslan, 1989). However, it was the financial support which came from Australia which eventually saved the strike from failing. Following coverage of the struggle in the Australian national press donations eventually amounting to 30,000 were received allowing the strike to continue to its eventual success (Webb & Webb, 1976) . The vast increase in trade union membership, which can be attributed to a mixture of economic prosperity, socialist influence (to what e xtent will be explored later) and public awareness has also been noted for its emergence of new unionism . First penned by Sydney and Beatrice Webb (1976) who were both deeply involved in trade unionism during that period highlighted a significant difference in membership; as before the traditional trade
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Name: Gavin Jose Word Count: 2,198 Module Code: TCPH212

unions were generally only allowing skilled workers of their particular trade to join, these new unions were open to both skilled and unskilled workers of all trades. Although historians such as Lovell (1977) dispute the extent in which Webb s had attributed socialism to the success of the new trade union movements, the shift from closed unions to more open unions has been accepted by most historians. Rule (1988), Stevenson (1991) and Lovell (1977) in the ir studies of early trade unionism have highlighted what can be referred to as closed unions . Lovell (1977) states how a fundamental problem for trade union growth during the 1870 s was through its inability to absorb on a permanent basis the mass of lower-paid (unskilled) workers in the trades that they had secured a foothold in. Lovell has cited H. A Turner for being the first to notice what he described as closed unionism . Through his studies of the cotton industry he noticed how unions not only did not attempt to expand to other classes of workers but actually discouraged it, restricting membership to the skilled workers, as they believed that their bargaining powers did not depend on numbers for strength. Stevenson (1991) goes further than this statement, arguing that by 1870 the majority of trade union members were virtually assimilated into the existing framework of society, and through discouraging unskilled workers from radical action had effectively denied the working class of any revolutionary potential. On top of the new unions being open in their membership policy there w ere significant differences between the organisation and (initially at least) the level of militancy which separated the new unions from the more traditional closed trade unions. Catering for largely unskilled and poorly paid workers, the new unions tended to charge much lower entrance and subscription fees. Furthermore, the new unions did not depend on the friendly benefits, such as sickness and unemployment benefit, which were in favour with the established trade unions; but to resort to aggressive strike tactics in order to win concessions from their employers (Pelling, 1987). The other significant difference between the two types of unions was that the new unions would compensate workers during strikes, allowing the mass of workers to recognise the effects of collective bargaining. This difference in tactics, most notably the use of strike action, although not unheard of before was treated with suspicion by some of the established trade union leaders who doubted the
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Name: Gavin Jose Word Count: 2,198 Module Code: TCPH212

long term success of direct conflict with employers. George Howell wrote about the resentment established union leaders were feeling towards the more militant tactics of the new union members in Trade unionism New and Old (1891) . Howell argued that the more violent unjustified strike action favoured by more militant leaders was damaging the cause of all trade union movements, and due to the improvements of employer recognition won by previous leaders such tactics should be a thing of the past (Ward & Hamish Fraser, 1980). The events immediately following 1890 to some extent do agree with the criticism levelled at the new union leaders, as Pelling states: Events proved that the older unionists were at least partly right in their estimate of the new unions future difficulties. Their successes were soon followed by defeats, and much of the ground that they took from the first flush of their progress was lost within a year or two. (Pelling, 1987, p. 92) The economic downturn following 189 1 increased unemployment and in turn forced the leaders of the new unions to use more defensive tactics to ensure their long term survival. As Pelling (1987) points out that various new unions had to abandon their aspirations of general organisation, instead resorting to closed membership for specific trades which resembled little difference to the new model unions of the past. Moreover, the new union leaders were forced to moderate their militant actions resorting to more peaceful negotiations with their employers. This change from direct confrontation was crucial according to Lovell (1977) who argues that employer recognition was the main factor which ensured the survival of new unions; general or otherwise. Historians such as Lovell (1977) have criticised Webb s (1976) and Hobsbawm (1967) for overstating the influence that socialism had on inspiring the trade union movement; arguing that the rational realisation of collective bargaining was probably more influential in attracting the mass of unskilled workers to join unions than any socialist ideology: ...the fact remains that the attitude of the mass of unskilled workers was purely instrumental in character. They joined them in their thousands not because of
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Name: Gavin Jose Word Count: 2,198 Module Code: TCPH212

socialist

or even class

commitment, but because they expected to benefit in

bread-and-butter terms... (Lovell, 1991, p. 30) Socialist influence has also been attributed to have spread from New Unions to the established Unions, which in numerical terms was far greater in expansion. New union membership in 1892 amounted to 200,000 out of a total Union membership of 1.5million , and by 1900 new union membership amounted to less than one tenth of all trade unionists. This seems logical to historians such as Lovell and Pelling (1987) , who point out that better paid workers who were literate were more likely to be open to rational or semi-rational ideologies (Lovell, 1977). Although socialism did have a more limited role than previously argued by historians such as Webb s (1976), there was a definite shift in younger union members disillusioned with the limited success that Liberalism was having on working class aspirations. One obvious example would be the 1892 General election which saw three working class candidates successfully win seats as Labour independents. Havelock Wilson and John Burns made their peace with the Liberals; Keir Hardie however remained militant as ever and pushed for the formation of an independent party for labour (Howell, 1983). This can be argued as one of the significant turning points for trade union history as the rise of socialism in certain sections of the working class was in no doubt influenced through the successes of new unionism which in turn was helped along by the support of socialists. A final point to add in support of this argument would be in the case of Keir Hardie: The I.P.L, in which Keir Hardie rapidly became the leading personality, had the bastion of his strength in the woollen area of the West Riding, which had hardly been unionized at all before new unionism . (Pelling, 1987, p. 98) To conclude, the success of the Great Dockers strike did have an immediate effect on the membership levels of existing trade union membership and did result in the unionisation of previously un-represented unskilled workers throughout the country. At first the newly established unions were noticeably different in their organisation and membership, favouring superior numbers through open general unions, opposed to the traditional unions
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Name: Gavin Jose Word Count: 2,198 Module Code: TCPH212

who preferred skilled workers within their own specific trades. Subscription and membership fees were also made to be much lower for the new unions to en courage lower paid unskilled workers. This was achieved by abandoning friendly benefits which were favoured by the established unions; instead using the funds to financially support its members during strikes to increase wages and conditions. There were other factors which owed to the initial success of these new unions; most notably that it was during a period of exceptionally high employment which had favoured union membership increases in the past. Moreover, that public opinion had been swayed in the wor kers favour due to sympathetic press coverage at home and abroad. The economic downturn following 1891 adds more strength to this analysis, as unemployment increased the new unions saw dramatic decreases in membership which in turn forced them to adopt tactics which eventually became very similar to the established trade unions of before. Finally, although this essay has shown that in some aspects the changes which could be attributed to being a turning point for trade unionism were only temporary, and t hat socialism was not embraced by a majority of trade unionists, there still were a significant number of socialists who did push for the rights of labour to be independently represented which would eventually lead to the formation of the Independent labou r Party.

Bibliography
Crosslan, J. (1989). The dockers who won. History Today . Hobsbawm, E. J. (1967). Trade Union History. The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 20, No. 2 , 358-364. Howell, D. (1983). British workers and the Independent Labour Party. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Lovell, J. (1977). British trade unions 1875 - 1933. London: The Macmillan Press LTD. Lovell, J. (1991). Trade unions and the development of independent labour politics 1889-1906. In B. Pimlott, & C. Cook, Trade unions in British politics: The first 250 years (pp. 28-47). London: Longman. Maccoby, S. (2001). English Radicalism 1886-1914: Vol 5 (Routledge Library of British Political History). Oxon: Routledge. Pelling, H. (1987). A history of British trade unionism. Middlesex: Penguin Books. 6

Name: Gavin Jose Word Count: 2,198 Module Code: TCPH212 Rule, J. (1988). British Trade Unionism 1750-1850. London: Longman. Stevenson, J. (1991). Early trade unionism: radicalism and respectability. In B. Pimlott, & C. Cook, Trade unions in british politics: The first 250 years (pp. 2-27). London: Longman. Ward, J. T., & Hamish Fraser, W. (1980). Workers and employers. London: The Macmillan Press LTD. Webb, S., & Webb, B. (1976). History of Trade Unionism. New York: AMS Press.