In order to have a better understanding of the link between the First Amendment of the American Constitution and the

Watergate scandal, we have to define both of it and replace it in its context.

Opposition to the ratification of the Constitution was partly based on the Constitution's lack of adequate guarantee for civil liberties. To provide such guarantees, the First Amendment was submitted to the states for ratification and adopted on December, 15th, 1791. The First Amendment stipulates: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances".

As far as the Watergate scandal is concerned, the parts that we are interested in are the freedom of speech and the freedom of the press.

Freedom of speech is the freedom to speak freely without censorship. The notion of freedom of expression is linked to political debate and the concept of democracy. Indeed, for such a system to work an informed electorate is necessary. That's why there must be no constraints on the free flow of information and ideas. Democracy won't be true if those in power are able to manipulate the electorate by withholding information, like it was the case in the Watergate scandal. The same laws often cover the concept of freedom of speech and the freedom of the press, thereby giving equal treatment to spoken and published expression. As for the freedom of press, it's the freedom of communication and expression through vehicles including published materials and electronic medias.

Without the press, the society would be clueless and blind of Washington's dealings and business. The press informs the public, for better or worse, about what really goes on in Washington. But during the Watergate Scandal, the press coverage of the scandal demonstrated some of the

best and the worst aspects of the way the American press covers the presidency. Richard Nixon despised the press. From the days when he was Vice President and Governor, he had no trust for the press. Even when he used the press for his advantage to expose, what he believed to be, Communist influences in America, he feared the press. Though Nixon had won the endorsement of many newspapers during the 1960 Presidential Campaign, Nixon still thought ill of the press and believed them to be unfair to him. Nixon became even bitterer in 1962 after he lost the election to be governor of California. Nixon bitterly claimed that they wouldn't have Richard Nixon to kick around anymore. He had retired from politics but that was short lived as he became president in 1968, but even then, Nixon remained careful of the press, fearful that they would leak and expose secrets. He was so scared that he had tapped prominent Washington reporters and official's telephones that he feared would leak information. Within days after the Watergate breaks in, there were reason to believe that the burglars had connections with the White House highest powers.

The Watergate scandal was a political scandal during the 1970's in the United States of America resulting from the break-in of the Democratic National Committees headquarters at the Watergate office complex in Washington.

The affair began with the arrest of five men on May 17, 1972, who were found inside the Democratic National Committee's headquarters. They all were charged with attempted burglary and attempted interception of telephone and other

communications. A grand jury indicted them for conspiracy, burglary and violation of federal wiretapping laws.

On August 29, President Nixon said at a news conference that he could say categorically that no one in the White House staff, no one in the Administration,

presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre incident. However, thousands of dollars coming from the Nixon re-election campaign was found in the bank account of one of the Watergate burglars. The investigative finding led to the direct implication of members of the Committee to Re-Elect the President.

Despite the sensational revelations, many of the press lost interest in the story very quickly. Most the press accepted the claim of the White House Press Secretary that the incident was third-rate burglary. Though the Washington Post covered the story, the Post was not thrilled with the story at first. They assigned two relatively inexperienced reporters to cover the story, thinking not too much of it. The two journalists were Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward. Many journalists could not accept that such political corruption could happen in Washington, therefore giving the story low priority. Some believed that if the press covered the story, it would make Nixon's accusations true, that the press was truly after him. So most of the press waited for more proof to come in before they ran the story, but what is strange is that only the Post made a serious effort to find more proof. Maybe it was one of the failures of the American Press: a lack of investigative zeal that seems to infect much of the news media. One result of this lack is a kind of excessive caution, which leads the press to avoid controversial stories. Another is a failure of imagination, or lack of covering different kinds of stories, as opposed to the same type of story time after time. However, the Post was an exception. For several months following the break-in, Woodward and Bernstein repeatedly wrote front-page stories exposing links between the burglary and Nixon's campaign organization, the Committee for the Reelection of the President (CRP). Despite mounting evidence, they were unable to connect the burglars directly to Nixon or his staff until an October 10, 1972 story in which they disclosed in detail that the Watergate break-in was part of a larger effort to sabotage Nixon's political opponents--paid for through the CRP under the direction of some of Nixon's closest aides.

On June 18, 1972, a Washington Post front-page story reported on the previous day's break-in at the Democratic National Committee's office in the Watergate complex in Washington, DC. Two of the reporters who worked on the story, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, spent the following days and months virtually alone among the nation's media in their efforts to uncover the full extent of what the White House dismissed as a "third-rate burglary," and others jokingly referred to as "the Watergate caper." The reporters investigated for months, exposing the sad truth behind their President. But the Republican Party was not concerned and re-nominated Nixon for President which he would be destined to win against an unmatched opponent, Senator George McGovern. While the popularity of the President was very high, the reporters continued the dirty investigation and found a connection between the White House's highest ranked officials and illegal slush funds. The Post is credited for their single handed journalistic effort and keeping the affair alive. After Nixon's re-election in November 1972, many thought the story would die, but Woodward and Bernstein continued their investigation with increasing competition from other news agencies. On February 7, 1973, the United States Senate voted to establish a special Committee to investigate Watergate, and on April 30, 1973, due to the mounting evidence of their personal involvement, Nixon's Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman, Domestic Affairs Advisor John Ehrlichman, and Attorney General Richard Kleindienst all resigned and Presidential Counsel John Dean was fired. The following day, White House Press Secretary Ron Ziegler apologized to Woodward, Bernstein, and The Washington Post for his previous criticism of their stories. Several days later The Washington Post received the Pulitzer Prize for Woodward and Bernstein's Watergate reporting.

The Watergate scandal didnt end with Haldeman, Ehrlichman and Kleindiensts

convictions. Indeed, the hearings held by this Committee were broadcast, causing damage to the President. The three major networks of the time agreed to take turns covering the hearings live. It is estimated that 85 % of Americans with television sets tuned in to at least one portion of the hearings.

Later on, a letter was read from a Watergate burglar was read to the Court. In this letter he declared that perjury had been committed in the Watergate trial since defendants had been pressured to remain silent. Even though the right to remain silent is a legal right, which is a consequence of the freedom of speech, the fact that witnesses are pressured not to tell the truth goes against this right. In a taped conversation the White House Counsel described the cover-up of the Watergate scandal as a "cancer on the presidency". In this conversation, he said that the burglary team was being paid hush money for their silence and declared that it was an obstruction of justice. Moreover, the White House Counsel stated that one of Nixon's associate was blackmailing the White House, demanding money immediately. Nixon stated: "they have to be paid. That's all there is to that. They have to be paid". Nixon's agreement to make the blackmail payments was regarded as an affirmative act to obstruct justice.

On July 16, 1973, in front of a televised audience, a deputy asked to the deputy assistant to Nixon if there was any type of recording system in the White House. He answered that there was a system in the White House that automatically recorded everything in the Oval Office. The special prosecutor asked Nixon to give him the tapes but the President refused to release them citing his executive privilege as President of the United States. In the end, Nixon announced the release of the transcripts in a speech to the Nation on April, 29, 1974.

Initially, Nixon was given a positive reaction for his speech but as people read the

transcripts over the next couple of weeks, former supporters among the public, media and political community called for Nixon's resignation or impeachment. The House of Representatives began formal investigations into the possible impeachment to the President. During the whole scandal, Nixon denied any involvement in the scandal. But after being told that enough votes existed to remove him, he decided to resign.

Though The Post had demonstrated the power of the press, it revealed the disgrace that most of the press had made of themselves. The majority of the media's priorities had not been straight. They had forgotten that it is their duty to inform the public of Washington dealings and not hold back anything simply because it could be devastating to the ranked official's reputations. Journalism in American is imperative to have, but must be used correctly. The Watergate Scandal left behind a backlash of distrust towards the press and the presidency. Washington had lost it's innocence. No longer would people put their full trust in what the government did behind the public's eyes. After Watergate, the press vowed to be more wary in the future. So, the media are a counter power to presidential power, and the preservation of an autonomous and aggressive belligerent press indeed is affecting profoundly the structure of the presidential regime So, Watergate deeply shook America. This story considered as one of the gravest political scandals experienced in the United States had multiple consequences. First, the resignation of the President, a rare fact, but it modified also durably the relation between the congress and the Presidency. It allowed finally the fourth power, the press, to emerge on the political scene.