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THE
CHRISTIAN TOPOGRAPHY
OF COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
ILonilon: FETTER LANE, E.G.
C. F. CLAY, Manager

(Siimfiurgi): , PRINCES STREET


ISfdin: A. ASHER AND CO.
ILeipjig: F. A. BROCKHAUS

i^£b3 lork: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS


Uombag anti (ffalcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.

Ad Rigkis reserved
:

THE
CHRISTIAN TOPOGRAPHY
OF COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES

EDITED

WITH GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

BY

E. O. WINSTEDT,
LATE SENIOR DEMY OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD

Cambridge
at the University Press

1909
Camiriuge:
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THF UNIVERSITY PRESS.

/^7^^
PREFACE
THIS book is the partial result of a journey to Italy in
the spring of 1904, and another to Mt. Sinai and again
to Italy in 1905. Of both journeys the costs were defrayed by
grants liberally made me by the Craven Committee, to whom
I owe my sincerest thanks. My gratitude is no less due to the
President and Fellows of Magdalen College, who by electing me
to a Senior Demyship gave me the opportunity of spending on
this and other research work time which must otherwise have
been devoted to the weariness and vexation of earning a liveli-

hood.
For the suggestion of this particular author I hardly know
whether I am most indebted to Prof Heiberg of Copenhagen,
from whom the suggestion originally came, or to Monsieur
Seymour de Ricci, who passed it on to me, and whose friendship
enlivened days spent in collating a text, which even the most

ardent admirers of Cosmas if there are any such must admit —
is not exhilarating as a whole.
Since the main interest of the work is geographical, the
Syndics of the Cambridge Press desired me to add notes on the
geographical portions ; and I undertook and carried out that
task to the best of my ability, though I could not help feeling
some natural geography is a subject with which
diffidence, since
I am little familiar, and since in Cosmas' case there are special

difficulties. The famous Adulitic Inscription, for instance,


demands an intimate knowledge of the geography of Abyssinia
and Ethiopia in the third or fourth century of our era and :

those who have claimed such knowledge and treated of the


subject, differ so greatly in their conclusions, and in some cases
spend so much time and energy in throwing stones at one
another, that, after wading through a sea of their pamphlets,
I ended much where I began —
with no personal views on the
vi PREFACE
geography of those countries at such an obscure epoch. I have
therefore generally contented myself with endeavouring to
summarize such views as appear worthy of mention without
attempting to decide between them.
For these and any other notes that I have given I am under
great indebtedness to McCrindle's annotated translation in the
Hakluyt Society's publications and to Mr Beazley's section on
Cosmas in his Dawn
of Modern Geography^ the fullest and most
illuminating sketch of Cosmas' work which has yet appeared.
Those who have seen or heard of the MSS. may perhaps
wonder why the magnificent illuminations with which all of
them are furnished, are not reproduced. The chief reason is
that of the illuminations of the oldest MS., which are far the
best, Monsignor Stornaiolo was already preparing a facsimile
edition, which has now appeared and, though it might have
:

been interesting to some few readers if the illuminations of the


Laurentian or Sinaitic MSS. had been given in full for comparison
with the Vatican volume, it would have increased the cost of
publication materially, and besides, to be properly treated, would
have required a greater knowledge of Byzantine art than I can
claim. With the concurrence of the Press, I therefore thought
it better to limit the illustrations to such few plans and pictures

as seemed necessary for the comprehension of the text and ;

even those had to be further reduced to such as were likely


to look more than a smudge when reproduced. Hence a few
of the interesting pictures of animals described in the eleventh
book had to be omitted. For the selected plates which appear
in the volume I am indebted partly to the kindness of Prof.
Biagi of the Laurentian library, and partly to the courtesy of
Mr Beazley and the Clarendon Press, who have allowed me to
reproduce the plates given in the Dawn of Modern Geography.
My thanks are also due to Dr M. R. James for sending me
what looks like a reference to Cosmas
in two Cambridge MSS.,
and to Mgr. Stornaiolo for examining one or two doubtful points
in the Vatican MS. for me.
E. O. W.
November 1909.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Preface
Addenda and Corrigenda ix

Introduction . i

List of MSS. and Textual Criticism . . -15


List of Signs 34
List of Contents of the Books as given in the
MSS 35

Text 37
Notes 2>2>3

Index of Biblical Quotations 359


Index of Personal Names 363
Index of Geographical Names 367
General Index 370
Plates I— XIV at end of book

.C7
;

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA


References to and quotations from Cosmas are so rare even in Greek
MSS. that one is disposed to regard him as a voice crying in the wilderness
and certainly one would not look to find any traces of him in the western
world. But Dr M. R. James has very kindly pointed out to me a passage
occurring in two MSS. of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, both of English
origin, which may almost certainly be reckoned as a reference to the Christian
Topography. The two MSS. are nos. 183 and 320, and are probably of the
tenth and eleventh centuries respectively, though Stubbs dated the latter of
them as early as the eighth century. And the passage in question, which is

on fols. 68^ to 69^" of MS. 183, reads as follows: Christianus historicus dicit
longitudinem mundi esse Xli milium, latitudo VI miliorum. Longitude templi
IX cubitos in longitudine et XXX cubitos in latitudine et XXX cubitos in
altitudine. Tabernaculum habens longitudinis cubitorum XXX, latitudinis X,
altitudinis aeque X. De area noe CCC cubit in longit, in lat L cubitorum,
. . .

in altit XXX cubitorum. As Dr James remarks, the dimensions of the world


here given correspond exactly with those of Cosmas, and the name Christi-
anus Historicus is not inappropriate. He has also pointed out to me a
passage in a letter York (767 to 781 A.D.), to
of Koaena, archbishop of
Lullus of Mainz which he thinks may perhaps throw light on the composition
of the MSS. The passage may be found in Jaffa's Mofiumenta Moguntina^
p. 291, and runs :

Illud vero, quod de libris inquisisti, marinis aestibus terram
advectantibus, omnino incognitum— nisi quia falsum— est. Ceterum libros
cosmografiorum, necdum nobis ad manum venerunt nee alia apud nos
;

exemplaria nisi picturis et litteris permolesta. lam sepius mihimet perscribere


destinavi, sed non illorum potui scriptores adquirere forte, tuis adiutus
;

subplicationibus.
The difficulty of finding copyists may perhaps point to Greek as the
language of the cosmographers referred to but in any case the presence of
:

a copy of Cosmas, or of extracts from his work, in the west seems sufficiently
attested by the passage just quoted.
append a regrettably long list of corrigenda, including some corrections
I

of misprints and some alterations of the text, the latter mainly derived from
a recoUation of the portions of which photographs appear in Mgr. C.
Stornaiolo's recently published work Le Miniature delta Topografia Cj'istiafia
di Cosma hidicopleuste (Milano, 1908).
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
8, 1. 26 read '
been, still'

II, 11. 5 and 31 read 'Erythraei.'


40, 1. 34 after 'om. S' add ov V.
62, 1. 3 read Noror with V.
62, 1. 6 read altering the footnote to V^
62, 1. 31 read \ with V.
74, 1. 15 read with V.
82, 1. 2 delete the comma.
1. 20 read d€VT€pos (, with V.
1, 32 V has
. rightly.

1.

1.

1.

1.
24 V
28 read
omits

13 read Aeanorov
24 V reads
with VS.

-^^.
) with V.

1. 32 the heading should end at

3o delete
begin with . and the paragraph

..
1. 6.

1. 36 for V^ read V (man. rec).


1. 18 V omits
1. 14 read for

1. 3 read with V.
1. 20 read oItos with V.

89
1.

1.

1.
17 read iv
17 V
20 omit
omits .
with V.
with V.

..
91 1. 12 read with V.
91 1. 25 V omits ^for.

95
208
209
I.

II.

1.
19 read
19,
26 read
20 read eVl ^
eTfpov deleting the footnote.
deleting the footnote.


210 I. 18 omit with V.
224, 1. 37 read Gen. i. 26 and add the same reference to 223, 1. 25.
227 1. 30 for read
271 1. 22 is omitted by V.
INTRODUCTION

"What scholar has not laughed at the idea of Kosmas, the Alexandrian,
that the sun retired behind a mountain to spend the night? And that the
earth, the ocean and the fabulous mountain were all included and enclosed
in a luminous oblong box of the exact shape of the tabernacle of Moses?"
(M. Crawford, With the luunortals^ p. 208.)

some curious investigator had succeeded in obtaining• from


If
that " King of Arragon, a great mathematician, but not much
troubled with Religion," who " said That had God consulted
him when he made the World, he would have told him how
to have framed it betterV' a complete scheme of the universe
as he wished to fashion it, it would certainly have afforded
considerable amusement to the reader hardly more, however,
;

than the ideas of Cosmas Indicopleustes, a man much "troubled


with religion," who set about to mould " this sorry scheme of
things " not by any means according to his heart's desire for —
in spite of the grotesqueness of his conception of the world, he
seems to have been fully convinced that all had already been
made for the best in this best of all possible worlds — but accord-
ing to the statements made and the hints conveyed by the ''great
cosmographer Moses." ^

His scheme still exists in all its details in the work he called
the Christian Topography but of the author himself little is
;

known. Indeed his very name is by no means certain. Photius^,


^

'^

quoting
. - -
'-, \$$,^,.- ^. " -^
Glanvill's trans, of
As
in extenso.

ets
It runs: ^- ,
Le Bovier de Fontenelle's Plurality of Worlds

'
(1702), p. 16.
the earliest reference to Cosmas, the passage from Photius {Cod. 36)

rats
is

\os,
worth

? Taweivos

W.

INTRODUCTION

;
2

the earliest authority who quotes him, mentions and summarizes


his work under the very indefinite title and
two of the three MSS. give no name\ It is only the Laurentian
MS. which contains the name Cosmas and many scholars from :

the ,
Voss to Beazley have held that this is a mere nickname or
invention of the scribe due to the fact that the work dealt with
quoting in support of their theory the nickname
Climacus given to one John who wrote a work called Climax.
But the argument does not seem very conclusive, as one would
have expected him in that case to be called Cosmicus rather
than Cosmas. Besides the Laurentian MS. is supported by the
MSS. of the Gospels which quote paragraphs from the fifth book
of the Topography as catenae and the name Cosmas was a very:

common name in Egypt, the writer's native land. Consequently


there seems little reason for refusing to accept it provisionally
at any rate, for the sake of calling him something, if not with

,
absolute certainty^

,
'
' , ' "

-
, , ^ $, - €$
. rrjs kowtjs

'
'

yrj,

,, ' .• , ttjs

5%
7^^. o'rt wavTes
€€''$,
oi

$
avTois ttj
irpos ,

,. ,
ttJs

$ ^', $ $,
,
tovs
'
tovs ^ooovs. Ay ' ^$ '
, ''
? . ,-
oi '^'/
^^ ttjs ^, $
.^

^.
. ) '

referred to
^^/
^ -
^},
{ yap vs
,
oi

5, byoov

p6s
by the Scholiast on Apol. Rhod.
, os

,
tovs

ets

iv.
^

'
vyav.
262 as the author of a book called
s
The /;?

of peoples, which
^ The
.
can hardly be our Cosmas, since he speaks of the Egyptians as the oldest
Cosmas would hardly have allowed.
Vat. MS. has at the end of bk. vii.

;
but that

,,
merely a mistake for The MS. at Smyrna the fragments
is

ya entitles it

contains
erasure of a shorter name.
2

Xpoyaa
Some have referred the
oos, yyovs
ets
work
ypav

to Pappus, who

$
but the

is
name

,
is

mentioned by Suidas
.../^;? €$ ,
written over an
INTRODUCTION 3

For such details of his life as are known we are entirely


dependent on hints gleaned from his book and from that we :

learn that he was a native of Egypt, probably of Alexandria,


and in early life a merchant. In that capacity he travelled far
and wide, visiting Ceylon\ the Sinaitic Peninsula and Ethiopia.
He was at Adulis^ in Justin's reign at the time when the
Axumite king Ellatzbaas, was preparing to invade the country
of the Homeritae (circ. 525 A.D.). Later in life he settled in
Alexandria, developed indigestion, ophthalmia and various other
ills,and probably became a monk The last statement again ^.

rests solely on the authority of the Laurentian MS., which calls


him but it seems intrinsically probable, and a
;

parallel instance of a merchant turning monk can be adduced


from the second book, where Cosmas mentions a friend, Menas
by name, who may perhaps have set him the precedent by
turning monk at Rhaithou. One thing at least is only too evident,
that whether monk or not Cosmas was a Christian and a most
uncompromising Christian. It is the fact of all others on which
he prided himself, and the one point which his readers are most
likely to regret. Indeed the most pious of readers could hardly
fail to reflect how much more interesting and useful his book
would have been, had his zeal been less. for all his piety Yet
there is grave doubt whether his Christianity was orthodox.

, tovs ev
one of his geographical authorities.
Cosmas gives and
, But the
— and
list

there seems no reason for the identification.


used by Moses of Khorene as
does not agree with that which

Vincent {Navigation of the Ancients, i. p. iii and n. 480) expresses a doubt


^

whether Cosmas had ever sailed l)eyond Bab-el- Mandeb, though he admits that he
mentions Socotra as though he had seen it. Others too (e.g. Tennent and Lassen)
have doubted whether he ever reached India or Ceylon, and thought he got all his

information about the latter from Sopatrus who is mentioned in the Xlth book : but
their arguments are not very conclusive and good authorities (e.g. Yule) disagree.
^ Probably he like Scholasticus took ship at Adulis.
'^
According to D. T. Schermann (" Propheten und Apostellegenden," Harnack's
Texte tend Untersuchtmgen, Bd. 31, Heft 3, 1907, p. 144) Codex Athous Iviron 60
ascribes the tract on the Apostles generally attributed to Dorotheus to Cosmas Indi-

^,
copleustes and in the introductory life gives Cosmas' name in place of that of Dorotheus.
That makes him bishop of Tyre in the days of Diocletian and martyr under Julian
at which is absurd, as it is quite inconsistent with the details given
by Cosmas himself.

I 2

4 INTRODUCTION
De La denounced him as a Nestorian on the internal
Croze ^

evidence furnished by the Topography. In it Cosmas confesses


himself a pupil of Patricius. Theodore of Mopsuestia and
Diodorus of Tarsus, and a friend of Thomas of Edessa, who
were all Nestorians, and many of his ideas were borrowed from
them-. Again in his denunciation of pestilent heretics he omits
the Nestorians; and, when speaking of Christ^ and the Incar-
nation of the Word, he uses Nestorian modes of expression.
McCrindle adds another argument, that he speaks in glowing
terms of the growth of the church in the east, which was due to
Nestorian missionary zeal. But he raises a doubt as to Cosmas'
Nestorianism on the strength of one and only one passage
" that in which Cosmas addresses Mary as the Mother of God
(313 C), an expression abhorrent to the Nestorians." If that

is the only plea of defence, Cosmas, I fear, must stand convicted,

as the best MS. omits those words^


Monk, heretic, or both, at any rate he took to writing books,
of which the Topography alone survives. The rest are known
only by name and such description as Cosmas himself gives
when mentioning them. Two of them, the Delineation or Image
of the Universe and of the Stellar Motion^of the made in imitation

artificial sphere of the Pagans, and a treatise thereon addressed to


the most pious Deacon Homologus, and the Commentary on the Song
of Songs^^ may be passed over without further mention and with-
out regret: but the third, a work on geography addressed to one
Constantinus, is a real and irreparable loss to students of ancient
geography and indeed to the world in general. In it he described
"all the earth, beyond the Ocean and this side of it, and all lands;
and the southern parts from Alexandria to the south sea, namely
the Nile and its neighbourhood, and the nations of all Egypt,
and of Ethiopia; besides, the Arabian Gulf and its neighbour-

— 56.
Hist, du Christ, des Iiides, i. pp. 40

?
^


2 e.g. in

^ e.g.

*
J.
he invariably attaches
Kennedy ("The Child Krishna,
;?
book v. pp. 252 6 he insists that only four
to and
Christianity," etc
Psahns apply to Christ.
KUpios to

,
/.
Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Soc.^ Oct. 1907, p. 959) refers to Cosmas as "the great Nestorian traveller
and monk."
•''
Some have attributed to him also an "Explanation of the Psalms," but as I shall

presently show, there seems no reason for attributing such a work to him.
INTRODUCTION 5

hood, and the nations again as far as the Ocean there ; and also
the land between the river and the gulf, and the cities and the
places and the nations in it." The book is much to be regretted,
as Cosmas had travelled over a great part of the ground : and
here, where he was not bound to a theological theory, his
enquiring mind and his faculties as a raconteur could hardly
fail to have produced a book of travels that would bear com-

parison even with Herodotus. It is possible that the so-called

eleventh book of the Topography, the book on Ceylon, is really


an extract from this work. There is little doubt that it is not
part of the Topography, as the best MS. omits
MS. states clearly that
Whether
pamphlet,
it

it
it is

belongs to his geographical work or


at any rate gives
?
some idea of what
it, and the Sinaitic

is

that
?}? .
a separate
work must
have been\
Of what his existing work^ is, it would require a universal

^ The Topography as we now have it is not in the state in which it was originally
edited. It at first consisted only of five books addressed to a certain Pamphilus. Then
books VI. to X. v^^ere produced separately to explain difficulties felt by readers and
answer attacks. There are signs, as I shall endeavour to show
it was not later, that

Cosmas himself who collected ihem and published them as a whole: and possibly part
of book X. which is not found in V was added by the editor. Books xi. and Xll. have
little or no connection with the rest of the work, and would seem to have been added

from among Cosmas' loose papers, or possibly taken from his other works.
^ The date of the book is tolerably certain, though the exact year of its publication
cannot be fixed. In the second book Cosmas says it is 25 years more or less since he
was at Axum, and he was
there when Elesbaas was preparing for his expedition against
the Ilomeritae. That expedition probably took place in 525 a.d. (cp. Noldeke, Tabari,
p. 188), though some (e.g. McCrindle and Beazley) date it 522 and others (e.g. Muir,
Life of Mahomet) 523. Again at the beginning of the sixth book Cosmas refers to two
eclipses in the present indiction, giving the dates as Mechir 12 and Mesori 24: these
Krall identifies with the eclipses of 6 Feb. 547 and 17 Aug. 547 {Sitzungsb. der k.
Akad. zu Wien, cxxi.). The book would therefore be written about the middle of the
sixth century.
Montfaucon argues that as he refers in book x., which is one of the additional
books, to Timothy the younger as rereXeuTT^/cws, which he takes to mean "lately
dead," and to Theodosius of Alexandria as an exile at Constantinople, when the first
died in 535 a.d., and the latter was exiled in 536, Cosmas must have completed the
Topography before that date and already have begun to make additions. He

^
original
therefore assumes that the date in the second book was altered when a collected
edition was published (cp. also Beazley i. p. 279). But it is unlikely that the reference
to the eclipses should also have been added. Besides Theodosius lived an exile till

567 or 568, and an indefinite phrase like cannot be too closely


"

6 INTRODUCTION
specialist to give a clear idea or definition. The book an
is

indescribable medley, how indescribable may be inferred from


the fact that while Cosmas himself called it a Christian Topo-
graphy — an excellent title as it cannot possibly convey any
particular anybody Photius, for lack of a sufficiently
meaning to —
comprehensive term, drew a bow at a venture and defined it as a
Commentary on the Octateuch. One can hardly deny that the
work might as well be called that as anything else, since Cosmas
quotes and comments on a considerable portion of the Octateuch.
That however was not the main object of his work. His inten-
tion was to refute the theory that the earth was round, and to
prove that Moses' tabernacle in the wilderness was a model of
the universe^ The earth he reiterates is a flat surface, its length
twice its breadth^ like the table of Shewbread, and above it,

over the visible firmament, is a second story consisting of the


two heavens =\ supported by walls at the end of the earth and
"glued" to it. That was what the division of the Tabernacle
into two parts by the veil signified'*. This quaint idea had not
even the merit of being original several grave fathers of the:

church had interpreted Paul's mystical words that the Tabernacle


and its contents were vrrohei'y^aTa and
(Hebrews ix. 23, 24) to mean that it was a model of the earth,
and consequently had imagined that they were living in just
such an excentrically shaped world as Cosmas described. It

was probably Theodore of Mopsuestia^ that he mainly followed

pressed. Nor need the title "bishop of Alexandria" mean that he was still legally
bishop — a successor —
was appointed in 538 as it would be the readiest way of dis-
tinguishing him from other Theodosii even after that date.
^ It is noticeable that both the shape of the world and the comparison to a place
of worship were old Egyptian traditions. "The (Egyptian) temple was built in likeness
of the world as known to the Egyptians. The earth as they believed was a flat and
hollow plane, longer than its width. The sky according to some extended overhead
like an immense iron ceiling, and according to others, like a huge shallow vault
(Maspero, Manual of Egypt. Arch., tr. Edwards, 2 ed. p. 90). improbable how-
It is

ever that Cosmas, though a resident in Egypt, was influenced by profane art.
^ Cp. Theodore of Mopsuestia.
^ For two heavens cp. the Coptic treatise on the Mysteries 0/ the Creek Letters (ed.
ilebbelynck, p. 51).
^ lie compares it too to Noah's ark.
^ Cp. John Philoponus, On Creation-, ill. 9.

INTRODUCTION 7

in his description as in his interpretations of Scripture : but


others, Diodorus of Tarsus \ for instance, Severianus-^ of Gabala
and Eusebius, regarded earth and heaven as a kind of two-
storied house Cosmas however was apparently the first, and
^.

one hopes the only person to collect and develop into a system
the strange cosmographical ideas which are hinted at in early
theologians. He in all seriousness tries to produce an entire
cosmic system based on the words of the " great cosmographer
Moses," and not content with defining the shape, size and position
of the earth, the heavens above the earth and the waters below
the earth — and above if* too, for that matter — all come in for a
share of his attention. The size of the sun, its nightly disappear-
ance and revolution round a huge mountain' which some- rises

where up in the north*^ — out of the middle of nowhere presumably,


as Cosmas does not define its precise position — the eclipses of
sun and moon, the stars and their courses are all duly registered
and explained in accordance with a flat world and Holy Writ.
Even the location of the terrestial paradise presented no difficulty

^ Cp. the summary of his book in Photius Codex 223.


- Orations on Creation^ especially no. 3.
•^
On the cosmographical opinions of the Fathers cp. Beazley, Dawn of Modern
Geography, i. part V. Beazley refers to Letronne, " Opinions Cosmographiques des
Peres" ^Rev. des deux Mondes, March 15, 1834, p. 601); Marinelli (tr. Neumann),
Erdkiinde bei den Kirchen-Vdtern, Santaren, Essai sur Cosmographie, vol. i. pp. 314,

315; Penkl, Geschichte der Erdkunde, pp. 85 90; Charton, Voyageurs Anciens et Mod.',
and F. Denis, Le Monde Enchante. He also gives the following references to the
Fathers: Lactantius, Inst. Div. iii.24; Augustine, De civ. Dei,xwi. 9; Chrysostom,
Homily XIV. on Hebrews; for the comparison of the world to a tent or tabernacle and
other points, Diodorus (ed. Migne), 1562— 1580; Severianus, Orations on Creation
(e.g. I. 4j 5> II• 3> 4 on the firmament; in. 2, 4, 5 against a round world); Procopius
of Gaza, On Genesis; Athanasius, Contra Gentes ; Caesarius, Dial. i. ; for almost all

Cosmas' theories (e.g. the length of the earth, the mountain behind which the sun sets,
the duties of the angels),
Theodore of Mopsuestia in John Philoponus, i. 16, 17, ni.
9, Hexaem. ni. 9; Cyril, Hieros. Catech. ix. 76; Eusebius, Comjnentaty
10; Basil,
on Isaiah {Col. Nov. Pair. u. 511 B) Avitus, On the Creation, which is almost the
;

same as Cosmas on Paradise.


*
Cp. Ambrose on Gen. ii. 5.
•^
This also is parallel to the ancient Egyptian belief, and is found in Theodore of
Mopsuestia.
For this mountain (89 c d) cp. the Ravenna Geographer, and Aethimus ch. 21,
where it is placed in the M^est. According to Beazley it is an Indian conception con-
tinued by the Arabic geographers.
8 INTRODUCTION
to him. It lay to the east beyond the ocean which encircles
this world ^
H. Yule not inaptly compared Cosmas' two-storied world
Sir
with its rounded top to " one of those huge receptacles in which
female travellers of our day carry their dresses." And one can
hardly help thinking how curiously similar it is to Rossetti's
picture of the Blessed Damozel. Only Rossetti made a grave
mistake about his angels, and placed them, if we may believe
our author, in the wrong story. Cosmas indeed seems to have
had a wonderfully poor opinion of the angels, and gives as the
reason for the six days of creation that the deity, who could just
as easily have accomplished it in one, took six days about it for
the angels' sake, as their weak intelligence would not otherwise
have grasped the mechanism of the thing. Moreover, he argues
at great length, they are confined to this lower terrestial story,
and are for ever running up and down a Jacob's ladder with a
door at the top, through which they are not allowed to pass till
we lords and ladies of creation have wiped out mother Eve's
little peccadilloes and supplied them with the key. Their one
recreation or employment is the management of a star apiece^:
and yet they are quite contented with their position in " the
keen air that blows between the worlds "
— perhaps, one cannot
help thinking, by reason of their aforesaid weakness of intellect.
Though we who have inherited the wisdom of the ages have
but little right to laugh at scientific pioneers, however wrong
their conclusions may have been still theories such as these
;

can hardly, as Mr Beazley has justly observed, appeal to us


except as a monument of unconscious humour. Unconscious
the humour certainly was : to Cosmas these ideas were the
serious scientific side of his book, and the very touchstone of
faith. He is never tired of inveighing against those obstinate
wrong-headed pagans who believe in a round world and the

^ This was the prevalent opinion among theologians, though Photius in his epitome
of Philostorgius (iii. p. lo), who made the same assertion, admits that it is pure con-
jecture. Philostorgius also and Severian {Or. v. 6) agree with Cosmas in making the
four rivers of Paradise run under the earth and reappear in the Nile, Euphrates, Tigris
and Pison.
'•^
This duty is also assigned to them by Theodore of Mopsuestia.
INTRODUCTION 9

existence of Antipodes \ whose inhabitants must "incessantly


stand on their head " and submit to the curiously uncanny
sensation of rain raining upwards. Line upon line and verse
upon verse of Holy Writ is hurled at his opponents with weari-
some iteration-: and, as if that were not sufficient, he adduces
a whole book of quotations from the Fathers in support of his
system, a fortunate accident which has preserved almost all that
survives of the Greek text of Athanasius' Festal Letters.
Yet when he can momentarily get free from the obsession of
his King Charles' head —
the " great cosmographer Moses " his —
work is full of the most miscellaneous interest and fortunately ;

he was of a discursive mind and frequently gave way to digres-


sions, reminiscences, and anecdotes.
Theologians have unearthed other fragments of lost texts of

the Fathers besides those oi h.x.\\d.x\diuw^' Festal Letters, information


about the date of the Nativity, the rites of baptism, the canon-
icity of the Catholic Epistles according to the various Churches
and authorities, and the spot where the passage of the Red Sea
took place. Interesting details too are given as to the spread of
Christianity in Cosmas' day. The ordinary layman at any rate
is somewhat surprised to find that in the sixth century churches
and missionaries were at work from France and Spain in the west
to India and Ceylon in the east, as well as across the whole of
North Africa and Arabia, and still more surprised to find Persia
as the missionizing centre for the east. Nor has a fresh examina-
tion of the MSS. been utterly unrewarded, as it has added two
other passages of some little interest to theologians, — another
small quotation from the Athanasian Letters and a scholion
referring to the spuriousness of the Gospel of Infancy (p. 144)1

^ Most of the Fathers objected to the Antipodes on one score or another, cp.
Lactantius, Inst. Div. in. 24; Chrysostom, Homily XIV. on Hebreivs\ Augustine,
De civ. Dei, xvi. 9. Many Pagans agreed with them, e.g. Pliny, N.H. il. d^,.

^ The value and applicability of such quotations is well illustrated by the fact that
Maundeville ch. xvil.uses precisely the same text (suspendi terram ex nichilo) to prove
the existence of the Antipodes as Cosmas several times (e.g. pp. 79, 183) uses to
disprove it.

^ It is perhaps worth noting that Cosmas, though he seems to use the Sept. version
of the O.T., once refers to Theodotion's version (93 b). It is therefore possible that he
may preserve some variants taken from the unusual versions.
INTRODUCTION
Among and geographers the man who knew the
travellers
source of the Blue Nile centuries before it was " discovered " in
quite modern times, who first noticed the Aramaic inscriptions
on the rocks in the Wady Mokatteb, and who recorded incidents
of voyages in eastern seas and travels across eastern lands as
early as the sixth century is no unimportant figure. One cannot
indeed claim for him the honour of being the first or the sole
early authority on the lands he visited, as we have scattered
references to others who, as merchants or ambassadors, traversed
much the same ground but, if not the first, he is one of the
:

fullest and most reliable.

'*
A very close parallel to Cosmas' travels is found in the
Pseudo-Palladius or Ambrosius, De 8
BracJimanorum.
There the author recounts that his informant, one Scholasticus,
Shipping himself with certaine Merchants in the Red Sea,
first came to the Towne of the Adulites, or the bay Adulicus,

after that to the promontory Aromata, and a mart of the


Troglodytes, and hence to places of the Assumites, and many
days after to Muziris the mart of all India on this side Ganges,
and having stayed a while there he passed over to the ile
Taprobane^" lambulus too, a merchant, according to the account
in Diodorus Siculus (bk. . 55), visited the coast of Ethiopia^,
was taken prisoner and set adrift in a boat as a purificatory
offering. He reached Ceylon, and after seven years was turned
out of the country as a knave and went to India but for all the ;

reliable information he gives one about the countries he visited,


he might as well have gone to the mountains of the moon.
Strabo (XV. 4) mentions merchants of his day, unlettered men,
like Cosmas according to his own confession, who sailed from
Egypt to India by the Nile and Arabian Gulf. Pliny too speaks
of merchants visiting Ceylon in Claudius' reign {N.H. VI. 24);
and Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. 7) of a mercantile treaty
between the Romans and the people of Ceylon while Julian
was Emperor.
^ Purchas, His Pilgriines (ed. Hakluyt Soc. i. 240).
^ It is probable that Cosmas too took ship at AduHs, as, after Caracalla's massacre
at Alexandria in 215 a.d. put an end to direct trade with India, trade was transferred
partly to Adulis, partly to the Persian Gulf (cp. J. Kennedy, yoiirn. of Royal As. Soc.

1907. p• 953)•
1

INTRODUCTION 1

For Ethiopia again we have a few fragments of the account


of Nonnosus, a contemporary of Cosmas, who was sent by
Justinian (circ. 535) on an embassy to Caicus, ruler of the
Saracens, and thence on to Elesbaas at Axum (cp. Photius
Cod. 3) and also the anonymous Periplns maris Erythaei.
;

But then the narratives of Scholasticus and lambulus are


little better than fairy talcs, and second-hand fairy tales to boot,
while Nonnosus' work is lost save for a few insignificant frag-
ments, and Strabo's merchants probably no accounts behind left

themV In Cosmas' case, on the other hand, though his separate


geographical treatise is lost, there remain at any rate a whole
book on Ceylon, the celebrated inscriptions of Adulis, which
with the notes added by Cosmas give much information on
Abyssinia, and other scattered passages most regretably buried
in a dreary waste of theological sand^
Perhaps however we must not give way too much to regret,
for Cosmas' monasticism may have been as fortunate an accident
as Marco and imprisonment by the Genoese, but
Polo's capture
for which he would probably have gone down into the grave
without recording his experiences. It is not the only possible
point of comparison between the two ; they possess at least one
virtue and a certain number of descriptions in common. Their
common virtue is a rare one in travellers veracity^: the words —
of Marco Polo's preface: "Some things indeed there be therein
which he beheld not but these he heard from men of credit
:

and veracity. And we shall set down things seen as seen, and
things heard as heard only, so that no jot of falsehood may mar
the truth of our Book, and that all who read it or hear it read
may put full faith in the truth of all its contents," apply as well
to the geographical and anecdotal part of Cosmas' book as to

^ The author of the Periplns maris Erythaei however has left an account of his
journeys in much same lands as Cosmas. He too visited Axum in Zoscales' reign
the
(circ. 77 —
89 A.D.) and voyaged as far south along the coast of Africa as Rhapta; and
had crossed to Western India by the monsoon. Like Cosmas he was a Greek-speaking
inhabitant or settler in, Egypt.

-. , .^' ,
of,

^ There are too, as Beazley points out, the earliest Christian maps which have come
down to us.
^ Photius says unjustly "
'^
12 INTRODUCTION
his own. Some, have had doubts of Cosmas' veracity,
I believe,
pointing to such an unimportant detail as the mention of a seal,
an animal by no means common in tropical seas. But, apart
from the fact that the first cousin of a seal may be found floating
about the Red Sea answering to the name of a "dugong," a sixth
century traveller who states quite openly that he has never seen
a single unicorn requires no further testimony to his truthful-
ness. To be sure he gives a picture and description of one after
the pattern of four brazen statues which he had seen on the
turrets of the king's palace in Ethiopia, but that was natural
enough in an age when belief in unicorns was universal. Messer
Marco was wiser in his generation, and knew that the unicorn
was none other than the rhinoceros, " a passing ugly beast to
look upon, and not in the least like that which stories tell of
as being caught in the lap of a virgin." Cosmas had seen a
rhinoceros in Ethiopia "standing at a safe distance," but had
failed to trace the connection, probably because the statues
represented the beast under the form of which stories tell. He
and Polo share too descriptions of the giraffe, of the musk-deer,

of the hippopotamus all at least that either of them had ever
seen of a hippopotamus, which was nothing more than one of
its teeth, —
of coconut milk, which both seem to have over-
estimated, and of the king of Ceylon's giant ruby, the Kohinoor
of early days. Only in Cosmas, and according to Yule in a
Chinese historian of the next century, the gem is placed on the
top of a pagoda, where " it shines from afar especially when the
sun lights upon it, a spectacle glorious and beyond compare."
Cosmas however is speaking from hearsay so, if there is any
;

exaggeration as regards the size and splendour of that ruby, one


cannot hold him guilty of it. It would surely be unfair to charge
him with his informants' lack of veracity provided that he sets
down fairly "things seen as seen, and things heard as heard";
and that is his invariable practice. If that distinction be borne
in mind, it will, I think, be found that what he records as his
own experiences are facts demonstrably true or at any rate
intrinsically probable. For the stories reported from the
mouths of friends or natives unfortunately the same cannot
be said generally indeed
:
INTRODUCTION 13

"they are just the rude tales that one hears


in sadness or mirth,
the records of wandering years ;

and scant is their worth."

That however is little to be regretted as it contributes some few


amusing passages in a work which is sadly in need of them.
Besides Cosmas is at his best in such passages and proves
that he had considerable narrative ability so that even the :

ordinary Gallio, who cares not a jot for a sentence or a half


page more or less of the Church Fathers and very little for
exactness in regard to the geography of Abyssinia in the fourth
century, will find much to interest and more to amuse him in
Cosmas' travel-sketches.
Here for instance is a description of a voyage somewhere
towards Zanzibar which bears a strange resemblance to a passage
in Coleridge's Ancient Mariner. "There was," says Cosmas,
" much tempestuous wind in the place,"

"And now the Storm-blast came and he


was tyrannous and strong,
he struck with his o'ertaking wings

,
and chased us south along."

"And on our right as we entered we saw a flock of birds flying,


which they call —the albatross,"
"At length did cross an Albatross,
thorough the fog it came.
As if it had been a Christian soul
we hailed it in God's name."

Itwas not however the bird that Cosmas' fellow-passengers


hailed in God's name, but the helmsman to " put her about, and
sail to the left up the bay, for fear we get swept away by the

stream and carried into the Ocean and perish." With the usual
timidity of old-world sailors they had no desire whatsoever to be
"the first that ever burst
into that silent sea."

They were apparently successful in avoiding that disaster,


and as they retired "the albatross did follow for a great distance,
which showed that we were near the Ocean."
Then there are curious tales of bartering under difficulties
14 INTRODUCTION
when neither party knew the other's tongue " and there was a
sad lack of interpreters"; of how Sopatrus, his friend of 35 years
ago, was set on an elephant and drummed in honour through
the town by the king of Ceylon for his ready wit in proving the
superiority of the Roman Emperor over the Persian King of
Kings by a comparison of their respective coins^; and of how
he himself and his friend Menas set out at the request of the
king of Axum with notebook in hand, like a pair of modern
archaeological tourists, to copy the Ptolemaic inscription which
he records. Quaintest of all is the yarn about the dyp6ov(;, the
yak apparently, about which " they say that if it catches its tail
in the fork of a' tree, it never lies down, but stands there unwilling
to lose a hair of its tail. After a while come the natives and cut
off its tail, and then it runs and leaves its tail behind it." Again
there are amusing sidelights on the methods of old-world science.
We have a delightful picture of a grave father abbot, Stephen of
Antioch, "a true Christian and one who may be numbered among
the perfect, thoroughly versed in lunar calculations, according,
mark you, to the system we have laid down following the Holy
Scriptures, and able to foretell with ease both solar and lunar
eclipses," measuring his shadow
Antioch and Constantinople
at
to calculate the size of the sun; and of Cosmas himself triumph-
ally brandishing a round ball on the end of a pin in the face
of the profane and godless persons who declared that a small
circularbody illumined by a larger body casts a conical shadow:
"and to tell you the plain and honest truth they went away with
their mouths open and their eyes dejectedly cast down."
One cannot help admiring the enthusiastic inquisitiveness of
the man and yet with it all there is the narrow bigoted monastic
spirit of the "Carved on the back of the throne we
dark ages.
(he is speaking of himself and Menas examining the throne near
the Ptolemaic inscription) found Herakles and Hermes. And
my good friend and companion Menas said that Herakles was
the symbol of might and Hermes of wealth. But I remembered
the Acts and to the latter said him nay, remarking that Hermes
should rather be taken for the symbol of speech. For so it is
^ This may have been an old traveller's yarn ; cp. Pliny, JVM Y{. 24 and
Solinus 56.
:

INTRODUCTION 15

written in the Acts '


They called Barnabas Zeus, but Paul
Hermes, because he was the chief speaker.'" If only Menas
had been able to convince him that " they didn't know every-
thin' down in Judee"! But it would have been difficult to
convince him he was obviously " a man addicted to opinions
:

which I know not whether hee did holde more strangely or


strongly."

MSS. AND Textual Criticism.


The MSS. of an author so little wide circle
likely to attract a
of readers as Cosmas are, as one would expect, but few indeed ;

only three at all complete MSS. are known to exist. Of these


the oldest, and, in my opinion, the best, is V(— Vat. Gr. 699), an
uncial MS. of the eighth or ninth^ century. It contains only the
ten books, and, as the index of books, which is written at

,
first

the beginning by the same hand as the text, only extends as far
as the tenth book, it obviously never contained any more. After
the index it which partially corresponds
begins with a
to the second prologue of L but it omits the introductory ;

prayer, first prologue and beginning of the second prologue


which are found in L and Montfaucon's edition.

leaves

)
208 c

{^ )
(eV
The

{
{- )
192 C
following passages are

} yfj)
ovv)

— 224 C
Several leaves were misplaced
— 384 C
— 201
— 212 A ((
{
() ) ) A
now missing owing

when
)I
after
after
first
after f 47, 221
f. 54,
f. 108.
to loss of

after

collated the MS.,


f.

D
and 381 D
44,

but have, I believe, now been restored to their original position.


Accents except in a very few cases are not by the original
hand, but by the corrector, who is referred to in the apparatus
criticus as VI Occasionally a later hand or later hands have
altered words or inked over illegible passages, not always cor-
rectly.

^ Kondakoff, Hist, de Part Byz. I. pp. 136 — 151 argues for the seventh to eighth
century; Unger, Byz. Kimstgesch. for the tenth. New Palaeographical Soc. pt. n.
plate 24 dates it as ninth century.

i6 INTRODUCTION
The whole work is magnificently illustrated with illuminations
which are generally held, except by Kondakoff, to be close copies
of an antique original. There is much to be said for the view
that Cosmas was his own artist, as some of them portray subjects
with which any chance monastic artist would not have been
familiar. The first picture in V (f 12) for instance is one which
has no connection with the text, and depicts an antelope between
two banana trees. At any rate the artist must have worked
under Cosmas' direction drawing such pictures as the chair
in

and pillar with inscriptions seen by Cosmas at Adulis and :

Cosmas apparently added the descriptive headings round and


within the rim of the pictures. That is proved by the use of
native words (e.g. .6 — Ar. }^ a banana) and the mention
of the little known port of Adulis, Gabaza, in the picture on
f. I2\ have however in most cases omitted these picture-
I

headings as they are generally of no value, and belong rather


to a work on the illustrations such as that which Prof. Stornaiolo
is producing than to an edition of the text.
Reproductions of pictures from V may be found in Vincent's
Navigation and Commerce of the Ancients (the Adulis monument);
Garrucci, Storia delta arte Crist. III. plates 142 — 153 (a long
theological series chiefly from the fifth book) ; Kondakoff, Hist,
de Part Byz. I. pp. 136 151; N. Alemanni, De Lateran. pariet.
tab. VI.; D'Agincourt, Storia deW arte, Picture, tav. 34, and the
Nezv alaeographical Society, pt. II. p. 24.
S= no. II 86 of the Greek MSS. in the Monastery of St
Katherine at Mt Sinai (Gardthausen, Cat. Cod. Sin. p. 241).
It is a folio of 211 leaves written in the eleventh century. Like
L now
it contained twelve books, but
breaking off at the words
The beginning and L. On f.
differs both from
is

V
{
deficient at the end,
C).

the

(
i is

as in

prologue or first prologue as L and Montfaucon call
on f. 2 is the index of the twelve books

^). Then follows the


V. At the end of
to say of the original work, it
the fifth
beginning

has a prayer which


^—
book, the end that
is
-
it

omitted
then

is

in L, though in other respects L and S are very closely con-


nected.
: — : —

INTRODUCTION 17

(
The following leaves are missing
One page after fol. 5, which ends at (57 A), while fol. 6
begins Aopoc a.

Two pages after fol. 41, causing the omission of


TrepiypaTTTOuv (132 C) to eV Tjj ^ev- (136 C).

,
yfj
— end of book
Two more after fol. 69
And one after fol. 103
Like L and V it is profusely
(, 249 A 6

illuminated, containing practi-


252 ).
IV.).

cally the same illustrations as L. A few of these are reproduced


in Kondakoff, Histoire de Part. Byz., vol. I. 136 foil, vol. II. plate i.

(cf also his Putesestvie na Sinai, pp. 137 — 143, plates 39 — 59).
Laurentiait Pint. IX. 28. The Laurentian
numbered MS. (L) is

Plut. IX. cod. 28 in the Laurentian Library at Florence and is :

written in a minuscule hand of the eleventh century. This was


the MS. from which Montfaucon edited his edition with only
occasional glances at V, and so it contains in the main outlines
at any rate —
for to strict exactness Montfaucon's edition can
make no claim — the text as there printed. It omits the summary
of contents and begins with the title Ps.
— (Migne 52) in red. At the place where
V begins the two texts do not fit exactly, L having a much
shorter and to me untranslatable version of the first thirteen
lines of page 56.

.
It runs

Where
yap :

have indicated a space the top corner of the


page containing some four letters has been cut off: but it
ypa -
//////

seems impossible to find any word of that length which would


connect the sentence.
In L as in V several transpositions and losses of pages have
taken place. The order after fol. 4 which ends at $6
should be

) fol.

fol.

fol.

fol.

fol.

w.
13
20
19

14
eV

04
yap
ol iv Trj

iv
D. The
57
6C
rest of

^6
fol.


64
6$ A fol. 1 8 end of book I,
24 beginning of book II. fol. 29 — 8o

23

I
^ could not
57 .
6 C.

(a mistake
find.

.
2
for
i8 INTRODUCTION
fol. 5 r^pa<^riv 67 ovBevl 8o A — fol. 12 Bia- 92 A.

Then from fol. 30 on.


After fol. 104 there is a leaf or more missing, as Montfaucon
has indicated by a row of dots on page 200 D. Unfortunately V
too is deficient here and S only partially fills the gap, so that one
cannot tell exactly how much is missing : but the next six lines
iydo — are inserted by Montfaucon, as fol. 105
begins with ovB^ .
another transposition 108 — 122
Shortly after this there
containing
containing
(2 1

(204 d) —
is

6 A) ^ <; ;

(236 c) and
(2i6 A)
fols.

123 — 30
should
1

change places.
Between fols. 139 and 140 and 233 234 there are gaps on —
pages 249 A and 393 which are however filled by V.
L like V and S is elaborately illustrated, though the illumin-
ations are not so finely executed as those of V.
The MS. has been corrected throughout by another hand ;

and in most cases where corrections occur, the first hand of L

€ V ? ...
^ .
agrees with and S: e.g. 313
VSL•, where
rfj TriareL U corrects to e^eiv

and V^ proposes another solution, adding


221 C ov SoKei
the last two words to
elvai *
. VSL\ v/here
after
L^ alters

200 D VL^S, Ll
These are rather favourable specimens of the work of the
second hand, as in the first and last cases and and

MSS.
and
and in the second case
words occurring
suspicious changes of bad

may
and
well be

rarely L^ agrees with


VL^), or even with V^
'^
just below.

due
'
might well be confused in an uncial hand,
may come from the same

to forgetfulness
not a careful writer (cp. a similar instance, 225
V
(e.g.
(e.g.
Generally
grammar
197 D, where the

297 D
269 A
its

on Cosmas'
c).

V,
^,
corrections are rather
to good, e.g.
Nom. of the other
part, as

L,
Much more
.
he is

^ Where V stands alone, both here and in the j4p/>. criL, I generally omit accents,
as none were used by the original scribe of V.
INTRODUCTION 19

Par. Snppl. Gr. 844 (s. XVIII.) consists of copies of some of


the pictures in L.
Phillips 2581. By the kindness of Monsieur de Ricci, who
informed me of a copy of L in the Phillips library at Cheltenham,
and of Monsieur H. Omont, to whom he applied for information
about it, I am enabled to quote the latter's description of it,
though I have not myself seen the MS.
" Cosmae Indicopleustae Topographia Christiana.
Die 21 junii 1682. Plut. 9 . 28 Bibl. Laurent. Florent.
Au bas du fol. Nesselii Bibl. Caes.
i :
'
in theolog. I. p. 326 ss.'

XVI I^ s. Pap. petit in-4 (sans valeur).


Ce MS. a la reliure en velin des MSS. de Meerman."
— Paris Gr. 2426 (Hainault Reg. 2733) (s. XVI.) contains
on fol. 1 12 foil. "Cosmae Indicopleustae excerpta de Taprobane,"
copied by Nicholas de la Torre. The excerpts are from book XL,
and consist of the whole of that book as far as (449 A),
except the section on the seal, dolphin and tortoise, and the list

of Indian towns (445 D 446 B). The text is handled freely, and
seems, so far as one can judge from Strzygowski's specimens of
the Smyrna MS., to resemble closely that manuscript. As a
specimen have given the readings of the early part of book XL,
I

the sections on the beasts etc., in full, but have not continued to
do so afterwards, as the variants are perfectly worthless. It was
copied by Nicholas de la Torre possibly from the archetype of Z,
though

Kerameus
no.
<.
...
48

He
e/9

09 eXaXrjae irepl
it

= Smyrna

"
in his
8° /,
€<;

€«
^ /,.',
^
contains more of the eleventh book than Z.
8.

catalogue of the

iv
This MS.

TiaXaia
does not mention the Cosmas, but Strzygowski has
published a lengthy description of the MS. in the Byzantinisches
is

yevov^
described by Papadopoulos-
Smyrna

.
library (1877) p. 32,
g6

/.

^,
Archiv 2 (1899). The part which contains the selections from
Cosmas is pp. 156 — 192, and it bears the title

but the name Maximus is added later


over a shorter erasure. Strzygowski describes it as merely a
collection of pictures, with short passages of text attached to
INTRODUCTION

^
20

them ; and even what text there is, is not as a rule faithfully

.
copied but shortened. The passages contains are:

^ , .,
it

fols. 158 — 159, Migne 93 C 6


— g6 yap

9 — 169, . 224 ^ — ^

, ?
fols. 168 /i


irpoeLiretv

fols. 184 — 19^) book XL except the sections on the


which appear in the first

part of the MS., containing the (pp. 125, 126, 135, 136).
Strzygowski dates it as near iiooA.D. and suggests that it
may be derived from the Sinaitic MS. If we may judge from
the passages quoted by him, the text has been cut down and
shortened with the greatest freedom. I have not myself seen
the MS.
W= Vienna Theol. 9. At Vienna there is another frag-
ment which is described by Lambecius and more carefully by
Kollar. It is numbered cod. Theol. 9 (olim 272), and is a
quarto volume " mediocriter antiquus," brought by A. Busbeck
The Cosmas

,
28

,
from Constantinople, f. : text begins with the
heading XejovTc^

^ . Be

. . 6C —72

^ ' -
Then follows adding

) ,
On fol. 32 it

.
resumes with the

^
title

^
followed by yG A 6
— yy and on fol. 33^
80 A — 84 A
) ... ^. 6 ^—
The Cosmas selections end on 34 with 337
fol.

to the end of the page. It seems to be copied from S or


more probably from a MS. closely similar to S.
A number of MSS. of the Psalter and of the Gospels prefix
sections from the fifth book of Cosmas as catenae. Of these I
have examined several.
R'^= Vat. Gr. 363 (s. X.) fol. i, catena on Matthew. The
beginning has been lost what remains is
: ['\
INTRODUCTION
^
.-
21

.
288 D to the end of the page, and a which is found
in V, but omitted in L and Migne
fol. 48, catena on Mark (288 A — B) entitled //, ^IvhiKo-

.
.
— 292)
fol.

fol.
78^, catena on
125, catena on
Luke (289
John (292 — 293) /?
R^ = Vat. Gr. 756 (s. XI. — XII.) fol. 98 187\6

^ ,
M.apKou evayyeXtov (289 A ):
fol. 154^ catena on Luke (289 —
292)
MS. Cromwell 1 5 in the Bodleian Library (s. XI.), " olim
Joachim hieromonachi, postea e monasterio
apud montem Atho in Angliam advectus A.D. 1727." fol.
75

.
evayyeXtov
(289):
fol. 112, catena on Luke (289 — 292) ending at the end of the
first 7Tapaypa^)r).

Bodleiatt Arch. Seld. 29 (A.D. 1338), fol. 116, catena on Luke

These I have collated, and have given some readings from the
first two as specimens of their worthlessness rather than for any

value attaching to them. Others are mentioned by Scrivener and


Gregory, and Papadopoulos-Kerameus in his catalogue of the
Evangelical school at Smyrna p. 50 copies the catena on Mark
from codex 2 apparently without identifying it, though he

elsewhere^ mentions another MS. with these sections from Cosmas


as catenae to the Gospels.
The MSS. which use a section from the book of the
fifth

Topography as a catena to the Psalms are equally numerous and


in themselves equally unimportant. Their only interest indeed
lies in the confusion which has prevailed about them and caused
editors and others to ascribe to Cosmas a separate tractate on
the Psalms, for which there is absolutely no evidence. That
confusion is partly due to the fact that the section chosen as a
catena is chosen from a passage (248 where a leaf is— )

? ^
249
missing in L, and Montfaucon with incredible carelessness has
only copied a small part of the missing text from V. The con-
sequence is that, as the MSS. which use the passage as a catena
^ Catalogue of the . e^» no. 2.
22 INTRODUCTION
naturally preserve the whole text — and somewhat strangely add
the headings which occur in various parts of a picture which
was attached to the section on David, — people
have been led
to suppose that the text was not a simple copy of the Topo-
graphy. The confusion has been increased by the ascription
of the passage to other authors in some MSS. — for example it

is printed among Chrysostom's spurious works in Migne, Pair,


Gr, where the title is taken from a codex Ottobonianus
p. 532,

R. 25 —
and by the wilful alteration of the text in other MSS.
MSS. of the simple class, containing the complete passage from
Cosmas and the headings from the picture are

eh
Vat. Gr. 342
)9 <;.
(s. XII.), fol. 7^, / ^^^ '^ :

,^^ eh
eh
Vat. Gr. 525

.
(s. Xll.), fol.

Venice Marc. Gr. 498

Bodleian Baroc. 15
'^^.
(s.

(s.
i, id.

XIV.), fol. 270,

XII.), fol. 22,


/^ ^^^
'IvBLKoirXevarou

Other similar MSS. are mentioned by Karo and Lietzmann


(e.g. Turin B. i. 10, Ambros. B. (s. X.), Moscow 358 (s. XI.),

Vat. Gr. 1747).


Two Parisian MSS. which I have also examined call for special
remark.

J.
Paris. Gr. 2743 (olim Colbertinus
Diassorinos), Ko^\vhio^kevo eh ^ 1476,

is the cod. Colbertinus mentioned by Montfaucon (Migne, p. 27),

and both from the reference there and from the entry in Omont's
s. xvi. copied
^, by

catalogue one would be led to infer that Cosmas was the author
of a commentary preserved in the MS. Really there is only the
usual paragraph followed by a short section on the various
ancient editions of the Psalter, taken from some author un-
named or concocted by the scribe. This is followed by
quotations from Athanasius, Basil, Gregory, etc. and there is :

no reason for attributing anything but the ordinary section to


Cosmas.
Par. Gr. 169 (Mazarin-Reg. 3450, s. XIV.) is a MS. of pre-
cisely thesame kind, though in this case Omont attributes the
long commentary contained in the MS. to Cosmas. But Cosmas'
TrpoXoyoq is succeeded by quotations from Gregory, Josephus
INTRODUCTION 23

and others, and any one of them has as good claims as Cosmas
to the authorship of the Commentary.
Some later MSS., mostly belonging to the fifteenth century or
later, have this same expanded form, with additional
section in an
matter on the editions of the Psalter, differing from that men-
tioned above, but equally worthless. How utterly unreliable

..
they are is proved by the confusion of names
sufficiently in

of the three which I have examined.

^, }
the titles

Vallicellianus C. 4, fols. 434 — 5,

^
^IvStKOTrXevarov This has
been published by Sim. de Magistris ad Daniel. Apol. sent.
Patrum de LXX. vers., Dissert.

.
vir. IV. § II. p. 452 sqq.
^\^\^
[i.e.
Par. Gr. 3179, copied by Bigot,

Vat. Gr. 711,


Cosmas
"^. }. fol.

Vestitor]
Certainly none of these
^
196,

title "A Commentary on the Psalms," or of Cosmas' pen


is
et9

worthy of the high-sounding


and
apart from them there is not a tittle of evidence for such a work.
<; '\<^.
:

As I have already treated the textual history and some of


the more important questions concerned with it in an article in
the Joiir7tal of Theological Studies^, I shall here content myself
with a brief summary of my views.
The three more or less complete MSS. fall clearly into two
families distinguished among other things by the fact that while
V contains only 10 books — and, as the index of books at the
beginning shows, never had more —L and S contain 12. The
ending too of the tenth book is different in the two recensions,
that in L and S being fuller. Again, the paragraphs on the
Prophets are arranged in the Septuagint order in V, in the order
of the Vulgate, except that the Major Prophets are inserted in
more or less chronological order among the Minor, in L and S.
The end of the eighth and beginning of the ninth book varies
also in the two recensions ; book
while the beginning of the first

differs in all three MSS. In deciding on the merits of these two


recensions, the second point is the most important, and the
textual critic is unusually favoured, as that point is settled
^ Vol. vni. no. 32 (July, 1907), p. 607.
24 INTRODUCTION
without any possibility of dispute by an indubitably genuine
passage which occurs in the text of all three MSS. and in the
parallel text of the Chronicoii Paschale^.That passage is perfectly
natural if one keeps the order given by V, and utterly absurd if
one follows L and S. The difference is that V follows the Sep-
tuagint order, treating first the twelve Minor Prophets, then the
twelve Major, while LS arrange them in the order Hosea, Joel,
Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Isaiah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk,

^ Cosmas, the Chronicon PascJiale, the Psettdo-Dorothetis etc. have the following
paragraphs in common
Cosmas = Chron. Pasch. (ed. Dindorf) Cosmas = Chj'on. Pasch. (ed. Dindorf)

224 A 33. 1—34. 2 268 281, 5—9


228 A 34. 3—17 268 c 281, 18 — 282, 6
229 D — 232 35. 16—36, 9 268 D — 269 292, 5—293, 2

232 C— 233 41, 1—42, 8 269 C 283, 6—18


236 D — 237 A 92, 5—15 269 D — 272 A 295. 15—296, 4
237 D — 240 c lor, 13—103, 272 — 298, 4—13
241 — 104 16 — 105, 21 272 C — 284, 2

244 A — 108. I — 109, 2 272 D — 273 A 284, 13—285, 3
245 A— 142, 4—143, 17
A— 285, 15 — 286, 11]

248 — 26o A 158, 12—168, 3


273
286, 20 — 287, I

260 A — 274, 18—275, 13 273 D — 276 D 287, I — 289, 6


260 D — 261 A 275, 15—276, 12 276 D — 277 378, 15—379» II

261 — 278, 8—279, 3 277 C — 280 C om.


264 A 276, 16—277, 5 280 c — 285 C 443. 11—449. 19
264 C 279, 7— i2 296 — 438, 1—439' 7
264 D 279, 21—280, 5 297 A 433. 5—^9
265 A— 289, 8—290, 14 297 c — 301 439' 9—443. 7
265 D — 268 A 277, II — 278, 2

For the relationship of the various versions see Mercati's article in the yonrnal of
Theological Studies^ April 1906, p. 404 (cp. also Oct. p. loi). Mercati there suggests
that possil:)ly Theodore of Mopsuestia or even Cosmas was the author. But the matter

, .
has been gone into more thoroughly by D. T. Schermann, " Propheten und Apostelle-
genden" {Texie 2ind Unters.^ 1907)• He shows that there are various texts and that
Cosmas is the earliest representative of the Doroiheus text, and argues that he is not
the author because he adds Seeing that Cosmas had a perfect mania for
adding that is no very certain proof: but combined with the fact that
Cosmas omits the lives of the various personages, it is sufficient to lend great proba-
bility if not conclusive proof to Schermann's view. Schermann sees no reason for
placing the composition of the original work, from which Cosmas and the other
authorities borrowed those sections, later than the second or third century, and
thinks it may go back to a Hebrew or Syriac version. One may cite as a parallel
for the existence of such books of biblical characters the fragments of a Coptic book of

the same kind published V)y myself in the yoiini. Theol. S/iid., April 1908, p. 372.
INTRODUCTION 25

^'
Jeremiah, Zephaniah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Haggai, Zechariah,
Malachi.
Now at the end of the paragraph on Malachi occur in all

the MSS. the words Xotirbv eirl //,?


, which clearly assume
the Septuagint order. It is obvious then that V is in this
case the better MS. : as in the order adopted in LS those
words occur at the end of the paragraphs on all the sixteen
prophets. There they are perfectly meaningless and it is :

inconceivable that, as Montfaucon suggested, Cosmas himself


should in a second edition have altered the order without
noticing the absurdity. Indeed it is strange that any Greek-
speaking Christian should have altered the Septuagint order
for one so eccentric : but the object of the change is not
far to seek. Theodore of Mopsuestia, as we learn from
Junilius Africanus, advocated an almost identical arrange-
ment. This at first sight would seem a strong argument for
attributing that order to Cosmas who, as has already been
shown, was probably a Nestorian and certainly a follower of
Theodore. But such an argument has no weight against the
clear evidence in the text for the other order. If Cosmas was
a Nestorian and a monk, then the community to which he
belonged were no doubt Nestorians too and even if he were :

not a monk, still most of his friends would be of the same


persuasion. It is therefore highly probable that Cosmas' literary
executor, whether it was the abbot of his monastery or merely
a friend who superintended the recopying of the Topography^
noticed that Cosmas had employed the ordinary Septuagint
order and corrected the slip blindly in accordance with Nestorian
principles. was probably he too who added from Cosmas'
It

loose papers the eleventh and twelfth books, which are not
included in V for, discursive as Cosmas is in his writing, he
:

would hardly have added two books which have no conceivable


bearing on the question discussed in the Topography, the shape
of the world. This conclusion, if accepted, is of considerable
importance, as shows that the editor of the LS recension was
it

a man of some knowledge of patristic literature, and one who


thoyght himself entitled to take great liberties with the text
26 INTRODUCTION
he was editing and consequently one cannot help regarding
:

with the gravest suspicion any additions one may find in LS.
Most likely, as I have suggested elsewhere, he was responsible
for two references to Athanasius (i6i C and 372 d), for the
addition of paragraphs on Zachariah, Elisabeth, Mary, Anna,

Simeon, and Christ (277 c 280 c). The latter are omitted both
by V and by the Chronicon Paschale^ which has the paragraphs
immediately preceding and following. To his account too one
may lay the additional paragraph at the end of book VIII. and ,

probably the supplementary quotations from the fathers in


book X, (428 441).—
The question of additional paragraphs is one of particular
difficulty in this work, as Cosmas admittedly wrote his own
notes, and would seem to have added some in the margin as
well as inserting others in the text. Those in the margin were
of course likely to be entirely omitted by a copyist, or else to be
inserted in the wrong place : so that even with the assistance of
V it sometimes doubtful to decide whether a note is original
is

or not. But at any rate sufficient sins can be laid on the


shoulders of the editor of the recension represented by LS to
show that his work is entirely unreliable in comparison with V.
With regard to the mutual relation of L and S, Gardthausen's
suggestion that S might be a copy of L cannot be accepted,
since S occasionally contains words which are omitted by L
(e.g. the gloss, ol
has crept into the text of S and VV after
Besides the two MSS. begin differently,
cation to Pamphilus which
that dedication fits on to the
is
^
L
omitted both by S and V.
of V
, Sia

containing a dedi-

and S,
^

and who was


6o C).

How

the author of it, it is exceedingly difficult to say. The only


suggestion that occurs to me is that it does not fit on at all, but
was added in the margin by the editor, who thought a special
dedication to Pamphilus necessary at the beginning of the first

as well as the second book book is really


: whereas the first

addressed to all right-minded Christians, and Pamphilus is only


mentioned later. Being in the margin it was omitted by S, but
added by L, without being properly connected to the opening
words of the vTrodeaif;. The matter is however complicated by
INTRODUCTION 27

the erasure of some four or five letters just at the point of


juncture in L. However that may be S is obviously not a copy
of L but of its archetype, and, I think, a rather more reliable
copy than L. Certainly it is more reliable than L in its present
condition, for L has had the misfortune to be corrected through-
out by another educated man who thought himself a better judge
of what Cosmas ought to have written than Cosmas himself
The result is that where VS and the first hand of L agree in
an ungrammatical construction, L^ generally offers unimpeachable
Greek. That of course might be accounted for by assuming that
L drew his corrections from a better MS. but there are instances :

where L^ makes a correction where there would have been no


necessity for correction had not L made a simple slip of the
pen.

here
? iv
6
^,
For example at 228 A V and S read

became 09 in L, and U
iartv 6 "AySeX

then " corrected "


'
^ to
:

W would seem from S or from a MS. closely


to be copied
similar to S, as they often omit or add the same words. Both
omit in 6l A i/c and in

61 C 7r\€K€Lv: both add after (6$ C)


and the words ol .. quoted above after
(6o C). There however W continues after with the words
which are not found in S.
Those words might have been added by the scribe, but on the
other hand W
occasionally contains words omitted by S (e.g.
KoX omitted by homoeoteleuton after 84 A)
so that it is most probably derived from a twin of S rather than
from S itself.
The excellence of the illustrations in the Vatican copy has
led Montfaucon to suppose that V may have been copied directly
from Cosmas' manuscripts But though it is near enough in point
of time for such a thing to be possible, there is one objection,
which appears to me to be insuperable. Cosmas, as he admits
himself (57 b), annotated his text and the evidence of the MSS.
;

makes it practically certain that, while some of his notes were


^ Bayet, Z'^r/ ., p. 723, also suggests that it is copied from an original of the
time of Justinian.
28 INTRODUCTION
written in thebody of the text and only separated from it by a
heading 7aaypa, others were added in the margin. These
naturally have occasionally crept into the text at the wrong
place: and in some instances (e.g. yy where 6
precedes the quotation on which it is a comment) these wrong
insertions are found in all three MSS. alike. We
^ —
have therefore
obviously to assume at least one common archetype later than
Cosmas' copy as the parent of both recensions.
This objection is fatal too to Montfaucon's view that V repre-
sented an earlier edition and L a later edition made by Cosmas
himself: as in that case it is inconceivable that copyists of two
different MSS. would have inserted the same marginal note in the
same wrong position in the text. Montfaucon speaks too as if
the additional paragraphs and notes were always in L and not
in V but that is not by any means true.
: For example, both V
and S preserve at the end of the fifth book, the end that is to
say of the original Topography^ a prayer which is omitted in L.
Besides on Montfaucon's hypothesis one would expect that, when
in one recension a note appears in the margin and in the other

in the text, it would be V, the representative of the earlier recen-

sion, which has it added in the margin, and LS in the text

whereas the reverse is almost always the case (e.g.


irpcuTov —
<^ Wveatv l6o C and pay
'Efe/c/ou 165 A, which in V are written in the text, in LS in
,^ —
the margin as scholia)^
These marginal additions would therefore seem to be an
integral part of the text on which both recensions are based,
and quite distinct from the alterations made in all probability,
as I have suggested, by an editor after Cosmas' death. Of
course, as he took considerable liberties with the text, he may
have made additions to the notes too; but it is almost impossible
to detect them when the original notes were added in such a

^ The

posed with the


confusion resulting from these

illustration, or
transposed in V, so as to come
^
confusing manner, and in most cases it is safer to credit Cosmas

?
even attached to another
after
is rendered worse confounded by
the addition of explanatory notes to the pictures, which have occasionally been trans-
(e.g. e/s .
under a picture to which

it
is

is

inapplicable). For other examples see y. T. S., July 1907, p. 610 foil.
'
INTRODUCTION 29

himself with the notes, unless there is a very clear difference


between the two recensions V and LS.
At any rate as the additional are not more
frequent in LS than in V, they afford no support to Montfaucon's
view that L is a representative of a later edition than V while :

the addition of the eleventh and twelfth books in LS, and the
nature of the transposition of the paragraphs on the prophets
make it extremely improbable that Cosmas himself was the
person who made those alterations and edited the archetype
from which L
and S are derived. According to my view then
the stemma codicum of the only important MSS. would be

Cosmaa copy

In that
existence
our MSS. because of the
it
stemma
is
X

^
represents the

the same obviously wrong position in both recensions


" Revised copy " the
and
by some
Cosmas'
revision
death in which the additions of the last two books and the
common archetype whose
necessary to assume between Cosmas' copy and
which are found placed in

editor after
;

transpositions in the fifth book took place. Of course I do


not wish to imply that there were no copies between Cosmas'
copy and X, or between X and V, and X and the " Revised
copy " there may have been any number, but they would not
;

materially affect the scheme.


On the whole the manuscript evidence for the text is fairly
good, as it is based on MSS. of two different recensions and all
30 INTRODUCTION
of a respectable age. But in point oforthography V, which is
certainly the best MS., is far the most corrupt and one cannot
:

help reflecting whether in the case of a MS. so near the author's


age, the corruptions are all due to the scribe or whether some of
them at any rate should not be laid to the author's charge. All
travellers good scholars or grammarians. Silvia^ for
are not
instance wrote her peregrinations in a most barbarous Latin,
though she was in all probability quite as well educated as
Cosmas, who confesses that he had not received any elaborate
training. It is therefore not unnatural that he should occasion-
ally lose himself in a long sentence or use strange forms of
words. Accordingly Ihave not hesitated to allow him to do
so, when there is good evidence, though in matters of simple
orthography, which may just as well be referred to the copyists,
I have generally adhered to ordinary rules, unless there seemed
good reason for departing from them. Thus when L and S, the
only MSS. extant for the passages, both on two several occasions
write instead of (441 C, 445 A), I have
allowed it to remain. Other strange forms too well attested to
abandon are for (209 ), for Seppei^;

(381 A, 365 B),

^tairepovvre^, aporptovv (44 1 B).


^ for
On
or (165 D,
the analogy of the two last
1 88 B),

,
I have written for the senseless of V^LSW
{ed> A).

(368 a) and apKeros (223 A) again seem to be used as


adjs. of two declensions, and as one of three (204 A).
Whether for (313 c) and
for (ioqb) are admissible
perhaps more doubtful.But considering the uncertainty of

^^;
is

the spelling in general I have not aimed at uniformity in the

?
case of geographical and proper names. For example I admit
(go b) though SieXeSifia is the form used in the
eleventh book, and follow V in writing 'ASovXla (97 D) in spite
of (loi a), "^
(Acc. 105 c) and (loi C).
I have also endeavoured to follow V in the spelling of the name

Moses, and V's usual practice is to write as the Nom.,

^ I keep the usual form, though the name was apparently Etheria, cf. M. Ferotin,
Le viritable aiUeur de la Pcrcgr. Silviae la vierge espagnole Elhcria (Par. 1903).
INTRODUCTION
but to use the short form
the longer form throughout
- for the oblique cases. LS
31

prefer

Among grammatical forms the most curious is eva used


several 309 C, 445 C) in place of eV. With so
times (284 C,

many instances to support the form it can hardly be con-


sidered a mere slip of the copyist, and so I have retained it.
Compare for
(377 A).
Constructions according to sense — and occasionally according

^
— rather
to nonsense
are of frequent occurrence.
attention to )
than according to
Among
and to el?
eh (212 a); which may perhaps be support enough to warrant
the reading eh elvai (140 C), but hardly
strict rules

,
the former one
of grammar
may call

?
.,. (196 d), where sense gets the better of grammar.

in

and
paratively
^9,
oTTep ^
But carelessness gets the better of both sense and grammar
the case of false concords like

common
4^5 ^
(ii2

yap
(e.g.
d).

200
\...6/€\€
^, .,.
Nominative Absolutes too are com-
(213 A)

. .^, 6 iroieL...) ;
Accusative Absolutes not so

,
common, but (i8l ) seems certain.
Cases indeed are strangely handled. An Accusative for
instance figures as the subject of a verb in 248 A
... ^^......'-
7€,
hoaiv
MSS. at 209 C
, an instance which supports the reading of the

and makes McCrindle's emendation


irepav yrjv

for

Nom. and
Even
of cases in the sentence

...
lack of construction
197 A
re

a
(328
Nom.
(6

. .
less respect is
) unnecessary.

D
shown

T,2g
^,.,.
^\<;
to

), where
agrees with an Ace.
— find
grammatical rules

^
6

?
-^' -
a Gen. takes the place of a
Both constructions
parallels elsewhere in
for the use

.,.^-

Cosmas
— or
(e.g.

and
^ Owing to the frequent occurrence of the name I do not mention this in the

ApJ>• crit.
32

269 A < '^.


Such instances support the reading
INTRODUCTION
. . ^? ). (68 A), though the

.
whole sentence there is very uncertain.
Again the construction frequently changes in an alarming

Abs., e.g. 197 D


6^^...\ and
.
way from a Gen. Abs. to a main clause or a kind of Nom.

129 D
%eov .^
',
. .
- .

<yap

support V's reading

Somewhat
. ^
.. -^ '^.
similar is the use of
..., which
.,.
.

Nom., unless that is a corruption due to the Datives preceding it.

...There is good MS. evidence too for such readings as


(336 a) and € <y€...€av (65 A); and,
(124).
.

(316 A) for the


,

as they can scarcely be called more ungrammatical than some


of the uses already mentioned, I have admitted them.

I
Finally
in
I would
the phrase
can find no parallel.
8
call attention to

But
the strange use of the
(69 A), a use for which
409 A must surely be a
word

corruption rather than a new word.


(352 c) and avhpeLw (104 c) both seem to be used
intransitively; unless one prefers to follow Dillmann and Ditten-
berger in reading for in the latter passage;
while found governing an Ace. (45 1 A).
is

V often preserves strange constructions which are changed so


as to conform with normal rules in LS. Of course these may be

,
corruptions due to the scribe of V, but it is more probable that
the abnormal use should have been changed to the normal than
For example 285 c V read iv .,.
.
vice versa. at in
place of the frequently recurring phrase and the
reading is supported both by the MSS. of the Chron. Pasch. and
by the parallel use at 360 D iv V also
favours the plural of abstract nouns (e.g. 224 D,
297 A).
W.
LIST OF SIGNS

V = Vat. Gr. 699 (V2 = corrector)


L = Laur. Plut. ix. ?8 (L2 = corrector)
S = Sinai Gr. 1186 (S^ = corrector)
P = Par. Gr. 2426
= Smyrna —
W = Vienna Theol. 9
Ri = Vat. Gr. 756
R'^ = Vat. Gr. 363
m = Montfaucon's text (ed. Migne)
49 [] ENESTIN.

\€;€ \ ^. ^
XPISTIANOT '.

'^;
, ^ ^ €
AOrOS
6\<,
ecvai

'.

€^.
<; he

, ' ,
'^ '
«6
.

. re liatvr)

^
'
, . 002 '.

15

Uepl
.. . 002
AOrOS
Stay

',
,
'.

/309 ^

02
AOrOS '.
.
52

1. ^('\
^,
^
'.

S, qui
. hunc indicem post
prologum ponit. \6yos A' (et ceteros titulos) om. V. ehai
2.

€] '/
4.

om. m.
10.

m.
,' 6.

m. 12. '\
S.
+
9.

VS.
\$
+

22.
L•Sm.

Ilpbs ]
— wepi
om. Sm.
36

'
"EjTL

^
/^? €
'.
<.
5 . '^
.
) Tfj

€\
" (€€8 \
nepi .
^
^ '.
\ nepl

-
8.

€ (^ .€€ ,
IB'

\ (,
\^ ^
e^ovTes

^ ] } ]
]
2. "Ert S, vepl Lm.
^^
+
.
^.

IB.
4•

,
^PW^i•^

"'' \%
S.

6.
-€$

.

m,
V.
m.
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14. Hebr. vi. 17 — 20. 21. Hebr. x. 34. 22. Hebr. xii. 28.
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NOTES
Agathias {Hist. speaking of a slight earthquake

, € ^, ' -
(p. 48, 1. 4.) II. 15) at

, 554 a.d. mentions this belief that Egypt was free from such
Alexandria in
shocks (oi

aeUaOai
hr\ ovv
^, €4.
.

\
\ \
ivTevOiv re
4).
(. 48, 1. .) Cosmas is probably referring to the overthrow of Antioch
el de y€

by an earthquake in May 526 A.D. (cf. Evagrius IV. 5): a similar occurrence
took place in July 551, but the book seems to have been written before that
date. Evagrius mentions other earthquakes at Antioch in 459 A.D. (ll. 12),
580 A.D. (v. 17), and 589A.D. (VI. 8).
(p. 60, 1. 21.) On ancient views of the position of the Terrestrial Paradise
cf. Baring-Gould, Curious Myths pp. 250 — 65. Most of the ancient theologians
placed it like Cosmas in the East beyond the Ocean. In a 9th century map
at Strassburg and several other early maps it is placed in China. In Prester
John's letter it is stated to be three days' journey from his kingdom, while
several authorities of the 12th or 13th centuries regard it as an island rather
further south, opposite the mouth of the Ganges, or even identify it with
Ceylon.
(p. 61, 1. 4.) raSeipa = the
modern Cadiz. It received the name Gadir
(Gr. raSetpa, Lat. Gades) from the Phoenicians, who in early times settled
a colony there. Many other names were given to it, for example Eumelus
(Plat. Critias 114), Cotinussa, and Aphrodisias, though some (e.g. Tzetzes
VIII. 715) distinguish between Cotinussa the town and the island Gades.

It was also sometimes identified with Tartessus. Compare Pliny A^. H.


IV. 36. 120 where a long list of names is given, Strabo III. 168, Dionysius
Per. 455, 6, Avienus Descr. Orb. Terr. 610 — 16: and for suggested
etymologies, Stephanus Et. Mag.
(p. 61, 1. 5.) Barbaria is a vague term for the east coast of Africa.
McCrindle notes, "Barbaria extended from the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb to
the Aromatic Cape, now called Cape Guardafui." Ptolemy however in his
Geog7'aphy (i. c. 17 and iv. 7. 4) applies it as a general designation
East Africa from the Aromatic Cape (i.e. Guardafui,
to the coast regions of
the southern point of the land of the Troglodytes) southward as far as
Zanzibar, beyond which his knowledge did not extend. The author of the
334 NOTES
Peripiiis
,
Mar. Er. § 2 {Geogr. Gr. Min. 258) again says that Barbaria,
extended southward from Berenice, the great seaport in
the south of Egypt, not far from the Tropic, to the Aromatic Cape, and with

'? \, ,
him Cosmas
(p. 61, 1.
agrees.
13 foil.)

"
town was Rhapta according to Ptolemy.
Its chief

With this passage compare Josephus Ani. Jud. I. 6

,
Tovs: pev KaXovpevovs, Topapels de Xcyopevovs,
€€, de tovs €,
'
,


.
"^ .
".,., '.
npoaayopevopivovs.
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\

,," . €....^
OLTives iv Tols

?, (. AloXels

Von Gutschmid
'^/
says
pev

ea^ev.
Cosmas followed Epiphanius, who
Qeipas pev

yap
eKokecrev

also speaks of
the division of the nations {Adv. Haer. 11. 703) and who is the authority
from whom Cosmas took several of his theories.
(p. 62, 1. 17.) The
Caspian was a bay of the Ocean was
belief that the
common in antiquity. Hecataeus made it a bay of the Eastern Ocean and ;

Patrocles in Alexander's time asserted that one could sail from India to it.
Herodotus however and Aristotle and Ptolemy knew that it was a land-
locked sea: but after Ptolemy geographical knowledge to a great extent
relapsed, and the old belief occurs in Strabo, Arrian, Pliny, Solinus,
Martianus Capella and others. Some of the Arabs too, Abu Zeyd for
instance, make the same mistake, but not Mas'udi.
(p. 62, 1. 26.) '= South Arabia; comp. Lipsius, Apokr.
Apost. Gesch. 283 foil.

'/
I.

(p. 62, 1. 27.) in Cosmas denotes the East coast of Africa beyond
Bab el-Mandeb. Zaneddin 'Umar ibn al-Wardi, cjuoted in Salt's Travels
p. 56, says that the "land of the Zinji lies opposite to that of Sind" and that
"its inhabitants traffic in elephants' teeth, panthers' skins and silk." The
modern name Zanzibar contains the same word and means " sea of Zinzi."
Ptolemy I. 17. 9 and I v. 7. 11 mentions a similarly named promontory Zt'-yyiy,
generally identified with Ras el-Kire.
/]
(
(p. 66, 1. 27.) It is noticeable that Cosmas here quotes

another of the Greek versions of the Old Testament, and not as usual the

€€
and . ]
Septuagint.

(p. 68,
It was apparently the edition of Theodotion which read

or
1. 22.)
in place of the Sept.
The form
-^.
of this word varies between
only found in late Gr., and also in late Latin {inetaxa
It is

or mataxa), in the sense of silk, though in the sense of "a rope" it is as


early as Lucilius (Fest. v. Rodus). It was more commonly called

€,
s.

{also and sericiim from the name for the inhabitants of


cf. bk. XI.)
Northern China, the Seres, from whom it was imported. It was brought
NOTES 335

by an overland route to Persia or India (Gibbon, ch. XL.) and thence

,
chiefly
dispersed to the west. Hence according to Procopius the clothes made of

.
,
it were formerly called which was also Cosmas' time,
but in his time,

Cosmas refers also to its importation by sea through Ceylon from


the land of the Sinae, which may mean Southern China, or more
probably Malaya, Cochin China and the coast of the Gulf of Siam.
(p. 68, 1. 28.) For 2eXeSi/3a or and see notes on €€8
bk. XI.
(p. 68, 32.) On the Brachmans and their learning cf. the book De
1.

Moribus Brachnianorum attributed to Palladius (and to Ambrose), and also


Amm. Marc, xxiil. 6; XXVIII. i.
(p. 68, 1. 32.) Sina or Thina {Periplus M. E. 64) is the ordinary name
of the country of the Sinae and Tzinista is simply a Persian or Indian form
;

meaning "land of Tzina." Sina seems to have been the name of the silk-
bearing regions reached by sea. Cochin China and possibly Malaya: while
Seres was the title of the Chinese proper, reached by overland routes. Comp.
Yule, Cathay, i. p. 33 foil. Gronovius in his note on Pomponius Mela I. 2
suggests Siam as the land of the Sinae. The Seres were known as early as
the time of Ctesias and Onesicritus; the Sinae do not seem to have been
known so early, but are mentioned by Ptolemy vii. 5.

(p. 69, 1. 6.) McCrindle


Persian Gulf has a length of 650
states, "The
English miles, while the distance from Ceylon to the Malacca Peninsula
only is nearly twice that distance," and from the mouth of the Persian Gulf
to Ceylon is " not very far short of two thousand miles."
(p. 69, For the routes used in the silk trade compare Gibbon,
1. II.)

Decline and Fall ch. XL, where he specifies an overland route from China
to Syria via Persia, and another through Thibet to India and thence by sea.
Cf. also the Periplus 64 and Ptol. l. 11.

(p. 69, 1. 18.) Ovvv'ia is probably the right reading as the Huns are
mentioned in bk. XL as inhabiting northern India.
(p. 69, Cosmas' estimate of the world's size is rather larger than
1. 24.)
usual. some mathematicians had measured it in his time and
Aristotle says
found it 400,000 stadia (about 40,000 miles) and he accepts their estimate.
Eratosthenes made the circuit 250,000 stadia; and the length and breadth of
the habitable world 77,800 38,000 stadia. Posidonius reduced the circuit
to 180,000 stadia (Strabo 11. 2); and Ptolemy followed him. Cf. Tozer,

"
Class. Geogr.
(p. 69, 1. 30.)
by Stephanus,
169 foil.

"^/$•, also called


by Procopius, by Ptolemy and
by LS in the picture of Ptolemy's

,
chair,
by Malalas, is the modern Axum in the land of Tigre. The name

already mentions the inhabitants generally spelled ^,


of the town itself is first found in Ptolemy (iv. 7, 8) though the Periplus

though the MSS. of Cosmas several times write


it, while once in V it is altered by the second hand to

is found on an inscription, and


afterwards correcting
ASO-
on a coin (cf. Littmann + ^.
336 NOTES
Zs. f. Assyriologie XX. (1907), p. 172 foil. Nonnosus speaks of it as the
largest town and the capital of Aethiopia.
(p. 70, 1. 13.) Adulis is the modern Thulla or Zula ('7fA = plain) near
Annesley Bay. It is reckoned by Nonnosus as 15 days journey from Axum,
though it is really less. According to Pliny {N. H. vi. 172) it was founded
by runaway Egyptian slaves, but the story is probably based on a false
etymology. The fact that this and some other inscriptions from the neigh-
bourhood are in Greek need not incline us to accept Pliny's story, as there
were undoubtedly a number of Greeks resident in and visiting it as an
important trading centre with the East at this time. Strabo does not
mention it but by the time of the king who erected the inscription which
;

follows it was the main port of the Troglodytae and Aethiopians. Its
importance was probably partly due to the fact that the old trade-route
to Aethiopia through Meroe was destroyed about 22 B.C., partly to the
massacre at Alexandria by Caracalla which interrupted direct intercourse
with India. Both Cosmas and Scholasticus seem to have shipped at Aduhs
to sail east. On a recent excavation there cf. Sundstrom Adults^ ruiner
{Le Monde Orie?ital^ vol. 11. fasc. i (1907), p. 15),and a translation with
supplementary matter by Littmann {Zs. f. Assyriologie XX. (1907), p. 172).

"?
The form of the name is uncertain. Procopius, Nonnosus and Palladius
have
(ch. 4) gives
and /
(or 'ASouXei).

V
in the ;?.
which Stephanus says was the better form. The Periplus

'
The Cosmas MSS. vary here between
Dat.
Nom.
— they all read
and a Gen.
loi c
A similar
— while in the

,;/.
picture that follows has a
found VL^S where L^ has changed the form to ;?.
.
Gen. is in in loi c,

At 105 D V^ has the Ace. which is probably correct, changed by V^ to


;, ',
between
while LS have

(p. 70, 1. 14,)


and
The Homeritae or €
The MSS. of Ptolemy (iv. 7. 2) vary

(Nonnosus and Malalas 456)


inhabited Arabia Felix and are first mentioned by Pliny (A". //. vi. 158, 161)
and the Periplus 23. Compare also Marc. Per. Maris Ext. 18 (Miiller
Geogr. Gr. Min. 527) and Ptolemy in. 7. 19. Up to the middle of the first
century they were subject to their neighbours the Sabaeans. Cosmas
is wrong in identifying them with the Arabitae, as they seem to have

inhabited territory to the north-west of the latter.

(p. 70,'For Sasu compare p. 76 below.


1. 27.) Cosmas apparently
thought same as Sesea, which would be in the south-east part of the
it the
Somali peninsula near the Italian colony Hobia and so would be the :

eastern rather than the western boundary of the king's conquests. Glaser
therefore proposes to read Kasu, which mentioned in the Axumite inscrip-
is

tion and was near Meroe. But Miiller opposes this view, quoting the
Periplus (18), which says that the ocean took a turn to the west along
Aethiopia and Africa: and, considering the uncertainty which prevailed about
the south of Africa, it seems unnecessary to alter the text, especially as
Harris heard of a kingdom called Sousa towards the south and south-west
NOTES 337

of the Schoa. This Saint-Martin believed to be identical with Kafa. The


earlier writers Niebuhr and Mannert proposed to identify Sasu with Schoa,
but that is improbable. Zaneddin 'Umar ibn al-Wardi mentions a country
called Sofalatal-Dhab adjoining the eastern borders of the Zinji of which he
says " the most remarkable product is the quantity of native gold " and :

probably the unnamed mines mentioned by Agatharcides in Diod. Sic, ill.,


12 — 14 are the same.
(p. 70, 1. 30.) "The Agau people is the native race spread over the
Abyssinian plateau both to east and west of Lake Tana." (McCrindle.)
(p. 71, 1. 5.) This dumb commerce is frequently mentioned by older
travellers in all parts of the world. In Africa, for instance, by Herodotus
(iv. 196), Catamosto (comp. Beazley,
I., p. 192), and Shaw's Travels Dawn
through Barbary (ed. Mavor
passage which closely resembles
xii. 125), a
this: in China by the Periplus M. E. 65 in Ceylon by Pliny N, H. VI. 24 ;

(comp. Tennent i. 568) and in the Land of Darkness by Ibn Batuta (ed.
:

Lee, 79).
(p. 71,

}(
the Schol. says
Abh. p.
-]
€ 1. 9.)

227 and Rel. hir.


For
\
eccl.
^
, ^. ,
\
this word

Gr. pp. ix.,


be
cf. AnthoL

x.,
Pal. XV. 25.
nayh'Ta where
7,

Cf. Lagarde Ges.


where he compares it with
8 es -^ap

Aethiop. nrV[\C} = Tona(Lov, Arab.jbcij (tankar) = chrysocolla, Afghan aSj3


A
or aSiXj (tankah or tangah) = gold.

(p. 71, 1. 27.) The Nile here spoken of is the Blue or Abyssinian Nile,
rediscovered by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century, and again later by
the Jesuits, and by Bruce in the eighteenth. Ptolemy (iv. 7) already knew
of the two lakes from which Seneca ('^ Q. vi. 8) gives the account
it flows.
of two centurions sent by Nero to find the source of the Nile. They reached
great swamps and a rock from which the stream seemed to spring. Compare
also Pomponius Mela I. 9 and ill. 10 and Solinus 29. Julius Honorius (p. 29,
ed. Riese) speaks of it as flowing from the lake Foloe, which seems to be a
mistake for Koloe.
(p. 72, 1. 6.) Ela is the modern 'Akabah at the head of the Gulf of
Akabah
Elana of Ptolemy
Philostorgius
(p. 72,
or Elanitic Gulf.

1. 25.)
ill. 6.

between two trees, with the heading


v. 17. i,

After ' It is identical with the Elath of Deut.


the Ailane of Josephus viii. 6 and the Aeila of

V has on
aVt
f.

€€
12 a picture of
ii.

an antelope
8, the

.
'lvdr]KLvoi, though there is nothing in the text to call for such a picture nor
does the word
Cosmas.
els

TcXoovioi^
and^
, ', , '. "^
( = Arabic Ja^,
Again on the verso of f. 12 is a picture of the $•
In the picture the column
and chair of Ptolemy are represented and some place-names are given,
a banana or plantain; occur in the text of

/, It is noticeable that
neither Gabaza nor Samidi occur in the text. The former was the port of

w. 22
33 NOTES
Adulis, and according to Greek authorities was 20 stadia from Adulis.
Sandstrom thinks it is rather to be identified with a town at the foot of the
hills called Gamez, south-east of Zula, though now they are some distance

from the sea, than with the modern port Malcato, which is further north.
This Abyssinian king's name has been recognised by

^{
(p. 72, 1, 28.)

Ludolf as equivalent to the Ethiopian Ela Asbeha (or Asbah), to which the
reading of V approaches more closely than the various forms
found in other Greek writers Mart. Arethae., Nonnosus,
Photius and Theophanes, Malalas in. 196). He was also called
Caleb and afterwards regarded as a martyr. Salt (
-e to Abys. p. 468)
him with Anda or Amda.
identifies
that the main occasion of the expedition here referred to
Salt says
was the murder of St Arethas. MUller {Geogr. Gr. Min.) refers it more
generally to the slaying of Christian merchants at the instigation of the
Jews, while the Diet. Chris. Biog. 11. 70 foil, says Dhu Nuwas became a
Jew and persecuted Christians in retaliation. So too Beazley referring
to Ludolf, Hist. Aeth. 11. 4, T. Wright, Early Christianity in Arabia., and
John Malalas, pt. II. 193 — 6. Noldeke
188) gives the Arabic
{Tabari., p.
version that Dhu Nuwas of Yemen was
up by a Jew whose children
stirred
were murdered to fight the Nefranians. They called in the king of Abyssinia,
Ellatzbaas, who did not need much persuasion as he had previously been
king of Yemen. He made elaborate preparations from 525 526 A.D., and —
called on Justinus to furnish him with ships of transport. In 526 he sailed
from Adulis, defeated the army of Yemen, took the city Taphar and slew the
king of the Homerites.
This passage is particularly important as it fixes the date of Cosmas'
travels and more roughly the date of the publication of his work. As
Cosmas was there during the preparations, this makes the date of his
travels in Abyssinia 525 a.d., and the date of the publication of the book
"some five and twenty years" later circ. 550 a.d.

(p. 73, 1. I.) 'VdiBov is the ancient name of Tor, which is identified with
the biblical EHm (comp. p. 139). It is now the quarantine port of the pilgrims
to Meccah and still contains a small monastery of Greek monks connected
with that of Sinai.
(p. 73, 1. 14.) The Ptolemy who set up this inscription was Ptolemy III.
Euergetes (247—221 B.C.); and it is the only surviving inscription recording
his achievements in the expedition to Asia against Seleucus II., which he
undertook soon after his accession. His father Ptolemy II. Philadelphus
married in succession two ladies of the name of Arsinoe, the first of them,
Arsinoe daughter of Lysimachus of Thrace, being the mother of Ptolemy III.
(p. ^^, 1. 19•) Theocr. xvii. 26 also ascribes descent from Hercules to
the Ptolemies: probably because some supposed Ptolemy I. to be the son of
Philip of Macedon, not of Lagus, and Caranus the oldest king of Macedon
was a son of Hercules.
(p. -), 1. 2o.) The subject-kingdoms here mentioned are no exaggeration.
NOTES 339
Cyrenaica had been regained by Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, and other in-
scriptions bear witness to the fact that the south coast of Asia was subject
to the Ptolemies (e.g. Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Inscr.^ nos. 55,
57, 58) and to
the subjection of the Cyclades

-
(e.g. Ditt. 25).

(p. 2>•> 1• seems to be the invariable form in Greek in-


23•)
scriptions and in Latin MSS. and conforms with the name as it appears in
hieroglyphic Egyptian inscriptions and Pliny. In Greek MSS. both Tp^yohvrai
and are found, but the latter is probably a later alteration in
the case of the older authors. Here, as Dittenberger suggests, Cosmas is

probably responsible for the fault. On the Trogodytae compare Diod. Sic.
I. 30. 3, III. 32 — 33; and Strabo xvi. 4. 4, xvii. i. 53.
(p. 7^, 1. 24.) On Ptolemy's invasion of Ethiopia compare Diod. Sic. I.

37• 5•

(p. 7;^, 1. 27.) Theocritus xvii. 87 refers to Cilicia and Pamphylia as


possessions of Ptolemy Philadelphus II. so that apparently they must have

been lost in the interval. Possibly, as Niese {Gesc/i. der gr. Staaten li. p. 139)
suggests, they were given to Antiochus II. at the peace between him and
Philadelphus in the year 250 B.C.

Only Ephesus and Miletus are known to have been under the rule of the
Ptolemies, but possibly part of Ionia may have belonged to them too (comp.
Niese, p. 135).

(p. 7'})., 1. 28.) An Egyptian hieroglyphic inscription from Latonpolis


supports this statement with regard to Thrace : compare also for Thrace
and the Hellespont Polybius v. 34. 7 — 8.

(p. 73, 1. 29.) The Indian elephants were apparently taken from Seleucus :

Seleucus Nicator had received a present of 300 from Sandrocottus, king of


Palibothra.

(P• ?> 1- 31•) Niese (11. p. 148) doubts if he crossed the Euphrates:
but Jerome {Commentary o?i Daniel^ XI. 8) speaks of his conquest of the
" superiores partes trans Euphratem, et propemodum universam Asiam."
(P• 73) 32•) The Latonpolis inscription also mentions Persia, Susa and
1•

Armenia among the conquered countries: comp. also Justin xxvil. i, 9.


(p. 74, 1. I.) Ptolemy won his title Euergetes by recapturing the statues
of the gods carried off by Cambyses and his successors.

(p. 74, 1. 3.) These canals are a very doubtful point. Bigot translates as
though he thought they were canals dug by Ptolemy on purpose to transport
his troops, but does not commit himself to suggesting where they were dug.
Vincent believed the phrase referred to the canals near Susa, as Susiana
was intersected by canals. Chishull thought he meant the canals of the
Euphrates and Tigris (comp. wStrabo xvi. i. 9). Droysen prefers the expedition
through those canals mentioned by Pliny N. H. ix. 6. But this rather
disagrees with the account given in other authors (e.g. Justin XXVII. 19)
which says that Ptolemy was recalled from Asia by sedition at home.
Niese (11. p. 149) follows Boeckh in assigning this clause to a new ex-
pedition through the Nile canals after his return from Asia.

22 —
340 NOTES
(p. 74, 1. 6.) Salt was the first to point out that the inscription on the
chair was not a continuation of the other as Cosmas wrongly states, but
a much later production, thereby dispelling the doubts which had previously
been held as to its genuineness. He at first referred the inscription to king
Aeizanas, the author of another Greek inscription which he discovered at
Axum, who is known also from the letter of Constantine to Aizanas and Sazanas,
preserved by Athanasius {Apol. ad Const., Migne, xxv. 636). This would
have made its date about 350 A.D. But the suggestion was soon refuted on
the ground that the changes both in the language and in the Axumite
kingdom proved this inscription to be much earlier than that found by Salt ;

and he himself afterwards withdrew his suggestion. Saint-Martin proposed


Ela Azguagua (144 221 A.D.), or Ela Auda (loi— 131 A.D.), because they —
were the-only kings, except one of the fourth century, who according to the
Abyssinian list reigned 27 years. Others (e.g. Miiller in his Epigr.
De7iki)idler aiis Abess. 1894) have suggested Zoscales, the Axumite king
mentioned in the Periplus, as the author. Mommsen thought this inscription
more recent than Zoscales, because in it the Moscophagi, who in the Periplus
are subject to Zoscales, are under petty tyrants, and no Arabian possessions
are mentioned. But Dillman and the most recent editor Dittenberger
believe it to be probably dating from the first half of the first century,
earlier,

as it refers to the founder of the Axumite kingdom. They suppose that the
deeolation of the old trade route through Meroe after the war of C. Petronius
in 22 B.C.,— a desolation which lasted to the time of Pliny (comp. N. H. VI.
181 — 185) — gave the Axumite king the chance of extending his kingdom.
Glaser however, partly on the same ground as Mommsen and partly because
he maintains some of the names to refer to Arabian possessions not subject to
Axum till later, argues for a later date, about the end of the third century.—
He also has doubts whether it is by an Axumite king and suggests it
at all,
is rather by a victorious enemy, possibly the Himyaritic king As'ad. At the
same time he does not think it is impossible that it should be by Ptolemy.
But, as Miiller points out, the formulae closely resemble the inscription
of Aeizanas; and it is extremely doubtful that As'ad or any Himyaritic king
would use Greek. Besides the man refers to Arabia as '/ ;

and expressly says he was the first Axumite king to conquer the surrounding
districts, some of which certainly belonged to Zoscales.

(p. 74, 10.)


1. ^;
Salt identified with Ade-Gada, a town in the north
of Tigre but Saint-Martin and more recent authorities recognise in it the
:

name of the Abyssinians, who spoke what is still called Geez. Ludolf (///si.
Aeth. I. I and Comm. 56) shows that till the seventh century the name
Agazi survived. Pliny also mentions a town Gaza, south of Adulis {N. //. vi.

174), and this Glaser prefers.


(p. 74, 1. 10.) 'Aya'jLte] Agame is still an important province of Tigre
east of Axum.
/^] Saint-Martin connects Sigye (or Siguene) with Tzigam, a
large Agau tribe, now west of Lake Tzana : but Dillmann thinks this
NOTES 341

people is too distant, as the inscription is here speaking of places close


to AxLim.
(p. 74, 1. probably identical with the Hawa (or Elwa) of the
12.) is

Acts of Andrew and Bartholomew


(Lipsius, Apokr. Apost.-Gesch. II. 2. 85).
It is also mentioned by the Periplus M. E. (Miiller, G.G.M. I. 257) and

Moses of Khorene's geography (cf. Saint-Martin, Meinoires hist, ei geogr. sur


rArmenie II. 344). Nonnosus, the contemporary of Cosmas, tells us that
is between Axum and Adulis. It is generally identified with Adoua ( = city

of Oua) the modern capital of Tigre though Bent {Sacred City of the Eth.y
:

p. 143 foil.) and Miiller prefer Yeha, on the grounds that there are ancient
remains there and none at Adoua, and an inscription found by Bent at Yeha
reads "He built his house AW." Miiller thinks that the name was connected
with the Sabaean worship of Baal-Ava, and that the Aualites on the Aualitic

]
Gulf (Ptol. IV. 7. 10), further south of Zula, were Arabian settlers and had
a fortress at Yeha to trade with the Sabaeans.

in this inscription
in
Dittenberger notices that this name is

and in Salt's inscription of the fourth century, but with a tz


Cosmas' note, and remarks that the sibilant is still preserved in the modern
written with a simple /

name Ceyam. The name occurs several times in Abyssinian geographical


inscriptions as Sijamo or Tsijamo i^^^'PiS, but the exact position is

unknown, though Dittenberger thinks Cosmas is wrong in placing it across


the Nile. Glaser compares it with the Arabic ^1^5 (Tihamah) or ^Li> (Tiam).
Zingabene is unknown, unless it is, as Dillmann suggested, a mistake
for, or an alternative form of, Zingarene, which might be the modern Zia

Zangaren in Hamasen. •

(p. 74, 1. 22.) ra/i/3eXa=Gambela, a valley in the province of Enderta.


Montfaucon recognized these words as a marginal note by Cosmas which
has been wrongly inserted in the text. The river referred to is not the Nile
proper, but its eastern tributary the Takazze which joins the Atbara in Nubia
before it reaches the Nile. Together they formed the Astaboras of the
ancients.
Angabe like Tiama defies the ingenuity of the critics, though Glaser
thinks it is possibly identical with tx'il'H (Angab or Angabe) of Schwein-

furth's inscription at Kohaito. This however does not determine its position.
He also refers to Ptolemy's "-- in Arabia Felix, but admits it is not

likely.

Athagaus and Kalaa Saint-Martin identified with Addago and Kalawe,


two districts to the left of the Takazze near the mountains of Semen. But
Dillmann rejects this identification, and agrees with Montfaucon in making
the former part of the Agau people, and the latter the people now called
Kelau. Glaser and Dittenberger recognise in the latter the Koloe of the
Periplus (§ 4) and Ptolemy (iv. 78), which was possibly Halai in the S.E.
corner of Tigre, or according to Bent Kohaito where there are ancient ruins.
The Periplus describes Koloe as three days' journey inland from Adulis, and
342 NOTES
five from Axum. Glaser also compares the Arabic name p*i)l^ (Kala')

found in Yemen : and with Koloe the plural c^:^ (Kulu') or a^^JL^
(Kulu'ah): and with the former people the Hadhramitic race-name ^\
(Atakh).
(p. 74, 1.

Semen Mountains, which


13.) /iii/e or
rise to
"^ without doubt indicates the modern
a height of 15,000 feet. Cosmas elsewhere
(108 c) tells us they were used as a place of banishment by the kings of
" *
Axum. Glaser gives the Arabic form as ^-^,^-*^ Sumain.
(p. 74, 1. 16.) Lasine was identified by Saint-Martin vith the land of the
Basena or Bazen on the northern frontier of Tigre, by Van Kloeden with
Lasta and Aina : and compared by Glaser with iUwuj (la'asanah), the plural

form of ^^1*») (li'san), the name of a race in the Tihama of Yemen. It seems,

however, better to leave it uncertain with Dillmann and Dittenberger.


the older commentators identified with Tsocha in the east of
Begemder, but again the identification is uncertain.

Glaser compares with AJLek. (Jebelah) in the Mountains of South


Yemen.
the north of
(p. 74,
But probably

1.
Axum
17.) / all

(Dittenberger).
three of these doubtful places are to be sought to

is compared by Glaser with^lJift


Jezirat al-^arab 83, 3. Dittenberger rejects this and all other suggestions
without committing himself to any new view. With Beya compare the
in Hamdani's

of Salt's inscription, and the of Epiphanius, Haeres.


II. 703, and the OjJ of the Geez inscriptions. Dillmann says the name is

common Geez inscriptions and in Arabic geographers. Saint-Martin


in the
identifies them with the modern nomadic Nubian tribes called Bicharieh.
In an expanded Coptic translation of Epiphanius' work De Gemniis^ the
name occurs in the form Bougaioi (cf The Classical Quarterly^ Vol. iii.,
p. 196), and in the Latin translation of that work as Bugaei.

(p. 75, 1. I.) The Tangaites, according to the same authorities, are part
of the same tribe, and have given their name to the country of Taka,
extending from the river Atbara in Tigre to Sauakin on the Red Sea.
(p. 75, 1. 4.) ^Avvlve Koi Merive'] These tribes have been assigned by
various commentators to all four points of the compass. Saint-Martin put
them northwards from Axum : but Dillmann objects that Egypt
mentioned is

as the northern boundary, and these should rather lie south or west towards

the Sahara. McCrindle states that the fact that they lived in a mountainous
region shows that their position was eastwards towards the Red Sea. And
finally, Glaser compares the former with the Hebrew and Arabic words

iW or ,
further about those names,
ajJs-\ (A'nanah) or
and the
«jlu»-! (Ahnanah), without stating anything
latter with AXic (Matinah) at the foot of
Jebel Hadir Nebbi Su'aib : but he hesitates to state that they are identical.
NOTES 343

"^," says Saint-Martin, "ought to designate a part at least of the


Somali people, of which one of the principal tribes bears still the name of
Issa." Glaser compares the name with the Arabic name ^<»-nr^ (Sa'si'ah).
But again it seems safer to leave it uncertain with Dillmann and Dittenberger.
(p. 75, 1.Montfaucon thought the Rhausi were the people of Rhapta,
8.)

which according to Ptolemy was the capital of Harbaria (iv. 7. 41): and
others, among them Franz and Saint-Iartin refer to the Rhapsii of Ptolemy
(iv. 8), who according to Saint-Martin still exist in the interior to the south of
Abyssinia and are called the Arousi. But Dittenberger thinks they are too
distant to be the persons here referred to.

(p. 75, 1. 10.) 2€, probably to the south of Adulis on the seashore
(Dittenberger).
(p. 75, 1. 15.) The Red Sea is here used in the extended sense of the
Arabian Gulf (cf. Ditt., Or. Gr. Insc7\ 69). Dillmann suggests that the
Axumite king must have obtained his fleet largely from the Romans, as he
cannot have had an extensive one himself.
(p. 75, 1. 15.) The 'AppaiSiTm are generally taken to mean Arabs in
general ; but Dittenberger observes that the Cinaedocolpitae were also
Arabs, so that probably it denotes a special branch of them, living to the
north of the Cinaedocolpitae. Lagarde placed them near Leuce Come.
Dillmann and Glaser take this and the succeeding names to indicate the
tribes of the Arabic coastland from Janbo to the north of Yemen.
For the and their towns compare Ptolemy VI. 7. 5, vil.
20. 17 and 23. 10. Saint-Martin thinks them to have been a branch of the

/
tribe of Kinda, who occupied the Hedjaz. Dillmann compares the Arabic
name Kinana.
(p. 75, 1. 18.)

yrjs
For
and Per.
.€
,
compare Strabo XVI. 4. 23
1 9, which says it was two ..
^
or three days' sail from Mvoy on the way to Petra and the Nabathaei.
It was the extreme south point of the Nabathaei and the Roman Empire,

and is probably identical with the modern port Hauara. Dittenberger thinks
the of the note to be a corruption, as that name is not found
elsewhere. At any rate, as Lagarde pointed out, eVt must be used in the
sense of Opposite to,' as the Blemyes lived in Nubia, not in Arabia, and
therefore preferable to the reading of V. On this tribe cf Revillont,
it is

Mem. de
used by the poets
Acad, des Inscr. 1874, Ser.
(cf.
etf,

Pauly-Wissowa
i.

III. p.
4€ with one is the form
566 sqq.) and is found in Salt's
inscription. They were generally located in Nubia on the Upper Nile, but
Cosmas seems to imply that they extended to the shore of the Red Sea.
By some they were credited with a mouth in their breasts and no head (cf.
PHny N. H.\. i. 46 Mela I. 6). On the Sabaeans compare Ptolemy vi. 7. 1•>
;

Strabo xvi. 4. 2 and 19, Pliny N. H. VI. 161, xii. 66 and Mela iii. 79. Their
capital was Mariaba (Marib), and they were masters of the Homeritae, not,
as Cosmas says, merely a part of them.

(P• 75) 1• 35•) The Adanitae were the inhabitants of the modern Aden,
NOTES
344

'
anciently known
(Ptol. VI.
as
7.
;
9, 6,
(Philostorgius, Hist. Ecc.
Periplus 26). Pliny calls it
III. 4) or
Athenae (vi. 159),

^(
Mela (hi. 80) Arabia. The here mentioned is of course
not this town, but the whole country of Yemen.

4
Salt's
(p. 76, 1.

inscription
3.)

In the Axumite inscriptions the form


equivalent to the
For

Bahram
this
de
address to Ares compare Aeizanas' words

apyopcuov eva

of the Persians.
is
€ yeviaavros

Mahrem, which Lagarde thinks


in

y eV ayaOiu.

(p. 76, 1. 17.) Ethiopia, as this passage among others shows, was not in
ancient times a name for the territory of the inhabitants of the Abyssinian
mountains and Tigre, but for that of the people of the plains to the west and
south of them.
(p. 82, 1. 16.) The KaTaypa^T) referred to is a coloured oblong, the length

,
being about three times the breadth, with a rim round the outside. Round

,. , , €€
it are given the points of thecompass at the centre of the top votos; at the
;

centre of the bottom on the left-hand side at the top


;

in the centre
right at the top €€ ,
and at the bottom
in the centre
on the
and at the bottom
It is found on V fol. 96, L fol. 196 v. and S fol. 146 v.

(p. 119, 3 foil.)1.For the early spread of Christianity, compare Gibbon


{Decline and Fall, ch. xx.) and Arnobius {Adversus Gejites, 11. 12). The
latter writing in the third century, says "Enumerari enim possunt, atque in
:

usum computationis venire ea, quae in India gesta sunt, apud Seras, Persas,
et Medos in Arabia, Aegypto; in Asia, Syria; apud Galatas, Parthos,
;

Phrygas; in Achaia, Macedonia, Epizo in insulis et provinciis omnibus, ;

quae sol oriens atque occidens lustrat." Tertullian also {Adv. Jud. i. 7)
mentions Babylonia, Persia, India, Ethiopia, Asia, Germany, Britain,
Mauretania, the Getuli and the Romans, as people to whom Christianity
had extended: and Sozomen {Hist. Eccl. 11. 6) the Gauls, Goths, Celts and
Iberians. Legend attributed the conversion of most nations to the Apostles
(cp. Lipsius, Apokr. Apost.-Gesch. i. 25 foil.). Many of them according to
different legends visited different countries, so that, except in such cases as
that of Thomas, to whom legend consistently attributes the conversion of
India, one cannot assert the localities very definitely. But among countries
mentioned by Cosmas one may call attention to legendary visits of Andrew
to Scythia,Matthew to Parthia and Great Armenia, Bartholomew to India,
Abyssinia and Upper Egypt, Jude to Armenia and the Blemyes, and Simon
of Cana to the Iberians.
For notes on Taprobane, Male and CaUiana, see bk. XI.
When Christianity reached India is a subject of much dispute. According
and India were visited by St Thomas, and he first
to early tradition Parthia
planted a church there. Bartholomew also was supposed to have visited
India, and we have it on the authority of Clement and Origen that their
friend Pantaenus went to South India towards the end of the second century
NOTES 345

and found there men acquainted with the Gospel of Matthew in Hebrew,
which had been brought thither by Bartholomew. Eusebius {Eccl. Hist. V.
lo) also refers to his mission. Sir W. Hunter inferred that those men were
a Jewish colony, and that Thomas really did visit Persia and Afghanistan,
and Bartholomew Malabar: but Milne Rae {Syrian Church in India) doubts
if there were any Jews there so early, and appears to doubt too whether the

tradition about the Apostles and the statements of Clement and Origen had
any foundation in fact. He prefers to assign the foundation of a mission in
India to the Nestorians of the early sixth century, supporting his view by
Cosmas' statement that the bishop came from Persia, which was the strong-
hold of the Nestorians. There are other proofs of Nestorian influence at
that time, for example an inscription from a Nestorian tomb as early as
547 A.D. quoted by Chwolson {Trans, of Russian Arch. Soc. Or. Sect.., Vol. ill.,
pt. I, 1886 —
7): but there seem to be earlier traces of Christianity in Ceylon
at any Labourte {Le Christianisme dans Vejnpire Perse., p. 606)
rate, since
refers to amonastery of St Thomas there in the middle of the fourth century.
Besides the statement of Clement and Origen seems fairly definite. There
was also a curious tradition that Ceylon was visited by the Eunuch of
Candace (cf Hough, Hist, of Chi'istianity in India., Vol. II, pp. 30, 32, 42).
Christianity probably died out there soon after Cosmas' time, as Ibn Wahab
and Abu Zeyd do not refer to it, though they mention Jews and
(9th cent.)
Manichaeans. Marco Polo too refers to the people as idolaters.
Dioscorides is the Greek name for Socotra, which according to McCrindle
is derived from the Skt. Dwipa Sukhadara (Island abode of bliss). The
island and the fact that there were Greeks there is mentioned in the Periplus
Maris Erythraei (ch. 30). Christianity there is mentioned also by the two
Arab travellers of the ninth century and by Abu'l-feda. If, as is probable,
it is the island from which Theophilus the apostle to the Homeritae came,

it may have been converted by him when he returned to it on his embassy

in 356 A.D. Marco Polo (lll. 32) states that "Their archbishop has nothing
to do with the Pope of Rome, but is subject to the great Archbishop who
lives at Baudas (Baghdad)," which agrees with Abu'l-feda's statement that
they were Nestorians. Yule, however, notes that certain practices of their
church (e.g. circumcision) support De Barros' statement that they were
Jacobite Christians of the Abyssinian stock, and says that Christianity has
now entirely disappeared.
The Huns here referred to are probably the White Huns (cf. bk. XI.),
who according to Drouin {Memoire sur les Huns Ephthalites) adopted the
Nestorian alphabet in the fifth Drouin quotes Elisaeus, an Armenian
century.
of that century, for the statement that Christianity had spread over all the
nations between the Roman dominions and India in the time of lazdgerd II.
(438—457 A.D.).
The ordinaryaccount, given by Sozomen (ll. 8), Moses of Khorene (ill. 8),

and Agathangelos (in 132), places the conversion of the Armenians under
Tiridates by Gregory in the middle of the fourth century. Sozomen thinks
346 NOTES
the Persians were afterwards converted by intercourse with them. But
Euseb. {Eccl. Hist. iii. 23) states that the Persians were converted in the
Apostolic age, and elsewhere {Praep. Evang. vi. 10) he quotes Bardaisan,
a writer of the third century, for references to Christianity among the
Parthians, Medes and Persians. Besides, at the Council of Nicaea appeared
John, bishop of the church of Persia and Great India (i.e. North India). On
the Armenians see F. Tournebize, Etude siir la conversion de VArmenie
{Rev. de Or. Chret., Ser. II., tome 2, 1907). The Ethiopian and Axumite
church owed foundation according to Rufinus to Frumentius early in the
its

fourth century. Frumentius had been taken prisoner there as a child, and after
returning to Egypt was sent out by Athanasius as bishop. Rufinus, it must
be admitted, refers to the place as India, but the letter of Constantine to the
king of Axum in Athanasius' Apology to Constantine shows that Ethiopia is
meant. Sozomen (11. 24) and Theodoretus (i. same story but
33) give the :

Philostorgius (ill. 6) speaks as if Theophilus converted them in 356 A.D.


More probably Theophilus was Frumentius' successor.
The Homeritae of Arabia Felix were apparently visited by missionaries
about the same time as the Ethiopians. Philostorgius (in. 6) states that
Theophilus, a native of Divus, or Socotra, —
though Gregory of Nyssa calls
him a Blemyan was sent — them by Constantine in 356 A.D. (compare
to
also Socrates, H. E. iv. 36 ; Rufinus, H. E. II. 6). The Synaxarium Con-
stantinopolitanum (June 3) preserves a tradition that the Eunuch of Candace
preached there as well as in Eusebius {Hist. Eccl. vi. 19) states
Ceylon.
that Origen was sent to Arabia by Demetrius of Alexandria to preach at the
request of the ruler of Arabia.
" The Garamantes were the inhabitants of the great oasis in the Libyan
desert called Phazania, and now Fezzan, but the name was often used in a
wider sense to denote the people of northern Africa who lived to the south of
the Syrtis" (McCrindle).
Pentapolis, so called from its five chief cities, Cyrene, Berenice, Arsinoe,
Ptolemais and Apollonia, denotes the province Cyrenaica ; while Africa
means the land between it and Mauretania.
Southern Gades, Yule suggests, may be Tingis, or Cape Spartel, called by
Strabo Koteis. But it does not seem impossible that should
go with the whole of the last words, not with Gades alone.
Gibbon (ch. xlii.) says that the Lazi were a tribe on the north of Colchos
in the time of Pliny, Arrianand Ptolemy, but that they afterwards " imposed
their name and dominion" on the kingdom of Colchos, and that after a
relapse "in the beginning of the sixth century their influence was restored
by the introduction of Christianity, which the Mingrehans still profess with
becoming zeal."
The Heruli were a tribe originally German, who with the Goths under
Odoacer overthrew the western empire in 476 A.D. They dwelt north of the
Euxine, and were converted in Justinian's reign {c. 537 A.D.); compare
Evagrius IV, 20, Procop. Got/i. 11. 13 foil. The Goths according to
NOTES 347

Philostorgius were converted by captives taken from Cappadocia and


(li. 5)
Galatia in Valerian's reign. Afterwards under their bishop Urphilas or
Ulphilas they embraced Arianism (comp. Socrates iv. 34, and Theodoretus
IV. 37)'

(p. 135, 1. 12.) Cosmas here at the end of book IV draws a picture of four
men standing at the four poles of a round world. The ridicule of the theory
of a round world and people at the Antipodes is intensified by the dispropor-

tion between the size of the men and the world on which they are standing.
Ananias of Shirag objected to a round world on the score that the people on
it would look "like flies round an apple," but even he did not figure them as

full-sized men standing round a child's ball. Cosmas' objections were shared
by a host, indeed by the majority, of the Fathers, as one may see from
Beazley's note on the passage, and many classical authorities agreed with
them, for example Herodotus. The Pythagoreans were the first to suggest
the sphere, not because they had any proofs to give in support of it, but
because they considered it the most perfect figure. Proofs were not forth-
coming probably till the time of Eudoxus. Aristotle sought to prove it from
the law of gravitation and from the spherical shape of the moon at eclipses.
Strabo first used the inference from the disappearance of ships at sea. At
the same time he, like Eratosthenes, regards the habitable part of it as an
irregular oblong, comparing it to the Greek chlamys, which was about twice
as long as it was broad with an irregular piece at each end. The result
would be almost the same shape as that given in Cosmas' map (cf Tozer,
Class. Geogr. 167 — 8, etc.).
(p. 138, 1. 5.) The name Clysma is given to the whole of the western
branch of the Red Sea by Eusebius and Philostorgius (ill. 8), the latter
adding that it was so called from the town at the head of it. Epiphanius
too {Hae?-. 11. 668) mentions to as one of the three
ports of the Red Sea, apparently in the position of or near Suez. Compare
also the Pej-egriiiatio Silviae (ed. Gamurrini, p. iii).
(p. 242, 1. 23.) The represents the sun as a circular ball, with a
man's head and shoulders clearly visible in it. Below it is the earth,
a slightly smaller circular ball with ten small square excrescences starting
near the centre of the top and running round the right side. Six perpen-
dicular rays
are presumably supposed to represent the
L fol. 1

(p. 318,
96 V.

1.
and S
2.)
fol.

This
33 v.

title is
.
fall from the sun striking the five uppermost excrescences, which

It is found on

misleading and probably not genuine, as


V fol. 16

many
v.,

of the animals included are admittedly not natives of India, but of other
Cosmas e.g. the giraffe, hippopotamus, etc.
countries visited by :

(p. 318, 4.) Cosmas appears to have known only the African species,
1.

the two-horned rhinoceros. As a rule ancient authors refer rather to the


one-horned species, e.g. Agatharcides (Miiller, Geogr. Gr. Min. i. 158), Pliny
(^. . viii. 71).
34 NOTES
Both Sperman {Voyaj^c an Cap de Bonne-Esp. ii. 307) and Salt {Travels^
p. 416) mention the mobility of the horns as facts confirmed by natives. The
hostility of the rhinoceros to the elephant is a commonplace of all ancient
'"''
authors

Pliny
del ^^
who refer to the beast.
€\(.''
(A^. //. vill. 7) calls it
Agatharcides {ib, p. 158) says

"hostis elephanto" and Solinus {Fo/. 30. 21)


nepl

follows him. Compare also the account of the method of fighting in Sindbad's
Second Voyage, and the modern account
(p.

{Travels,
318,
p.
1. 15.)

417) suggests,
If we read
we get the
in Marryat's Biishboys.
instead of
modern Tigre name
, as Salt
for the rhinoceros

aC^ : "V^ft (arwe h^ris). In Amharic according to Salt it is }\(D*^ : 'liCil


(aweer haris): but Isenberg writesit auraris. Cosmas is correct too in his
component parts, as "arwe" is Amharic for a "beast" and
translation of the
"haras" or "'aras" means "to plough" according to Isenberg (Amh. Diet.)
and Dillmann {Lex. ling. Aeth.). Ludolf took the latter part for the Arabic
u--^j•*• (harish) "unicorn."
(p. 318, The1. 23.) is presumably the buffalo, though Cuvier
states that was originally Indian and was brought
it to Egypt and Europe
during the Middle Ages.
(P• 3I9j 1• I•) Cosmas apparently thinks his picture sufficiently describes
the giraffe, as he gives no description.Pliny {N. H. Vlll. 18. 27) and Solinus
neck is like that of a horse, its feet like those of an ox,
(30• 19) state that its
its head like a camel's head and give the Aethiopian name as iiabun.
;

Sindbad (Voyage 3) says that in shape and colour it is like a camel.


Compare also Marco Polo (ed. Yule), 111. 34.
As the pictures of the giraffe and several other animals are not
reproduced, it may perhaps be as well to describe them here. On fol. 267 v.
of L are drawings of the giraffe on the left and the on the right -^^
facing each other. The giraffe is surprisingly like a giraffe, considering that
it is meant to be one. The only faults one can find with it are that its neck
is not so long as it should be and as it appears in Montfaucon's plate, nor do
its hindquarters drop properly. On the other hand it is correctly fitted with
two short horns, which Montfaucon has omitted, and its nozzle is raised, not
drooping as he represents it. The colouring is much rubbed, and I am not
sure whether it was originally dappled or not. The is an ox-like -^^
animal with a bushy tail, which is unaccountably caught in the perfectly
smooth trunk of a short tree. Its neck is preternaturally long, about as long
as the giraffe's, and nearly as thick as the animal's body. Behind the tree
stands a figure in a short tunic with a girdle and a kind of skull-cap or
helmet, with his arm raised, brandishing a sword. By his left knee, attached
to the girdle, hangs a bag, which is omitted by Montfaucon, who also repre-
sents the animal's forelegs as far too much advanced and gives it a mane,
which I cannot see in the original. The picture of the pepper tree is more
faithfully reproduced by Montfaucon. On the right are two short trees with
NOTES 349

straight stems and tops as in Montfaucon, only broader. The shape is most
easily indicated by an outline. Below these tops hang on
each side two pods like coco-pods. On the left rises a
trailing vine-like plant which after running up straight for
some height bends in an arch to the right and hangs hori-
zontally over the tops of the two short trees. Between it and
the nearest of those shorter trees stands a negro with a bag,
who is gathering something from the foliage of the short tree.

This and the next three animals all occur together in the
bottom margin of fol. 269 r.
For the seal the best I can say is that it looks less of a
moon-calf than Montfaucon's draughtsman chose to make it:
but a sea-calf it certainly is with two pointed ears and a muzzle raised to
bellow. It is seated on a tail which is curled under the body and stands up

perpendicularly on the other side of it, culminating in a kind of fan with two
pointed ends. The body is something between a seal's and a bear's and in ;

front it rests on two fins prolonged until they look more like a bear's paws
than a seal's fins. They are not, however, calves' legs as in Montfaucon's
illustration.
The dolphin is very much more like a dolphin. Its head is not so clearly
defined as it is in Montfaucon's picture : there is, as there should be, a dorsal
fin on its back, and the animal is "taking a header," not swimming on the
surface of the water, — indeed there is no water.
The is, as Montfaucon represents it, a spotted circular body with
two protruding arms and a head.
On fol. 272 r. is a picture of a lion killing a horse, as in Montfaucon, save
that turned the other way, which also the case with the seal, dolphin
and
in
^.
it is

Montfaucon.
On 272
It
v. is an elephant facing
is

does not appear to have been graced with a


to the left, not to the right as
tail, unless
that

margins of
rhinoceros,
(p. 319, 1.

tains of Thibet.
II.)
,
appendage has been rubbed
Similar pictures of

The
"
giraffe,

is the "yak"
off.

all the animals existed in S, foil. 201 5.

and 205 have been cut off, and the picture of the
foil. 201

or "bos grunniens."
animal," says Cuvier, mentioned by Aelian, was originally from the moun-
But the

and elephants are now missing.


"This

Its tail constitutes the standard still used by the Turks to


designate their superior officers." McCrindle, however, takes Cosmas to


refer to the chowri {^y^^) or fly-flapper used in India, particularly on
occasions of state and parade.

horse-tail standard,
yak's tail is
is

similarly used by the Chinese.


t^L• (tugh), the Turkish

probably the word here represented as .


name for the

The

(p. 319, 1. 19.) Cosmas is correct in his description of the musk-deerand


the musk bag, which is confined to the male. But
not a native of any
it is

country he visited, being found in the mountainous region between Siberia,


China and Thibet. Compare Marco Polo's description (ed. Yule I. 57).
350 NOTES
KastLiri (^j^^**.^) is Hindustani for "musk," but Lassen says that in
the Himalayas the name is also applied to the animal.
(p. 319, 1. 25.) The belief in a unicorn among the Greeks was at least as
old as the days of Ctesias : and subsequent writers recognise more than one,

perhaps as many as five different species, the one-horned horse, the one-
horned ox, the Indian ass, the oryx and the monoceros. Aelian {Ahit. An,
XVI. 20) mentioned a one-horned Indian beast which was of the size of a horse
with feet like an elephant, tail like a pig, and a twisted horn ; it was too wild
to be caught except when young. Pliny {N. H. viii. •^ and Solinus (52. 39)
describe it in almost the same terms, and both of them mention another
one-horned Indian beast of somewhat similar appearance, called by Pliny
" leucocrota,"

recognises two
describe them.
^,
by Solinus "eale."
the
Aristotle
oryx and the
{Nat. A?t. in.
Indian ass, but does not
p. 668) also

Most modern commentators identify the unicorn with the rhinoceros,


which agrees well enough with Marco Polo's account (ill. 9, "They have
hair like that of a buffalo, feet like those of an elephant, and a horn in the
middle of the forehead, which is black and very thick"), but not so well with
this horse-like beast, and still less with the two " unicorns in the temple of
Mecca, not very common in other places," described by Varthema {Travels^
ed. Hakluyt Soc. p. 47). Considering his extreme accuracy and veracity, his
account is worth quoting "The elder is formed like a colt of 30 months old,
:

and he has a horn in the forehead, which horn is about three bracchia in length.
The other unicorn is like a colt of one year old, and he has a horn about four
palms long. The colour of the said animal resembles that of a dark bay
horse and his head resembles that of a stag his neck is not very long, and
;

he has some thin and short hair which hangs on one side his legs are ;

slender and lean like those of a goat; the foot is a little cloven in the fore-
part, and long and and there are some hairs on the hind-part of
goat-like,
the said legs." This description fairly fits the picture given by Cosmas, and
according to Varthema they came from Ethiopia. That he saw them there
is practically no doubt; and they were not rhinoceroses, as he knew the

rhinoceros (cf. p. 87 at Zaila, " I also saw here other cows, which had a single
horn in the forehead, which horn is a palmo and a half in length, and turns
more towards the back of the cow than forwards"). It is possible, as the
editor suggests, that they were freaks of some species of antelope. This view
is supported by the detail mentioned by Cosmas, that in jumping down

a height it turns a somersault on to its horn, which according to Yule and


McCrindle holds good of the oryx.
The biblical unicorn is generally identified with the wild ox.
There is, was in Hue's day, a Chinese tradition too that the unicorn
or
exists in Thibet, and Lon-Hoa-Tchon says it is called " serou," a name still
known to Indian sportsmen. According to G. Maxwell {In Malay Forests,
p. 168) it is identical with the Naemorhaedus or "goat-antelope," but is not

one-horned. Lon-Hoa-Tchon states that the Mongols confound this unicorn


with the rhinoceros.
'NOTES 351

(p. 320, 1. 14.) The name "hog-deer" has been inmodern times applied
to three different animals, two small Indian deer, Axis porcinus and Axis
maculatus, and the Indian hog or Sus babyrussa. From the illustration the
latter would appear to be the animal intended by Cosmas, though Yule
thinks this species is confined to the Archipelago. He compares Pliny's
description of an Indian swine (N. H. viii. 78).

320,
(p. 17.) 1. For hippopotamus' tusks comp. Marco Polo (ill. '}^'^. He
too had only seen the "boars'" tusks weighing 14 lbs., and speaks of the
beast from hearsay as a "boar as big as a great buffalo."
(p. 320, 19.) 1.Pliny (iV. //. xii. 26) and Solinus (55) compare the pepper-
tree or plant to the juniper, and notice two different kinds, piper album and
piper longum. Closer to Cosmas' description is that of Maundeville, ch. XV.,
"And you shall understand that the pepper grows like a wild vine, which is
planted close by the trees of that wood to sustain it the fruit hangs like ;

bunches of grapes." Cp. Ibn Khardadbah (Yule, Cathay i. clxxv.), "The


mariners say every bunch of pepper has over it a leaf that shelters it from the
rain. When the rain ceases the leaf turns aside if the rain recommences, ;

the leaf again covers the fruit."

(p.321,1. 2.) j/apy6XXta = Skt. •^^^, narikela, Pers. and Hind, jj-^flj-ju,

narjil. According to Tennent it is first mentioned in Ceylon in the Mahawanso


(161 B.C.).
(p. 321, For the coco-nut milk compare Marco Polo (ill. 10),
1. 6.)

"The meat of the nut is filled with a liquor like clear fresh
inside of the
water, but better to the taste, and more delicate than wine or any other
drink that ever existed"; and Ibn Batuta (ed. Lee, p. 60), who says it is
made of the nut taken out and macerated, which then becomes milk in taste
and colour.
Yule {Cathay 11. 362), commenting on John de Marignoli, whose descrip-
tion is very like that of Cosmas — "The
Nargil is the Indian nut. Its tree
has a most delicate bark and very handsome leaves like those of the date-
palm.... Inside the shell is a pulp of some two fingers thick, which is

excellent eating and tastes almost like almonds.... Inside of this there is

a liquor which bubbles like new milk and turns to an excellent wine"
suggests that "possibly Cosmas has confounded the coco-nut milk with the
coco-palm toddy (i.e. sap drawn and fermented). For sura is the name
applied on the Malabar coast to the latter.

(p. 321, 14.) For the


1. /
Roncho may represent lanha,
the name applied there to the nut v.'hen ripe, but still soft."
of Ceylon comp. Ael. N. An. xvi. 17.
The Periplus also refers to their exportation from Ceylon (§61) and from
Adulis and the Aualites (§§
(p. 321, 1. 14.)
cannot have seen seals in his voyages
The , 6, 7).
if it means "seal,"
in eastern
is a puzzle, as Cosmas
and southern seas ; but the
dugong (Halicore), which to the uninitiated closely resembles it, is found in the
Indian Ocean and the Red Sea. Tennent {CeyloJi il. 557) says there are
plenty on the coast near Adam's Peak. Their flesh was represented to him
352 NOTES
as closely resembling veal. Though according to Cuvier " the head of a seal
resembles that of a dog," and Albinovanus Pedo (quoted by Seneca, Suas. i.
15) calls seals "aequorei canes," Cosmas' picture certainly rather exaggerates
the resemblance.
(p. 321, 1. 24.) The name 2ieXeSi/3a for Ceylon is obviously the same as
the modern Arabic s,^jJ^j^^ Serendib (cf. the Serinda of Procopius, the
embassy from the Serendivi and Divi in Amm. Marc. XXII. 7. 10, the simple
Dibou of Philostorgius), and the Sirindibenoi of the Coptic translation of
Epiphanius De Gemniis {Classical Quarterly III. p. 218). It is a compound
meaning apparently the island of the Salai — as Ptolemy (vii. 4. i) calls the

inhabitants; the latter part -diba being the Skt. ^t"^, dvvipa (Hind. w-J^,
dib), while the former part is preserved in the name Salike, mentioned by
Ptolemy (vii. 4. i) and Stephanus (sub voce Taprobane) as the name of
Ceylon in their days, and probably also in the more recent forms Zeilan,
Sailan, Ceylon, etc. According to McCrindle and Burton {Ar. Nights VI.
p. 64) the source of these forms is "Sihalam" (pronounced Silam), the Pali

form of the Skt. T''^^'^^, sinhala (from T'^B^"^ "a lion") a name that was —
applied to the hero Vijaya.
The Greek name Taprobane is at least as old as Megasthenes {c. 300 B.C.)
and is the commonest classical name for the island. Authorities differ
as to whether it is a corruption of Tamraparni, " copper-coloured leaf,"

a name given to Ceylon by its Indian conqueror Vijaya (cf. Turner's


Mahawanso, p. or of Dwipa-Ravana (Island of Ravana), a name used

(
55),
by the Brahmanical writers.

\8
some
None
of
of the classical writers seem
them mention another name
;

generally mentioned as the old


the modern name
the proper reading

(e.g.
name
,^
is
to know the Skt.

in most cases doubtful.


of the island as opposed to
by Ptolemy, Stephanus and Marc. Heracl. § 35), but
name Lanka
Marc. Heracl.); or
This is
;

,,
but

the Periplus (Miiller, Geogr. Or. Mi?t. 301) seems to speak of this as the
modern name and

.
as the old name.
Possibly Pliny (A^. //. VI. 24) is right in stating that Palaesimundus was
name of the most celebrated town there. That at any rate seems more

-
the
probable than the suggestion of Is. Voss in his note on Pomponius Mela ill. 7,

"Prius, ut opinor, fuit Palou vel Polou Indis est insula.


itaque Siamensium insula, hoc est, Sinensium, ut iam diximus."
Van der Tunk, however, thinks it is a Javanese name, puloh selan = island
of gems comparing it with the Skt. Ratna-dwipa and Arabic Jezirat al-yakut
;

(O^yt OjjJ.»-) (cf. Yule, Marco Polo 11. p. 255).


Pliny also says that the inhabitants of Ceylon were at first called
Antichthones, as it was supposed to be the Antipodes (A^. H. vi. 22), and
also Palaeogoni by Megasthenes.
(p. 321, 1. 26.) The pepper country is Malabar: comp. the Arabic name
JaAaJI jJ^ (balad al-falfal).
NOTES 353

(p. 321, These islands are apparently the Maldives and Laccadives.
1. 26.)
Ptolemy also mentions them, giving their number as 1378. Palladius (in
Pseudo-Callisthenes 111. 7) calls them the Maniolae.
Palladius {Laus. Hist. in. 7) mentions these islands under the same
name, but gives their number as 1000. They are possibly the Divi of
Ammianus.
(p. 321, 1. 29.) The word yavbia according to Tennent {Ceylon 11. 543
note) is the word still in use in Ceylon in the form "gaou" and "means
the distance a man can walk in an hour.. .a somewhat indeterminate length
according to the nature of the ground to be traversed."
(p. 321, 1. 29.) The ancients were very badly informed as to the size,
shape and position of Ceylon. Cosmas' estimate of the size almost agrees
with that of Ptolemy (vil. 4. i), who makes it 900 miles by 750. Most of the
ancients, following Eratosthenes, give its extent as 7000 stadia by 5000 (Pliny,
N. H. VI. 22). Strabo (ii. i. 14, XV. 14) makes it 5ocx) stadia in the direction
of Ethiopia and 8000 in the direction of India and makes it reach to the
extreme south of the habitable world. Hipparchus, quoted in Mela (ill. 7. 7),
regarded it as a separate continent and Ptolemy makes it reach 2° below
;

the equator and nearly 3° higher than it actually extends. The ambassadors
to Claudius (Pliny vi. 22) exaggerated still more, speaking of icxdoo stadia
and the mistake continues as late as the time of Marco Polo, who makes it
2400 miles in circuit in his day, and formerly as much as 3600.
Almost the only dissentient voices are Onesicritus and lambulus (cf. Diod.
Sic. II. 55), who reduce it to 5000 stadia in circuit. According to Tennent
the Hindus and Arabs have the same extravagant ideas but Sindbad is ;

nearly right in estimating it as 250 miles by 100. Fa Hian also, nearly


a century and a half before Cosmas, was almost correct in his estimate. Its
extreme length is actually 27 li miles, and its greatest width 137^, its circuit
somewhat under 700 miles. Its position too was uncertain. Onesicritus
counted it 20 days' sail from India, Strabo (xv. 14) seven days south of India.
Ptolemy (l. 17. 9) located it east of the mouth of the Indus, while the author
of the Peripius thought it extended so far west as almost to touch Africa, and
the Scholiast to Dionysius Periegetes (596) counted it an island of Africa.
(p. 322, 1. I.) Sulaiman, one of Renaudot's two Mahommedan travellers,
also speaks of two kings, and Abu Zaid says that Kalah, which he regards as
an island, was subject to the king of Zabedj, an extensive maritime kingdom

.
including Malacca, Borneo, Java, etc.
(p. 322, There is some doubt as to the meaning of the words
1. 2.)

The most natural meaning would be that assigned it by


Thevenot, "the part of the island where jacinths are found," i.e. the southern
part. In which case the port referred to would probably be that suggested
'
by Bertolacci {Ceylon^ pp. 18, 19), Mantotte, not far from the old capital
Anarajapoora. But Tennent (i. 563 foil.) objects that the port was at the
south end of the island, and Pliny certainly states as much definitely.
Tennent consequently takes the "hyacinth country" to mean the part whose
W. 23
354 NOTES
king possessed the celebrated great " ruby of Ceylon
" which ruby was —
probably a carbuncle or amethyst and the port to be "Point —
de Galle," as
Abu Zaid calls it Kalah (cf. also the Garshasp Namah in Ouseley's Travels I.
48), and not Trinquemale as Gibbon supposed. Is. Voss {Mela., p. 572) had
already identified it with Point de Galle.
(p. 322, 1. 9.) mention of the famous great ruby
This seems to be the first

"As long as one's hand, and as big as a man's arm, without spot, shining like
fire, not to be bought for money" (Marco Polo iii. 14). Hwen Thsang,
a century later than Cosmas, tells us that it was at Anarajapoora on the
spire of the Buddha Tooth temple, and the Arabs knew of it. It is also

mentioned by Jordan de Severac about 1323. Corsali (in Ramusis, vol. I.


p. 180), however, thought it was a carbuncle, and in that case it may be the

"red palace-illuminator" which, according to Chinese records, was sold to the


Emperor of China early in the 14th century. Tennent, however, on the
authority of Dana's Mineralogy (11. 196), thinks it was probably an amethyst,
a stone " which is found in large chrystals in Ceylon, and which modern
mineralogists believe to be the 'hyacinth' of the ancients." The eminence
on which the temple stood Tennent identifies with Mihintala, the sacred hill
near Anarajapoora [Ceyloti i.
543, 4).
(p. 322, For the extensive trade with Ceylon in early times by
1. 13.)

Chinese, Arabs, Persians, Indians and Tamils compare Tennent (l. 540), and
for the trade of Persia in particular
The Periplns also mentions
il.

which Tennent (i. 541) thinks


must have been manned by Malabars, Arabs, Persians, etc., as the Cingalese
,
100 notes.

(p. 322, 1. 14.) €€


had no shipping worth mentioning themselves.
= ea.st of Cape Comorin.
Tennent (i. 590) says that sandal-wood (Skt. chandana) is mentioned by
the Chinese travellers as an export from Ceylon, but is no longer found there.
(p. 322, 1. 17.) Male is probably the Malabar coast, though Voss (Mela
571) decides for one of the Maldive islands, saying that the natives declare
that the name of the group is derived from Male, the chief island and seat of
the king.
(p. 322, 1. 17.) Calliana = Kalyana (fortunate city), near Bombay. It is
mentioned also
(p. 322, 1.
in the Peripliis 52, 53.
18.)

identifies with "sissi" or " shisham,"


] mentioned also in the Peripius.
a valuable Indian timber.
Yule

(p. 322, 1. 19.) Iivhov is probably Diul-Sind at the mouth of the Indus
(McCrindle, cf. Yule).
(p. 322, 1. 27.) Orrhotha is probably some place on the western coast
of Gujarat, being like Pliny's Horatae an incorrect form of Sorath, or
Saurashtra, the Surastrene of Ptolemy (vil. i, 2) and the Peripius (ch. 41),
that is Gujarat. Others identify it with Surat : but that was not a place of
importance in ancient times.
Sibor is called Simylla by Ptolemy (vii. i. 6), and Saimur or Jaimur by
the Arab geographers. Yule identifies it wkh Chaul or Chenwal, 23 miles
NOTES 355

south of Bombay, and {Cathayand 227) compares it with


i. clxxxviii.
Ptolemy's Suppara, Jordanus' Supera, Ibn Haukal and Ednsi's Subara (four
or five days from Kambaia), Abu'l-Feda's Sufalah. Reinaud thought it
represented the Sanskrit SubahHka. =
Mangarouth Mangalor.
(p. 322, 1. 29.) On Salopatana, Nalopatana, Poudapatana, McCrindle
notes, "These three ports appear to have been situated on the coast of
Cottonarike, the pepper country somewhere between Mangalor and Cahcut.
The termination paiana means town.' Poudapatana means new town,'
' '

and the place so called may be identified with Ptolemy's Podoperoura."


Yule {Cathay 11. 453) identifies it with the Pudripatam, Pudipatanam,
Puripatanam, etc. of various mediaeval travellers, and with Budfattan of
Ibn Batuta, " In Ibn Batuta's time it was under the same prince as Jurfattan
(which we have identified with Cananor), was a considerable city on a great
estuary, and one of the finest ports on the coast."
(p. 322, 1. 32.) Tennent (11. 129 and 556) suggests that the reference
is either to the chank fishery at Mantotte (comp. Abu Zaid), or possibly to

oyster fisheries at Bentotte. Compare Marco Polo iii. 16 on the pearl fisheries
between Ceylon and India. Yule {Cathay I. clxxviii.) suggests Marava or
Marawar opposite Ceylon Walkenaer a town apparently otherwise unknown,
;

With €
" Morilloum opposite Ceylon."

compare Ptolemy's Chaveris, which is identified by Burnell


with Kaveripattam, a little to the north of Tranquebar, at the mouth of

the Podu-Kaveri. Kaveran cffX^"^^ means saffron in Skt.


(p. 322, 1. 33.) The meaning oi is uncertain. Yule {Cathay i.
clxxviii.) notes that " Pliny speaks of alabandic carbuncles and of an alabandic
black marble, both called from a city in Caria. The French apply the name
almandine or albandine to a species of ruby (cf. Pliny, N. H. xxxvil. 25 ;

XXXVI. 13). If rubies be meant it is just possible that Pegu may be in


question."

(P• 323, Cosmas was the first who laid down China's correct
1• 2.) "
boundary on the east by the Ocean" (McCrindle).
(p. 323, 7.) Tennent (l. p. 542, note 2) makes the following comment
1.

on this passage: "Cosmas wrote between A.D. 545 and a.d. 550; and the
voyage of Sopatrus to Ceylon had been made thirty years before. Kumaara
Daas reigned from A.D. 515 to A.D. 524." Beazley (i. p. 191) thinks this date
too early, the voyage probably being made after A.D. 527. But Cosmas
actually states that the man had been dead 35 years, which puts his death
in 515 A.D. at the latest; and there is no reason for supposing that he took
this voyage in his last year and toid it to Cosmas at once — he would rather
seem be relating an old adventure.
to Consequently the voyage should
probably be dated considerably earlier, near the beginning of the sixth
century. So far as the story is concerned Sopatrus need never have been
to Ceylon at all, for it is probably an old traveller's tale, at least as old as
the time of Pliny, who relates a tale (A^. H. vi. 24) which looks like the original

from which this is derived by a natural process of exaggeration.


23—2
356 NOTES
(, 323, 1. 1 8.) Vincent (li. p. 511) has noted the fact that in his interview
'^
(p.

72 to the
323,
lb.

iaLov = the
1. 25.)
of gold.
]
with the Greek native of Egypt the king addressed him as
the traditional name of any race ruHng at Constantinople.

silver
The aureus

drachm, 20
of Constantine, of which there were

to the daric or stater: cf.


(= \^3j)y

Periplus^

\ 42.
(p. 324, 1. 6.) The White Huns was according to Gibbon (ch. 26) a name
given to the first colony of Huns that left their native land in the fourth century
and migrated south west to the plains of Sogdiana, on the eastern side of the
Caspian. They were also called the Ephthalites or Nephthalites. The fact
that Cosmas here mentions them in northern India supports, as Sir W.
Hunter has pointed out {Indian Empire, p. 170), Dr J. Ferguson's idea that it
was the White Huns who overthrew the Guptas between 465 and 470 A.D.
Dr Ferguson "places the great battles of Korur and Maushari, which freed
India from the Sakas and Hunas," between 524 and 544 A.D. Yule {Cathay i.
clxxx.) calls them the Yueichi or Yetas and refers to Lassen 11. 771 and III.
584. V. Saint-Martin and Drouin have written special monographs on them.
They are first mentioned in Dionysius Perieg. 730.
(p. 324, 1. 12.) Compare Hdt. vii. 42, where Xerxes' army drank up the
Scamander.
(p. 324, 1. 14.) "Emeralds were found in the mines of Upper Egypt, and
were no doubt shipped from Adule for the Indian markets by the Ethiopian
traders who bought them from the Blemmyes. If taken to Barygaza (Bharoch)
they could be transported thence by a frequented trade-route to Ujjain, thence
to Kabul, and thence over the Hindu Kush to the regions of the Oxus"
(McCrindle).
(p. 324, 1. 27.) Marco Polo 111. 17 (and l. 15, etc.) mentions the importa-
tion of horses from Persia, Kis and Hormes, Dofar and Soer and Aden to
India, because the i^w native horses there were "wretched wry-legged weeds,
not fit to ride."
(p. 325, 1. 3.) On Ethiopian elephant taming comp. Yule's Marco Polo
II. 367—8.
(p. 325, 1. 32.) Berosus was by birth a Babylonian and a priest of Bel
he wrote a book in Greek on Babylonian or Chaldaean history, which he
dedicated to Antiochus I Soter (281 262 B.C.). —
The work is now lost, but
fragments of it and some of the Christian
are preserved in Josephus, Eusebius
fathers, who seem
have derived their knowledge of it mainly from Apollo-
to
dorus and Alexander Polyhistor. McCrindle suggests that Cosmas borrowed
his knowledge from Josephus but he must certainly have used other works
:

as well, as the names of the ten kings before the flood are not found in
Josephus.
(p. 326, Cosmas seems to be quoting from Plato's Timaeus III.
1. 16.)

24 — 25 A, either
from memory or perhaps merely from hearsay. It is not
Timaeus who makes the statement about Atlantis, but Critias quoting the
NOTES 357

words of an Ej^yptian priest to Solon. Nor again are the ten generations
mentioned in the dialogue. Later Cosmas makes an even worse mistake,
substituting Solomon for Solon.
(p. 327, 1. 4.) This list of names is derived froni the second book of
Berosus, and is also preserved in Eusebius {Chron. p. 5, ed. Mai) and Syncellus
(P• 39 i^)• They seem to have derived their information from Apollodorus
and Alexander Polyhistor. The names as given in Miiller's edition {Frag.
Hist. Gr. II. 499) are
Alorus ".
?.
Alaparus
Almelon
Ammenon
^.
^^.
Amegalarus Meyakapos.
Davonus ?.
^.
.
Edoranchus
Amemphsinus ^A€y\rLv.
Otiartes ^,.
Xisuthrus
But their estimate of the time the kings reigned seems to be more moderate
than that of Cosmas. Eusebius, following Berosus, gives it as 120 sari,
"Nempe quadraginta tres annorum myriadas annosque bis mille."
(p. 327, II.) Manetho was an Egyptian
1. priest who wrote a history of
Egypt drawn from the priestly records, which is now unfortunately lost, as
the surviving fragments are among the chief authorities for the early history
of Egypt. Josephus attacks him in Contra Apioneni I. § 26 foil.
Chaeremon was an Alexandrian and probably head of the Museum. He
was afterwards one of Nero's preceptors. His history of Egypt, which
Josephus {Contra Ap. I. 33) accuses of wilful falsehood, is now lost except
for a few fragments.
Apollonius, surnamed Molon, or better son of Molon, was a famous
rhetorician of Rhodes, who, while teaching oratory at Rome from 81 B.C.,

instructed both Cicero and Caesar (cf. Cic. Brut. 307, 312, 316 Suet. Caes. 4). ;

Josephus {Contra Ap. II. yj) and Alexander Polyhistor mention a work by

him against the Jews.


Lysimachus was an Alexandrian grammarian of the latter half of the
second century. Josephus (C. Ap. I. 34; II. 14. 35) mentions a work called
which was probably by him.
Apion, a native of Egypt, taught rhetoric in under Tiberius andRome

.
Claudius (cf. Pliny, TV. H. praef. 25). He wrote a work on Egypt in which
he attacked the Jews, and a separate diatribe against the Jews, which provoked
an answer from Josephus in the Contra Apionem 11. foil. i

(p. 327, I. 17.) Comp. Manetho in Josephus {Contra Ap. I. 28) yap
avTov €4\(€ e^opiaai AiyvTrrov
(p. 328, 1. 18.) Comp. Plato's Timaeus ill. 22 B. It is of course the
358 NOTES
Egyptian priest who makes the remark to Solon, not Solomon (!) to
Plato.
(p. 330, 1, 16.) Comp. Josephus, Ant. XI. 8. 5.

(p. 330, 1. 22.) Comp. Josephus, Ant. xii. 2. Tryphon is a mistake for
Demetrius Phalereus the librarian of Alexandria.
(p. 330, 1. 32.) Comp. Josephus, Contra Ap. 11. 5. Ptolemy Physcon
reigned from B.C. 170 117. —
INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS^
Genesis. Deuteronomy.
I. I (76 ,
156 D, 161 c, 176 c, 181 D, II. 7 (216 b).
380 c), 2, 3 (420 a), 2—4 (140D), VIII. 4, 5 (216 b).

3, 5 (149BX 6 (140 D, 420c, D), X. 14 (84 B, 341 d).


8 (81 d), 20, 24, 27 (141 a), 26 XVIII. 15 (245 c, 296 b), 18 (245 c).
(176 D, 309 B, 312 A, C), 27 XXIX. 4 (216 b).
(236 C). XXX. 8, 12—14 (96 a), 12 (256 d).
. I (76 A, 380 C), 2 (380 C), 3 XXXII. 8 (320 b), 43 (364 D).
(161c), 4 (76 A, 161c), 10 12 — I. Kings.
(452 a), 17 (229 a), 18 (260 B), XVIII. 44 (129 c).
23 (160 B). II. Kings.
III. I (120D), 5 (149A), 15 (124A), XVII. 32 (60 b).
17 —
19 (92 d), 19 (120 d), 20 XX. 10 (393 c).
(224 D), 22 (236 , 328 c, 413 B). I. Chronicles.
IV. 2—5 (93 B), 15 (229 ), 7, 16, I.8, 9 (452 a).
20—22 (173 A—
D), 25 (225 B). XV. 30 (249 a).
V. I (380 D), 1—3 (225 B, C), 29 XVI. 7 (249 a).
(92 C). II. Chronicles.
VI. 16 (232 b). XXXII. 26, 31 (389 b).
IX. 1—4, 6 (233 c, D), 3, 4 (93 a), XXXVI. 22, 23 (397 B).
24 (232 C), 26—27 (232 D, 233 A). Job.
X. 2—7, 22 (85 C). — XXVI. 7 (80 A, 184 D, 381 A).
XI. 4(136 D), 7 (312 B). xxxviiL 5 (80 a), 6 (381 B), 7
XIV. 19 (76 b), 22(760). (149 B, 425 c), 37, 38 (81 A,
XIX. 23 (424 b). 184 c, 381 b).
XXII. 16 (241 c). Psalms.
XXIV. 7 (76
2, C). B— II.9 (252 a).
XXV. 23 (237 c, 329 a). IV. 7 (404 B).
XXVII. 28 (421 b), 29(241 d). viii.4 (252 d).
XXVIII. 13 (244 D), 14 (237 D, 240 D). XVI. 8 (256 c).
XLix. 8—12 (244 B), 33 (245 a). XVIII. I (84 a).
Exodus. XIX. I (341 c), 6 (424 B).
VIII. 19 (140 c). XXII. I (257 a), 19 (256 C, D), 21
XX. 6—17 (200 D), II (76 A, 365 B, (444 c).
380 c, 420 b). XXIX. 6 (444 c).
XXV. 23 (97 c— d), 39 (205 c), 40 XXXIII. 6 (425 a).
(161 D, 200 B). ll 10 (133 a).
Numbers. lxv. 9 (404 a), 1 1 (404 A, 405 d).
XV. 38—41 (135 D— 136 A). LXVIII. 18 (256 c).
XXIII. 22 (444 c). LXIX. 21 (256 C).
XXIV. 17 (245 c). LXXV. 6 (89 b).

^ References are to marginal numbers, except when the page and line are given.
36 INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS
Psalms, Jeremiah.
lxxviii. 15, 16 (200 b, c), 20 X. II 14(77 B).—
(216 c).
LXXXIV.
xxxi. 31 34 (269
EZECHIEL.
— b).
2 (133 a).
CII. 25 (76 D), 25, 26 (369 B). xxxvii. 23, 24 (269 d).
cm. I (133 a), 2 (p. 226, 1. 21), 20, XLVii. 8, 9 (272 a).
21 (405 A), 24(341 c). Daniel.
CIV. 2 (184 c), 2, 3 (81 D, 365 c, II. 34, 35 (109 D, 272 ), 44
380 D), 3 (184 c, 381 A, 417 D), (112 A, D).
5 (80 A, 184D, 381 B), 9 (365 c), Ill• 57—59 (365 D), 59, 74 ^11 c),
27 (404 B), 32 (129 c). 60 (p. 226, 1. 16).
cv. 39 (197 d), 41 (200 c). VII. II, 12 (iI2A), 13, 14 (112 B,
ex. I (293 D), 2, 3 (256 A, B). 272 b), 14 (256 a).
CXV. I 5 (76 C), 1 6 (84 B, 341 C, 41 7 D, IX. 25 (272 b).
p. 297, 1. 17). X. 13, 14 (132 c).
cxix. II (133 a). HOSEA.
cxxxv. 6 (76 c). VI. I, 2 (260 D), 2 (261 a).
cxxxvi. 5 (84 d). IX. 12 (261 a).
cxxxix. 8—10 (132 d). XI. 12 (261 a).
cxLViii. 1—4 (p. 226, 11. 7, 12), I XIII. 4 (76 d), 14 (261 a).
(84 C, 364 D), 2 (364 D), 3 (365 A), Joel.
4 (84 A, 341 B, 365 A, 421 A), 5 II. 26

Amos.
— 32 (261 b).

(365 B), 6 (365 B, 372 B), 7 (84 C),


13 (84 c, 365 B). IV. 13 (264 b).
CL. I (420 D). IX. 5 (129 d), 6 (129 c), II, 12
ECCLESIASTES. (264 b).
I. 5, 6 (89 C, 185 D, 209 C, 408 B, Obadiah.
424 d). I. 15, 17 (264 c).
SlRACH. Micaiah.
I. I (176 b). V. 2 (268 a).
Song. vii. 19, 20 (268 a).
I• 2 (433 c). Nahum.
II. 4 (433 B). I. 15, II. I (268 b).
VII. 5 (433 c). Habakkuk.
Isaiah. I. 5 (268 c).
VI. 2, 3, 7 (265 A), 3(3I2B). Zephaniah.
VII. 14 (388 c). II. 1 1 (269 c).
XI. 10 (265 c). III. 9, 10, 14, 15 (269 c).
xxviii. 16 (265 c). Haggai.
XXXVIII. I (389 B), 10—14 (392 A— ir. 6 (129 D, 353 b), 7(3160), 23
D), 14, 16— 19 (393 A, B). (272 d).
XXXIX. 3 8 (400 A c). — — Zechariah.
XL. 22 (77 B, 81 A, D, 184 B, 380 D, IX. 9 (272 d).
396 C, 397 C, 424 A,457 D). X. I (129 c).
XLII.

XLV.
(76 D, 184 C,
XLIV. 24 (76 D).
5

1—4 (396 D),


396 C).

12, 18 (77 A),


.
XI. 12, 13 (268 d).
I (76 d).

XIII. 6, 7 (273 a).


13 (397 A). Malachi.
XLViii. 13
LI.
{
a).
6(42oD), 13 (77 a), 16 (77 b).
I.

III.
II (273 B).
I (273 b).
Lin. 3, 9— II (265 B, c), 7 (393 A, IV. 2—5 (273 c).
437 B). L Maccabees.
LXI. I (265 c). 1.9(1090).
LXIV. I (129 D). Baruoh.
Lxvi. I a). III. 29, 30 (96 c).
INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS 361

Matthew. Luke.
I. (288 a).
I XVII. 21 (133 b).
II. 5 (268 A). XIX. 39 (252 b), 40 (252 c).
III. I, 2 (288 D), 12 (356 D). XX. 36 (320 c).
IV. II (121c). XXII. 44 (437 B), 28—30 (p. 296,
V. 45 (285 B). I. 24).
VI. 24 (192 a). XXIII. 43 (124 D, 133 B), 44 (437 a).
VIII. 1 1, 12 (177 D), 29 (165 C). XXIV. 50 (180 c).
IX. 33 (145 B)• John.
XI. 12 (281 B), 13 (112 C, 280 B, I. 16 (308 a), 29 (196 a, 212 B, 277 a).
281 B), 14 (273 c), 25 (77 c). II. 15 (145 c, D), 16 (145 D),
XII. 3, 4 (257 B), 38, 39 (144 D), (148 a), 18, 19 (145 a), 20 (272 d).
40 (264 d), 42 (100 a). III. 13 (361 C, p. 226, 1.25), 17 (148 B).

XIV. 30 (165 c). IV. 6 (437 d).


XV. 17 (133 a). V. 16, 17 (257 A).
XVI. 18 (168 d). VI. 27 (272 d), 66 —69 (145 b).
XVII. 4, 5 (257 B, C, D). VIII.56 (240 A, 241 C).
XVIII. 10 (132 c), 16 (433 b). X. 30 (440 a).
XIX. 4 (224 a). XII. 24 (356 c), 32(177 c), 34 (388 D).
XX. 23 (348 d), 24 (281 c). XIV. 2—4 (348 c, d).
XXI. 9, 16 (252 b). XVI. 7 (440 c), ^^ (1 24 A, 168 D).
XXII. 2 (284 D), 28 (336 C), 30 (177 C, XX. 17 (292 d).
288 D, 336 D), 43, 44 (253 D), 44 Acts.
(256 a). I. (180c).
10, II
XXIII. 37, 38 (168 b). II.4 (129 D), 4—6, II (137 b), 22—
XXIV. I, 2 (168 C), 14 (168 D), 29 24, 32—36 (293 B, C), 24 (293 D,
(408 D), 29—31 (316 c), 30, 31 297 A), 36 (293 D).
(424 B), 35 (369 B), 38 (281 B), III. 19 —
21, 24 —
26 (296 B, C).
40 (177 c, 312 D). IV. 27 (249 d).
XXV. 12 (128 c, 284 c), 21 (177 c, VII. 22 (140 a), 60 (297 B).
416 c, p. 296, I.
33, p. 297, I. 8), VIII. 32 (265 B).

34 (57 B, 128 c, 177 c, 281 c, X. 4 (429 C), 38—43 (296 A), 42


284 C, 313 D, 320 B, 333 D, 348 B, (253 B).
425 c, p. 298, 1. 15), 41 (128 c, XII. 13 (132 c).
284 b). XIII. 16—41 (360A— 361 a), 32, 2>1>
XXVI. 17 (417 A), 39 (437 A, B, C). (249 d), 41 (268 c).
XXVII. 9, 10 (269 a), 50 (133 b).
XXVIII. 18 (256 a), 19(3120).
XIV. 12 (104 a), 15 c). {
XVII. 18, 19 (357 c), 22—31 (356 D),
Mark. —
24 (77 c), 24 28 (176 d), 26
XV. 2>, 39 (133 ). (129 D), 30, 31 (253 A), 32 (357 C).
Luke. XXV. 19(3570).
I. 13 (2I2A), 4 (289c), 33 (113 B), XXVI. 7, 8 (301 B, 357 d), 21—23
43 (277 D), 48—55 (277 D), 76 (301 B, 357 D).
(277 C). Romans.
II. 2 (113 A), 14(121 , 137 A, 292 B, I. 20 (376
a), 22 (72 B), 23 (157 A).
329 c), 22 (280 A), 26 (392 B), III. 15 (208 B, 209 D).
29 — 32 (280 b). IV. 15 (125 d), 17 —
25 (240 B).
III. 17 (277 B), 23 (197 A), 38 V. 14 (224 c).
(289 D). VII. 8 (125 d).
IV. 18 (265 C). VIII. 17 (180 a), 18 (368 b), 19—21
VI. 36 (429 B). (120 a), 19 (361 D), 20 (124 D,
IX. 33 (257 c). 408 D), 20, 21 (225 D, 364 A, B,
X. 10 (124A), 18 (125 c, 148 d), 19 409 a), 21 (125 a), 22 (125 B,
(124 A, 132 a). 368 D), 24 (300 A), 32 (241 C),
XV. 7 (153 D, 225 D). 34 (436 A).
362 INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS
Romans. II. Thessalonians.
X. 6 (256 d). I. 7— 10 (313 a).
XI. 25 (320 b). I. Timothy.
I. Corinthians. III. 15 (304 a), 16(1480).
II.9 (285 B, 368 B, p. 226, 1. 5). IV. 8 (300 c).
IV. 9 (132 B, 337 A, 361 D), 18, 19 II. Timothy.
(361 B). III. 5 (72 B).
V. 7 (196 A, p. 297,1. 5). Titus.
VI. 2, 3 (301 d). II. 13 (128 c, 300 c).
VII. 31 (300 c, 348 B, 372 c). Hebrews.
X. 4 (200 c), 21 (192 b). I. I (376 b), 3 (80 A), 4 (413 a), 8, 9
XI. 7 (309 c). (253 b,c), 14 (120 a, 301 c, 364B,
XII. 8— II (264 a), 28 (416 a). 408 D, 412 C).
XIII. 9 (377 D). II. 5 (252 D), 6-8 (253 A), 9 (252 D),
XV. 3 (259 D), 12—17, 21 22, 29, — 16 (372 B), 17—19 (240 A).
30 (349 B—D), 19 (300 a), 21 III. I (180 a), 14 (303 d).

(221 ), 35—38, 42—50 (352 A— IV. II (177 D, 301 B, 345 A), 14


D), 49 (353 D), 50 (412 d), 51, 52 (345 B)•

(317 A), 55 (261 a), 54, 55, 57 V. 4, 5 (256 B).


(353 D—
356 a). VI. 16—20 (348 a), 17 — 20 (300 a),
II. Corinthians. 18 — 20 (i8od), 20 (p. 298, 1. 20).
III. 6 (361 B), 18 (305 D). VII. 14, 17 (345 D), 23—26 (344 D),
IV. 17, 18 (368 c). 26 (180 d).
V. I (73 B, 344 A), 17 (125 D, 128 A, VIII. I (201 c, 344 B, 432 a), 2 (301 A,

372 A). 345 D), 4, 5 (408 c), 6 (432 A), 8—


VI. 14 — 16 (192 b). 12 (269 a), 12 (p. 298, 1. 20).
VII. I (p.
29). 296, 1. IX. I (381 B), I, 2 (201 B, 205 D),
XII. 2 (344 a), 2, 3 (409 b). 6, 7 (344 c), II, 12 (201 c, 208 A,
XIII. 3 (361 c). 212 A, 334 B), 19—23 (180D), 24
Galatians. (180 C, 201 C, 208 A, 381 b), 27
III. 16 (240 a), 19 (217 d). (228 c).
IV. 26 (180 a). X. I (193c, 208 B), It —
14 (345 c),
Ephesians. 19, 20 (345 B), 20 (p. 298, ]. 29),
I. 8, c, D, 432 c), 9 (433 A),
9 (429 19 —
21 (208 B), 19 23 (180 D),—
10(125 D, 128 A, 372 a), 20 34 (300 , 348 A).
(357 B), 21 (384 A). XI. 5 (232 a), 9, 10 (180 a), 10
II. 2 (117 c), 6 (180 A, 300 a), 19 (301 a), 14 —
16 (300 a), 15, 16
(1 80 a). (180), 16 (348 B), 38 (368 a).
III. 10 (228 A, 364 B). XII. II (22 1 c, 376 d), 1 8 23 (p. 298, —
IV. 13 (380 a). 1. 9), 22 —
24 (180B, 228 a), 28
V. 32 (224 a). (300 B, 316 c, 345 A).
Philippians. XIII. 14 (180B, 300 B, 348 A, p. 297,
II. 6 (252 c), 10 (132 a). 1. 12).
III. 13 — 15 (300c), 14 (180 A, p. 298, I. Peter.
1.6), 20 (84 B, 341 D, 369 a), 20, I. 12 (368 D).
21 (179 A, 300 c). V. 13 (113 d).
COLOSSIANS. II. Peter.
I. 15 (224 B). III. 12 (369 c, 372 c).
II. 9 (233 B). II. John.
III. I, 2 (300 D, 348 B). I• I (373 A).
I. Thessalonians. III. John.
IV. 14 — 17 (301 a), 16 (440 d), 16— I• I (373 A).
i8(3i6d).
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEXT
marginal numbers.)

'
{^References are to the

/3 204 C.
2l6 D.
c, 256 B.
1/2 D, 217

*
248

85
C,

C.
D.
249 A.

"A/3fX 93 B, 173 A, 220 D, 225 A, B, 1


1
3 .
228 A, B, 229 A, B, 329 B. lyi C.

^
"
212 A.
237 c, D, 240 A, C, D et passim.
201 D.
245 C.
1 04 A.

^
^yya\o^
*77 1 29 D, 272 C,
30 1 B, 357 C, D.
Bapov;^ 96
^73
B.
A.

^
173 C. BeXmX 192 B.
*/ 224 C passim.
^^

A, ^f I04 A.
^-?) ,

?
/i (o 121 C, 293 C. 172 C.
400 D. 452 C.
l6l , 372 C, 40 1 B. 437 .
248 C. 96 .

^'^ ,
453 C.
68 I09 A, , 11^ , 232 D.

^
, 46 .
1 69 1 3 .

*€
453 ^•
453 C.
208 C•
453 C.
453 C.
?
raioy 373
/xep 85

449 .
Fpeyopto? 4^6 D.
264 C.
.
.

*
?
/?
453 ^•
yjl D
129 ? ^) 264
4^0 D•
3^1 .
,, 265 .
26
^4) 77 112
276 , 400 D.
/$• 453
D.
<^; C, 209 , 272 , C,

" „
26 1 D, 28 .
68 , 09 C,
(? another) 340

1 13 C, 276
.
,.
'
Atds•
460 .
249 ^ — ^
45^ C.
C.

et passi7n.

453 D.
.
*€ ^)
^
28 1 'E^e/ctas• bk, VIII. passim.
( ^' yj2 D, 373

'
453 A.
iy6 D. 85 C.
,

?
"Apetos 281 A, 460
yy C. /5 172 C.
";? I05 C, D.
169 C,
I04 A.
1 76 , 453 A. '^ 85 .
\.
221
D, 197 , 277 C, D.

iy6 B. C.
364 INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEXT

^
*Ev(us

"
329
453
173
B,
C.
C,

453 C.

I04 A.
397
428

.
220

C.
D, 229 B, D, 232 A,
^ ^-)
/3

)
'///• (
„ (
,
173 ^•
292 C.

(?/
C.

passim.
145

2y6 D
, 373

— 277 C,
,

Eva 124 c, 225

€8 309 c [see also /)].


B, (?/ passion.
136 C. „ ( ;^),9) 429 .

€ 85 C.

l6l
28 1
6
iy6
453

, 372
.
.

, C, D.
C.

D. ^
/3 8 ,
38 1 , 425 C.
144 D, 264

244
(father of
8

6.
1

C,
,

329
149

D,

J.
,
,

45^
184

C.) 261 D.
.
C, 257 ,

,
76 129 C, 272 D, 277 C. /xos 217 , 457 .
{ ') 196D, 197 ^5 212 . KmV 93 , 173 A, 177 A, 225 A, ,
Zevy 105 D. 229 .
7 272 D.
224 D [see also /], 360
453
.
C.

112 C.
129 C, 229 D, 257 B>C, 260 — /7/;/

^
305 C.

)? 273 , C, 277 329 c , Kope 216 D, 248 C.

'
C,
04 . 201 D, 293 D.
249 D. 437 D.
76 D, 184C, 265 — D, 276 D, 09 , 39^ , 397 .
312 , et passtju. 53 .
24 1 D.
Aaadav 39^ .
^^^ 1 1

43^ C,
43^ ^•
() 289
3 D•

C, D.

? 305 C,
292 C.
92 C, 173
l8oC,
357 C.
197
C, 328
,
C,
289
453 C.
— 292 ,
(2) 417 . 45^ ^•
(3) 388 . 453 ^.
77£ 85 .
eo/SfX 173 C, D. 85 , 264 C.
85 . 85 .
73 . 453 C.
log
/3 113 , 8, 220
.
D, 244 — D,
'? 453 C.

C.

329 , 364 c, 421 273 C.


197 C, 257 , 264 , 28 1 C, /6^/ 453 D.
348 , 373 . 28 , 318 C, 333 , 33^ , D.

8/^$•
64 .
1

164 . and ].
292 , 320 [see also

^8
453
85
248 C.
'le^e/ctr/A 269 D.
C.
,

'Ifpe/xuxy 96 , 208 D
232 D, 233 .

— 269 , .
? 288 ),
277 ^•

288 .
28 .

145 , 177 C, 269 ,


289 , C, 305 .
1

285 D—

]
^)?
^ 329 .
265 C, 360 .
[ 217 C, 221 C,
397

248 ,
€(8(
300 ,
76 , l8oD, 236 D, 256
345 ^> 348 .
249 .
, C,

200 C. (poet) 204 .


INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEXT


365

/
Meuavdpos (historian) 456
396 .
85 C, 452 .

105
400 D.
D,
.
04 .
C.

-^
{co7itinued)
(6)

1
Physcon 460
(7) the geographer 168 A,
176 B.
(8) (vague) 68 b, 169 b.
36 C, 1 69 D.
C.

^
32 . l6 D.

'
1 I

265 D— 208 .
3^7
.
C. '^\ 388 D.
85 237 C, 329 A.
245 ^ — 248 , passim. 'VuvB 276 C.

^
<?/

1 09 , 2 D, 273 D, /3 85 C.
400 D. 265 A, 312 B, 396 A, 400 B.
293 ^• 288 D, 336 C.

] 268 .
217 C, 221 C, 248 , 3^9 .
NiKO§»;fxoff 292 C, 361 C.
292 C.
221 A, 296 B, 360 B.
248 , 276 C, 360 .

^
84 C, D, 85 ,
92 C, D, 93 C, D, 240 .
^/ passim. 437 C.

.
€ 125 C, 14^ D.
68 , 2)73 •

"
17

/
^
^ 172
457
452 Dj 453

53 ^•
.
3^5 -^•
453
C.
C•
-'^5 C.
€((
€€ 173
173 ^•

309D, 453
85 ,
265

,
388 D, 397

373

C, 232 D, 233
.
177
, 4^7 C.
C.
, 225 ,
C.

C, 245 C, D,

Sg C, 100 , 209 , 276 C,


(of Jerusalem) 53 1^1 72 C, 48 C, 424 1^5 [456 c].
181 c, 396 c. [456 C], 456 D.
(bp. of Caesarea) 161 B, 269 C.
372 D, 373 A. (protomart.) 297 C. —
and ],.
109D,

73
1 13 [see also „ (of Antioch) 321 .
201 D, 28 , 392 .
1 69 D•

288
(St),
204
297 C 3^5

, 293 ,

.
132 C, 145
^5 passim.
^^
257 , 201
Bj
296 C, D, 332
C,
,
€ 44^ foil,

45^ ^^•
453 , 45^ C.

^?373 ,.
Ilerpos• (friend of Cosmas) 385 D, 401 A. „
(of Alexandria) 437
(Paul's friend) 1480,3040.
C.

/
?
456

/^,
C.
136

I05 D.
453
(l)
(2)
c,

.
169 D,

249 D.

Soter 1 04 .
Philadelphus
176 B, 453

104 A,
A,

^
TtVoy 305 A.
460

85
204
13 C.
.
.
.

460 B. 26 D, 28 .
(3) Euergetes loi 104A,
B, 40 , , 96 , . 1

109 A, 1 12 B, 328 A. 288 D.


(4) Philometor 1 12 B. 357 .
(5) Dionysius 1 12 B. 3^5 .
366 INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEXT
201 D, 265 B. Xavavaios 237 .
433 . 85 C, 452 .
452 A [see also ], passim.
. Sub
85 c.

453 . " 172 C.


.
85 A, 452 . 385
85 C, 232 D, 233 , 45^ . '.€ 6 D, 26 D.
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE TEXT
{References are to the marginal numbers.)

"
I04 D. 452 45^ D.
loo . 204 .
1 05 A. 04 D.
(-, -;) 97 D, A, C, I05 C, 169 C.

'
'
^
448 A, B, 449 A.
kBayaovs I05 A.
D, 356 D.
304 , 356 , 457
85 C, ,
136 , et passim.
.
276 ,
113 D, 269 D, 272
400 ,,
04 C, 109 C.
{-) 09,
D.

1 12
, 273 D,

, 36 ,
A'iyvnros 53 ^j ^7 ^^> ^8 A, et passim. 396 , , D, 397 D, 400 , C, D,
85 C, 97 C, I16 C, 324 A, 40 D.
440 B, 449 B, D. 1 04 C.
53 A, 69 A, 85 A, 97 C, D, 85 C, 97 1^5 169 .

^
100 A, 105 C, 108 B, 117 B, 169 B, , ,
85 88 , 96 D, 97 C, D,
269 C, 32 1 A, 328 A, 440 C, D, 444 B, D, , 05 , , .

^
C, 328
445 D, 449 B, D. 7 . 1

265 . 05 .
'AXe^avSpeta 53 A, 72 D, 97 C,



321 A, 372 D, 436 c, 460 C.

I05 A.
68
416

,
D.

1 69 C, 32 1 B, C.
A,

^
^ 8,.208
196
C.

C,
^21 D.
C.

449 •

" 249 D, 268


(in Pisidia) C, 69 C.

^(
1

^€ 360 A.
321
']^ , 97 , C, 321 C.

"
C.
97 C,
lOO ,
,
evdaipoves 169 C.
85 A, 169 C, 272 A.
85 A, 1 05
1 69
A,
C, 32 1 A, 324 A.
I05 C.

.
€2 04
1
05 ,
.7
85 , ,
D.
D,
y]^

97

304
,
,
.
417

169
C.

C, 453 .


.


lOO A, 1 84 D. 272

105 ,
53 , 85 A, D, 88
8. . 8
.
C.
97
05 .
"€ 84 D.
35^ ^•

'
169 C.
452 D. 89 ,
117 .
85 , C, 04 , 09 C, 1 69 C, 109 C.
453 , 456 D.
85 C, 3^8 D, 3^9 . 1 69 C.
05 . 169 .
'
368 INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE TEXT
92 , l6l D, 20I B, 217 B, *', 268 ,
288 D, 3^8 D, 396 ,

^
ei passim. 397 456 .
'E5e> 117 B, 452 A. log C, 112 D, II3D, 121 C,
y^ A. e/ passim.
. 201 A, 263 A, , 269 .

'
85 C, 1 69 . 26.

" 197 D, 200


'EWadLKOL 85 , 109 C.

"
log c, 457 ,

l6g C.
I04 , 321 D.
D.
.

gOD, 1 36 , \?>gO^ei passim.


46

I05 , 1 41 A, 1 96 ,
*
passim.
85
97 , 69 C.

.
04 .
140
1

140 , 26, 241 D, et passim.


C, D, ^, 144 , ^^

248 . 48 .
85 D. 05 .
452 . l6g , 445 ^) 44^ , 449 •
8
"
C, 456 ^• Kara 292 C.
89 , 104 , 117 . 1 69 C.
304 , 429 C. 241 .

^ 292 , 304 D, 373


268 .
. 04 .
433 .


?
05 .
Ziyyiov 88
26 1 .

05 .
,.
II 6
85 .
97
.
C.
1
88
84 D•
97, C.

€€ 69
85 .
.
304 C, 3^3 , 3^6 D.

?
04 ,
ig6
136 C.
.
169 C.
1 05 , 8 C.

/
€$•
^ 85 , 04 . 3^4 C.

^
117 .
397 . 26 D, 300 , 304 C, 3^7 ,
97 • 349 , 409 .
113 C, 209 , 4^0 , 68 .
453 1^•
^
305 ,457 .
igy ,, C, 396 C. 305 .
72 C, 217 , 221 C, ^/ 1 04 .

passi7/1.
) 8, 85 , 104 , 428 C.

" 348 .
372 D.
{ , 3' 7 )

05 .
32 1 C, 436

457 .
.

)
i6g C.
96 C, 97 ) ^1 441 C, 44^ , 105 C.

^ 449 , 452 .
(
88
l6g
.
.
05
85 C.
85 C,
C.

04 , 09 C, 169 C.
117 ,
444 , 445 ^^^ 456 D•
, 449 , D, 452 .
*16,
448
96 C, 97 , 117 ,
' y]2 D.
77 C.

^ 169 , 445 .
85 C, 96 D, II 6 15, 169 , 445 , ,
449 .
117 , 448 , 449 .
217 C, 221 C.
? 04 .
44^ .
96 C.
1

113 C, D, 263 .
8 INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE TEXT
140 .
2l6 .
'
'
'
'
'
105
200
.
.
.
369

'
321 D. 85
MuKedoves I 12 I). , 85 , 321 C, D.

.€
'
MaKcdovia 460 A. 1 84 D.
169 , 460 . C, 112 D, 113 , ^, D,

3 .,
MaXe 169 A, 445 D, 448 A, 449 B. 156 D, 109 C, 224 ) 240 , 304
9^ ,


448 A. 85 D, 88 ,

€ 117 A.
'?
449 D•

'€
69 C.

' 448 D.
1

321 C, 324 A. 44^ C.


Meppa 1 97 D, 200 A. 97 , 289 .


McTLve 105 A.
04 C, 169 1 C.
,
8..

452
I04 C. 1 05 C, C.
85 . 44^

' , 6 , 276 .
I09 A, 112 A, 1 69 40I A,
456 D. , 33^ ,
8,
317 C, 333 C.

/
NeiXos•
117
174

B.
293 C, 296 A.
416 C, D.
-'^•

293 C, 296
53 A, 89 A, 100 D,

97 .
.
105 A,
(^(
€4
-
05 ,
97

97 .
136 C.
1 05

448
04
C,

.
D.
,
D.

449 .
C.
105 C, 8.

169 C.
€€ 85 C.

448 A,
85
452 A.
C,

lOO A, 328 A, 449 D.


97 D, 1 05 B, I08 C,
'
/ ,
253 D.
141 248
D, 445
.
()2 ,
,
140
448

,
,
200
449 C

,,

/ \.
449 .
97 , 449 D.
169 , 449 .

328 D [see also -


1

209 C.
445 D, 448
8
85
, 228
,
05 .
igj D.
6,
,
,
C,
449 .
204 C,

169 C, 264
205 C,

^ 8, 1 69 C, 221 . 1 04 C.
1 04 . 321 C, 324 .

'
?
113
44^
69 C.
97
.
>
104C, 44^ ,
C.

et passim. - 04
2>73
109 C,,
.
1 05 .
1 69 C.

, ,

-
Hepaappevia 89 A, II7 . D, 97 69

?
1

1 69 , .
445
].
^ 97 ,
85 D, 88 , ()6 C,
117 ) 1^4 D, 448 .
{)
1 05 [see also
D, 97 445 D. ,

^
73 ,
84 D, D, 97 D, , 1 04 D, 05 .

' 04
44 , ,
C, 113 ^? 1^9
449 C, D.
249 ^? 208 D, 3^0
321 D.
44^
445 C, D,

.
,
.
89

217
457
,
,
.
117

45^
.
04 .
C.

88 .
'VaWov D, 197 . 109 C.

W. 24
370 INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN THE TEXT
1 84 D. 1 69 C.

200 . 73 , 1 3^ , ,
€( 117 ,44^ \ 449 ^h 45^
3^4 C.
. 397 D, 453 1^•
360 .
24 1 328 D,

217 1^7 457 1^• 85 C, 237 •


85 ,04 , 1 69 C. 20 .
4// 197 C.

GENERAL INDEX

^
{References in ordinary tyPe are to marginal numbers ift the texl^
those in italics to pages.)

Abyssinia v.Ai^ioTTta and Inscriptions Anarajapoora 333, 334.


at Adulis. 44^ A.
Adanitae j^j. Angabe 34/.
Addago J4J. Angels, creation of 149 A; functions
Ade-Gada J40. of 8, 117 D, 124 B, 152 D, 301 c,
Aden 343—4. 405 D, 429 A ; place of abode of S,
Adoua 341. 361 c, 412 B, 422 A.
Adulis J, 10, 336,
Aeila 337.
Aeizanas 34.0.^ 344.
Agame 340.
Agatharcides jj/.
(
Annine 342.
Antelope 33/.
V. Carbuncle.
Antichrist 229 D.
Antichthones 332.
Agathias 333. Antioch, earthquake at 68 B, 333.
Agau JJ7, 340. Antipodes S, , 56 C, 64 B, 65

"
C,
Agazi 340. 132 A, 192 picture of 34/.
;

341. Aphrodisias 333.


Agincourt (d') 16. Apion 33/.
V. Yak. (planet) 381 D.

8
Ailane 33/.
Aina 342.
Akabah 33/.

Albatross 88
Alemanni
453 D, JJ/.

16.
448
C.

Alexander Polyhistor 33/.


Alexandria 3, earthquakes
, 33J.

at 68 A, B,
Apollodorus 33/.
Apollonius of Rhodes, Scholiast on

Ares 344.
Molon 33/.
Arabitae 336, 343.
Archangels, functions of 132

" (planet) 60 A.
Arethas 33S.
Arians 333 B.
C.
2.

SSJ- Aristotelians 59 c.
Aloes 445 D. Ark (Noah's) 84 D, 92 c, 96 A,
6,
Ambrosius 10. 136 c, 232 B, 452 D.
Amda (or Anda) 33S. Ark of testimony, 161 A, 201 D.
Amethyst 445 c, 448 B. Armenians, conversion of 343.
88 D. V. Rhinoceros.
Ananias of Shi rag 34/. Arousi 343.
GENERAL INDEX 371

Arragon, king of /, with 334 ;


pearl fisheries at 333 ;

Arsinoe jjS. V. also Taprobane, Sielediba and


Arts, invention of 172 B. Ruby.
As 'ad J40. Chaeremon 33"/.
2 I 3 A. Chair at Adulis with inscription
Astaboras j^t. 101 B, 104 c.
Astronomy, bks. I and vi passim. Chaldaea, kings of 33'/.


Atbara j»^/. 452 C, 453 C, 45^ C.
Athagaus ^4.1. Cliaul (Chenwal) 334.
Athanasius, Festal letters of p, ^d, Chaveris 333.
161 B, 372 D, 416 B. China 333.
Atlantis jj/. v. Hog-deer.

(
Axum
(Aiir;)

Aualites J41.
204
J, 10,
341.

A.
335 foil, 340 foil.
Christ, his conception 193 B, 196 D;
birth 197 A, 289 C

144 B, 165
;
earthly life
288 C temptation 288 c miracles
transfiguration 257 b;
;

passion 124B, 193 D, 273 A; resur-


;

Babel, tower of 136D. rection 261 A foil., 304 ascension ;

Bab-el- andeb j», 333. 288 D, 440 D second coming 312 D,


;

Banana jj/. 332 two natures of 128 A, 333 B.


;

Baptism 221 B, 248 A, 289 ; for the Christianity, nations converted to


dead 352 A. >, 9,^ 344.
Barbaria 333. Chronicon Paschale 24.
Basena 342. Chrysostom 22.
Bayet 2y. Cinaedocolpitae 343.

^
Beazley
342.
Bells, the
-?, 5 and
golden 213
passi?n.

B.
Circle, squaring of 176B.
Circumcision 76
Clysma 34/.
c.

Bentotte 333. Cochin-China 333.

^
Berosus 336
Blemyes 343.

^ 342.
34^•

Brachmans 333.
Bud fat tan 333.

2 1
7.

3 C
Coco-nuts 12, 444 D, 331.
Coleridge 13.
Cone, shadow cast by 324
Constantmus 4.
Cosmas, his name 2 his travels j,
13, 14; a monk? 3; a Nestorian?
4, 23 works of 4, 3 date of Topo-
;
;

;
B.

Buffalo 348. graphy 3, 338, 333 subject of T. ;

Busbeck 20. 6 foil. ; veracity of // ideas of ;

science 8, 14 MSS. of 13 foil. ;


Commentary on Psalms 21 —3
;

Caber 333. ;

Cadiz 333. Cosmas and Chron. Pasch. 24]


Caicus II. marginal notes 26 — 29 ; illustra-
Caleb 338. tions /d, 2/, 348; spelling and
Calliana 334. grammar 30—32 ; v. also Topo-
Canals, dug by Ptolemy 104 c, 33g. graphy.
Carbuncle 452 B, 334. Cotinussa 333.
Caspian sea 334. Cupping-glass 68 C.
Catholic epistles 372 373 B. D—
Qeyam 341. Day and night 185 D.
Ceylon j>, 10 derivation of name jj^;
; Death, why inflicted 220 C, 226 C

\
;

various names of 332 size and ; how introduced 288 B.


shape of 333-, position of 333; Demetrius Phalereus 338.
Christianity in 343 conversion of ; Dhii Nuwas 338.
343 early travellers to /o, 11
; ;
248 D.
Julian's treaty with /o, // trade ; Diassorinos (J.) 22.

24-
372 GENERAL INDEX
Dibou j^2. Eunuch of Candace 265 B, 343, 346.

8
Dillmann.j^o and passim in notes. Eunuchs 400 D.
Diodorus of Sicily lo. Eusebius .
„ of Tarsus 416. Evagrius 333.
Dioscorides j^j. Exodus, the 196 B, 329 mentioned ;

205 A. by Egyptian writers 453 D.


Dittenberger j2, J4.0 and passim in
notes. Fathers, cosmographical ideas of the
Diul-Sind jj^. church (5, 7.
Divi 332, 333. Fezzan 346.
Dolphin 445 A, j^p, Firmament 305 c, 420 c and passim.
Dorotheus 3. Flood 93 c, 164 c, 192 mentioned ;

Dugong V. Seal. by writers on Chaldaea 453 B.


Dumb barter /j, 14, 100 B, jj/. V. Seal.
Dwipa R a van a 332. Foloe 33/.
Dwipa Sukhadara 343. Fontenelle, le Bovier de 7.
Frumentius 346.
Earth, shape of 6 one here and one ;

beyond the ocean 84 c, 453 ;


Gabaza 16, 33/.
divided among the sons of Noah Gades, southern 348.
85 A divided into three continents
; 64 A.
85 c; length and breadth of 97 A, Gambela 341.
333 flat 325 A
; made of four ; Garamantes 346.
elements 129 A; why not made in Gardthausen 16, 26.
one d.iy 153C; not eternal 176C; Garrucci 16.
not suspended in air 65 A. 445 C, 333.
Earthquakes 65 D, 129 C, 333. Gaza 340.
Easter 172 a, 437 D. V. Gaza.
Eclipses 60 a, 168 a, I72A, i88a, Giraffe /2, 348, 441 D.
313 c, 321 B, 405 B, 461 A. Glanvill 7.
Egyptian temples 6. Glaser 336 and passim in notes.
Ela 33. Gold mines 100 B.
Ela Asbeha 338. Gospel of infancy p, 144 B.
Ela Auda 340. Goths, conversion of to Christianity
Ela Azguagua 340. 346, 34/ to Arianism 34/.
;

Ian a 337. Gravitation, law of, illustrated 80 B.


Elath 33. Greeks, invective against 458 C and
Elements, the four 60 c, 64 c, 69 B, passitu relapse into infidelity
;

129 A fire and water 421 A a fifth


; ; 460 D.
60 c. Gulfs, the four 148 B, 184 D.
Elephants 104 B, 418 D, 419 C, jjp,
349, 336. Halai 341.
Elesbaas v. Ellatzbaas. Harris 336.
Ellatzbaas 4, 11, 338. Hawa 341.
Elwa j^/. Heavenly bodies 117C, 148c; motions
Embryons, dying in the womb, fate of 128c; course of, bk. IX.
of 2>77 C. Heavens, indissoluble 344 D fixed ;

Emeralds 336. 60 D, 65 A number of d, 164 D,


;

Ephthalites 336. 189 A, 344 A not spherical 313 C,


;

Epicycles 119D. 432 c duration of, bk. vii.; glued


;

Epiphanius 19, 334, 342. to earth 81 A.


Epiphany 197 A — c. (planet) 381 D.
Etheria 30. Heruli 346.
Ethiopia j>, 77, 344 ; conversion of Hieroglyphs, Egyptian, symbols not
34^' letters 137 d.
GENERAL INDEX 373

Hippopotamus 444 c, 12^ j>j/. Kpuk (planet) 61 C, 193 B.

Hog-deer 444 c, 351. (planet) 381 D.


Homeritae j, 336, 33S, 343; con-
version of 346. Laccadives 333.
Horses, Persian, imported to Ceylon La Croze (M. V. dc) 4
^
449 c, 336. Lambecius 20.
v. Amethyst. Lanka 332.
Huns 333, 343, 336. Lasine 342.
Lassen 3.
lambulus /o, //, 333. Last a 342.
Illustrations to Cosmas' text /<5, Latonpolis, inscription at 33Q.
27. Lazi 346.
India j», conversion oi 344 6 Jews — ;
AcvKT] 343-
in 343', Nestorians in 343; visits AevKoytjv 343-
of Thomas and Bartholomew to 88 A, 97 C foil.

344—5• I 1 7 .
Indiction 321 A, 437 c, D. Ludolf 340.
Inscriptions, at Adulis loi A foil., Lysimachus 33/.
338 foil. on rocks at Sinai /o,
;

217 A; on walls of inns 217 A; at MacCrindle 4, j, 31 and passiin in


Latonpolis jjp. notes.
YovhaiKO. 460 . Magi 261 D.
Israelites, how fed and clothed in Magistris (Simon de) 23.
wilderness 216 c. Mahrem 344.
Malaya 333.
Jaimur 334. Malcato 338.
Jasper 452 B. Maldives 333, 334.
John Climacus 2. Male 334.
Josephus 334, 336—8. Man, created in God's image 152 D,
Judgment, last 357 B. 153C; upright figure of 156 D.
Junilius Africanus 23. Manetho 337.
Justinus 3. Mangarouth (Mangalor) 333.
Maniolae 333.
Kalaa 341. 200 A.
Kalah 333, 334. Mantotte 333, 333.
Kalawe 341. Marallo 333.
Kalyana 334. Mara war 333.
v. Giraffe. Marginal notes in MSS. of Cosmas
445 D. 26, 2g.
v. Muskdeer. Marignolli (Giovanni dei) 331.
Kasu 336. Maundeville g, 331.
Kaveripattam 333. Maximus ig.
Kellar 20.
Kennedy

Kinana 343.
Kinda 343.
Kings, book
I
(J.)
17

321 C;
4^ 10.
.

of, how written 276


diagram oi 34/.
c.
^
Menas j,
Mercati 24.

^
Mercy

Metine 342.
v.
14.

seat 161 A, 201 D.


193 D, 3^5 D.
Silk.

448 D, 336.
Kohaito 341. Millennium 317 A.
Koloe 33/, 341. Mithras, worship of 165 A.
Kondakoff 13, 16, ij. Mommsen 340.
Koteis 346. Money, Roman, current everywhere
448 A. 1 16 A; Roman versus Persian /^,
Krall 3. 448 D.
374 GENERAL INDEX
Months, cycle of 404 A foil. Periplus maris Erythraei //, JJ4 and
Moon, circle of 404 D ; created at passim in notes.
the full 425 D. Persia, conversion of 346 sends ;

Moscophagi ^40. bishop to Ceylon 445 C.


Mountain in north <5, 185 D foil. Persian empire, vicissitudes of

Moza
i6.
jj6.
Miiller (D. H.) jj6 and passim in
(€113 c, D.
v. Carbuncle.
Photius /, 2, 6, S, II.
notes. Plagues of Egypt 140 c foil.
Miiller (Karl) jj8 and passim in Planets 381 D, 408 motions ;
of
notes. 61 c.
Muir J. Point de Galle ^^4.
Music, instruments of 248 C. Polo (Marco) 7/, 12, 345, 34g, 350,
Musk 444 B, S4.g. 353-, 354-, 356•
Musk-deer 12^ 444 a, 445 D, J4g. Pomegranates, the golden 213 B.
Muziris 10. Poudapatana 333.
Prester John 333.
Nalopatana jjj. Priests' raiment 212 D.
vapyiXkiov 444 D, JJ"/• Prophets, book of, how written
Nativity, date of 197 A. 276 A — c.
11/ . Propitiation, ark of 209 D.
Nephranians jjS. Psalms, contents of, and how com-
Nephthalites jj6. posed 249 c foil. sung in all;

Nestorian church j^j. churches 260 A.


Niese jjp. Psellus 23.
Nile, blue 10, jjy. Pseudo-Dorotheus 24.
Noldeke jj8. Pseudo-Palladius 10.
448 D, J^6. —
Ptolemies 338 g; conquests of jjp.
Nonnosus //, J41. Ptolemy Physcon 338.
Northern regions, uninhabitable 88 c; Punishments, the future 285 A, 313 B.
lofty 88 c.
Quirinus, church of St 437 D.
Omont (H.) /p, 22.
Onesicritus jjj. Rain,how produced 68 b, 129 b.
Orrhotha jj^. Red Sea 343.
( = the palate) 421 C. Resurrection 288 D, 316 c, 336 c,
349 c foil.
Palaeographical Society i^;, 16. Rewards, nature of future 284 C,
Palaesimundus ^§2. 305 D, 317 A.
Pamphilus 5, 26. Rhaithou j», 338.
Papadopoulos-Kerameus

\€
Pappus 2.
212 .
Paradise, position of 84 C, 96 C, 117 B,
ig. Rhapsii 343.
Rhapta 334, 343.
Rhausi 343.
Rhinoceros 12^ 441 B, 34/', confused
jjj expulsion from and Passion
; with unicorn 330; hostility of ele-
on 6th day 124 B. phant \.o 348; Tigre name oi 348.
Passover 193 A. Ricci (S. de) ig.
Patricius 4. 445 A, 33 1.
Paul's Ep. to Hebrews written in Roman empire 113 A.
Hebrew and trans, by Luke or Rossetti 8.
Clement 305 b. Ruby of Ceylon 12, 445 c, 334.
Pentapolis J46.
Pepper 169 A, 444 D, 448 A, jj/. Sabaeans 336.
Pepper-country j^2. Saimur 334.
Pepper-tree 444 d, J4S, jji. Saint-Martin jj/and/i'r.f.f//// in notes.
GENERAL INDEX
Salike j^2. €6 57 D, 375 C.
375

^.
Salopatana jjj. Spartel, cape 346.
Salt 334. Spheres, the nine 189D, 381 D.
Samidi jjy. Stars,motion of 8, 60 D foil.
Sandalwood 445 D, JJ4. Stephen of Antioch 14.
Sarapammon, church of St 437 C. Stornaiolo /6.
Sasu jj6, 337. Strabo 10.
Saurashtra 334. 205 A.
Schermann j», 24. Strzygovvski ig, 20.
Schoa 337. Subahlika 333.
Scholasticus j, /o, //, 336. Subara 333.
Seal 12, 445 A, 348, 33 1. Suez V. Clysma and
Seleucus 338, 33g iambic verses of ; Sufalah 333.
Basil to y]2i A. Suidas 2.
Self-identity 353 B. Sun 381 D; size of, bk. vr,; circle of
Semen, mountains of 342. 404 D; daily course of 89 B, 188 A,
Septuagint, composition of 460 B. 424 c.
Serendib 332. Suppara (Supera) 333.
Seres 333. Surastrene 334.
Serinda 332. Surat 334.
Serou 330.
Sesame 445 i), 334. Tabernacle, prepared by Moses 56 c
Sesea 336, 343. foil.; description of 192 D foil.;
Severianus of Gabala 7. outer and inner 208 C entry 208 C; ;

Shadows, various lengths of 321 C; curtain 201 D, 204 a court 212 c;


;

shapes of 323 c retrogression of, ; veil 209 D pillars 264


;
table ;

on Hezekiah's dial 393 c. 201 D; pattern of the world 6,


Shewbread, typifying months 401 C, 72 D, 81 B, 201 a, 205 c; tribes
408 A table of 6.
; round signified months 408 A.
Sibor 334. rayxapas lOOC, 337.
aiy 205 A. Taka 342.
Sigye 340. Takazze 34/.
Sielediba 332; v. also Ceylon and 436 A.
Taprobane. Tamraparni 332.
Silk 97 A, 445 D, 334. Tangaites 342.
Silk trade, routes of 333. Taprobane 332 and v. Ceylon and
Silvia 30. Sielediba.
Simoundou 332. Tartarus 336 B.
Simylla 334. Tartessus 333.
Sinae 333. 44 C, 34^• 1

Sinai J»; inscriptions at 217 a. Temple of Jerusalem 145 A, C, 168 c,


Sindou 334. 460 B.
Smyrna, MS. of C at 2. Tennent 3.
Socotra j, 343 Christianity ; in 343 ;
Theodore, church of St 436 D.
Nestorianisin in 343. Theodore of Mopsuestia ./, d, 24.,
Sofalat al-Dhab 337.
Solate 343. Theodosius of Alexandria 3.
Solomon ( = Solon)
338. Theodotion 9, 334.
Sopatrus 3, 14, 333. Theophania, church of 436 C.
Sorath 334. Theophilus 343 6. —
Souls, pre-existence of 384 c nature ; Thomas of Edessa 4.
149 C circumscription of 72 A,
; Tiamo 341.
132 transsumption of 336 B,
; Timaeus 336, 337.
384 c. Timothy 3.
Sousa 336. Tingis 346.
376 GENERAL INDEX
Tongues, the gift of 296 D. World, creation of 125 D foil. shape
;

Topography, Christian, recension of, of, bk. IV., JJ7 roundness of,
;

after Cosmas' death 2^,28', addition denied 58 D, 125 B, 128 c foil., in-
to by editor 26; bks. XI. xil. not — consistent with the kingdom of
part oi 2^. heaven 336 B, 384 theory of
;

Tor Rhaithou.
V. roundness invented by Chaldaeans
Torre (Nicholas de la) ig. ^35 B? 138 c, handed on by them
444 A, J4g. to the Egyptians and from them
Tree of knowledge 413 B, 425 A; of to the Greeks 135 B, suggested by
life 224 D, 413 B. Pythagoras j^/, supported by Aris-
Travellers, early, to Ceylon /o, //. totle etc. 34^.
Trinity 308 D, 333 c. Writing, introduced by Moses 207 A;
Trinquemale j^^. practised by Hebrews in desert
Troglodytae /o, 336, jjg. 217 A; taught by Hebrews to
Trojan war 460 A. Phoenicians 217 B, by Phoenicians
Tryphon 338. to Greeks 217B.
Tsijamo v. Tiamo.
Tsocha J42. Yak 444 c, 348, 34g.
Turtle 445 A, J49. Year, length of 404 c.
Tyrian antiquities 456 c. Yeha 341.
Tzana J40. Yemen 338, 342, 344.
Tzigam J40. Yetas (Yueichi) 336.
Yule J, 8.
Unger /j.
Unicorn 12^ 444 B, j^o. Zaa 342.
Urim and thummim 213 A. Zabedj 333.
Zevs• (planet) 60 D, 61 D, 381 D.
Van Kloeden J42. Zia Zingaren 341.
Varthema ^50. Zingabene 341.
Victor, church of St 437 B. Zinji 334, 33Y.
Vincent j», j6. Zodiac 61 C, 408 A.
Voss 2, 334. Zone, torrid 324 B.
Zoscales 340.
Walls joining heaven and earth 81 A. Zula jjd, 338
Woman, creation of 157D.

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS,


Plate I

-ro*

r€

*i^I•

From
The waters above
L, fol. 91, after ^
the firmament.

(p. 128, 1. 22).


[Reproduced by permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's
Dawn of Modern Geography.']
The firmament. Plate II

[Reproduced
From
l)y
7
L, iol. 90'', after (, 128, 1. 30).
permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's
Dawn of Geography.'\

The world and the pillars of heaven. Plate III


From
L, fol. 92, after rti/os (p. 129, 1. 21).
[Reproduced by permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's
Dawn of Modern Geography. '\
«

r— 1 " >, .

\
jQ.T,'™T^,'^:1ifiilteil,l^'**^.'ay^ ** ^^ C^W^ «^jOCr'aiS^,
*=*»

The world and the ocean. Plate 1''

From L, fol. 93, at the top, after (p. 130, 1. 2).


[Reproduced l:)y permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's
Dawn of Modern Geography. ^

From
The mountain
L, fol. 95, after ?
in the north.

(p. 132, 1.

[Reproduced by permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's
12).
Plate V

Dawn of Modern Geography .'\


The universe. Plate VI
From L, fol. 95^, after (p. 132, 1. ii).
[Reproduced by permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's
Dawn of Modern GeograpJiy.'l

Map of the world and paradise. Plate VII


From L, fol. 92"^', after roibvhe (p. 130, 1. 2).
[Reproduced by permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's
Dawn of Geography.^
Plate VIII

The antipodes.

From L, fol. 98'^, at the end of bk. iv. (p. 135, 1. 12).

[Reproduced by permission of the author and the Clarendon Press from Beazley's
Dazun of Modern Geography.']
Plate IX

>i » c ^ <•
I

-*• :

-rp -TTtBo/y • c*i> or *.* c*r r^f^l


I

From L,
The sun and
fol. 189^, after }
the climes.

(p. 234, 1. 24).


Plate

The two storeys of the universe

From L, fol. 195^', after (p. 24 , 1. 30).


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Plate XIV

Coco-nuts.

From L, fol. 270, illustrating p. 321, 1. 1.


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Cosmas Indicopleustes

^ONlifWAl INSTITUTE OF
MEDIAEVAL STUUIES
59 QUEEN'S
PARK CRESCENT
TORONTO-5, CANADA
19288

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