A

This book

is

DUE

on the

last date stan---'^ '-^low

sour
UNiVERShV

icrt,

UALIFORNIA,

LIBRARY,
O-DS ANGELES, CALIF.

THE

riiiLiprics
OF

DEMOSTHENES.
Mit!) Introbiutions
ant)

^otcs.

FOR THE USE OF COLLEGES.

By
3

^Y. S.

TYLEE,

WILLISTON PROFESSOR OF GREEK IN AMHERST COLLEGE.

, " J o -1 >
'

'
1

> '

,1

1.

ALLYN AND BACON

IBostou nnD Cl)irago

5068G

Copyright,

1875.

Bv

JOHN ALLTM.

PAB

.*

fl

yorluooU 53rfS3
Berwick
ji

Smitli,

Nurwood, Mass., U.S.A.

P
^
rr

PREFACE.
^

This edition of the Philippics -wns intended to be the

sequel and companion of the Olynthiacs, already published,

and to be bound with that or

option of those
^

in

a separate volume, at the

who nse

it.

Little, therefore,

need now be
ex-

added by way of pretace.

With comparatively few

it

ceptions, sufficiently explained in the notes,

follows the

same
t

text,

namely, that of Bekker in Tauchnitz's stereo;

ty^d

edition

and the introductions and notes have been

same purpose, on the same general plan, and with substantially the same German and English ediprepared
for the

'C

tions before

me

for i-eference

and comparison.

The Amer-

ican edition of Dr. J.

M. Smead has also been frequently

consulted, and has never failed to impress

me

with a high

respect for the faithful labors

of the editor.
obligations, in
I

and the thorough scholarship

take pleasure also in acknowledging with

all

my

common

the teachers and students

of Greek in our American colleges, to Dr.

Champlin as the

pioneer American editor of

so

many
so

of the oratious of De-

mosthenes.

My

chief

aim has been, not

much

to trace out

names

IV

PREFACE.
facts,

and dates and obscure

in

and

settle

disputed questions

geography, history, archaeology, or higher criticism, as

to help the student follow the argument, catch the spirit,

imbibe the sentiments, take on the

life

style,

enter into the

It is

and

labors, of the great

Athenian

orator.

hoped

that the general and

of the argument,

special introductions, the analysis

graph or division,

and the summary prefixed to each parawill conduce not a little to this end. In
book
is

short, the design of the

tion,

not criticism, but educa-

and that not

to teach the teacher, but to guide

I

and

inspire the pupil.

never read these orations, especially

since our late war, without a

their adaptation to

new and

vivid impression of
in

warn and instruct us

our country

and our
all ages,

age, of their educational value to all countries

and

of their fitness and their power to teach the

young

especially, not only rhetorical

and

intellectual,

but
if

political

and moral lessons of unspeakable value.

And

the young

men who

read this edition of the Philippics

may

thus not

only be imbued with something of the eloquence of Demosthenes, but also inspired with his detestation of bribery,
corruption, oppression, and all wrong, and his

supreme

de-

votion to liberty, duty, honor, and right,

my

object will

have been accomplished, and

vain.

I shall

not have labored in

Amhebst College,

August, 1875.

INTRODUCTION,
Although
and printed
the Olynthiacs stand
editions of the entire
first

in the manuscripts

works of Demosthenes, the first Philippic preceded them some two or three years in the delivery, and is acknowledged to have been the
earliest

of his orations wliich have

distinct reference to

Philip of Macedun.
since,

8ome twelve

years had

now

elapsed

had prosecuted his guardians for maladministration, and, by his speeches against Aphobus in the dicastery, had not only won the verdict of the court, but, what was of more value, gained some confidence in himself and developed that hatred against wrong which ever after burned as a fire in his bones. Owto

on coming

his majority, he

ing to his defective articulation and disagreeable delivery,

he had ignominiously failed in his first appearance before the people ; but instructed by the comic actor, Satyrus, and encouraged by others of his audience, who saw in him the

germs of an eloquence not inferior to that of Pericles, he withdrew, and, after several years of the most painstaking and persevering self-culture, returned to win -a splendid
triumph and chain victory to his car. Three years before the first Philippic
(b. c.

355) he had

delivered his oration against Leptines, which, although a judicial oration, involved a public question of much inter-

VI

INTRODUCTION.

namely, that of the Lituryits, or charges for the public entertainments, and which was followed by the repeal of the law introduced by Leptines and opposed by Demosest,

thenes.
first

Two years before (b. c. 354) he had delivered his parliamentary or popidar harangue before the assembled people, the Oration De Symmoriis, in which, wdiile he earnestly dissuades the Athenians from an aggressive, needless,

w-ere inclined, at the

and inexpedient war against the Persians, to which they same time, with the insight and fore-

sight of a true statec^mau, he urges them to the adoption of such a plan of classijicatluii and contribution to the j)iMic
service as

would prepare them for any and every public emergency, thus perhaps already intending (as Dionysius of lialicarnassus says, Ehet., VIII. 7), although he was too
wise to

make

a premature disclosure of tins chief end, to

rally the resources

husband and

of his

country for the

great struggle witii a nearer and more dangerous enemy, This earliest of the popular orations Philip of Macedon.

of Demosthenes,
tlie

though he was then a young man at most of thirty-three years, according to Grote and thus shows much Curtius only thirty years of age,*

of

the

same

practical

wisdom and discernment

whole career
;

of

men
this

and things

w'hicli mai"k his

and from

time his history becomes identihed with the history of Athens, and inseparably connected with that of all the
other

Grecian

states.

Curtius's

admirable

chapters

on
for

"Athens and King Philip" and the "Last Struggles

Independence" (Vol. V., Chap.
*
III.

and IV)

are all strung,

Auiliorities differ about the date of Demosthenes's birth by a period See (besides coninientaries, lives of of four years, from b. C. 385 to 381. Demosthenes, and dictionaries of biography) Thirlwall's History of Greece,

Chap. XLIII. v., Chap. III.

Grote, Vol. XI., Chap.

LXXXVII.

and Curtius, Vol.

INIUODUCTIOX.
like

Vll

heads on a
is

tliread,

on

tlio
ol'

life

of

the .same

suhstantially time

Tliirlwall, Grute,

Demosthenes; and and all the

hest authorities on this i)ortion of fJrecian history.

The

next year (n. c. 353) he imuh; liis s]i(M'ch Pro Megalopoliluiiis, ill whii-h he stems in like iiiiuiiicr the pupiilar current of hatred against the Thehans, and advises the Athenians to maintain the existing status at Megalopolis and in

the Peloponnesus, thus consciously or unconsciously reservso far as ing the united strength of Athens and Thehes, and

with their compossible of all Greece, for the hnal conilict

mon enemy.
Macedon seven Philip had already heeii on the throne of and during six of these years he had been or eight years, encroaching on the possessions or allies of Athens
steadily

in Northern

Greece.
all

Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidisa, and

into
his

Methone had
all

fallen

Thessaly, was virtually in Athenians were in a perpetual

at

his

hands; Pherse, Pagasaj, and the possession

;

explicit

open war. Yet in all mention of him

with him, if not this time we find no direct and

cj^uarrel

in the extant orations of

Demosking

thenes.

The Athenians were slow

to believe that a

of Macedon, the disputed sovereign of a nation of Northern barbarians who had hitherto been no match for the Olyn-

thians and their immediate neighbors, and were scarcely allowed access to the sea at any point, could be formi-

dable to the military power of Athens or dangerous to the liberties of Greece.* But Greece, weakened by divis-

by mutual jealousies, and almost exhausted by civil wars, was no longer th.e Greece that hurled back The Peloponthe millions of Persia, baflled and rained. nesian "War (b. c. 431 - 404) had impaired the Hellenic
ions, distracted
spirit

cian

states.

and used up the resources of both the leading GreThe Theban ^^'ar, ending with the death

VIU

INTRODUCTION.

of Epaminondas, b. c. 3G2, had weakened and luindjled The Social "War, between the Athenians and their Sparta.
allies,

and power.
at

had stripped Athens of no small portion of its wealth The Sacred or Phocian War, which was raging this time, was still more fatal in its consequences, rous-

ing almost all Greece to arms and opening the way for the direct and authorized interference of Philip in Grecian
affairs.

Strong in

hiinself, in his person, his

native genius,

and

his accidental training in the school of

Epaminondas,

strong in his autocratic power, his brave and disciplined army, and his growing navy, Philip was still stronger in the

weakness and divisions of those

gate.

whom

he meant to subju^

Athens, where he most feared resistance to his am-

was no longer the Athens that Miltiades, and Aristides animated to heroic sacrifice? Themistocles, Arms had and led to glorious victories over the Persians.
bitious projects,

given place to

arts.

The Acropolis

glittered witli

temple?

and

tlieatres

which excited the envy and tempted the cupid-

ity of tlieir neighbors, while the people were engrossed with

The military fund a succession of spectacles and festivals. was alienated to the maiutenancte of magnificent shows, and The which they drew show-money from the public treasury, and the rich contributed relucMercenary troops had been tantly to the public service. their reliance in war till they had almost forgotten that
it

was made a crime even

to propose its restoration.

poor clung tenaciously to the

went in person to the field of battle. From such a people Philip had little to fear, unless some master from spirit of patriotism and eloquence could rouse them
citizens ever

their lethargy.

He

early

saw and remarked that the

battle

was not with the Athenians, but with Demosthenes.

If

not the earliest to discover the danger, Demosthenes was the first to proclaim it openly and boldly to his sleeping

INTRODUCTION.
countrymen.

IX

The

first

for the liberty of Greece attempted march of Philip

great occasion of immediate alarm and their own sa ety was the

now acting ostensibly as the of the Amphictyonic Council and the avenrepresentative at Delphi in the Sacred War through the ger of the god of Thermopylae for the subjugation or extermination pass This was prevented by the of the sacrilegious Phocians.

an Athenians, who, awakened from their lethargy, despatched and so fortified and armament of such formidable strength,
did not attempt to furce his guarded the pass, that Philip But he went on strengthening his infantry it. way through

and

quests

and extending his concavalry, building up a navy, in Thrace till his attack on the 'Hpaiov Tei^os, a forcolonists

tress so near the

and

there were

Chersonese that the Athenian possessions thus threatened, again aroused

voted to equip a fleet of forty
citizens, all
tri-

their fears.

Then they
it

remes, to

man

with Athenian

persons up to

the age of forty-five being

liable to serve in the expedition,

But to raise an extraordinary tax of sixty talents. while the armament was in preparation, news came to Athens that Philip was sick, and then that he was dead
and
;

and then they gave up the expedition (01., III. 4, 5). It was under these circumstances* (b. c. 352, 351) that Demosthenes ascended the bema and delivered his first
the Athenians to necessitate Philippic, in which he urged of Philip to his own country and keep him the return
there

by sending

a fleet to hover along the coast,

and

also
deliv-

* Grote and apparently Curtius suppose the oration to have been

ered in the interval between the magnificent vote and the almost farcical Thirl wall places it prior to the vote execution of it, early in B. C. 351. But he is obliged to suppose the reports of Philip's sickness or (352).

death alluded to in this oration ( 10) to be different and at a different time from those mentioned in the third Olyntliiac ( 5), which seems
hardly probable.

See further,

in

Introduction to First Philippic.

1*

INTRODUCTION.

to raise another and larger stant readiness to sail at a

armament and have

moment's Avarning

it

in con-

to the place

of danger. From tlii.s time opposition to Philip's designs the liberties of his country becomes the ruling idea against
of Demosthenes's
life.

This was the hrst of twelve ora-

tions, delivered in the course of

about as

many

years

(b. c.

352 - 340), all of which Dionysius calls Philippics, and which, whatever may have been their special subjects or
occasions, were all in reality directed against the designs of
Philip.

The genius of Demosthenes has invested the name

of this ambitious sovereign with an added interest, and the woi'd "Philippic" has a place and a meaning in all the

languages of the civilized world.

moriis, as interpreted

The Oration De 8ymby Dionysius (Pihet., VJII. 7) and

disgui-se.

Curtius (V.

p.

259, Amer. ed.), Avas a Philippic in

Olynthiacs are expressly callrd Philippics by Dionysius (De Adui. Vi Die. in Demos. 21-43), and are as fierce in their denunciation of the Macedonian as any of

The

three

The Sj)eech on the Chersonese is scarcely less and severe against Philip than the third Philippic which was spoken about the same time. Franke classifies the De Chersoneso, the De Pace, and the Olynthiacs with " the Philippics commonly so called in his edition of the Nine
his orations.
bitter

Philippic Orations of Demosthenes."

however, are usually called Philippics

Only four orations, and one of these

of portions of other (the fourth) is so manifestly made up orations of Demosthenes, strung together by another hand,

that

it is

we have not thought

edition.

almost universally pronounced to be spurious, and it worth Avhile to include it in this

If any one should infer from the title that the Philip(-ailed or those sometimes pics, whether those universally so
classified

with them, are nothing

Ijut

denunciation and in-

INTKiiDUCTION.
recti vo
if

XI
as great a mistake as

a;^faiiist

Pliilip,
is

wniild

l)o

aiidlluT wliirli
I)enn)stlR'!ii's
is

iiuid-

cxli'iisivoly prevalent, iianicly, tliat

liarpiiiLj
uii

always
is,

the ancestral glories of

Atlu'iis.

The

tact

thai there
liis

in these as there

is in

nilier

an almost intinite variety a variety in the orations,

is

and sulyect-matter, not only in ililferent orations suited to the occasinn and eii'cnrastances, hut in tl:e same;
cont(Mits
oratiiin,

most glorious

passing from the nmst vehement invective nr IIkv ])aiiegyrie to the simplest facts and the (h'iest

details of luisiness,

and

a corresponding variety

iii

style

so that ancient critics were

style of

accustomecl to ascrilie to the

tif

Demosthenes the

characteristic excellences

all

the other masters in oratory, history, ami philoso])hy, the nervous conciseness of Thucydides, the graceful narrative of Plato, the rhythmical flow and cadence of Is icrates,
the
simplicity

strength of Isaeus, each in

a logical force

and clearness of Lysias, the dignity and its proper })lace, together with and a patriotic and moral earnestness all his

own.
If

we

ini[Tnre

wliat were the

secrets of

Demosthenes's

power as an orator, the main points may perhaps he .briefly enumerated under the following heads He was not a mere orator he was also a statesman. 1. " I did not speak thus," he says in the just pride and
:

' and then splendid egotism of his Oration on the Crown, not move a resolution ; and I did not move a resolution, and

then not serve on the embassy

and

I did not serve

:

on the

but from the embassy, and then not convince the Thebans beginning all through to the end I devoted myself absolutely to the clangers which encomjiassed the state." "While
this

was his boast, it was also his strength. His oratory was the exact expression of the orator himself and the orator himself was the impersonation of the best elements
;

Xll

INTRODUCTION.

age and country, the guardian of the liberties of Greece, the representative of the fame and glory of Athens. He may perhaps be considered a man of one idea, but that
of his idea

was the very soul and almost the substance of the

best periods of Grecian history. If he had but one object, that object was the oidy one worthy of Athens and of Greece. And he strove to accomplisli that chief end of his

own

life and his country's history by means as various as the circumstances under which he spoke, by c<iunsels and measures just suited to the emergencj", by facts or argu-

ments, simple narrative or impassioned appeal, clear details of plans and forces or urgent motives to immediate and
strenuous action, just such as the people needed, and as each oration or part of an oration seemed to require. With

and persuasion thus coming proper time and place, and all pervaded, animated, and inspired by one idea and that idea the very life and glory of Athenian history, it is not strange that ho
instruction, reproof, conviction,

each in

its

carried with

him

they

Avere smarting

the sympathies of the people, even when under defeat incurred in folloAving his

advice.
2. Another secret of his power lay in the richness and appropriateness of the materials and the strength and skilful aiTangement of the arguments which constituted the

staple of

his

orations.

It

is

that the chief merit of

elocution.

Demosthenes was in

a great mistake to suppose his style and

who
still

heard him

These greatly enhanced his power over those biit these cannot explain the charm that
;

lingers in his orations

when

read and studied in a dead

language, and Avhich is not lost in the most imperfect translation. Just and vivid conceptions of the designs of Philip, of the dangers of his country and the character
of
liis

countrymen, broader vie^vs of

human

nature,

max-

INTKODUCTION.
iras

XIU

of prudence and sentiments of morality of universal of eveiy kind drawn from every application, arguments infoi'Uied and enforced by the very logic of source,
possible

common-sense and marshalled as Nesttjr advised Agamemall these march iu solid phanon to arrange his troops, lanx upon a single point and juess upon it with overSubstance rather tlian show, breadth Avhelming force.

and depth rather than superticial polish, characterize the Hence wdien, in the zenith of orations of Demosthenes. was asked which he thought to be the his glory, our orator his answer better, his own orations or those of Callistratus,
Avas that those of Callistratus

were

tlie

better if they were

to

to

be heard, but his

own

if

they were

be read

thus

he showing that wdiile he set a high value on deliver}', claimed the superiority in a more solid and enduring excellence.

Time has confirmed the truth and

;

justice of that

claim

the orations of (.'allistratus are all lost,

but those of

Demosthenes live and will live through all ages. 3. Passing noAV from the matter to the manner, we observe that the style of Demosthenes is chiefly remarkable in for its adaptation to the subject-matter and occasion
;

other words,

its

perfect
his

fitness

to

express

his

thoughts
flexibil-

and accomplish
lences of style.
is

object.

This implies variety,

ity, simplicity, clearness, transparency,

concealed.

As

highest excelHis style is highly artistic, but the art compared with most of our modern popu-

the

is barren of tropes and bare of ornament. Beautiful figures of every kind are found in his orations but he never uses them merely for embellishment he uses

lar orators, it

them

to illustrate

and enforce

his itleas

in other words,

because the figure spontaneously suggests itself as the most obvious, natural, and forcible expression for the thought.

Simple things in simple ways

plain

thoughts in

plain

XIV

INTRODUCTIUN.
in
buniin;^-

words; burning emotions

only when
pest,
tlirre
is

Linguage

thunder no tem-

liglitning,

and when there

is

and no occasion

for any,

in short, ht words in ht phere and the clear blue sky, places is the one universal law in the style of Demosthenes.
rises into sublime declamation, and that Vehement bursts of subsides into sin^ple narrative. again are soon followed by a resumption of the cliain passion

the tranquil liquid atmos-

Simple narrative

of argument out of which they hashed like the spark from an electric communication momentarily interrupted.

After prostrating

liis

adversaries

by

his fiery logic, as liobert

' Hall happily says, by his abrupt and terrible interrogaHis sentences are tions he tramples them in the mire."

seldom very long; and when they are longest, tliey are compact, condensed, with all the clauses duly co-ordinated or subordinated according to the Greek idea of a period, an<l
connected Avith other sentences (usually shorter ones fur the sake of variety) according to the strict rules of Geeek

As the oration grows more animated and imcomposition. passioned, the sentences usually become .shorter and more intense, following each other in quick succession, like the
rapid firing in
tiie

heat of battle

though he seldom con-

tiiuies this iuv a great while without stopjnng, gathering

up

mighty phalanx, and hurling them in upon the enemy. The soul of Demosthenes's eloquence was his politi4c. He was thoroughly, we might cal and moral earnestness. Even in his calmest moalmost say terribly, in earnest.
his forces in one

massive form and

irresistible force

ments

his heart

was

all agloAV,

and, whenever his judgment

liis

approved and

liis

will permitted, tins set on fire

logic

this flashed out in his interrogations,

;

and broke

forth, like

thunderbolts, in his invectives this was the lieat of passion which accompanied the light of reason, in all his speech

IN ri;oiiii-ni)N.

xv
perluips,

and

actiiji:.

Ili.s

earnestness was partly,

:

profes-

sional

and personal

In

iii'c

liis

greatest oration, like the

greatest specili of Daniel Webster,

was one

in wliicli his

repntation was involved with the honor of his counBut it was chietly that earnestness which springs from try. It was patriotic, heroic, great ideas and a noble object. Deraostlienes was the embodiment of more martyr-like.

own

than Athenian character and history.

lie

was the

imiier-

sonation of those ideas of undying power and universal the ideas of duty, liljerty, and glory. To influence,

breathe these ideas into his countrymen was the object of And while they his orations, the aim and end of his life.
listened to him, for the time being,
for the time being,
v.ith his

he often succeeded
And

alas, that it

was only

in

animating them

own

spirit.

the most valuable lesson which

the yonng orator and scholar may learn from the orations and the history of Demosthenes is that eloquence consists not
in

hne words and beantiful

figures, l)ut in truth

life is

and

ear-

nestness, and the chief

not success, but duty and self-sacriticing devotion to some worthy end.
5.

end of

The delivery

of

Demosthenes was just that thoughtgodlike

"action''''

ful,

soul-full, sublime,
first,

Avhich he himself

declared to be the

and by

second, and third thing in oratory, which he meant, not gesticulation or elocution, l)ut

vTTOKpio-t? (that

was the

orator's

word), that

is,

the exact

and perfect expression of the thoughts, It was emotions, wishes, and aspirations of the speaker. those low undertones so expressive of depth and earnestness, and that compressed lip full and more than full of determination and intensity, and the brow furrowed with
representation or full

thought and

care,

and the eye moistened with

if

tears,

and

the form bent

forward as

in

eager pursuit, and the

clinched hands giving a

tei'rible

emphasis to the utterance

XVI

INTRODUCTION.

it was all these cured of of his impassioned sentences, defects, freed from impediments, and made flexible, supple,

and expressive by those long years of study and practice, and then informed I)y wise plans, illumined by patriotic in a word, sentiments, and inspired by heroic purposes, it was the whole spirit and soul and body of the patriot orator and statesman speaking to the whole body and soul and spirit of his audience. It is rpiite unnecessary to re-

mark,

how worthy

such an orator

is

to be the

study of

tlie

noble youth in our colleges and universities.

AHMOSeENOTS
RATA ^lAinnOT
El
fiev Trepl

A.

xaivov rn^o? Trpdj/iaTO'i 7rpovTi0eTo,

Xejeiv,
7ria^(t)v

avSpe^:

^A6r]valoi,

av

eco?

oi

TrXetCTTOt

iwv

eicotfoTwv 'yvwixrjv aiT(pi]vavTO, et

fxev

r^peaKe il ^lot
rjyou,
el

iwv

vtto jovra>v prjdevTcov, 7](Tv^iav

eTrecpw/jLrjv

au
5

8e

fii']^

tot av auTo^

a jtyvcoaKw

\eyeiP'

eTreiSr] Se virep 6)u TioXXa/ct? eipi^Kaaiv ovtoi

i'vih

TrpoTcpov avfjL^aivet kuo

TrpoJTO? dvaaTLii^ t,KOTw<;
el

aKOTrew, i]<yov^ai Kai

Tvy)(^iiveiv.

av

avyyvcofirji;

yap

e/c

tou 7rape\rj\v6oTQ<i 'y^povov tu heovTa ovtoi

vp.ci's

avve/3ov\ev(Tav, ouBev av

vvv

eSet,

^ovXeveadai.

10

UpcoTOv fiev ovv ovK aOvixrjTeov^ w avhpe<i AOrjiravv ^avet, valoi, TOt? irapouat, Trpay/xaaiv, ov8
\&)? -yeiv Sofcei,
o

Tov

'7rape\ri\vOoTo<;

yap eoTi '^eipiaTOV auTcov k tovto irpof; Ta p,e\'y^povov,

ti ovv eari

\ovra l3eXTicrT0v vrrapyei.

ovhev^
Vfi(i)V
Oi

tovto

oti

is

av8pe<;

Adi]vaiOi,

twv heovTwv

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a TOT

ec

irpoeioovTo. ouk av aTrwKovTO'

TToXX av flpelTUL,
69 A,&)X,OTft)j/

irnWa
aXXa

^tu/cet?,

iroXXa twv utto;

eKaoTOi.

tl toutcov o(^eA.o? auTol^

etw?

av ao)Qr]TaL to
T),

aK(i(po<i,

av xe fxet^ov av t eXuTkui

Tov
lo

Tore ^p/; Kai

vavTrjv

Kv^epvrjTrjv
07T(o<i

Kat,

TTuvT

avBpa ef >}9
jjbrjT

7rpo6ufiou<i
p,rj06c<i
>/

eivai, Kat

pbrid

eKwv
adai'

aKcov
Se

avaTpeyjrei,,

touto

(TKOTret7]

eTTeiBav

daXuTTU
toivvv,

vTrepa^^i],

/Liarato?

70 (TTTOvSr].

Kat

ijpef>

avSpe-i

Adtivatoi,
a(f)op/jLa<;
;

eo)?
15

eafjuev

owoi, voXtv

fie'yicfTrjv

irXetara^,

a^cw/jia KaXXiaTOV,

e^ovre^,
tl

iroicoixev

Tra-

Xai Tt? r;06&J? av taw^ epu)Trjou>v KutfrjTac. eyoi vi] At epco, KUi ypa-yjro} 8e, codTe av l3ovXr)a6e yeipoTovr](TeTe.

avTOi

TrpcoTov

(i/uLuuo/j.6voi

Kat

irapa-

(TKeva^ofjtevot,
2o

Tptrjpeat

Kat

^^prjfjtaat

Kat aTpaTico-

Tat^

/Veytt)

(:at

yap av cnravTe^
at

Bj]7rou

BovXevetv

auy^ci}pr]CTQ}atv
71 pia<i

aXXot,

tj/jtlv

virep t?}? eXevOe-

ayojvtareov),
Kat

ravra
tt oirj

8i]

TravTa avTot, Trapa(f)avepa tou?

(TKevaaafjtevot
r]07)
25

a avTe^

aXXovi
e/c-

irapaKaXco/jtev, Kai

rovi TavTa Ztha^ovra^

eav fiev
Treicrr/re,

TrenTTW/jtev Trpecrpet?, tv
-^r]Te
or], t

Kotvcovov^

Kat tcov kivovvq)v Kat tcov avaXwfJtaTwv^ av Tt

oe
firj,

'^povov^ ye efiiron^Te

Tot<r TTpayiu,natv.

-75.J
eiretSi)

KATA ^lAinnOT R
yap
ecrrt

49
72

Trpo?

TToX-eeo? Icr-^vv o TroXe/i-o?,

avhpa kui ov^t avveaTcoarj^; ovhe tout a^^prjarov, ovB

UeXoirovvrjaov eKU"at

at irepvat irpea^e'iai Trepi tijv

i^at

/cat

KaTTjyopiai,
eKii'oai

a?

e'ytw

lloKueuKTO'i kuo
ol

o
$

pe\.TLcrTo<i

kch

li.ytjacTnro<i

aWoi
e<?

TTpea^ei^
eKelvov Koi

TrepLijXdo/xeu,
fxi'iT

kul

eTTOirjaafxei^

errca^eLf
27e'l%

eir

Afi/BpaKtav eXOelv

fir^T

XoTTovvrjaou op/xi]<jai.

ov fxevTot \eyu> /xrjSev av-

T0U9 vnep avTiov avayKatou eue\ovTa<; Troietv rov<;

\\f)Li?

irapa/caXeiv

kul

yap

eur]ue<;

ra ocKeca av-

lo

7ov^ TTpoefievou^ iwv aWnrpLutv (paaKetv Kr]O6a0ai,

Kut ra

napuvra

irepLopoyvrn^ vnep

tcou

/xeWovToyv

Touf

aWou^

(f)o/3ei.v.

ov Xe'yo) tuvtu,

aWa
(f)rjp,l

TOt?
Setv
15

pev lu Xeppovrjao) -^pn^par

Kai Tu\ka oaa a^tovau
aKV(i^a6ai.. rov<i

airoaTeWeiv
av7ov<i

iroieiv.

oe

irapa-

aWov^ EWrjva'i
vovOereiv'

(xvyKoKeLV,
TToXeco'i

avi'iiyeip, SbSaaKeii'.

tout

earc
et

a^ifopa

e)^ova7)(; rjXiKov
'

vpAV virap^et.

oieaue

74

XaAvffSea?
B

ti]i>

EWn^a

owaeiv

r)

arrohpaaeaOai "a nrpaypara,

ovfc

Meyapea<;, vp,el<; opuuKi oieoOe'

20

ayairrjjor

yap

av nvjoi aoj^fovrai toutcov e/caaroi.

vjjiv
ol

aW
TO
Kat

v^iv Tovro irpaKTeov

eKir~jaavTo

Trpoyovoi Tovro

ytpa<i

Kai

KareXiirov pbera ttoWcov

ei,

peyaXoyv

KivSuvaii'.

^ovXeTut

^rjTwv

75
25

eicaaTO'^

KuOeSelrai, Kat otto)? prjhev avT0<; iroLrjaei

firj

aKoirwv, TrpwTov p.ev ovhe

3

iroO

evprj

lov^ ttou]D

50

JHMOS0ENOTS
ottco^;
fiij

[9.

75,

76

aov7a<i, CTretra oeooiica

iTdvU

ufia,

oaa ov

^ouXofieOa,
/(J

iroielu
Bi]

y^lv avwyKT) yeinjoerai.

Tuura Xtyco, tuvtu ypatjioi)' kqi Eyu) Kat vvv en 7ravop6(o6}}vai av ra Trpajfiara olofiai
fiev

70U7Q)V jiyvofievcov.

Se li? e^et TovTcof rt /9e\-

Ttov. A.e'yeTO) Kat o-vfi/BovXeveTO).

b ti S

v/xlv So^ec,

TOUT

o)

Trai^Te? Oeot, avveveyicoi.

FIEST PHILIPPIC.
INTEODUCTION.
The
First Philippic

was delivered

late in the

year 352

B.

c,

or early in the year 351.

and aggressions, which

progress of Philip's conquests furnished the occasion for it, and whose

The

rapid succession our orator himself has sketched in more than one of his orations (e. g. 01., I. 12, 13 Fldl., I. 4 I>e Cor., 69),
;
;

chronologically thus Amphipolis, on the Strymonic Gulf, so tenaciously held by the Athenians as a colony, and so eagerly coveted as a source of supply of timber for their

may

be registered

was captured by Philip in 358 (Curtius, V. p. 52 Grote, XI. 328), and from that time was held up for many years as a bribe to purchase peace or a rod to compel compliance. Pydna,
ships,
;

Potidsea, and Methone, all clustering about the Thermaic Gulf, which lay nearer to Athens (Methone being the last possession of the Athenians on the Macedonian coast), were taken severally in the years 357, 356, and 353. Pagasse, Phercie, and Magnesia, lying on or about the still nearer Pagassean Gulf, and

guarding

the approaches towards Thermopylae, all fell into his hands in 353. The same year witnessed also his attempt to pass through Thermopylaj for the destruction of the Phocians. Most of these

important places had stood in more or

less

intimate relations to

the Athenians, and were vprested more or less directly from their hands. With his fleet gathered or largely increased by his con-

quest of these maritime cities, he now plundered the merchantmen of the allies of Athens (as we learn from the oration itself,
34),

landed his troops on the Athenian islands Lemnos and

Imbros, caiTying off Athenian citizens as prisoners, and even seized their ships at Gersestus in Euboea, le\'ied immense sums

52
of

FIRST PHILIPPIC.

money from them, and finally bore away the sacred trireme from Marathon on the coast of Attica over against Athens. " " And all this," the orator says, you were unable to prevent,
neither could you despatch succors at the times

posed to send them."

in
Tliessaly,

It

there,

marched and setting up others as he chose {01., I. 13), and commenced the siege of Herseon Teichos (cf. PltiL, I. 10, 11, 41 with 01., III. 4, 5 and Grote, XI. p. 429, note), that the Athenians, alarmed for the safety of their possessions in that quarter, voted to raise an army adequate to oppose any effectual resistance to And when, on the report of Philip's death, his encroachments. or, at any rate, that he was sick, this expedition lingered and
dwindled
5,
till it

when you proPhilip, after his successes into Thrace, ejecting some of the kings
was not
till

finally

turned out a miserable abortion

(01., III.

and note there), Demosthenes, then only about thirty years of age, and not yet one of the accepted, still less one of the popular advisers of the Athenian demus, broke silence, and, giving them the counsel which should rather have come from their older and more admired political orators, delivered his first
Philippic oration. In the Argument which is prefixed to this oration in many " The Athenians, unsuccessful in their editions, Libanius says
:

[the war about Amphipolis, so called, which commenced soon after Philip's capture of the city, and formally ended only with the Peace of Philocrates, b. c. 346], have conThe orator vened in asseml)ly in a state of discouragement.

war with Philip

accordingly endeavors, in the

agement
;

to remove this discourno wonder that they have been defeated, they have been so slothful and negligent of their duty and, in the second place, he instructs them how they can He moves them to arm and equip two best carry on the war.
first place,
l;iy

telling

them

it

is

forces,

home and be ready

time
;

one larger, consisting of citizens, which shall remain at I'or the exigencies which arise i'rom time to

the other smaller, consisting partly of citizens and partly of mercenaries, to hover along the coast of Macedonia, and caiT}'

on the war incessantly, and thus put an end vateering and conquering expeditions."

to Philip's pri-

INTRODUCTION.

53

The

orator apologizes for

explicit

tlie

smalluess of the force, which he

(

recommends, by an

acknowledgment
;

23) that

it

was

impossible for the Athenians now to furnish a force that could meet Pliilip on the fiehl of battle liciice it was necessary, at
warfan;. Knowing his countrypresent, to adopt this guerilla men, as he also knew Philip, only too well, he adapts his advice to their character and the present necessity, and, like a wise

counsellor and far-seeing statesman as well as zealous patriot, he he points out at once the at once alarms and encourages them
;

causes of their present weakness and the sources of their possible He proposes a definite, a feasible, and, it would future strength.

seem, a wise plan which he might well hope they would not only vote, but execute, and, by executing, gain courage and Yet his advice was not folstrength for greater undertakings.

lowed

neither of the two measures which he

;

recommended was

carried into effect

the working armament was not sent out, nor was the home-force ever got ready. It was not until the follow-

month of September (the oration being delivered some time in the first half of 351 B. c.*) that any actual force was sent and even then nothing more was done than to
ing
against Philip
;

send the mercenary chief Charidemus to the Chersonese, with The ten triremes and five talents in money, but no soldiers.

Athenians were invincibly averse to any efforts and sacrifices which were not indispensably necessary the older orators of the peace party, Eubulus and Demades, with the support of
;

to a

Phocion, had the popular ear, and were not anxious to yield it young and dangerous rival and there were already parti;

sans of Philip ( 18) who were as ready to influence the popular mind in his favor as they were to report to their Macedonian master all that was done at Athens.

But the oration

is,

for all this,

none the

less

worthy of our

" It admiration and study. is," as Grote justly remarks (XL " not merely a splendid piece of oratory, emphatic and for440), cible in its appeal to the emotions, bringing the audience by
* So Grote (XI. 443), with the essential concurrence of Curtius (V. 274) and Whiston (I. 78). Thirhvall (II. 104) accepts the more commonly received date,
352.

54
many

FIRST PHILIPPIC.
different roads to the

main conviction which the

oratoi

wishes to impress, profoundly animated with <^eniiine Panhellenic patriotism and with the dignity of that free Grecian

world now threatened by a monarch from without. It has other merits besides, not less important in themselves, and lying

more immediately within the scope

of the historian.

We

hnd

Demosthenes, yet only thirty j^ears old, young in political life, and thirteen years before the battle of Cheeronea, taking accurate measure of the political relations between Athens and
pa.-t, pointing out every year more unfavorable, and foretelling the dangerous contingencies of the future, unless better precautions were taken exposing with courageous frankness, not

Philip

examining those relations during the

how they had become

only the past mismanagement of public men, but also defective dispositions of the people themselves, wherein such management

had

its

root

lastly, after fault

found, adventuring on his

own

responsibility to propose specific measures of correction, and urging upon reluctant citizens a painful imposition of personal

hardship as well as of taxation. We shall find him insisting on the same obligation, irksome alike to the leading politicians and
to the people ( 51), throughout all the Olynthiacs and Philipnote his warnings given at this early day, when pics. timely prevention would have been practicable and his supe-

We

riority to older politicians, like

dent appreciation, in foresight, out unpalatable truths. The first Philippic alone is sufficient to prove how justly Demosthenes lays claim to the merit of

Eubulus and Phocion, in pruand in the courage of speaking

having seen events in their begiiniings,' and given timely to his countrymen (De Cor.. 246). It will also go to show, along with other proofs hereafter to be seen, that he was

'

warning

not less honest and judicious in his attempts to

fulfil

the remain-

ing portion of a statesman's duty, that of working up his countrymen to unanimous and resolute enterprise to the pitch
;

and voting, but for acting and the common enemy." suff'ering, against Before reading this first Philippic of Demosthenes, the student
requisite not merely for speaking

should endeavor to reproduce in his mind's eye, not only the

INTRODUCTION.

55

and

circumstances, but the scene, tlie time, tlie ]i]aco, the audience, tlie orator for they were all (juite extraordinary. 'I'he time was It was a decisive moment in extraordinary.
;

Nay, more, it was a great power was rising' in the North and rapidly advancing southward, which threatened, first, to subvert the liberties of Greece, and then to bestride Euroj^e, Asia, and Africa like a colossus, obliterating old empires, chan-

the history of Athens and of Greece. crisis in the liistory of the worhl.

and introducing a new epoch in human was the same power which rose up in prophetic vision before the eyes of Hebrew seers in the form now of a winged leopard, and now of a he-goat, coming from the west, overrunning the East, traversing the face of the whole earth without touching the ground, and casting down and tranqiling under foot whatever came in its way. At the time when this oration was delivered, as we have seen, city after city, which were but lately the possessions or the allies of Athens, had
ging the
history.
fate of nations, It

already fallen into the hands of the king of Macedon and now to name them was to mark the successive steps of his progress,
;

now
so

they were so

many magazines and

batteiies for
call

new assaults,

many

fniTfix^a^iara, as the

ther conquests.

He

them, for furhad indeed met with a temporary check at

Greeks would

Thermopylae, and was

now

in Thrace.

But he was

still

extend-

ing his acquisitions, and threatening the possessions of Athens in that cjuarter and the Athenians, disheartened, but by no
;

were just now in that strange state of mingled anxiety and apathy from which only a prophet's foresight and eloquence could arouse them, and

means awake

to the extent of their danger,

only the wisdom and guidance of a faithful and trusted statesman could deliver them.

The place was extraordinary. It was Athens, the watch-tower of old Hellas but, alas her most trusted watchmen were now
;
!

asleep, if

some of them were not even

with the enemy, Athens, immortalized at Marathon and Plata;a and Artemisium and Salamis as the defender of the lil)erties of
Greece, luit now, alas! degenerate, if some of the leading men were not even false to the principles and spirit of their illus-

in

sympathy and

alliance

56
trious ancestors.
this oration,
tlie

FIRST PHILIPPIC.

Pnyx. ment-house, or congressional chamber, or other common hall of The Pnyx was one of the four hills on and around assembly.

The particular spot which was tlie scene of and the centre of political influence in Athens, was And this was no ordinary senate-house, no parlia-

which Athens was

built,

and not

less

famous or sacred in
itself,

its

way than the Areopagus

or the Acropolis

being the repre-

sentative of the politics and government of Athens as those other world-renowned hills were the representatives severally of

law and its religion. The Pnyx proper was a laige semicircular area, partly hewn out of the solid rock and partly built up on a massive Pelasgic wall upon the abrupt face of this hill,
its

where
ble,

all

the citizens of Athens and Attica were

Ijlue sky,

beneath no roof but the clear

wont to assemand within no walls

but the distant, lofty, bold and purple-tinted mountains, there, not by their representatives, but in person, not in a council consisting at most of a few hundreds, but in an assembly of thousands, to deliberate on public affairs and transact the business of the state.

The

rostra or

bema from which

the orator

spoke, and to which he ascended by eight or ten steps, hewn out of the rock, was a square i^latform, a dozen or fifteen feet high, itself also hewn out of the solid rock, in the middle of the chord
of that semicircle, to speak mathematically, or, speaking

more

exactly and popularly, occupying the same position in reference to the area of the Pnyx and the seats of the assembly which the

hand and eye of the archer do when he takes hold of the string and begins to draw it back and round out the bow, and takes That l3ema looked sight along the arrow before he lets it fly. directly down upon the Pnyx, and more remotely upon the
It looked over to the Areopagus with agora and the whole city. its venerable council and court, and to the Acropolis, crowned with temjiles and statues of the gods. It looked around upon

Athens and Attica, upon Hymettus and Pentelicus, just behind which was the plain of Marathon upon Parnes and Cithaeron, beyond Avhich were Plataea aiid Artemisium and Thermopyla' upon Pirteus and Salamis and Eleusis and Megara and Corinth and Argolis and all the cities and islands and harbors and prom;
;

INTRODUCTION.
ontories of the Saronic Gulf
to the eye of the orator
;

57
nut

ami

all these

more beautiful

and

his audience as they flashed in the

than they were radiant with the brightness of a Grecian sun, Never before was there a of Athenian history. brighter glories

bema

in itself so full of inspiration to speaker there has never been one like it since.

and

hearers,

and

never before nor since has there been such an audience, an audience comprising the mass of the Athenian people, in whose hands were concentred all the powers of legislative, judi-

And

cial,

and

executis-e

government, educated

to a

man, of acute un-

derstanding, of cultivated taste, difticult to please, req^uiring to be instructed like a senate, and yet to be amused as in the
theatre, canvassing

measures like statesmen and

criticising

words

on by demagogues like an instrument of thousand strings by a skilful musician, and at the same time swayiug over sea and land the sceptre of a government scarcely less absolute and arbitrary, perhaps even more capricious, than
like rhetoricians, played

that of an Oriental despot. And the orator was quite as peculiar, quite as remarkable as Small in stature, slender in form, deficient in the audience. muscular development, but from the crown of his head to the
sole of his foot instinct
all his habits, a

with thought and

feeling,
else

temperate

in

water-drinker

when everybody

drank wine,

one of those thin

men whom

tyrants fear and proscribe because

and they think too much, further attenuated, mayhap, by study a solitary man while all the Athenians spent their time in toil,
talking, laughing,

and hearing "something

neicer," a Avatchful,

in anxious, incorruptible patriot among corrupt demagogues and the midst of a pleasure-seeking people, he was always and alto-

gether different from those around him.

speak, full of his subject,

And when he

rose to

bearing on his heart the liberties of his country, when, burning with zeal for the right and indignation at all wrong, he hurled his thunderbolts at traitors and

tyrants,
(licfious,

his hearers

felt that there

was

iti

him something ^jro-

if something strangely bewitching and overpowering, Hence the oft-cited exnot even something more than human. clamation of ^schines to those who marvelled at the speech of

3*

58
Demosthenes
carnassus says
I

FIKST PHILIPPIC.
as read to

them
" I

l)y liis rival,

"You shouM

have

heard the monster himself!

:

"When

In like manner Dionysius of Haliread one of the speeches of Isocrates,

disposed to serene and tran(|nil thought, like those who listen to spondaic measures or Dorian or Lydian melodies ;
I take uj) an oration of Demosthenes, I am inspired Corybants at the Mysteries of Cybele, and I am borne hither and thither with anxiety, fear, contempt, hatred, l^ity,

am

but when
like the

anger, good-will,

and

all

This matchless orator was

the varied passions of the orator." now a young man, at the very comlife.

mencement

of his remarkaljle public

From

early child-

hood to mature manhood he has had to contend with difficulties which would have discouraged and overwhelmed any ordinary
character.
tion, constitutional delects

Orphanage, dishonest guardians, imperfect educaand impediments, jealous rivals and

personal enemies, everything has been against him. has conc|uered all these difficulties, baffied his enemies, mastered himself, triumphed over nature and adverse circumbitter

He

and opposition into helps and means is to enter upon the great battle of his life. Now he has to contend not only with Philip and his conThe ablest generals, the most eloquent orators, ([uering legions. the oldest and most experienced statesmen, the most admired and trusted counsellors of Athens, are for the most part against him. The Athenians themselves, in their character and habits,
stances, turned
failure

of victory.

But now he

The spirit of the people, all the tendencies of the age, not only at Athens but in all Greece, are against him. In order to succeed he must work a miracle he must breathe
are against him.
;

life

into the ribs of death itself.

He knows

this,

he

feels it in

Yet he does not despair, he does not even hesitate. The people have gathered in ciowds from the city and the country and filled the Pnyx. The Kijpv^ cries, " Who wishes " to speak ? Without waiting for any of the older orators and
his inmost soul.

usual leaders of the people, Demosthenes rises from his seat, comes forward, ascends the bema, and delivers the oration Avhich

we

are about to read.

We

know

it

orator failed to accomplish his object.

was not successful the We know that he was

;

INTRODUCTION.
destined to
country.
fail

59
I'nr
I

in his licinir

struggle

lie

liberties of

\i\^

But he

fell as herue.s fall,

he

<lied as

with

tho.se

with his banner blazoned

glory.

miserable words profit and succe.ss lips, Iml all over with duty, honor, liljerty, ami Few scenes in history are more strikirig, few more sugto

martyrs on his

<lie,

nnt

few gestive of the moral sublime,

wisdom and duty

Philippic.

more fruitful in young men, than the appearance

lesstjus of

of

DemosFirst

thenes on the Athenian

bema

for

the delivery of his

Analysis.

The following skeleton exhibits an outline of the plan and general divisions of the oration
:

Exordium ( 1). Encouragement drawn from discouragement and from the and of Philip (2-12). past history of Athens Plan of the campaign (13-22). C. Measures recommended.
A.
B.

D. Eeasons for this jdan (23 - 27).

E. F.

Ways and Means

(28-30). Topographical suggestions (31, 32).

G. The probable results of this course, in contrast with the wretched state of things now existing at Athens (33 46). H. How shall this state of things be brought to an end

(47-50)1
I.

Conclusion (51).

NOTES.
A.
1.

Exordium
If

Apology

for

speaking

first (1).

the subject under discussion had been a new one, would have waited fok your usual advisers to speak I But since they have often given their advice on FIRST. this very sub.ject, and that not satisfactory, else there would be no need of your present consultation, I may reasonably EXPECT TO BE PARDONED FOR OPENING THE DEBATE.
1.

Page

1,

line

1.

Both

in

thought and in language this introduc-

tory sentence is a good illustration of the art which is so perfect that it Under cover of a modest and harmless apology for conceals the art.

himself and a graceful compliment to his audience, the orator, in his very first sentence, lets fly a poli.shed shaft at the policy of their
favoiite counsellors.
to be perfectly simple

At the same time, while the sentence seems and natural, the words are selected with ex-

measured as it were with square and compass, and the whole period is constructed with consummate skill. In the first place, the whole sentence is divided into two antithetic
quisite taste, the clauses are

and Avell-balanced members distinguished by ei fiiv and eVetS;; M Cu. 628 H. 862). Then the first member is divided (C. 685 c into a protasis and an apodosis and the apodosis, beginning
;
;

with iwiax'^v

dv,

contains two subordinate

ei

alternative

conditions,

distinguished by

/xev

and

ei

S^

/j.7},

sponding alternative conclusions {...av each of which is marked by the particle &v. iwiaxi^v dv is equivalent to eiriaxov dv Kai (C. 658 a; Cu. 595; G. 211; H. 803),*
*

and followed by two correifyof, and clv eTreipdjfJLTjv...),

to, a.s in

The gi-ammars of Crosby, Cuitius, Goodwin, and Hadley are thus the Notes on the Olynthiacs and the Ue Corona.

referred

Phil.

1.

l.J

NOTES.

61

only

?)yov.

eiricrx'^'' ^'^ distinctly prrliiiiinnnj to tiie verb past tenses of the indieative witli tl in the protasis and av u\ the apodosis express a supposition contrary to the fact (C. 633, b G. 222 H. 746). The u.se of the inip(>rfect (in.stead of the (u. 537
tilt'

iiartii;ijiK'

The

pluperfect or aorist) throughout the

ridero, ijpfcrKe,
rjyoi',

iiriLpujfj.riv)

jirota.sis and the apodosis (vpouexpresses a continued action or state

The prytanes or proedri, instead of a completed or nionientary one. or whoever brought, forward the subject or laid the question before the people, gave an opiwrtunity to speak not only at the moment

when

the luiald cried,

t'l's

dyope^etv ^ovKeraL, but during the whole

time that the subject was under consideration. See Saujipe ad loc. El. ..irpovTiGeTO, if it were some new subject, gentlemen of yithenx, which was laid (and is still lying) before us for discussion, I should

have waited until the most of those who are accustomed to do so Juxd It was the especial prerogexpressed their opinion, and then, if, etc.
ative of the prytanes

and particularly
Isoc, VIII. 15

of the proedri to bring mat-

ters before the ecclesia for their consideration

and
iJov

action.

Die. of

Antiq.
diaai.

art. jiovKrj.

Cf.

Trepi

oi

irpvTdi'ds irpoTL-

are sometimes said in a

and the people, and even private individuals, more general sense irpoTiOevai \6yov. After The eiuiOoTiiiv supply yvu)p.r]v diro(p7)vacT0aL from yvJifxriv dwecprivai'TO. reference is to Eubulus and Phocion and other leaders of the peaceand had been accustomed party, who weie older than Demosthenes,
state,

But the

to guide the
443).

Athenian populace (Curtius, V. 142, 444; Grote, XI. Demosthenes was now only thirty, and might well apologize

for proposing a plan of his

own without waiting

for or

even consult-

swayed the people, and who were advocates of a more popular policy. According to the law of Solon, persons of over fifty years of age were called upon to speak first in the This had become iEsch. con. Ctes. 4. assemblies of the people.
ing orators

who had

so long

obsolete.

Still, for the sake of good order Aristoph. Acharn. 43. and good feeling, the older .statesmen would usually speak first. We have in De Cor., 170 a graphic description of the herald calling again and again rts dyopeveLP ^ovXerai, and when all the orators and all the
first & generals were speechless, Demosthenes comes forward not only 5. Init alone to give his advice in the perilous emergency. yiyvi!i6. eireiSi) 8* introduces the second aKo) =; yvwp.Tji', my sentiments.

fl.

member

of the antithesis,
first

and

conclusion of the

member

sets over against the supposition and a similarly balanced fact and infeience

62

NOTES.

[PiiiL.

I.

1-2,

IVom it. The I'oiuicr has llii' preference as the vnlp tov, al. Trepl wv. more difficult or improbable reading, besides being found in the best MSS. and editions. The dilference is not essential, and the piepositions are useil almost interchangeably. Properly nepi is ciboiit, hence in regard to, and inrep is over, hence in behalf of : hut, since it so hap-

pens that we are

h'lve

now

cmisidering interests in behalf of whieh these

men
For
;

spoken

risen first

many times before, I am led to believe I may reasonably expect to meet with

that though I have

indulgence.
;

Cu. 583 avaards, the participle expressing condition, see C. 635 For Kal = even though, C. 674, f; Cu. 537, 5; (r. 226; H. 751.
to the beginning of the time

/row past time, having reference but in usage in or during. B. Encouragement and exhortation to united and vigorous action (2-12).
f.

H. 795,

9.

tK...xpo>'o' strictly
;

2-12. you should duaw encouragement from the very for it is all the result of viiur inaction, and therefore can be remedied by action, likmember how nobly and successfully y'ou resisted the Lacedemonians at the height of their power. See how Philip has won his conquests, and recover your lost possessions AND allies BY SIMILAR ENERGY. ThEY INCLINE TO YOU RATHER than TO HIM. GiVE THEM A CHANCE, AND THEY WILL SOON SLIP AWAY FRO.M HIM. HeLP Y'OURSELVES, AND GODS AND MEN WILL HELP YOU. WlIEN WILL YOU DO Y'OUR DUTY" IF NOT NOW ? To FREE MEN THERE IS NO NECESSITY .SO DIRE AS DISHONOR, AND NO DISHONOR LIKE BEING SUBJECT TO A MAN OF MaCEDON. 11. npciJTov \i.iv, correlative to ^ireira, 3. Take courage, /r.9<, 2.
witetctledness of your statk
;

from the very wretchedness of your state secondly, from your past ovv, not inferential, but continuative or transitional history, etc.

fiom the exordium to the body of the speech.

HI.

3,

and

often.

So

01.,

I.

II.

12.

TOis..."irpd-yfAa(riv, at

or by the present state

Verbs expressing an emotion of pleasure, displeasure, or of things. the like are followed by a dative of the object, cause, or ground of the emotion. Madv.* 44 C. 456 Cu. 439 H. 611. ovS' = not
even.

8 Yap...vnrdpx<-,./o/' that which is the icorst in regard to them in the past, litis jiromises to become (or is capable of becoming) the
13.
best

for the future.

This logic of common-sen.se,

put,
is

.so

paradoxical and

yet so just

and

loell

repeated in Phil., III. 5

and in

01.,

I. 4,

* Mnilvi'''s Sviitnx

2-3.]
tlie

NOTES.

63

resources

orator extracts encouragement from the most formidable of Philip's 15. tC.toCto. Tlie superior by a similar argiinient.

vivacity and

force of this rhetorical question (wliiili tlu; oiat(jr asks

himself or supjioscs his hearers to ask) over the logical yap, wliich might have connected the two clauses, is observed by tlreek rhetoricians.

JJemosthenes

is

fond of this figure.

8ti ovSev,
tjou

k. t. \.,

it

is

that

your affairs are in a bad condition, because

do

are doing) nothing that ought to be done.

verily,
if,

(lit.

while you
\.,Jhr

\1

itn'i toi, k. t.

ivhile
be

there

would

you were jjerforming your whole duly, thry wre thus, 3. 19. ?irtTa,K.T. \., no hope oj their becoming better.

in the second place, you ought

others

to

consider both you

who hear
i.

it

froTii

and you who know

it

from jjcrsonal remembrayice,

of the assembly.

younger and the older nienibers

as the agent of

e.

both the

vfiiv is
;

understood
;

(i>Ovfx.T,Tfoi>.

C. 4.58,

682

Cu. 434

G. 281

H. 600.

dva|xi,|ivT|o-KO|j.'vois
;

C. 674
P.
2,

Cu. 581
1.

denotes the manner and means of knowing. H. 789. G. 277

;

2.

f|\KTiv...ws,

lit.

irhen the LncrdcKmoniaiis once were in

possession of

and becomingly, etc. The use of the double relative or interrogative in a single clause is not make two clauses, and use a verb instead unfrequent in Greek.

how much

jmirer, hoir nobly

We

of the pai'ticiple hoio much power the Lacedcemonians once possessed and yet hoiv nobly and becomingly, etc. .3. oti ..ttoXus, not long ki,
:

since, a

kind of adverbial clause, hence the verb eVrt is u-sually omitted, but not always, as Heslop affirms. See Franke in loc. The historical
reference
is

combined

forces of the

many
how

Gorgidas. of the hearers of Demosthenes,

first

perhaps to the repulse of Agesilaus, king of Sparta, by the Athenians and Thebans under Chabrias and " These events would doubtless be in the recollection of

when twenty-seven

he delivered his
beftfing

them

Whiston. cos irpoo-rjKovTws, i. e. Philippic." as the professed and acknowledged eliampions of the

yeai's after

5. uirep tuv 8iKaiwv, i)i behalf rights and liberties of the Greeks. of the rights. 'EWtjvikQv is of course understood, but need not be

expressed.

It is

found in

01.,

II.

24,

and

is

added here

MSS. and
Kal

editions, but not the

most or the

best.

in

emphatic than avrovs, THEM, powerful as they were.

0a,o-T)(r0,

tKeCvovs,
6.

some more

l8fiT...

and see clearly, as it were with the clearness of ocular vision. Demosthenes was so fond of such pnirs of kindred words, that Greek critics censured and ridiculed him for it. It is a Cf. Rehdantz in loc. See also De Cor., 4, and note there.
thot

you

may

knoiv

64

NOTES.

[Phil.

I.

3-4,

species of ihetorical amplification and emphasis which suited the intenThe intersity of the orator's mind and the earnestness of his spirit.
'

position of

di

avdpfs

Ad-rjva'ioi

between the two words

to the emphasis.

Whiston suggests, and adds

of'SEV is tlie

is

also frequent, as
o{Jt...o<}t'.

7.

ovSiv

of

tlie

subject of both clauses, and the correlation and contrast two is emphasized 1(\' ovt...ovt: both that nothinr) is to he

feared by you xuhilc you arc on your guard, and that mtthiity will be as you n-ould have it if you are negligent. 4)vXaTTO|j.vois, lit. being

mi your guard,
751.

9.

C. 635 Cu. 583 G. 226 H. implies condition. The success of the Athenians in overcomTrapaSei-yiiao-i.
;
;

tlie first proposition, viz. that they they were on the watch and the present insolence of Philip demonstrated the second, to wit, that notliing would be as they would have it if they were negligent. 10. ttj tots,

ing the Laeedieuionians illustrated

to fear so long as

had nothing

TTJ vvv, C. 526

Cu. 381

our caring nothing for

iruiv, K. T. X.,

H. 534. 13. wv XP''J''> ^c- <ppovTl^ei.v, from ivhat we ought, sc. to have cared. 4. 15. (tko;

ivhen he looks at the greatness of his present military power on the one hand and on thf other (Te.Kal) at the loss of all the
places by our
state.

Svvdfiews
16.

is

Philip was at
of 20,000 foot

this time (in the Sacred

usually /brcc, army, in Demosthenes. War) at the head of an arm}'

Grote, XI. 410
;

and 3,000 horse.

Curtius, V. 77.
to be named.

Thirlwall, II. 98

to. \o)pla, the

17.

opOois fiev o'lerai,

places so well known and soon k. t. X. See a similar argument

p.ev, k. t. X.,

and construction,
|iVTOi,
yet,

01., II. 22,

aw^povos

and elsewhere.

Dc

Cor., 12.

or however, opposed to
18.

ixev.

So

01., III. 2.

See note,
as sore

IlvSvav, IToTiSaiav, MeOwvrjv, often

named

places in the orations of

their capture

Demosthenes, and always

in the order of

by

Pliili]).

places

and

dates.

Kal...Kal...Kai.

See special Introduction, p. 51, for the Fianke calls attention to the

polysyndeton, i. e. the repetition of the connective. Asyndeton, entire omission of the connective, is more frequent. De Cor., 69, 01., I. 9
;

237, et
city

al.

The former gives weight and magnitude, the

rapidity. TravTa...KVKX<{), i. e. the whole country about the Therniaic Gulf. See Ma[). oIk6iov, as our oicn. Litei-ally and with

and

latter viva-

the order and emi)hasis of the Greek we once... held all that regio^i AS OUR OWN round about. Placed before kvkKi^, according to Rehdantz,
:

to avoid hiatus
side.

21.

and rhythmical

feebleness.

20.

|1t'

tKeivov,
:

on his

avTovo|xovfL6va Kai eXevOepa.

dent

and free.

Observe the pair indepenThe Pai'onians and lllyrians are sj)ecified as sudi natiims

5-7.]
in 01.,
5.
I.

NOTES.
23, wliciv see tlie TT)v yviijj.Tjv,

65

23.

'i<r\i.

got the idea (Heslop)

same words and the same argument. taken it into his head

25. tiriTtixio-jiara, /ortrcs.scs (Kennedy), quite different from etxe. held as points of attack. Pydna, I'ntidoea, and iMcllione were on the So in Be Cor., 87, eoast of Maeedon, and coniiuaii(h'd the country.

Eubcea

is

called

/caret

rrjs

iroXfus

eirireix^a/j.ui',

and

so Deceleia

was

held by the Lacedemonians as an (wi.Teixi-(TiJ.a against Athens in the See Whiston's note ad loc. hence called Decelean War. xutpas is

objective
26.

now

against or in respect to his own country. have done nothing of what lie has iriroiT]Kv ^Trpa^ev, he would For the distinction between these words, see note accomplished.
genitive
15.
1.

o/.,ni.
p. 3,

drawn from the games 2. Kipiva V (it'o-tj), a metaphor where the prizes are placed in some cential and conspicuous place in the arena. Horn., //., XVIII. 507, XXIII. 273. Heslop renders Such 3. offered to competition. <j>ii<ru iiirdpxei, naturally belong.
:

apothegms, or gnomes, abound in our orator, and are expressed with much brevity and point. 6. 6. xpTi<ra(vos, I'll acting on this prin-

it, tiie aor. pait. distinctly implying that such action or application was preliminaru to the conquests. TO, (lev, lit. some as one would hold places after having taken them 7.

ciple, strictly

having acted on

in war;
others

more concisely and idiomatically: some as mil itari/ conquests, Kai irpo(r)(^iv...a'TrovTs. The 9. as allies and fricMcls.

commentators generally notice these words as forming a hexameter Such lines, of which they instance not a few, probably slipped line. See Cic, Or., 56, 169. 7. 11-13. dv... from him unconsciously.

same principle now. vvv, if therefore you ?Ka<rTOs, and if each one of you, giving up all evasion, would
also tvill adojd the
to act
state.

13.

Kal

be

ready

where he ought and whe7'ever he can make himself useful to the 16. da-^ipuv. This is the technical word for the extraordi-

nary war- tax or contriljution (eiiKpopai) which was paid by the 1,200 richest Athenians, who were divided into classes (av/x/xopiai) foi- that
17. v tiXikiol, See note 01., II. 29, and references there. purpose. <rvvSee 01., I. 28. in (of) the military age, sc. from 18 to 60. ws often precedes the part, when XdvTi 8' airXws, to speak concisely, See explanation in Lex. L. k S. C. 671c; Cu. 435; thus used.

18. vi|iwv avrwv.. ^e'veo-Oai, beG. 184, 5; H. 601; Madv. 38 c. Gen. of posCf. 01., II. 30, and note there. cmfie your own masters. 19. ovSe'v instead of juijSeV in a conH. 572, c. C. 443 session.

66
ditioiiiil

NOTES.

[Phil.

I.

7-9,

clause, because the force of the conditional particle {dv) is

fall chiefly

intended to
fiicf

on the next clause, while this clause states a

while each one hopes to do nothing himself.

20.

Kal...

you will both secure your own 2iosscssiuns, if God will, and Vur ko/ju(jii back again what has been thrown away by sheer neglect. e^ade, cf. 01., II. 28, where it is said of securing or receiving back
K0|i.iei(r9e,

Amphipolis.

On

cii>

debs OeX-Q, see 01., II. 20

and note

there.

Heslop

reads edi\y) here, but the editions generall}' have diXy, and the editors generally agree that the shorter form of this verb is used of the
Cf. Sauppe and gods even after a word ending with a consonant. Dindorf in loc. Several commentators call attention to the contrast

between the

/card in

Kareppadv/jirj/xeva

the pleonasm in

clauses of the apodosis are not tautology, but an emphatic reduijlication of kindred ideas, resembling the pairs of kindred words which our author is so fond of 8. 24. dGavaxa, proleptic that his present poiuer is secured using.
TrdXii'

with the avd.

and the The two

dvd. in dfaXTjifeade

and

to

him

as

|xio-i

Tis,

a god in everlasting i^ossession. Heslop. dXXd Kal nay, many a one even of those who seem to be very friendly
to

to

him

both hates

and fears and

envies him.

tis,

our

many a

one, as

Homer, e. g. //., III. 297. The reference is to the Illyrians, Cf. 01, I. 23; II. 15. Pieonians, and other allies of Philip. 26. airavO' 8ora irsp take their true meaning and interpretation from the /xayelv, dediev, and (pdovd which precede all the hates and fears and envies and jealousies, all the feelings, passions, and motives, ALL the elements of human nature, whatever they may be, which exist in other men. The omission of the substantive makes the language more comprehensive and emphatic without making it obscure in its connection. The fact that the orator felt under the necessity (if making such remarks as this, and that which immediately precedes, shows the almost superstitious awe and dread which Philip had inoften in
:

spired at Athens.
P.
4,
1.

1.

KaT'irTT]x^

jie'vToi,

doicn, having no place of refuge.

KaTfiTT-iix^-

now, however, all these are cowed Observe the emphatic position of

It is especially applied to

their

lair.

See

Whiston
9.
5.

in loc.

timid animals crouching in

at

i^ST],

emphatic in position as well

once;

as

in

signification, forthwith.

immediately.

Heslop renders

Whiston

noting degree.
tlie

Partitive gen. deaa-iKydo.^ here insolence. C. 416; Cu. 412; G. 168 H. 559 c. avepwiros,
;

man,

bitter

with

mi.xture of hatred

and contempt.

6.

os

ovi8',

9, 10.]

NOTES.

67
:

ivlio

docs not even.

So in (Jl., I. 22, he reports what he licurs 8. ois <j>a<riv. keep quiet. 8. from others in regard to Philip. oiJx otos eo-xiv, and is not the man to red in the possession of what he has coiujuered, Out is ever trying

7.

&yt^v T)o-D\iav, almost exactly our idiom

to co)npass something more, and every side while we procrastinate

is

and sit

throwing his net round about us mi si ill oios is diUfivnt IVom oius
.

re.

oios icTTtv

-= ovraTai. /Soi'Aerai koL wpoypTjTai, olos t' iariv

crates cited liy Fraiike,

cf. oiai re,

:)7.

II;ir[io-

irepio-Toixll^eTai is a

meta-

phor drawn from hunters who lix poles or stakes (aroixoi) ill the ground and then stretch their nets npim tlnni to prevent the escape of the wild beasts they are [lursuing. So all the commentators.

But wpocnrepL^dWeTai also a hunting metaphor. is apparently boriowcd from a person wra^ijiing a mantle or cloak about himself. This is tlie prevailing use of TreptHeslop finds
in

Whiston

says,

it

/3d\\e(r(?at.

Tliucydides (V. 2) uses TrpoaTrepilBa.WeLv, of throwing a wall about a city and Isocrates (198 E) uses the middle voice of
;

10. 11. 'TrdT'...ir6T, cf. '^(Jtiv... throwing a wall about one's self. Observe the increase of the emphasis i(jTiv, 01., 1. 19, and note there.

by the interposition of Cj avSpes \\6rivaloi. So also between pairs of kindred words, cf. note, 3, above. tirtiSav ri, -yevriTai, when what

shall have happened, sc. will

disaster idll rouse

you do your duty

:=

what event, what

interrogative again, cf. note 3 above. The rapid series of intenogations in this section well illustrates the remark of Eobert Hall quoted in the general Introduction,

you

The double

p. xiv.

18.

is irt8av,..i3> u'henever there

necessity, forsooth.
it,

Ala

is

ironical.

Heslop and Kennedy render

suppose.

vvv

vi\

Bi.

vw

the qualifies yiyi'o,ueva especially, but influences also

whole quesought

tion
toe to

by

its

emphatic position at the beginning

but

my

or

think of things that are now taking place. part, whatever may be the opinion of others.
i/\,

14.
L.

now what
e-yw p,v,

I for

&

S.

Lex.

fxlv, 7.

16.
if

you do not think

interrogative, involves the antithesis to the preceding fiei^: See explanation and examso, do you icish?

elire like ^ye and (pipe is used irreples in Lex. ^ interrogative, 2. H- brings the C. 656. spective of the number of persons addressed. 17. aiirwv is gen. of source after ttwquestion home to each hearer.

ddveaOai,
lish

and

is

used instead of

aXXvyXaji/, as it

often

is.

So

in

Eng-

we can

say, inquire

among

yourselves, or inquire of one another.

\u}v instead of oi/rcDc.

Longinus (18) quotes the passage, doubtless from memory, with dXX^Soine editions (Bekker, Dindorf, Whiston, but

68

NOTES.

[Phil.

I.

10-12,

do you wish to ill liiackets) read Kara tyjv ayopdv after irwddveadai: Xe^erat ti Kaigo about and inquire of one another in the agora. vov, is there any news ? yevoiro Yap, yes, indeed, for could there be

any
his

piise

news? He.slop renders yap by ivhy, exj^ressive of surand impatience. The author of the Acts of the Apostles shows acquaintance witli the character and habits of the Atheiuans
greater

wlien he represents
telling
dvT|p,

them
ti

as spending their time in nothing else than

and hearing

Kaivbrepov

(Acts xvii. 21).

18.

MaKcSwv

3.
p. vii.

contemptuous, like dvdptjjtros above, 9, and perhaps tovtou, See 01., TIL 16; Phil., III. 31, and general Introduction,

= Lat. dehellans. Virgil: debellare superSioikwv, managing, lit. as if it were his owri housaand property. 11. 20. dXX' do-Gcvet is jirinted as a question But in most editions it is an answer to by Heslop and some others. "Is Philip dead T' asks some one of the the preceding question.
-19.

KaTttTToXefiuiv

bos.

Kehdantz.

20.

idle,

sick," answers another

but curious Athenians in the agora. "No, indeed, but he "But what and would-be wiser citizen.

is

is

you?" adds Demosthenes, ridiculing and censuring Kal ydp.'n-dOT), for even should anything haj)pen to this Philip, you will immediately create another, if you attend to your af&v ti ird9T|,like the Latin si quid humani acciderit, fairs in this way.
the difference to
both.

21.

24. o\ih\ yo-ft ovtos irapd, for an euphemism for should he die. ovhi is an even this man has not been exalted so much through, etc. = through. Arnold, in his note on Thuc, emphatic negative. irapd " This is in
is

I.

vulgar English,

141, irapa Tr)v avroO dp-eXcLav, says, exactly expressed See Heslop and 'all along of his own neglect.'"
in loc.

Whiston

says, it is as if the

Franke compares the Latin propter and juxta, and growth of Philip's power ran parallel to the negli-

gence of the Athenians.

to be

considered.

12.

25.
5!

Kairoi Kal tovto, and yet this also

is

26.

ti irdOoi instead of av
is

wddri, as above,
less
;

because here the supposition

vividly, with a

to be stated

more generally and

more indefinite and

less positive result (G. 220, b)

or,

as Whi-ston states the diff'erence, av

TrdBy expresses the not improbei ti

able contingency of death as

irddoi expresses the

tlie

consequence of illness, whereas

more remote and improbable contingency of the same event, indejxndent of any proximate or anticipated cause. C. 26. Kal Ta ti^s Tv\y\<i..ki,ipyd.(ra\.TO,and Cu. 545 H. 747. 631, c
;

favor of fortune, which always takes better care of us than ice do Kal to-ut this also. of ourselves, should accomplish this also for us.
if the

12, 13.]

NOTES.
Heslop.

G9
Cf.

fti?.,

(>!.,

11.

the deatli of Philip, to crown her other favors. 2, and note there.

1'. 5, 1. 1. i!o-6', lor 'Care, be assured that, being close at hand, yoa might step in ichen all things irerc in confusion (lit. upon all things 3. ovSt S.Sovtwv, in confusion) and manage them just as you please.

C. 635 (_'u. oSo even if circumstances offered you Amjjhijoolis. So dcres above implies a condition. Demosthenes G. 226 ; H. 751.
7iot
; ;

here, perhaps, alludes to Philip's surrender of Amphipolis on his accession to the throne, and the neglect of his countrymen to avail

themselves
5.

of

the

dTrT|pTr|(ievou is here
{\it.

Whiston. Grote, XI. 305. opportunity. the opposite of ir\-Q<Tiov ovres, and so means

koX ...yv uniais, both in your jireparat ions oft'). purposes, i. e. as far from having resolved as from being prepared to carry on the war.
remote

hanging

and in your
C.

Measures recommended (13-22).

Heau me with patience, and without prejudice at the novelty of my plan, while i proceed to state the kind of military preparation which 1 recommend. first furnish fifty triremes for carrying foot-soldiers, together with the necessary' transports for half of the city cavalry, and be in readiness to embark in person as soldiers, and sail at ANY MOMENT EITHER TO REPEL THE SUDDEN INCURSIONS OF PhILIP UPON OUR POSSESSIONS, OR TO MAKE INROADS ITPON HIS TERRITORY, AS OCCASION MAY OFFER. P>i:SIDES, GET IN READINESS A SMALL FORCE, SUCH AS YOU CAN NOT ONLY VOTE BUT ACTUALLY RAISE, SAY TWO THOUSAND INFANTRY AND TWO HUNDRED CAVALRY, ONE FOURTH OF WHOM AT LEAST SHALL BE ATHENIANS, WITH TRANSPORTS AND TEN SWIFT TRIREMES, TO HARASS THE ENEMY CONTINUALLY', AND CARRY ON A CONSTANT W^ARFARE WITH HIM. The Greek order is so expressive and 13. 7. 'lis |A^v oOv, K. T. X.
13-22.
artistic here that
it
:

may

well be preserved even at

to be

some expense

to

our English idiom

That you ought then

entirely willing to do

persuaded of it, I cease to urge. ediXeiv. See Kehdantz in loc.

your duty all of you prom2)tly, ptrcsuming that you are convinced and, lOeXovras inrctpxei-v is stronger than

readiness.
;

s..
;

Heslop renders
(is

there ought to exist

""e'Tei-o-fievwv.

subjective
;

presuming

that.

C. 680

Cu. 588

Xa^ai &.V, G. 211 H. 783.

;

G. 280, N. 4 H. 795 e Madv. 182. 10. d-rraXloould deliver, sc. if voted and raised. C. 658 a Cu. 575

diraXXdlai

oio|iai is to

be understood with

TrXrfio^

70
bcTov

NOTES.
and
iropovs

[Phil.

I.

13-15,
the

ovanuas in the same wa\' as with Tpbirov

ffv

kind

of armament and thr number of men and the supplies of money which I think irould deliver %is from such a state, caul hoiv the other requisites
mixjht, as it seems to me, he best

and most

ex2)cditiously provided,
;

vill

now
to

also (or
tell.

e.vc7i

deavor

now,
1.5.

i.

e.

at once,

Heslop

Franke, statim) en-

14.

\aixfidveTe (pres.

a continued action
to

KplvaT (aor.) denotes a momentary, wpoform your judgment irhcn yon

:

han: heard all I have

141.
f'uie
IIe>li)ji.

say

dont

be

prejudging as T go on.
/xri.

Some

co2>ii*s

insert Kai l)elore

irporepov,

Madv.
sc.

be-

you have heard, dehnes as well as emphasizes the irpo-. IC. |jit)8*...\'yiv, nor if I seem to any one to be recommending an entirely ncic force. k% o-PX^?) ^it. from the beginning = entirely.

The novelty

of the proposed force consisted in its being made up of citizens instead of mercenaries, and being constantly maintained in-

anew for every new emergency It^ wv'i ^orjOeig..) take longer to raise such a force and jirovide for its subsistence, hence some might charge him with the very delay (dva^aWeiv) which he deprecated. But it would prove the most expeditious in
stead of being raised
It miglit

the end; for, he proceeds to say, it is not those v:ho cried "Quick .'" and " To-day !" that speak most to the jni-ViMsc. ol tlirovTes is past those who have spoken on former occasions, and raxi' and Tr^ixtpov

were the very words which they spoke. 19. oil Yoip dv, k. t. K.,for ice could not prevent irhat has already happened by present succor, sc.
if

we should render
;

it

Cu. 575

G. 211

H.

78-3).
;

ever so immediately (implied protasis, C. 658 a The maxim is so obvious as to be almost

;

common-place
nection
as
to

in itself

but

it

is

so well put,

and in such a con-

venia verbo) a kyiock-down argument. 15. 21. 8s dv, but he speaks m/)st to the purjmse v:ho can show. Tis...ir6<rr)...Tr66v answer to the fju...6crov...omTLva's of the thirteenth

form

(sit

dW

section (ris having reference to the kind of troops, iroa-q to the number, and irodev to the ways and means of support, cf. 20 below), and TropLiddiTa belongs with each of the interrogatives and denotes the

preliminary action or condition which will enable the troops to hold out: what force, and hmo great, and from ichat source provided and Cu. 583 ; supplied (i. e. in case it be provided and supplied, C. 635
;

G. 226

H. 751)

will be able to keep the field.

The conciseness and

flexibility of the

Greek

of our oivn accord.

26.
p.^

is

seen in such sentences.

23.
;

ircio-OtVTes,

24.

tot) Xoiirov, C.

433 a

Cu. 426
firj,

H. 591.

KwXvcov, not, hoivcvcr, ivishing

to oppose,

not

or, liccar.se

16, 17.]

NOTKS.
So
I'laiikt'.

71
Wliistoii savs,

folldwiiif,' tlir inf.

l)Ut

coiiilitiDiKil."

<';;^6i/.

"not

jiohitive,
;

'17.

vnroo-xo-is,

the,

promise (imdurtukiiig)
test.

to

irpa-yfia, the jtcrjvrniance ;

tov 'i\iy\0Vy the

properly
sliips of

16.

1'.

0,

1.

1.

TpiT|pis.

Vcsst'ls propelled

liy tliicc,

banks of

oar.s

and

tliiuu lunk.s of rower.s,

ftist

war, the swiftest of which

were almost as

as a

modern steamship.

Two

classes are distin-

guished
long

and which were real nien-ol'-war, carrying sometimes 200 men, crew and marines; and a slower and heavier class, used in battle
in this

passage, viz. raxtMi Tpirjpeis ( 22), swnft ships

ifiaKpai),

only iu

ca.ses

of necessity, but usually

employed

for transporting troops.

These

last are again .subdivided into cavalry transports, 'nrirayco-yoi,

and transports

for foot-sohUer.s, here called simjily rpL-qptis,

but often

called oTrXirayuyol.

Besides

the.se

we have

wXola, sailing-vessels for

,

C'f. L. & S. Lex., carrying baggage, provisions, etc. (impedimenta). The entire 2. and Smith's Die. Antiq., art. Ships. irevrriKovTa. fleet at this time consisted of at least 300 triremes. Demos., Dc Sym.,

18;

Bockh., Pub. Econ., B.

11.

C. 21.

elr".

.|ipd(ri.v,

and then

(secondlv) that lue ourselves ought to have our winds made u}) to this, that, if need be, we 'must embark in them ourselves and sail, so. as volunteers, or citizen soldiers.
lifty

This shows the use to be made of the

triremes and the kind of triremes meant

the same idea which so serve the emphatic repetition of ourselves, II. 27 III. 34, often recurs in the Olynthiacs afterwards, e. g. I. 6
irpbs Se tovtois, prepare cavalry transports for the
et passim.
4.

(sc.

oTrXLTayiayol).

Ob-

and

besides these

I move you

to

half of our cavalry and a sufficient number of sailing-vessels (tenders). The article with iirireuv refers to the standing force of cavalry usually maintained at Athens, which at this time was 1,000, 100 from each tribe. Cf. De Sym.,
13.

5.

liriraYWYOVPS, quffi, Pericle auctore, 430, e vetustis triremi-

bus
.Vb

factiie

sunt (Thuc, II. 56) quibus equites et equi vehebantur.

67rXtTa7a)7ot
rpiripeis

his

et

supra,

et

rpi-^peis

raxelai

22)

naves longiB, quarum in pugna navali usus erat, di.stinguendse sunt. Franke. 17. 6. ravra (iv...ir, these, on the one hand, I think

ought

to be

first place, is
Si,

in readiness against. p4v, on the one hand, or in the resumed at the beginning of 19, and there finds the

in the second place,

which answers

to

it.

10.

irapaerrtitrai, so

the MS. 2, Yomel, Rehdantz, etc., it is necessary to impress tliis upon his mind, al. irapaarrivaL, that it should be ])resent, or be impressed. vjwiSi emphatic, is the subject of op/xrjaa'.Te, whicli has the preg-

72

NOTES.
start off: that

[I'liiL.

1.

17-19,

nant signification of mcake and

you muy perhaps awake

just as you did
els
to Eii-

from
hmx.

this

your

excessive U2}athy,

and

start

This EiiPoiav. expedition was sent to aid the Eubceans against the Thebans, B. u. 358, and was successful in compelling tlie latter to evacuate the
After
ibairep

understand

Copix-qaare.

off,

11.

It was a frequent subject of glorification with the Athenians. Demosthenes himself was one of the trierarchs {De Cor., 99), and Grote

island.

suggests (XI. 307) that he doubtless heard the appeal of Timotheus, whose eloquence moved the Athenians to undertake the expedition,

and whose generalship conducted it to so successful an issue. 12. els 'AXtapTov. This hap}>i'ned B. c. 395, before the birth of

Demosthenes

hence irpbrepov

Thrasybulus marched to

assist the

arrived just in season to

The Athenians under (paaiv. Thebans against the Spartans, and turn the scale and compel the Spartans to
-wori
is

withdraw
96.

fronj Boeotia.

This ex]K=dition

also mentioned,

12.

recently.

353-2.
mend)
the

18.

ra TiKiVTaia, Jiiii(//y, as the last instance. 13. irpu)T)v, It was two or tliree years pievious to this oration, B. c.
13.

De

Cor.,

ovTOi iravTeXtos,

k. t. X.,

a7id even if

not achieve this as I say

you ought,

it

(the pi-eparation

you should which I recom-

is by 110 means a, thing to be despised in order that either through 17. lo-l...l(rtv, cf. ttot ...Trore, fear which it would cause, etc 10, and note there. e^a^yyeWovres denotes a customary action,

1/7(0

18.

-irXeiovs

are in the habit of rejMrting, carrying abroad intelligence, ef-. toO Se'ovTos, more than there should be; in eo numero fue-

runt Philocrates, Phryno, Ari.stodemus, Neoptolemus, Ctesiphon, alii. 19. |XT]Sev6S) not ovdevos, on account of IW, says Franke Sauppe. but better with Rehdantz, because it is an implied condition if

2Jre.ve7it you sailing against his country, as there would not be, if you raise a permanent force and take advantage of the 20. dv evSw winds and the situation (cf. 31) as I recommend. 19. 21. xavra Kaipov, should he (Philip) give you an opportunity.

there wei'e nothing to

(Ae'v..."rrpbs Be, cf.

note, 17, above.

8e86x6ai...Kal irapeo-Kevdo-Gai,
; ; ;

immediately voted and at once provided. C. 599 Cu. 506 (i. 202, 2 WhisH. 715. -irpbs TovTois, besides this (Bekker, Dindorf, Heslop,

ton, etc.),

before this (Franke, Sauppe, Relidantz, etc.). found in good MSS., accords better with the sentence immediately preceding, and is confirmed by nptii tovtols,
al.

wpo

toi^tcoi^,

Tlie former reading,

22.
25.

23.
[jioi,

HT|

Whiston. npo\n.pi(ra<rQai.i, to get ready to hand. mrne of your feu t/iousand, nor twice ten thousand merce-

19, 20.]

NOTES.
The
ace.

73

narie.1.

iilied

in

firj.

ami iht
-30.

ih']>rui\

26.

eirio-ToX-iiialovs,

\l/r)fpi(riJ.a<Tiv

below,

Tavras,

on Xeyrire or some surh verb imon paprr, defined by ev rots

sc.

with whii'h you are so familiar.

hut a force which shall belong to the state, i. e. not of mercenaries alone, but largely of citizens, and thereconsisting, fore fully subject to the conunand and at the disposal of tlie state,
27.
f|...?<rTai,

aW

in.stead of

running

oti"

to fight thiii

own

battles,

24 below.

This
i}.

is

the reading of most of the editions.

Some MSS. read

ctXX'

whether you elect one or wore, or this Kdv...dKoXov9T|(ri, and which, or that man, or any one whatever as general, will obey and follotv III. 35. Tov Stiva, cf. note, 01., II. 31 him.

20.
-troitiv,

P. 7,
i.

1.

3.

Tis-

'''o<rT]...'Tr66v, cf.

note,

1.5

above.

irws
5.

obey the

how the force can be so constituted that it will commander and fight the battles of the country.
e.

cheerfnliy

KaO'

is distinctive,

6. one by one. ^e'vovs fxtv Xe'^w, mcrciiaries I do in" none of Lest the remark in the previous section, deed propose. your ten thousand, or twjce ten thousand mercenaries," should be misunderstood, and prejudice the minds of his hearers, for whom it was

any nitmber of mercenaries than to he takes the earliest opportunity to suggest that he does not propose to di.spense entirely "ith this usual and At the same time he intimates by the popular species of troops. word yu.ei' that this is not the only force which he proposes. Instead, however, of proceeding at once to state the number of mercenaries,

much

easier

and

plea.santer to vote

take the

field tiiemselves,

number which they would deem contemptibly small for them to he stops to warn them against their pernicious habit of voting vote,
a

and doing little or nothing in other words, as soon as he has minds by this popular suggestion, he returns to liis main point, " none of your myriads," etc., and insists that they shall If auy reader sees in vote no more than they can and will execute. this not only rhetorical art, but artifice, he should remember that
large
;

relieved their

the Athenian people would not

their tastes

li.sten

to

an orator who did not please

7. Kal Sttws, and yield more or less to their prejudices. and beivare how you do u-hnt has many times harmed you. For the H. 756 a. Cu. 553, Obs. G. 218, N. 2 construction, see C. 626 But the fut. ind. is more common tlian the iroiT|<rT, al. woi-na-qre.
;
; ;

sulij.,

especially with

Dem.,
it

in such warnings.
to (eiri

Cf.

Vorael in

loc.

9.

'Trl...TroiiT,

when
4

comes

with the dative) the doling

(ac-

tion, business,

agendum), you do not execute

(effect, accomi>lisli, faei-

74
iis)

NOTES.
even the smallest.
V\'.

[Phil.

I.

20-22,

note, 01., III. 15.

10.

dX\a...<})atvT)Tai,

hut after you have executed

and jn'ovidcd
;

the sviaU,

add

to these

from

time (iniper. pres.), if tkeij prove (not merely senn, but cure, H. 662. C. 514 21. 12. Xiyu Sr\ resumes shown) to be too small. the ^evovs iJ-ev Xeyu iilio\e, emphasizing Xe7w, however, instead of time
to

= then, or / sat/. o-TpaTiwthe cacalnj are spoken of below, iTTTr^as. So below, 28, 3-3. | ^s-.-riXtKias, of ichatcvcr age ijou may think advisable. It was customary to speeit'y in tlie Ijill some age as the
^euovs,

pro2}Ose then,

dr)

resumptive
;

ras here means foot-so^d icrs

limit of an enlistment.
bitter

15.

|at)

draught

as often

and

as

much

The orator sweetens the p-aKpov. as possible. 17. d\XT|X.ois is da-

tive after e| StaSox^s, relieving one anotJver.

18.

8i.aKoo-tovs...-n-VTT|-

Kovra.

One tenth

of the whole force

proportion in the

Greek

and at least one service,

was to be cavalry,

the usual

19. uio-irep is correlafantry and the cavalry were to be Athenians. I. 15, also, where see note: in the tive to Tov avTof TfjoTTov iu 01.
,

fourth of the in-

same manner as the foot- soldiers, i. e. for the same length of time, and relieving each other in the same way. LirTraYwYOiis, sc. elvai. Ad rem, see note on Tpiripeii, 16, above. 22. 22. Taxias KcXivw. 23. vavriKov shows that these swift triTpiT|pis, see note 16.

On Philip's navy, remes, war-galleys, were emphatically the navy. advansee Grote, XI. 424. rpiTipwv t||J.lv, gen. of want and dat. of H. 575, or dat. of the person Cu. 431 0. 414, 453 tage after Set. and gen. of the thing. G. 184, N. l.^Kat, too, i.e. besides the i. e. the swift ships are to serve as a cono-iro)s...'ir\T|,

transports.

voy.

26.
=

TT]\i.Kai)TT]v,

small

tantillam.

27.

if such amount, as

Kal

TroXiras. .KXevu,

mend (move) that those wlio serve fourth of the soldiers were to be citizens, various suggestions have been made tcr get over the difficulty, .such, e. g. as making TroXtras,
or TroXiras tovs araTevonevov^, the subject,

named above, i. e. here, so and why I recomAs only one should be crrizEN.s.

and

elvai

irapeimi ( 23).

the only translation of which the Greek will admit. instead of (TvffTpaTevoixevovs has been proposed as an amendment, with the actual constitution of (XTpaTvofji.vovs, SO as to correspond

But the above

is

the force as above recommended.

But even then the

is,

article

would

not be right.
D.

And

as the reading

it
:

correspoiuls with the charac-

teristic feature of

the recommendation

a potiori nomenfit.

Reasons
I

23-27.

recommendation (23-27). RECOMMEND THIS C0MI'.\11ATIVELY SMALL FORCE, BEfor this

23,

24.]

NOTES.

75

CAUSE IT IS IMPr.ACTICABI.E FOR US NOW TO PROVinE AN ARMY THAT CAN mi;i:t Piiilii-'s army on tiik field of hattle. And I urge THAT A CONSlliERABLE PART OF THE FORCE CONSIST OF ATHENIANS, BECAUSE IT IS NO NEW TIIINO FOR (TIIZENS To SERVE IN YOUR
TOO,

AND BECAUSE, SINCE MERCENARY SOLDIERS, OFFICERED, MORE OR LESS, BY FOREIGNERS, HAVE CARRIED ON YOUR WAKS, THEY CONQUER YOUR FRIENDS, AND FIGHT THEIR OWN BATTLES FOR TIIKII: OWN INTEREST, WHILE YOU AND YOUR GENERALS ARE KNCIIOSSEU WITH SPORTS AND FESTIVALS.
ARMIES,
23.
P. 8,
1.

1.

To<raviTT|v here takfs the place of TT?\aai''r7;i' in the

|)ivvions section, with the

sc.

same

incaninj,'

ami the same

dwoxPV"
2.

ol/j.ai,

8, so siiut/l

ill

or pos.silily duat KeXevoj. TO(ravrTT]v [liv. .iroXiTas L'. 701 in the second phtcr <-ili:.( us. the Jirst 2^iuce (j.
.

coiistiuctioji,

Ktvo), as

usual, refers to Philip.

3.

XT)a-T6viv, as

n-apaTa^ofievrjv

to

carry on a guerilla warfare.

Cf. 01.
,

opposed to
Trp(oTt]v,

"I?

in thr first place

..TO.Tti\.vr\v,
it

for the present.

be over-larqe

III. 2.

r^v
5.

vm'po-yKov
Kai wpbrepov

must not
7.

contemptible.

nor on the other hand altoyi/her

Kal Trporepov

ttot' cikovw.

Compare the
is

TTore (pauiv oi

17.

The

reference in both sections

to the

same
;

Curtius, IV. 245 war, often called the Corinthian War, b. c. 395. He is mentioned Little is known of Polj'stratus. Grote, IX. 454.
also in tlie Or. con. Leptinevi, 84.

named were among

The other two generals here the ablest and most distinguished of the Athenian

distinction liy defeating (in tlie I])hicrates gained especial generals. Corintiiian War) a Lacedsemonian mora (about (100 men) of heavy

and infantry with the light-armed TreXraaTai which he organized Whiston in loc. Curtius, IV. 263 Tliirlwall, T. 571, Amer. trained.
; ;

ed.

Grote, IX. 482.

Chabrias was scarcely

less

famous.

Curtius,

The IV. 459, V. 93; Thirlwall, II. 20, 82.-24. oI5a aKovtov. orator still refers to the saiue war, and now- adds a reference to its
.successes

which, of course, he kuov's only by what he has heard.

Cf.

AaKeSaifxovtous up-is |At' kKilvuv. that These are the words which the orator wishes to emphasize

aKovuv

(Tvvoida, 01., III. 3.

11.

these mercenaries fighting

the

Lacedaemonians.

by your side a7id you by TurARS coyiqueird It is curious and instructive to see Demos-

thenes thus referring to the service of Athenian citizens in their armies as a matter q{ hearsay beyoml tlie personal knowledge of hiinseir Mild liis hearers, so

nuruenaries.

long and so entirely had they come to rely on See on this suliject Cuitius, IV. olU Grote, XI. 390.
;

76

NOTES.
14.
viKo.,

[Phil.

I.

24-26,
vhilc

17.

they are conti'tuinlJii ennqnerivff your fhiends,

etc.

your ENEMIES,

16.

irapaKiiixj/avTa,

((ftcr

jMssinrf glance.

is

See Ol., II. "28, where tlie orator asks wliy irpbs 'Aprdpa^ov. all their generals run away from the .service on whicli they are sent

and seek out wars

of their own.

The

allusion there

and here

probably to Chares, who, in the Social War, having no money to pay his troops, lent them to the Persian satrap Artabazus, who was

then in rebellion against the king.

satrap,

He

gained a victory for the

and was well paid for the service, but came very near involvDiod., XVI. ing the Athenians in a war with the king of Persia. 17. fxciWov, rt(ther than to top ttjs TroXews 22; Grote, XI. 324. 18. t'lKOTtos, of course, followed by yap, which assigns jroXefiof. 19. |it) SiSovra, the reason in the form of a gnome or apothegm. 25. 21. iroplconditional negative = if he does not find them jKiy.

<ravTas...TrapaKaTacrTT|0-avTas, by providing pay and by attaching C. citizen soldiers as eye-witnesses of the conduct of your generals.

674

Cu. 581

G. 277, 2

instead of f-rrowTas.

H. 789,

6.

fidprvpas
the

is

used below, 47,

things

23.

ivd vvv yi,for

way we manage

now

certainly

position.
in the

is

25.

ridiculous, 7e\ws being the predicate in an emiihatic 26. ttoXciioviacv, not ivc. jid Ai'..."Ye, 7io indeed,

ovk exeipoxoveirt, and did you not (lately, this very year, according to your custom in time of war) elect from among yourselves taxiarchs and generals and phylarchs ten What, then, arc all these doing, and of each, and two hipparchs ? why, when you have sucli an ample supply of Athenian officers, do

war of Amphii)olis.

26.

27.

you not only employ mercenary troops, but let foreign officers command them ? Such seems to be the spirit of the argument in this and the following sections. The Athenian army was organized and
officered, according to the democratic constitution of the state, with ten generals, ten taxiarchs (division commanders), and ten phjdarchs and in the earlier and better (cavalry officers), one from each tribe
;

days of Athenian history, as, for example, at the battle of Marathon, these were all in the field and at their post of duty. But now in this degenerate age, Demosthenes says, with the exception of one man,

whom

they

may perci^nce

send out to the war

(Si'

hv

e/cTre^i/'T/re

wl

Tov TrbXep-ov), they were all in the city helping the sacrificial magisTen of trates conduct the sacred (fiera tQu iepoiroiuv)
!

processions these upowoLoi were elected each year, one from each tribe, as masters of reliirious ceremonies.

26
r.

28.

NOTES.
1.

77

!),

/j/ti/lardis
iitudcl

4. uxrinp ^ap, for you elect your taxiarcJts and your not /or the lair, but for the cujora, just like those who generals in lilaster, that i.s, you iiiakt! your military officers

mere

.statuettes,

monies.

These would of eourse he

puppets, and figure-heads for your sliows and cere27. 7. ov //(. AwAj'or the injora.

ought not tuxiarchs to have been Fi;oM among yourselves, Atja^areA ffiom AMOXG YOURSELVES, officers O/ YOUR OWN (Athenian citizens), in order that the army might have been really at
yap XP^^>/'"'
/lie

I'jV.
..I

9. Observe the emphatic repetition. disposal of the slate? iva with a past tense of the ind. to denote the unattaiued

end

an unfulfilled condition.
1), 'd.

lil

a.\\',nay.

G. 216, 3

V. 624,
it

H. 742
10.
els

.Madv.

Kennedy renders

or.

Afjiivov.

I'rom a lately discovered fragment of Hyperides we leain thai one of

the two hipparchs was sent every year to Lenino.s, for the purpose, as we may conclude from this passage, of taking part in some pioeession 'of the Cleruchs (Athenian settlers), or other sacred solemnity,

8' virip...lir'jrapxtv,

rather than for the discharge of military duty. while Mcnelaus (a foreigner)
irho are contending

He.slop.
is

12.

twv

hipparch of those

.\[enelaus
tlie

Of this for the ijossessions of the state (Athens). nothing is knoivn except that he was not an Athenian statement of Harpocration that he was half-brother of Philip is
;

searcely pi'obable. ivcr his character

13.

may

be,

dXX*...K6XipoTovt][Xvov, bat this man, u:hatought to Iiaicc been elected by you, i. e. he

for a I'oreiguer

ought

to

have been an Atlienian,

might be

hired, but

could not be truly and properly

elected.

See Schaefer in

loc.

E. Ways and Means (28-30). 28-30. I RECOMMEND TH.Vr YOU RAISE NINETY-TWO TALENTS AS MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE FOR THE ARMY AND NAVY. ThE REST THl", ARMY ITSELF WILL SUPPLY FROM THE WAR. FrOM WHAT SOrR(i:s THIS SUM CAN BE RAISED WILL APPEAR FRO.M THE SCHEDULE HEREWITH SUBMITTED. 28. 16. TavTa \i4v, sc. the kind of armament and the number of troops the first and second topics suggested 13 to 5e tCov xp''?."^'''''"', the third part of his exposition, which he there calls iropovs oiiffriva^ 18. irepauvco, pres. iud. = I proceed to despatch. Xpy)iJ-a.TU}v. XP^"
; ;

(iara Toivvv,
mill/
u[)

.s-

to supplies, then, the (cost of) subsistence,

ration-hioneu

The items sum for this force, is ninety talents and a little over. With this adverbial use of ninety-two talents, it will be seen. 22. tov )jit|vos Trpos compare our too, which is only an emphatic to.

78
tKcio-Tov.

NOTES.
The The
calculation is for
I'orce.

[Phil.

].

28, 29,

tlie

to be a
talents.

permanent

23.

year of twelve niontlis. for

it

is

Too-aiiG' 'inpa, us

much more,

.sc.

forty

biubjct (for these e-btimatcs

laid before the British Parliament,

and

mhiuhI us of the yearly budget tlie Athenian orator's office at

the British Minister,
as follows:
.

this time

was scarcely

less

complex

tlian that of
is

who

is

the leader in the House of

Commons)

made up

For the ships, 10 sliips x 2r) iiiiiice x 12 iiioiitlis = 2,400 iiiiiue For the foot-solUiers, 2,00u foot x 10 dnu hinas x 12 months

= =

40 talents

= 240,000 draelniias
Sum

=40
12
iiitli!>.

" "

For the horse, 200 horseiaeii x 3U ilrachnias x

total for the year

= Tii.OiiU

ilr.

12

92 talents

somewhat

talent was nominally a little less than .$1,000, and a drachma less than a Massachusetts sliilliiig (-^ of .1). The student

may
and
It

aid his

memory by keeping

in

mind
it

for i)ractical

purposes generali}'

this .standard of comjiari.son, will be sufficiently accurate.

should be remembered, however, that the value of money, as estimated in the corn or other means of subsistence it would liny, was

many

times

its

present value.

Die. Antiq.,

Talentum.

Bockh, Pub. Econ. B. I., passim Demosthenes's allowance, therefore (of 30

;

drachmas a month, a shilling a day), for the subsistence of tlie horseman with his horse, and a third of that sum (less than 6 cents a day)
for

the foot-soldier,
it

is

not so scanty as with the present value of

to be.

money
26.

would seem
is

2a.
:

oio-iv, being,

XanPavTi, pres. sul)j. receive slatcdhj,

27.
a.<j>op|iTiv
;

i. c. numhcrhig. from month to month.

it

29.
'Start

literally a

.starting-point.

He.slop renders
it to

here

Whiston, provision
^i^viio-Kaj in

but if

any one thinks

be

a small

outfit that

taken.

For
1.

rntiou-moncy onhi be furnished

to begin u:ith, he is misthe sense of tliink, or judge, see 1 and

note there.
P. 10,
3.

TTpoo-iropLei, icill
(i.

provide ichat

else

(irpos-) is

required

from

the

war

e.

not for

itself,

which would require the middle,

but so that j'ou will not have to provide it, cf. iropiauaiv, 01., II. 16). Bockh remarks on this pas.sage in his Pub. Eccm., B. II., Ch. 22, " this
proposal
is

worthy of remark as having no

paiallel in

any Grecian

author

the outline of a plan for embodying a military force to maintain itself at free quarters and at the same time to form a per;

it is

manent standing army, though

the duration
Exi'osiS

its

of the war."

He.slop.

continuance was iiidei'd limited to - ITOPOY

AIIOAEIHIS.

OF Way.s and Means.

schedule of resources available

29-31.]
for the piirposp, fiiniishcil

KOTKS.
by the proper
is

79

official, or with liis help here read by that officer or by Demosthenes himself, or perhaps by the clerk, which was not incorporated in the written oration, and so is not preserved. Com[>are

(hence perhaps the

rj/jteh

of 30),

30. 10. "A ]i.iv them, in De Corona.Dionysius {Epis. ad Amimm., I. 10) quotes these words as the beginning of the sidh I'liilipiiir. Hence some have inferred
tlie

doriinients, or [ilaces for

T|(jiis...o-Tt.

that in our present coj)ies of the

rate orations brought together.

first Philippic we have two sepaBut the internal evidence is suffi-

cient to demonstrate its unity. have ended with tovt' rjdrj Xe^w

Moreover, no oration could ever and none could ever have begun

with a

fi(v

rjiJLfls,

K.

T. \.

And

there are

many

other reasons for be-

lieving that Dionysius must have blundered here, as he did in reference to the order of the Olynthiacs. See especially Whiston in loc,
11. 7ri\ipoTovfjT must here mean, not apand Grote, XI. 431. ras ^vtijias, prove, sanction by vote as usual, but simply vote upon. the resolutions, sententias, sc. that have been proposed whether by

myself or
F.

other.s, cf. 15.

12.

XipoTovT|<raT,

al.

x^^poTovriaere.

the nature of the COfNTKY, AND TAKE ADVANTAGE OF THE TRADE-WINDS, OR RATHER PREVENT PH!LI1''s TAKING ADVANTAGE OF THE.M (.\!5 HE DOES CONtinually) by providing a permanent force, instead of occasional succors, and stationing it in the lslands near the Macedonian coast, where it will be in constant readiness
TO LAND or blockade THE PORTS.
31.
C. 573

Topographical suggestions (31, 32). Yor WILL do well to consider 31, 32.

is

AoKiT, the personal for the impersonal construction. Cu. 571 H. 777. Render It seems to me that you would. Tov Toirov, tl>e situatim, with reference especially to the winds
15.
; : ;

and seasons, as explained

0ti^T, con.'iider v:ell
;

in

Xo-yto-aicrO*, <oZ:c

the following context. into account.

18.
^is

v0v|j.ii-

19. to. iroXXd

to

be taken with both

irinds

irpokafi^avoiv

and

StaTrpdrTeTat,

that by

means of the

and

the seasons he gets the start of

and accom-

plishes the most of his undertakings.

20. tovs iTi^o-ias, the periodical These blow from the northunnds, Irade-wmHiS, as we call them. west for forty days after the rising of the dog-star, and would, of course, be adverse to a fleet sailing from Athens to Macedonia.

" The Auobstinacy and violence of the Etesian winds, in July and have had to struggle with them gust, are well known to those who

80
in the

NOTES.

[Phil.

I.

31, 32,

^gean during

SwaineOa is subjective, giving i]\t.ti^ tivik' the view of Philip T/i^tra Tj/xeis ov ovi'dfj.eda would be objective, stattiie speaker and generally understood. ing the fact as accepted by The latter would mean, when loe cannot ; the former may be renby Whiston.
h-t)
:

21.

that season."

Leake's Northern Greece, iiuoted

dv

dered,

when he
ive

thinks

we ainnot,

or,

more
e,

opinion

should not he able.

C. 643

686 n

exactly, vjhcnever in his This L. & S. Lex.

;

form also expresses a repeated condition negatively, answering to the

32. 23. vi(rTpiovfiv, for customary action expressed l\v iwixetpei. ive shall be too late for evcri/thing, as, e. g. in the cases of Methone, 25. viirdpxei 8' -uixiv, mentioned below, 3.5. Pagasae, and Potidsea, and you are at liberty (licet, Franke) to use as a lointer station for the Lemnos, etc. The islands here named, together with Scopelus,

force

Halonesus, Peparethus,
P. 11,
1.

etc.,

were at this time subject to Athens.

is understood with inrapxei, are in readiness ; ivTrapx"" 8' aipav, and during (ace.) the season of the year when it XpvTT)v and the is both easy to land (c(jme to the land and remain there, dat.) st rictly the matter of the winds, 5. to twv icinds are 3.

safe.

irveviidTtov,

is

more general expression for the winds themselves. 5. twv OiGiv, and rb ttjs tvxv^, 45. Ti'xv^, 12, and to
a

irpos avrfj, and at the K. T. X., tJiey tvill easily take their station near his country entrances of his ports, sc. to land troops to carry out the system of
XriffTsia

Cf.

ra t?h

recommended in 23 and to interfere with commerce. The probable results of this course, in contrast with the wretched state of things now existing at Athens (33-46). 33-46. Provide the money and enlist the army for thk WAR, AS I recommend, AND YOU WILL CEASE TO BE ALWAYS DELIBALSO TAKE ERATING, AND ACCOMPLI.SHING NOTHING. YoU WILL AWAY FROM PhILIP HLS CHIEF RESOURCES, FOR HE SUPPORTS HIS ARMY BY PLUNDERING YOU AND YOUR ALLIES. AnD YOU WILL NO LONGER BE ALWAYS TOO LATE. WhY IS IT THAT YOUR FESTIVALS ALWAYS COME OFF AT THE APPOINTED TIME, WHILE YOUR MILITARY EXPEDITIONS ARE ALWAYS BEHIND THE TIME? BECAUSE IN THE FORMER EVERYTHING IS FIXED BY LAW, WHEREAS IN THE LATTER
G.

THERE IS NOTHING SETTLED. YOU SHOULD NOT FOLLOW EVENTS, BUT LEAD THEM, AS YOU EXPECT YOUR GENERALS TO LEAD YOUR But you fight just as BARBARIANS BOX, ALAVAYS COVARMIES. ERING THE PLACE AFTER YOU ARE HIT, AND FOLLOWING PhILIP HITHER AND THITHER AS IF HE WERE THE COMMANDER OF YOUR

33, 34.]

NOTES.

81

ARMIES.

Do YOU ASK WIIEnE \VK SlIdUM) ATTACK HIM? HAVE YOUR FORCE IN THE FIELD, AND YOU VVIIX SOON FIND HIS WEAK Send out even a smali, force of Athenian citizens, POINTS. AND the favor OF THE GODS AND OF FORTUNE WILL 00 WITH
THEM.
33.
P. 11,
1.

7.

"A =

201

G. 160
to.

H. 552.
It

irapd,

Hoiv, iulvcihial accusative.

C. 483, 1); Cu.

alonysiilc of, lifiice cd the litnc of

and

(irrofding

Kvpios ifi shall use

/rom or thruugh, as in 11. Render How, therefore, and when he after KaTacrrds. jiivil. the force, the general who is put in command of this matter
leiuleicil
:

might be

will decide

lift

orcas-ion

ma
.

if

arise.

10.

y7pa4>a,

sc. in

my

motion.

12. irapao-Ktvao-avTes. .KaTaKXti<rr|T6, and then, after having furnished the other things required, the foot-soldiers, the triremes, the cavalry, in
short, the lohole force complete,

you bind them by law to remain at the So Sauppe and Dindorf, governing Svva/xii' by TrapacrKevdaavTet and repeating it after Kara/cXetcrT/re. Frank e and Eehdantz separate with rdWa, thus summing up ii>T\7J from dvva/xii' and make it agree
war.
the particulars.
to be complete.

Wliatever be
14.

tlie

construction,

it is

proleptic

= so as

riv

p.v

xpt]jxdTwv, becoming (as

you are not now)

the receivers

the general the

yourselves and requiring from of his doings. -rropio-Tat, providing it yourselves instead of letting your generals take it perchance from tlie your friends and allies ( 24), just as iirl t^ TroXe/xy, 1. 14, means

and providers of the vioiuy

due
{rov) account

war to which they are sent in contrast with wars of their own

to enrich

18. -irXe'ov. .itoiovvtss, and making or at least to support themselves. 34. 19. irptorov jitv is correlano pirogrcss, L. & S. under irXduv.
.

tive to iireiTa,
rt'pwv vfiiv,

1.

23

= in

the first place .. .in the second place.

21.

-uiie-

emphatic juxtaposition -means of what he gets from YOUR own

he carries on tvar with

allies.

YOU

by

22.

&y<av Kal ^ipuv

see.

agere et ferre,

is

explained in the Lex., which

allies

22.

toiis

irXe'ovTas, sc. of

merchantmen, their commerce. 23. avToi, yourselves as well as your allies will be saved from robbery and plunder. 24. ovx, and he (Philip) will not do as he has done in

your

their

time past, when he made a descent icpon Lemnos and Imbrus and carried away captive your citizens (Athenian settlers, cf. note, 32), The verbs in tohen he seized the ships at Geroistus and levied, etc.
these specifications are all to be understood in the future with oi^x. These are the things which he will no longer be permitted to do. Observe that these clauses have no connectives, cf. note 4. Geraes-

4*

82
tus

NOTES.
was
a

[Piiiu

I.

35, 36,

promontory and town in the South of Eubffa.

It

was a

convenient point for corn-ships and other vessels to touch at on their way from the Levant to Attica. Grote, X. 176.
P. 12,

also

1. 1. There was TT|v Upoiv. .TpiT|pT], probably the Paralus. another sacred vessel called the Salaniinia, and indeed still

others of less distinction in the time of Demosthenes.

on the

Besides going embassies (dewplai) to Dclos and elsewhere, these vessels carried despatches, embassadors, and other officers of state. See
.sacred
ait. Salaminia, Die. Antiq. 3. els Toiis Ti8\)va<r0, al. dufaade. Xpovovs, strictly, ta or for the times, to correspond -with the sendiiuj succor expressed by fioridfiv. 5. nava0T)vaLa)v..Aiovu<ria>v. There were two Panathenaic festivals, the Less observed anrmally, and the

all

Greater celebrated once in four years, and four Dionysiac festivals, annual, observed at different times and places in honor of the god

Dionysus, at the greatest of which, observed in the city, crowds of strangers as well as citizens were present, and the new tragedies were
exhibited.

See the documents in

tou Ka0T|KovTos xpo''^) "' '/"' lyroper time. C. 433; Cu. 42G G. 179; H. 691. 7. ISiwrai, proiierly private individuals as distinguished from public and jirofessional men here,
tally. Die. Antiq.
<j.
;

IM

Cor.

L.

S.

Lex.

and more

were, in distinction from experts, he.ivo'L. 8. 15 &, K. T. \.,for which you are in the habit of expending 'more 'money than for any one of your military exjKditions, and which are more numerously attended and more magnificent than any I know

the inexperienced, laymen as

it

Toaavra. oo-a ovS' ^va, lit. so much as none = more of anywJiere. than any, with an emphasis, however, on the roaavra which might be expressed in English by combining the two forms = so much Cf. special Introducmoney. ..more than for any, etc. MeGwvTiv.

tion, p. 51.
Xoii,

Observe the asyndeton,

who

long beforehand. xop^Y^s- It was the duty of the choragus, was one of the rich men of the state, to j)rovide, maintain, and

cf.

note

4.

36.

15.

k iroX-

train the dramatic choruses at the Dionysiac festivals. Each tribe appointed its Xos, gymnasiarch of his tribe.
siarchs.
for the
It

-yvfjivao-iap-

own gymna-

was their

office to

provide, maintain, and train athletes

16. ti XaPovra tC games at the festivals. See Die. Antiq. Sei iroietv, what money he is to receive and what he must do in return for it. The action denoted by the part, being preliminary to that expressed by the verb, and the two questions being condensed into

one clause in the Greek,

cf,

note

3.

19.

&TaKTa...a.opi<rTa,

u)i-

36-38.]

NOTES.

83

urraiKjcd, unrcguUihd, aadrjinrd, so tliat nobodij knows belbrcliiiuil who is to coniuiaud, who is to serve, what he is to receive, or what
lie is

to do.

'2U.

a|Aa...Kal

siinul ac, as
It

soon as we have heard

of

any eniergeney we ajipoint

Econ.),

trierarclis.

was the

diit}'

of the trie-

rarulis {Pub.

who were

ajjpointed from
tlie

among

to fiirrish the triremes.

Compare

choragiis

rieli men, and the gymnasiareh

the

above, and on
c.

tlie

tricrarcliic

dvTiSoo-tis, cirhidiyes uf pivpcrtt/, sufficiently explained This liberty of exin the Lexicon, ;iiiil more fully in Die. Aiitiq.

11.

21.

system sec Bockh., Pub.

Ecoii.,

B. IV.

change was a
business at

residents were a

The 23. fiToiKovs. numerous and imjiortant class, who did much Athens, and bore many of the burdens of the state.
fruitful source of delay.

foreign
of the

Their

relations were so |)eculiar that tlie name {metics) has been transferied by Grote and some other writers of Greek history. Die. Antiq. sub. v.

^So^e,

gnomic

aor.

it

is

resolved,

placitum

est.

tovs

X'^P^S

See oiKOvvras, the frecdiiicn who lire crpart fruui their old iiiiistern. Bockh., B. II. cli. "2], on this passage, the freedmen and the metics.
24.
to
lT'...dvT(x|3ipdl^i.v,

then ni/ain to embark ourselves instead,

The expression is as strange in ourselves go on board. the Greek as in the English, and various amendments have been sugWestermann and Franke read etr avroi/s wdXiv, gested to correct it.
lit.

make

elr ajTe/x/St/Sdjetc,

Dindorf encloses
with avrovs
were not in

Avrefx^i^ia^etv in brackets, under-

standing
reading

ifi^aiveiv

TrdXiv,

and

^^'histon

would prefer

this

if avTeix^iL^d^av

all tlie

MSS.

Perhaps the orator

means to satirize the absurdity of their conduct by the strangeness of 37. 2">. iW kv 8<ra)...lK'irXa)(ji6v, so while these delays the language. are taking plaee the object of our expedition, whatever it may be, is al-

ready lost. [leXXtrai, pass., as in Xen. Annb. III. 1, 47; Thuc. V. 111. Compare Heslop in loc. 27. ol 8...lpwviav, and thefteorable vioments (opportunities for deeds) do not loait for our delays

and

evasions.
1.

P. 13,

3.

ou86v...5Xe'Yx.ovTai,
to

when

the opportunities do eome,

service.

prove inadequate
course, Philip,

render any
so
fills

effective

is

4.

6,

he,

is,

of

who

other designation. EIIISTOAAI. The letters, schedule at 30, are read and not inror]>orated with the text, are said by the Scholiast to have been chiefly a warning or advice to the Eu-

every mind that there

no need of any which, like the

boeans not to build any hopes on their alliance with the Athenians, wlio 38. 8. rd iroXXd, the most. C. 523 f; were not able to help them.

84

NOTES.
;

[Phil.

I.

38-41,

toii.

H. 528 n. Cm. 374; G. 142, N. 3 ws ouk ^Sei = unhnpinlij. ov [iTjv dXX' I'o-ws ovx,, aUhoiifjh, perha2}s, not at all.

Wliis9.
cl

iitdccd all that HV...8T](iT|-yopiv, (/

(I

mill giriiig offence

to

we may jmss over in speaking would jmss over as matters of fact, we ought

to to

spade so as
Tai,
lit.

to, irpdYfiaTa is the subject of vwep^rjaeplease you. the things (as well as the words) vjill 2}ass oirr. So Wester-

liianii,

Whiston,

Ilehdaiitz.

Tis the subject,

and give

vTrep^rja-eTai a

Others, as Fianke and Heslop, make causative sense, if he could

11. cl 8' t|, k. t. X., bat if grathereby cause the things to pass over. ciousness of speech wlien it is ill-timed becomes a damage in action, it
is

a shame,

etc.

It is difficult to express

our orator's favorite con-

and ^pyov oi- Trpdypia in good English. 39. 15. (it]8^ TovTo, K. T. X., and not be able to learn so much as this even, that they icho would carry on war successfully must not follow in the icake of events, but must themselves march in advance of events.
trast of X670J
20.

Twv

Trpa-yp-aTtov
:

depends on

riyeladai to be supplied
sit

from the pre-

vious clause
]>ublic

so also

must they who

in council (consult for the

good) take the lead of events (guide circum.stances). pdvTa...8iwKiv is only a stronger expression for a.KoXovdeii'
fiaaiv, lit.

to. o-v|i-

tois Trpdy-

to be continually pursuing what has huppcned, and so is 40. 24. dirdvTwv, of all the Greek states. already past and gone.

Cf. 24,

216

rpnfjpeis

ocras

ovde/xia iroXti

'EWrjvh

KeKTrirai,

k.

t.

\.

On
c.

the Mil. and Nav. Force of Athen.s, .see Bockh. Pub. Econ., B. II. 25. |AXpi...T||Xpas, to this very day. 21, and the Eevpnue, B. III.

P. 14,
(lit.

I.

1.

ov8v 8' a-KoKdireTi,

off

you leave

nothing)
Al. ovSevb's

to

barbarians box.

and you fail in no particular carry on ivar with Philip just as the airoXeiireaBe, which Schaefer and Whis-

ton render, and yet there is nothing in which you do not interfere, and other editors in other ways. But most editors have adopted the

reading of our text, and justify the reading and con.struction by reference to Plato's Phwdo, 69 B. Barbarians, of course, represent unInstead of skilful boxers as compared with the practised Greeks.
TToXepLe'iv,

Schaefer and Whiston read

TroXe/ielTe.

4.

ti]s irXTi-yfj?

always feels for the bloir, lays hold of it as it were. So Heslop, Kennedy, and Whiston. Or wXyjyris may mean the wound, the part struck when stricken, he alicays lays hold of the part struck. of lK6io-...Xipts, lit- tlii'.her arc his hands, with a singular mixture
^X^Tai,
:

motion and

rest in the

heighten the burlescpie.

41.

expression, viliich
6.

is

doubtless intended to
you.
Cf. Kal irepl tQjv

Kal

viAtts, so

41-45.]
irpay/jLCLTUf, 01.,
I.

NOTES.
11,
it'

85

and note
lie

there.

9.

11. 7rp6...'n-poopdT... were your general. well rendered by He.slop: nor hrj'ure events take TTptv, triple emphasis, hear that soviethiiuj has happened place do i/du foresee anytliing till you, f'f. note, iir is hdjipnuiuj. 42. 14. 8oki, personal for impersonal. distinitt recognition of tint)/., I. 10, where also there is an etiually

coiinntindcdbtj hiin,i\ii

o-TpaTT^-yeio-et,

//"

are

'

pinvidiMice of the gods.

vos, of.

16.

Toh

irpdyfMaa-Lv,

and note
a

Tols 7i-YV0|XV0is, dat. alter alax'H'Jt'-f19. aTroxpTJv, / think there.

some of you would be tvhich ive should as a

cowardice and

of things in cotisrquence of state have incurred dishonor and the reproach of The snliject of the ikepest disgrace of every kind.
satisfied with
slate
Siv,

awoxMv

is

((intained in the relative clause (^

//',

k.

t. X.

C. 571,

f.

i'7rp,..a'ire-yvi<SKaTe,

that

is,

despair.

43.

you have not

26.

apx^iv.

"Though

altogether given up in they had hegnn the war in

the hope of punishing him for his duplicity in appropriating Amphipof Pydna, olis, they had been themselves the losers by the capture and they were now thrown upon the defenTotidiva, Methone, etc.
;

sive,

without security for their maritime

allies,

their commerce, or

Grote, XI. p. 427. 26. trtpl - about; inrip, 1. 27 = for the sake of. It is a good illustration of the ditt'erence between the words.
their coasts."
P.
1

5,

1.

2.

in

-ye

ov

<rTT|<rTai, that, to

say the

least,

he will not

stop, so. in

his conquests and encioachments on our posse.s-sions. elxa expresses surprise or indignation shall ive then wait for this, so.
:

for

some one
3.

else to stop

him.

3.

rpiripeis Kcvds.
thr

See note, 01.,

HOPES from SOMEBODY called the hopes from the (Mr. Sueh-an-one, cf. note, 01., III. 3.5), and it is doubthema, below, 1. 17 the article points to familiar facts,
III. 5.

rds

-n-apa

tov Seivos eXiriSas,

less a hit at
K. T. X.,

some

of the leading orators.

44.

5.

ovk

?|i|X6v a.iroL,

shall we not go forth ourselves with some -portion at least of soldiers who are our oxvn citizens now, although we have not done it
before?

WE

from the Every word in this question is full of meaning, OTTKSELVES to the NOW, and the not before ami the rapid
;

series of interrogations expresses the intense ardor

and earnestness of

The question is rhetorically put, as if 8. i^ptro ns. " I heard some one ask." heard by the orator Heslop. actually The same word is used. Oh, If. 21. smd the rotten parts. TO. o-aOpd,
the speaker.
:

the same idea

|iT|.

is

C. 627,

713

12. ovStVoT' ov8iv... there more fully developed. H. 843, 845. The G. 257, 283, 8 Cu. 619, 620
;
; ;

86

NOTES.
:

[Phil.
is

I.

44-47,

emphatic denial is well expiesised by Heslop there ever having anything done that should be done.
TTjs TToXews

45.

no chance of our
13.

ixepn TiVL OTpaTnoTuiv oUdwi',

1.

),

TTOcTTaXfj, sent
vil^erai,

abroad

irith

the rest of the

arinj'.

Kai Tb...o-vva-ywloo aids us in

above.

[xepos rt

14.

(rvva-

the good-Kill of thr gods Cf. 01.,

I. 1
;

and of Fortune
llieie.

tJie

struggle.

II.

'J,

ami notes

make make

evixeves

to

ei'/xeves

the predicate of to tCjv deQv. refer to tP/s tvxv'^ as well

ject of (niuayoivl'^eTai..
Cf. 19,

Kennedy and He.slop Better with Whiston to as tQi/ dtCiv, and the subemptij resolution.
k. t. X., i/our

16.

30 and notes there.

18.

x)/f|(}>Kr(ia

k(v6v, an
ixOpoi,

ol

\i.iv

enemies

laugh at them ichile your friends are frig/dentd to death at (or stand in mortal dread of) such expeditions. diroo-ToXous is the object of

KCLTayeKQiaiu as well as of redrdcn raj deei

/SoiWat.

army.

/xdXa dtdiaai, or iVep^o-

46.

22.

sertions,

and

of course the general without an 6Lv8fa and asinro<rxV9ai....^a-Tiv, to make promises, however, The allusion is to accuse this man and that is possible.
20.
'iva
is

25. dOXiwv ..^vwv, whose pi omises became a proverb. miserable unpaid mercenaries. 11. 28. 26. oi 8' vvkp..(a(riv, 01. ichile those ivho lie to yon, without scruple about what he may have done (in the field) ctre here (in your presence). 'paSiws limits \j/evb6to Chares,
,

imevoi

(Franke, Rehdantz, He.slop, Whiston), not ev0d8'

Kennedj').

thaiv

and you keep voting (present) at random (whatever you may chance to) from ichat you hear, pray (Kai) what ought we to expect? Heslop would express Kai what can we expect ? by an emphasis
mnnn,
27.
v|Jiis
. .

(Wester-

irpoo-SoKoLv,

H.

How

.shall

this state of things be

brought to an end (47-50).

47-50. Sexd out citizex-.soldiers. Then the .same men will be at once .soldiers in the ranks, eye-witnesses of the conduct of your geneiials, and .judges when they render up THEIR ACCOUNTS. CeASE LISTENING TO FABUICATED REPORTS OF Philip's doings. These silly .story-mongers are not his counsellors. Take for granted that he is your enemy, who.m you mu.st fight at home if you avill not meet him abroad, and
act accordingly.
47. P. 16, 1. 2. Srav v[Ji6is, k. t. X., they will cease, ivhcnevcr YOU, gentlemen of Athens, make (appoint) the same persons soldiers, and witnesses of the conduct of your generals, and on their return home

Eather a judges of the accounts, sc. of the generals {01., I. 28). But thoroughly consonant democratic constitution for an army
!

47-49.]

NOTES.

87

with the ideas and the government of the Atlienians, and not more democratic tlian were the 10,000 Greeks in their retreat, as described by Xenoi)hon (Anab. passim), nor without parallels in the citizensoldiers of the

United States in the

late war.

The

generals, as well

as the civil functionaries (see

De

Cor., passim) were v-irevewoi, and,

before they could be discharged, were required to render an account but also of their conduct generally. primarily of moneys expended,
Die. Antiq.,
"E,vOvv7).

eavdrou, is tried before you Kpiverai Sauppe cites instances from iEschines, Demosthenes, for his life. and Diodorus Autocles, Cejihisodotns, Leosthenes, Callistratus, and
honor.
Cf. 01., II. 21.
9.

8.

Toi)9'...al(rxvvi]s, to such a-jnich of dis-

11. d"y<ovio-ao-9ai -irtpl Oavdrov, to hazard his 12. twv avSpa-n-oSio-Toiv Kal Xwthe enemy. life in a struggle with "iroSuTwv, kidnnppeis and thieves (originally clothes-stealers in the Xen. Mem., I. 2, 62. baths) were punished with death. Lys. 13, 68

Chares several times.

12.

Tov irpo<rT|KovTos,
It
is

by sentence of the law.

48.
in

^c.

the death of a soldier.

15.
T|p.wv, al. vfiCop,

14.
is

Kpi9e'vTa,

but

rffjLuiv

required

by

irepiepxoiJ.eda.
1.

emphatic contrast or comparison with

5^,
1.

a-TpaTTf/wv,

9,

and

in

emphatic continuation of vvv

while

among us
ivith
file

agora and report that Philip is concerting Laccdcenionians the overthrow of Theban supremacy (over
so7ne go about the
cities,

other Boeotian

such as Orchomenus, Thespife, and

is

Platsea.

Cf.

attempting the dissolution of the republics (of which Athens was the protector and Sparta the perpetual enemy

Grote, XI. 405),

and

throughout Greece).
phasis.

8iao-irdv may depend practising, managing. on 0a(n' (Franke, Eehdantz, etc.), or on irpaTTnv (AVestermann, Heslit.

irpdrreiv,

^era.

AaKcSaifiovlcov ]irecedes

(pacrl

for

em-

It makes little difference without irpdrTeiv, SLa(nra.v may s Pao-iXt'a, to the king of express what he is attempting to do. Persia, who was so important a personage in the earlj' periods of Greek history that he needs no other designation, and ^aaiXevs is even For tus wpos, used of him without the article like a proper name.

lop, etc.).

see C.

711

Cu. 450

G. 192

'IWupiois,

cf. '^Z., I.

13.

H. 621

and L. &

S.,

Lex.

19.

01 Se

7rpi.pxo[i0a,r/iic? the rest

of us corme

round severally inventing stories. Their whole political activity, as Rehdantz remarks, moved in a circle beginning with wepuovres (1. 15) and ending with Trepiepxofj.f6a. 49. 20. iyo> 8' oIp.ai, but for my

part, tJwugh

I verily

believe he is intoxicated ivith

achievements and dreams

many

tlie greatness of his such things in his imagination... still I

88

NOTES.

[Phil.

I.

49-51,
let is

certainly do not think that he intends to act in such a ivay as to silliest of our number know ivhat he is going to do. ckcivos

he who is so shrewd and politic. phatic Aid not only intensify the expression, but
:

the

em-

vi?|

tovs Otovs and ^d

it

make

sarcastic.

24.

T'fiv

pT|)Aiav

Twv

Ka)X.vcr6vTwv,
:

tlie

entire absence of unij to hinder

him.
yaiaj'

Cf.

Dc

Rrp. Ord., 19
,

r/js tCov evavTioicFOfxivwv eprjfj.iai'

and

epr}-

alone, 01.
P. 17,

HI.
1.

27.

all THI.S (which is always on our lips)

emphatic contrast: if 7ve dismiss and make up our minds to THAT (which is quite too remote from our thoughts). Kennedy renders in substance and with spirit let us dismiss such talk aad remem50.
1.

xaiJT' Ketvo in

ber only, etc. we ever expected

Kal fi.7rav0'...upT]Tai, (iml that everything which any one to do for us he has beat found to have done it
3.

against us.
ited to

him.
is

Tivd means Philip in particular, but it is not to be limThe .subject of evprjTai is to be drawn from rivd, and

jrpd^as

to be understood after it

with the same subject.

iiiravO'

could be the subject, but the meaning would then be far less spirited. Observe the juxtajtosition of the contrasted words virep T}pQiv Kad
q/iQi'.

7.

&v ravTa.

.a.virr]K\ay\i.ivoi, if

this,

say,

we

shall have come to

...Kai)

have done vnth idle talk.

right determination
9.

we make up our minds to and also {Kal ov -ydp drra, k. t. X., for we
he,

ought not to he speculating what in the world the future will feel assured that the future ivill be bad, etc.
I.

hut to

Conclusion
I

(51).

HAVE SPOKEN WITHOUT RESEUVATION WHAT I BELIEVE WoULD THAT I COULD HAVE FELT 'rO BE FOR YOUR INTEREST. EQUALLY SURE TH.\T IT WOULD BE FOR MY INTEREST TO SPEAK
51.

THUS FRANKLY.
51.
cf.

13.

'Ey"

|Av

01., III. 8.

conclusion.

fiXXort.

oiv,for myself then, tacite opponit alios oratoves, ov = in Franke. /jlcv .solitarium, cf. 10 above.

Although

it

is

the

first

Philippic, this

is

not

the earliest of our orator's public orations. irepl ^vp.iJ.opiGiv, Or. prius habuit, extant Or.

Ex

orationibus cpias

\)Vo Megalopolitanis, et 13-15. oiir* &XXot Or. in causa publica adv. Leptinem. Sauppe. ...vvv T, as I never on, any otlier occasion, in order to court fa vor, chose

to

interest, so

say anything which I have not been convinced would also be for your now I have spoken frankly and honestly, without any reseras not

vation, all that

or

I think.

o{5t
;

neque

et =

both not
<S

.so.

Cu. 625, 2

H. 859.

and,

iretrtio-iie'vos

expresses a

51.]

NOTES.
and abiding conviction.
treireia-fxlvos

89
dy)v

settled

would have ex-

from time to time as oct^asions might arise. Goodwin (Moods ami Teni3e.s, 62, R.) considers tiXofirjv to be used in a sense approaching tliat of the gnomic aor. so as to be followed by a
pres.sed his conviction

subj.

16.

as

it is

not

supposition contrary to
;

tPouX6|ATiv &v,

/ could have
fact,

irished, if it

were possible,
19.

with the condition omitted.

d-rrov,
1.

C. 636

Cu. 544
that
to

G. 226, 2

H. 752.

So kv

Render

as

I knoio

have wished

for your interest to hear the know with equal certuintij tluit it
it is

best advice, so
irill be

could

for the interest

of him vho has given the advice, i. e. that it will be for my interest that I have given you the best advice. 19. vvv ti, but as it is, though it is uncertain what the consequences to mgsclf will be, yet in

full conviction that these counsels will be fyr yoxir interest, if you See a similar apprecarry tJiem into execution, I choose to give them. hension of the difficulty and danger of free speech, with the .same
tfie

resolution notwithstanding, 01., I. 16; III. 21. tirl denotes the point of view or ground of action both with ddrjXois .yevriffofifvois and with rip. .7r(weia6aL, and might be rendered in with both: in the un.

certainty,
justifies

and in the conviction

it

but the owws wdiich follows ew'

the rendering although, as above.

I.

dBriXots

22.

vikwti 8' 8 ti,

and

may

that prevail, whcvtever

nil.

man

be,

ivhich will be for the interest

of you

Compare the conclusion

of 01.,

and

111.

SECOND PHILIPPIC.
INTIIODUCTIOX.
PERIOD of about eight years intervenes between the First the date of the former being B. c. Philippic and the Second, To this latter was delivered in 344-343. 352-351, while the the Oration De Libertate Rhodiorum (b. c. 351),

period belong
in

which Demosthenes advises the Athenians to forget all the bitterness of the Social War and protect the liberties of Rhodes,
the Speech Contra threatened by Artemisia, queen of Caria Midiam (350) against his life-long personal enemy and persecutor Midias (the Clodius of Athenian history and of the life of was which, however, was not iJcUreml, as the case
;

Demosthenes),

compromised

the three Olynthiacs,

in rapid succession, Philippics all in reality,

;

which followed each other though not in name,

and all spoken in the year 349 and the Oration De Pace (346), in which he dissuades the Athenians, justly offended with the ambition of Philip, from breaking perfidious policy and selfish the peace just made with him, called the Peace of Philocrates,
since

war with Philip now, besides being

hasty, inconsistent,

liable to the reproach of bad faith, involved also war with the Amphictyonic league, of which Philip had recently become

and

the agent and representative. During all this time, Midias, with the countenance of Eubulus, Demades, and other popular was availing himself of every opportunity to insult
;

demagogues, and the Demosthenes, and even offer him personal violence latter part of the time our orator was engaged in a partly personal and partly public conflict with ^schines and the other liberambassadors, whom he charges with selling the rights and
ties

of their country to Philip in the embassies for the ratifica-

INTRODUCTION.

91

tion of the peace ; although the famous orations, or appeals to the countiv, of these rival orators were not made till after the

Second Philippic. Meanwhile Philip has destroyed Olynthus, captured or received the surrender of the other Chalcidian cities, marched into Thrace, and stripped Cersobleptes of no small part of his dominions, taken a decisive part in the Sacred War, and
brought
it

to a close in the utter ruin of the

Phocian towns,
to

partly flattered

and bribed and partly compelled Athens

make with him

a dishonorable peace (the Peace of Philocrates), and now, having been admitted to the Amphictyonic Council in the place of the ruined Phocians, he is even elected by that
council to preside at the Pythian games instead of the humbled and disgraced Athenians. The circumstances which gave occasion to the Second Philippic are tlnis clearly and concisely stated by Thirlwall in his

"The scanty History of Greece (Vol. II. p. 131, Anier. ed.) notices remaining of the history of this period being chiefly rhetorical allusions, which are often extremely vague, and were
:

seldom meant

to

convey the simple truth, do not permit us to

follow Philip's movements step by step. perceive, however, very clea-rly, that he was constantly endeavoring to extend his

We

by arms or negotiation, on every hear of expeditions or intrigues towards the north and the south, the east and the west and,

power and

influence, either

side of his dominions.

We

though their immediate objects were widely remote from each other, they seem all to have tended towards one end, that of weakening and curbing Athens, which, if these projects had succeeded, would at length have found herself completely enclosed It is probable in the toils before she had received a wound.
that Philip's eye embraced all these points at one view, and that

he was continually prosecuting his designs in ojjposite quarters,

though we happen to find them mentioned only in succession. It is to Peloponnesus that our attention is first directed, as the scene of a diplomatic contest which portended a fiercer struggle. Here Philip had succeeded, almost without an effort, to the sway which Thebes had won through the victories of Epaminondas for Sparta, weakened as she was, was still an object of
;

92

SECOND PHILIPPIC.

she viewed with jealou.sy to her neighbors, whose independence and since Thebes, having in turn sunk from a malignant eye the height of her power, was no longer able to afford protection
;

allies, they naturally transferred their king of Macedonia, on whose aid even Thebes had been forced to cast herself. We are not informed of any

to her Peloponnesian
allesfiance to the

occasion of hostilities that arose between them and Sparta immediately after the close of the Phocian War. Yet it appears that they found, or thought themselves in danger, so as to be led

new

He espoused their cause without reserve, declared himself the protector of Messenia, and called upon the Spartans to renounce their claims upon her
to cultivate Philip's friendship.
;

and when his demand was

a

rejected, as

it

seems to have been in

troops

somewhat contemptuous tone,* both supplied his allies with and money, and announced his purpose of leading a
(See this Oralarger force into Peloponnesus in person. 15-17.) It may easily be supposed that these favors

much

tion,

and promises rendered him highly popular throughout the confederacy, of which Messene, Megalopolis, and Argos were the leading members, and that he was extolled as the friend of libDemosthenes himself, in erty, the champion of the oppressed. a speech delivei-ed about three years after the end of the war
(De Falsa Leg., 296), mentions with indignation that many of the Arcadian commonwealths had decreed brazen statues and crowns in honor of Philip, and had resolved, if he should enter Peloponnesus, to admit

him

into their towns;

and that the Argives had

followed their example.

" These proceedings, of course, soon became known at Athens, and excited no little anxiety there. An embassy was sent into Peloponnesus, with Demosthenes at its head [and at his sviggesinfluence. tion], to counteract the progress of the Macedonian He went to Messene, and, it seems, to Argos. In one of his

extant speeches [the oration before us, 20 - 25] he has given us a specimen of the manner in which he endeavored to rouse
*
Philip
is

said (Plutarch,

De

Garrul.

511, A.) to

At

e(U.^dAA(o ei? tjiv AaxoviKriv, ai'acrTdTOi;? vixa'; n-oi^crco.

have written to the Spartans The laconic answer waS,

AiKa.

INTRODUCTION.
tlie ji';il(ju.sy

93

tu Philip's

no
acts

He referred of the Prloiiniiiiesians against Pliilii). in the case of Olyntlms as a proof that reliance couhl be phaced on his professions, or even his
coiidiut

who

of irieudship, which were all meant trusted him into bondage or ruin
faith

to

inveigle

those

He

dwelt

much

on the bad

which Philip had shown in

his dealings with

Athens, either in his promises about Amphipolis, or in those by which he had deceived the people through their ambasThe natural and necessadors in the negotiations for peace.

between a monarch, whether king or tyrant, and a topic by which legal governments, was also the orator strove to alarm republican prejudices. But though he affirms that he was heard with applause, he admits that his warnings had produced no practical effect, and that Philip
sary hostility
all

free

and

continued

after, as before, to

enjoy the confidence of his Pel-

and some embassies which were afterwards oponnesian ^:;ent with the same view, were attended with no better result.
allies
;

Philip did not

let
it

he did not deem

of perfidy

Even if those attempts pass unnoticed. necessary for his honor to repel the charge

may have thought

which had been so publicly brought against him, he it a favorable opportunity for displaying and

He thereby strengthening his connection with Peloponnesus. sent an embassy to Athens, which seems to have been headed by Python, whose eloquence could sustain a comparison with and it was no that of Demosthenes himself (Diod., XVI. 85)
;

envoys were accompanied by those of Messene and Argos. The Macedonians were instructed to expostulate on the groundless accusations which had

doubt

at Philip's instigation that his

been brought against their king, and formally to deny that he had ever broken his oath to the Athenians the Peloponnesians were to complain of the countenance which Athens had given to
;

the attempts of Sparta against their liberty. " This embassy gave occasion to the Second Philippic of Demosthenes, which seems to have been the speech with which he

he proposed to give to prefaced a motion for the answer which It is possible that more than one assembly the ambassadors. was held on the business, one, perhaps, to consider each sub-

94

SECOND PHILIPPIC.

ject [the complaints of Philip

and those of the Peloponnesians], and that on one of these occasions Python vindicated his master's conduct in a speech which Demosthenes afterwards describes as bold and vehement, though lie himself met it with a reply which extorted tokens of approbation even from the ministers of Philip's allies. But this was evidently not the occasion of the Second Philippic. That is addressed to the people, not
in reply to the foreigners, but to the Macedonian, Philippizing faction at home, and more particularly to iEschines, who, it

seems, had recently

taken Philip's part, and had supported Its main object is to Python's arguments with his testimony. excite the suspicion and resentment of the Athenians, on the one hand, against Philip, and, on the other, against the orators

who had

served as his instruments to overreach them.

He

con-

tends that the motive which had induced Philip to prefer the interest of Thebes to that of Athens at the end of the war was

not the presence of a force which restrained him, still less any regard to justice for he who maintained the independence of
;

Messenia against Sparta could not consistently aid the Thebans in reducing the other Boeotian towns to subjection. The motive was, that he expected the one state, if its own interests were but secui'ed, would be readily subservient to his designs against

the liberties of Greece, while he knew that no prospect of selfish advantage would ever bribe Athens to resign her glorious inheritance, the foremost post of resistance to foreign attacks on

the national independence All this, however, is but subordinate and introductory to the concluding passage, in which the orator reminds his hearers of the disappointment they had
suffered,

and points

does not
a

name

their indignation against its authors. He either Philocrates or ^schines, but alludes in

manner which could not be mistaken to the ribaldry with which the one had silenced his warnings, and to the solemn assurances or dexterous insinuations by which tlie other had
Tlie men who had thus inquieted the people's apprehensions. volved the state in its present embarrassments ought, he says, to be charged with the task of defending its conduct against those

who

questioned

it.

At

least, it

was

fit

that the language bj'

INTRODUCTION.
which they had caused
so uiiich mischief,

95
which was not yet

ended, should not be forgotten. " It is to be regretted that the proposed reply [to the demands it of the ambassadors] has not been preserved probably con;

tained a manifesto which

history of this period. pose that it [the reply]
rather, as

would have thrown some

The tone made no

light on the of the speech leads us to supthere is material concession

;

we
;

shall see, reason to believe that

it

advanced some

new

claims yet it so far satisfied Philip and his allies as to avoid an open rupture." Grote says (His. Gr., XL 615, note): "Who these envoys were, or from whence they came, does not appear from tlie oration.

Libanius, in his Argument, says that they came jointly from Philip, from the Argeians, and from the Messenians. Dioout of nysius Hal. (ad Ammteum, p. 737) states that they came I cannot bring myself to believe, on the authorPeloponnesus.
ity of Libanius. that there

were any envoys present from Philip. of the discourse appears to contradict that supposiWhiston accedes to the same opinion. Curtius {His. tion." " Macedonian envoys arrived at Athens toGr., V. 375) says gether with the Peloponnesian in order to support the cause of

The tenor

the latter, and at the same time to proffer complaints as to the uninterrupted insults heaped upon the king on the Attic orators'
tribune."
visited

This

last historian,

Athens somewhat

later

however, supposes Python to have and at the head of another Mace-

donian embassy.
tails.

The data

are not sufficient to settle these de-

But the authorities all agree in general in regard to the time, occasion, and object of this oration. Demosthenes was now somewhere from thirty-eight to forty years of age, in the full maturity of his powers, and advancing towards the zenith of his influence. He had recently been sent He had just returned as ambassador to the king of Macedon.
from an honorable and most important embassy to the Peloponnesian states. He was already not only the most admired oraHis reputation tor, but the most trusted statesman of Athens. for patriotism and eloquence extended through all Greece. " It was long since such an assembly of the citizens had been

96
held at Athens.
life

SECOND PHILIPPIC.
The city of Aristides seemed to have ctniie to The Peloponnesian envoys could not leliain from
;

again.

acknowledging the grandeur of the l)eiiring of a civic c(jinmunity under such leaders and in so far Demosthenes actually gained his immediate object, that the dangerous hostilities in the peninsula were appeased, and that no op[)(irtunity was given to Piiilip
for intervention."

Curtius, His.

Gr., V. p. 376.

Analysis.
A.
B.

Exordium ( 1 - 5). Main proposition, with the principal reasons

for

it

(6

12).

C.

and answered Objections, or counter-propositions stated

(13-19). D. Extract from speech to the Messenians, cited in confirmation and warning (20 - 27).
E.
(28).

Answer

(to the embassies)

which the orator recommends

Omitted

in the text.

F.

Conclusion.

Warning

against bad advisers (28 37).

NOTES.
Exordium (1 - 5). 1-5. We have had quite ENUL'GH of speeches and AViCUMENTS TO PROVE THAT PhILIP HAS VIOLATED THE PEACE. WhAT we now need is wise counsels and definite plans on the part of the orators, .\.nd on the part of the people decision and prompt action to check him in the execution of his designs. Hitherto your strength has been in argument, Philip's in It is now high time for the assembly AND ITS ADACTION. VISERS TO PREFER COUNSELS AND MEASURES THAT WILL SAVE US, INSTEAD OF THOSE WHICH ARE EASY AND AGREEABLE.
A.
1.

Page
is

18, line 2.

irpdrrti Kai pia^fTai.

:

Trpdrret is geneiic, ^td-

abuut the acts and aggressions of Philip ferat specific Heslop renders about the acts, I should say contrary to the peace. the acts of aggression by which Philip is infringing the peace ; Whiston Kennedy measures and infringePhilip's acts and attempts It is a bold and forcible, and remarkably climacments of the

and

definitive

peace rendered by Smead^j/awsdJ/c; by Kehdantz, human; by Kennedy, At the highest, it is worthy of generous ; by Heslop, si/mpathetic. note, how far it falls below the lofty and universal scope which Chrisis

peace. teric example of our orator's fondness for pairs of kindred words. 4. <j)iXav6pa)'irovs meant is that of Philocrates, B. c. 346. The

tianity has imparted to our

less

word philanthropic.

The word

is

doubt-

intended to express the interest and sympathy of Athens for the is objecGreeks as wronged and oppressed by Philip. <}>oivofivo\is tive = are shoivn to he, or approve themselves as being ; SoKOvvras is

subjective

= seem: I always observe that the spteeches in our behalf approve theinselvcs as just^nd kind, and so far as speaking is concerned all those who censure Philip always seem to say what is proper,
and
yet nothing is

produced (that
5

is,

no plan

is

brought forward) so G

to

98
speak, that ought to
icorth hearing.
it

NOTES.

[Phil.

11.

1-3,

^lYvontvov,

Jie

and

not n thing for ivhich these speeches are

1.

6,

is

not eiiuivalent to
;

irpaTTofj.evoi'

does not refer to action in the

field

for, as

Smead remarks, De-

mosthenes was not at

ures
;

tliis time in favor of war or belligerent meason the contrary, it was only a year or two previous that he liad delivered his Oration de Puce, whicli was an argument for preserving

the peace.

But the
is

reference, as the

both show,

to the bringing forth of counsels

is

word and tlie circumstances and measures on the

bema

and the complaint

that the orators only heap up invectives

against Philip, when they should biing forward definite plans for the in other words, the times demanded, not guidance of the people
orators,

but statesmen.

6.

ws

^tos tlireiv limits

and softens the othei-

wise too strong and absolute negation expressed hy ovbiv.

2.

8.

TOVTO

.io<r8',
lit.

cf.

eh tov0'

vj3peu}s...ibaT,
it

Phil.

I.

37.

els

iTpo-rp/\i.iva,
diffi-

brought,
culty.

brought forward, as
I.

were, to a climax or pi tcli of

dceXyeias.

Cf. Phil.

9,

ol irpoeX-^XvOe

ttJ iroXci, lit.

in

respect to the state.

the state.
clearly.

10. |idX\ov Kal (j)avpwTpov, the more fully and the more Kai...Trapa|3atvovTa Kal...inPovX6X)0VTa, both of violating
=
you (Athenians) and of plotting against all the Greek:!, not only... but also. The emphasis is on the latter and

Render

in idionuxtic English

all the affairs of

the peace ioith

or Kal... Kal

the more comprehensive view. 13. x"'^'^"''"pov. The orators only increase the difficulty and the perplexity unless they answer the real 3. 14. jrdvTas, question, to tI xPV Trotelv, WHAT IS to BE DONE?

al. iravres.

If Trdcres is the correct reading, it finds its

1.

in the

vfieis,
it

16,

and the
If

vfj-ets,

1.

19,
is

syntax only which are the two parts of

it is

which
those

is

the whole.
:

navras

the true reading,

the sub-

ject of KwXveiv

who

seek

tvords only.

when all oiight to check to aggrandize themselves by desds and by acts, not by 16. ot irapiovrts, lit. we who come before you, is a frethe cause of this is that

and

quent designation of the orators.

are ajipositives of toiVcji'
:

17.

Kal

y(pa.^i\.v

Kal o-v|iPo\)XViv

we orators stand aloof from these things, viz. moving resolutions and giving advice... but are continually reThat is, we are not statesmen, but mere orators. hearsing, etc. 18. 6kvovvts expresses the motive: through fear of incurring your

(lit.

with you) displeasure.

20.

ot Ka0T|fAvoi is a designation

for

the

members

of the iKKXyjcria as sitting

the orators as rising

dvTcs) to speak.
Cf.

and hearing in opposition to {dvacTT as, Pliil. 1. 1) and coming forward (jrapiDe Or., 169 ttSs 6 5^/xos dvu KadrjTo, and Die.
:

3-6.]
Aiitiq., dvt. 'EKK\r]ala.

NOTES.

99
are better pre-

20.

ws- (J.v...iraptcrKuacr0,

pared than Philip

to

make fair

speeches (or just arguments),

and

to

understand another tvhcn he speaks, hat to 2}rcvcnt him from doing t/icse things upon which he is now intent you are wholly inactive (take 111) Whiston.) steps whatever.
4.
tive,

P. 19,

1.

3.
it

V ois, K. T. X.

This chiuse

is

without a connec-

The explains the preceding, like an appositive. satire of the sentence is as keen as the logic is conclusive you sucbecause
:

ceed best severally in that in

which you severally find your occupation

interest, viz. he in deeds

and

6KaTpois,
by Its all. G. 279, 2

((bout

which yoii feel an

and you in words.

always of two parties, here, of course, refers to the Kal piifi...Tif.ds, ftc? how (that) they 5. 8. Athenians and Philip.

shall not proceed

For irpoeXOovra H. 544, 799. 10.

;

(cf.

note on nporfyfiiva,

2) still

\i\(r&. T|(Ads, see C.

further unperceived 677 f Cu. 398, 590

;
;

(ni8'...8vvTio-o(j.0a,

and how

(that)

power shall not

able to resist
III. 25.

rise

wpoaipTov is followed by a dat. of the agent (C. 458 H. 600), an ace. of the object (C. 682 Cu. Cu. 434 G. 188, 4 H. 804), and a gen. by virtue of the irpo-. G. 281 596, 2 It will be observed that this introduction is much longer than that
14.
;

it.

With
;
;

up against us
iie'-yeOos

so great that

we

shall be utterly unKd\\yj...lpwi', 01.,

8vvd|xa)s

compare

of the First Philippic or of either of the Olynthiacs. The want of statesmanship in the other Athenian orators and of definite plans for

decisive action in the people was not only Demosthenes's justification for his speech, but it was a vital point in regard to their counsels and

conduct.

Hence he dwells on

it,

and makes

it

at once his

exordium

and

a part of his oration.

B. Main proposition, with the principal reasons for it (6-12). 6-12. Philip is doubtle.ss your enemy, and i.s making all HIS pkeparations against you. And with good reason for HE expects to find IN THE ThEBANS, MESSENIANS, AND ArGIVES WILLING DUPES AND SELFISH TOOLS OF HIS AMBITION BUT ALL YOUR ANTECEDENTS AND THE HISTORY OF YOUR ANCESTORS SHOW HIM THAT YOUR FRIENDSHIP CAN BE GAINED ONLY ON THE BASIS OF JUSTICE AND THE RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF THE GREEKS. 6. 15. The first IIpioTov fAc'v have no formal correlative words. question, viz. what is the real character and relation of Philip, with the arguments and illustrations by which the aiiswer is supported, occupy the oration as far as 28. Then follow the still more prac;
;

100
tical que.stion.s, wliat is to

NOTES.

[Phil.

II.

6-9,
re-

be done, aiul what answer should be

turned to
yet

tlie

ambassadors.

16.

opwv, although

he

sees.

The

part, is concessive.

lie

sees, or tchilc

17.

(iTj8'...irapa<rK\)d^(r9ai.
i^/xas
:

Observe the force of the middle voice and the emphasis on

that
20.
it is 8i'

and

not against

yoa
;

that he is
8t* <5v
(1.

making
21)

all his preparations.

ovs

= propter
means

quas ;
it

latter is the

Franke. The per quas. the foiiner the cause or reason by reason of
:

which I have come

has come to me) to expect the contrary, and 22. P^Xtiov irpoopdv. by which I am led to think Philip an enemy. The present expresses character or habit to have more fvresiglil.
(lit.

For the justice of this claim, here so modestly put

p. 54.

av

forth, see Introd.,

..'Trpoo-6T|o-<r0e,

trusted

him (have the more

but if they inho are confident and have foresight), you icill give your adherence to
is

them.

A\. irpoa67}a6e, but the construction

changed.

7.

24. kyu>

Eehdantz places a colon after 26. irpwrov [lira tt|v dpi]vr\v. Xoyi^ofiai. Immediately after ratifying the peace (of Pliilocrates, 346) at Pherne he marched to Thermopylae, and, joined by the Boeotians, oveiran Phocis, and put an end to the existence of the Phocians as a nation, having excluded them from a share in the peace with that intention. Grote, XI.
...Xo-yLJ^ofiai, well, then,

Treason

thus.

581, 582; Curtius, Y. 329.

P. 20,
2.

1.

1.

1TWS. .XpT|(raTo,
.

what
?

iise

tI 8t| iroTe,

why

so,

pray

that

is,

did he make of these successes ? why did he prefer to favor

Thebes rather than Athens.

tions

and answers.
a view
to

Observe the rapid succession of ques-

3.

&Ti...il^tTalo)v, because

tions with

to

his otvn aggrandizement

everything
like ours,
offer

his

own poii-er.
and

making his calculaand the subjection of

a
city

8. to

6.

8ti

ttj (ac'v, k. t. X., that to

on the one hand, and

the sake of

a people of our

character, he could

no

sufficient bribe,

he could do nothing by which you could be

interest to sacrifice

persuaded for
to (lit.

your own separate

any of

the other Greeks to

him. 10. dXXa

of) justice

Ka, k t. X., but both out of regard

making account

and through fear of

the dishonor

attaching to the thing and in the exercise of a proper foresight (after TrpoarjKei, irpoopaudai is of course to be understood) you will oppose

him

(for

take to pursue

the change of construction, cf. wpoaO-qaeade, 6) if he underany such course just as ynuch (ofxoiws .wa-rrep) as if you
. .

happened

to be at

war with him.

9.

14.

tovs 8 T^Paious, iut the

Thebans, on the other hand, he believed {just as the event proved), in return for what he was doing for them (lit. themselves, for it is repre-

9-12.]
senteil

NOTES.
from their own point of view), would alloiv him
else
to suit to

101
manage

cvcrjthim]

nan

i)Tr6iXTi<})ws

16. o-ux Sirws = ov \^yw b-miis = himself. 19. Tavrd, nioclo non : would not only not o'ppose and clieck. them expresses the reason for the favors he is showing

ami

because he has) conceived the same opinion of the 20. Ka9' 3frsscnians and the Argives he is conferring favors on them. an unfrequent use of /card (which vuciv {-YKiijiiov, encomium on you,
luiw having
(i. e.

witli the gen. usually

without

parallel.

Cf.

means against, cf. /car' 'Ap-yeiwv, 1. 26), yet not De Cor., 215. 10. 21. KSKpio-Oe 7ap,/or by
'

these acts (of Philip)

you have been adjudged

(Greece) loho ivoidd not for

any

price.

to be the only people of all Philip's acts were a public

declaration of his judgment to this effect.

24.

t^v

els-.-siivotav,

your good-will towards

tlie

25.

Greeks,

i.

e.

your patriotic regard

for

them.

Kttl

Tavr',

k. t. X.,

and

both these optinions, both this so favorable

in regard to you and that so different in respect to the Argives and the present, Thebes, he has very naturally formed, not only in view of

but also
account.
11.
P.

when he
21,
1.

takes the previous history of the parties into the

Pao-iXei, so that

3.

wo-T*

(i.

e.

so,

provided that)

For ware expressing a fixed condition, they would S7ibmit to the king. before the battle of 5. Madv. 166 b. see L. & S. 1, 5 t|vik', sc.
this whole tovtwv irpd^ovos, the ancestor of these men, 6. a little spiteful. race of Macedonian kings, Kijpvl, sent by Mardonius. The whole story, and the spirited answer of the Athen9. X7tv VIII. 140-144. Whiston. ians, is given by Herodotus.
Platsea.

as present denotes the process

sizes the impossibility that it

to be telling; tlirtlv as aorist

11. 'ia-ri should ever be fully told. too great for any one to yap, for really the deeds of those men were raKelvwv expresses dis?o-ti is emphatic. speak them in words.

empha-

tinction.

great as, etc.

The

former... the latter. Thebans joined the Persians and fought against the Greeks ; the
p.v ..toiis

ws implies an C. 711. tovs

ellipsis of oflrw fxeydXa

8e, the

lit.

greater than so

Argives were neutral.

Kotcjj

Herod.,
16.

W\.

150.

separately.

Cf. I5ias ticpeXeias, 8.

facts.

12.
12.

14. 14.

ISi'o,

ant.

to

oI8v, he knoivs

in view of the

above
lit.

believed. ri^eiT ovv, therefore he

kv\ Tois SiKalois,

on the basis of the right, i. e. on condition that 20. ov yap, for it is not surely because he sees his aims are just. that they have more ships than tve. 76 not only emphasizes rpiripeis, 21. ov8'.. d<j>eo-TiiKv, nor but satirizes the absurdity of the idea.

102
is it

NOTES.
because he has acquired

[Phil.

11.

12-14,

the sea-coast

an inland empire and renounced that of and of the pwts, and so doe.s not seek the friendship of a

maritime state like Athens.

C. Objections or counter-propositions stated and answered (13-19). 13-19. Do YOU SAY, HE PKEFEKS THE FKIENDSHIP OF THE ThEBANS TO OURS, BECAU.SE HE REGARDS THEIR CLAIMS AS MORE JUST, 01! BECAUSE HE WAS FORCED TO ESPOUSE THEIR CAUSE? HiS CONDUCT IS UTTERLY INCONSISTENT WITH BOTH THESE SUPPOSITIONS. His WHOLE COURSE OF ACTION HAS BEEN AGAINST US. He KNOWS

PHIS,

AND HE KNOWS THAT YOU ARE AWARE OF

IT.

THEREFORE HE

HATES YOU, AND COURTS LESS DISCERNING AND MORE COMPLYING

FRIEND.S.
13. 26. 'AWd v^ At', yes but, like Latin ast, or at enim, introduces an objection for the sake of answering it. Sometimes vi) Ata in other passages -yap follows vr] Ai'a. See Heslop precedes dWd
in
loe.

'Tra.vTo....i\.hiJi'i,

though he (Philip) knows all

this, so.

your

j)o\ver

and
1.

his position.
1.

P. 22,

Ta>...d^iovv, because the claims of the

Thcbans are more

The Thebans claimed Orchomenus and Coronea in Bceotia. Sparta claimed Messene on the same principle as a conBut Philip assisted the inde})endence of Mesquered dependency. f5ene, and thus cut himself off from consistently supporting the claims of Thebes over Orchomenus and Coronea, and yet did in fact compel them to submit to her supremacy. It is this inconsistency which is
just than yours.
asserted in the sentence, dWa. tovtov, k. t. X., b\it this is just the 2^J<^C' of all others ivhich it is impossible for him now to urge, for it is utterly inconsistent with the course which he has just taken in regard to

At the close of the 5. Sparta and Messene. TOTe-.TrapaSovs. Sacred War Philip restored to the Thebans these towns, which had been in the hands of the Phocians since B. c. 354. 14. 8. ePido-6i]

is

made emphatic by being placed

9. FORCED, it may be said. irapd yv<ji^y\v limits (xwexi^p'nffi, he 10. kv y-itria XT](J)0eis, yielded these jioints contrary to his intention. because he was surrounded by. 11. KaXws is often simply well,

before

vr)

Aia, yes, but he ivas

.'

very well, sehr wohl.

ders
it jroocL'

Here it is manifestly iionical. Winston ren11. ovkovv Heslop, ac^r/iiVft&Zc Yjdwxi^^y excellent ! 4>a<rl (iJv, so then they say, do they, that lie is going to be suspicious towards the Thebans! ^1.3. 'EXdreiav. Elatea was the metropolis
,

of Phocis on the frontier of Locris.

It

was seventy-eiglit miles from

14

17.J

NOTES.

103

Athens, and cominaiidod the appioacli f'loni Macedonia and Thessaly to Hence the alarm at Athens when, shortly ISieotia and tluis to Attica.
li(

fort'

the battle at Chaeronea, news

came that Philip had

seized Ela-

which our orator describes so grapliically, Dc Cor., IGO, sc(j. Tiie Thessalians led a detachment of Persians througii Elatea, wlu'U The walls of the city were dismantled at tlu; they invaded Greece. close of the Phocian War, and the rebuilding of them would be regarded as friendly to the Phocians and unfilendly to the Thebans.
tt'a,and

15.

14.

6 St ravra,
this
is

k. t. X., yes, {5i, lit.

but

it is

corrective of

(paai fxev

these things

he

is

not mere hearsay, it is matter of fact), yes, but going to do and he will be going to do (that is, he
is

never will do them), but he

not

going

to

join tvith the Mcssenians

and

Argives against the Lacedocmonia.ns, nay, he is actually (/cat) 18. tovs pisv ovras, he is for overthrowpending in mercenaries, etc. ing the Lacedemonians, the certain {tovs ovras) enemies of the Thebans,
tJie

(this

does not look like mistrusting the Thebans

the very jMOjjle

!)

and

is

he

now for

saving the Phocians,

whom

he himself recently de-

The inconsistency is too palpable. The Thebans have just stroyed ? will he now rebuild it in opposition to Thebes, destroyed Phocis and that too at the very moment when he is seeking to overthrow the Lacedaemonians, who are the confessed enemies of the Thebans
;

The inconsistency is more definitely 16. 21. Kal ris, 2"'ay ""^^o can out in the next section. pointed believe this ? 7 jie'v, k. t. X., for I for my part do not think tJiat his will {dKwv Philip, if he either had been forced to act contrary to here = Trapa yvib/x-qv, \. 9) before ''(so. when he was acting with the
and friends of the Phocians
!

Thebans against Phocis), or if he was now giving iq) the Thebans. 26. Ik = from, i. e. in 25. KOLKtiva, the same as to. irpura, 1. 22.

view of or, as an inference from : from his if one looks at it in the right light, that he

icliole
is

conduci

it is

plain,

busily arranging (con-

cocting, He.slop) everything against our state. 17. P. 23, 1. 1. Kal TOVT ...o-v|xPavi, and this befalls
least

him now

at

vvv yt 8f| is opposed to the sure enough by a kind of necessity. 3. &palleged compulsion of his previous conduct (e^LaffOr], 14). of \ojl^ea0, hence without a connective. Xi.v, K. T. X., explanatory

4. aSiin regard to this. tovptod is gen. of respect note 4. With ttoXw ijdi] XP^"'^" it includes continues the ex}ilanation. the past with the present he has bcoi. v:ronging you for a long time ;>ee
:

Kti

now and

is still

doing

it.

5.

ols

ydp oiariv,for

it is

by holding what

104
is

NOTES.

[Phil.

II.

17-20,

tion to rovTOLs,
yi>u

oh is dat. by attracreally yours that he has secured all the rest, which is dat. of means. 18. 11. SiKaiojs dv...|JiL<riv,

loould justly hate him.

est.

Heslop encloses av in brackets, and

Schaefer says, delenda

Ttti,

13. iroiTJo-as is opposed to irdafadai, and Anglice, exasperated. TL may well be understood with it, by doing something first by strik13. tYpVi-yoptv-.-Oepairevti. Observe the vividing the first blow.

Many

editors read, vo/xi^oi.

irapw^vv-

ness of the asyndeton

he

is

aivuke, he

w on

the alert, he courts against

:

our

city.

fliichtet.

Rehdantz compares the German

eirl

Alles rennet,
e(p^cTTr]Kev

rettet,

ttj ttoXsi

can be taken either with

(Reiske,

(Franke,

Kennedy) or with
Rehdantz).
at the

19.

OepaireveL

Dindorf,

16.

ovs...'irpo6|;o-9ai,

Whiston, Heslop, who, by reason of their cu-

pidity, he thinks, will be satisfied ivith the present state of things, ivhile

same

time, {iJ.v...Si)

through dulness of understanding they will

not foresee

any of

the consequences.
it

o-KaioTTjTa,

lit.

Whiston renders
|xeTpi(os,

<rvvi^y\,

nesus.

18. KttiToi... obliquity; Rehdantz, Thorheit.. 20. <i\Lo\.y' .. yet surely men even of moderate intelligence. I had occasion to speak of, so. in the embassy to the PeloponSee Introduction, p. 92 Be Cor., 79 Grote, XI. 614.
; ;

lefthundedness.

D.

Extract from speech to the Messenians, cited in confirmation

and warning (20-27). 20-27. Learn wisdo.m from the experience of the OlynTHIANS AND THE ThESS.\LIA.\8, WHOM HE BLINDED BY GIFTS ONLY TO DESTROY OR ENSLAVE THEM. AVOIU TOO CLOSE CONNECTIONS

WITH DESPOTS. Ml.STRUST ALL KINGS AS THE NATURAL AND NECESSARY ENEMIES OF REPUBLICS.
20.

This indirect

of
ite

what the orator

sio.

example See Aquila Rom. De Fig., c. ...Sverxepws, with what vexation.

way of warning his countrymen by a repetition said oiiginally to another people has been a favorwith ihetoricians of the figure called apostrophe or avcr9,

quoted by
24.

Rehdantz.

23.

IIws
to

dKOviv...i...Xe'7oi,

used

hea.r ivhenever

d,Kovtv ~ aKovoiev dv, anything. The condition (el...\^yoi) and the conclusion
.

any one said anything,

would hear if any one said only somewhat more positive.

or
(d.KoveLi')

25. Kar or ... a^Ui, repeated action xpdvovs, during those times. when he proposed to give up Anthemus to them. This was in b. c. 358 - 357. The district of Anthemus between and
.

both express

lay

Therma, afterwards Thessalonica (Grote, XI.

nius calls
it

334).

Olynthus Whiston. Liba-

to tQiv Tokanruipuiv 'OXvudiwp.

20-22.]
P. 24,
1.

NOTES.
1.

105
took
;

Kttl Tf|v

(it'v,

K. T. X.,

and

upon himself

the

enmity

with us

= our

enmitj.

have Vas, which

nians.

The phip. follows the imp. to express lit. the consequences which he had thereby brought upon himself 4. Xt'-yovros &v. Xiyovros and had thereby taken upon himself, etc. denotes the condition = ei tis ^Xeyev, and di^ goes with iriaTemai to or luould have believed it if any one had told express the conclusion 6. ttoXvv, sc. xP^''^") i'l reality it was for all time, as Wolf them.
:

avj]pT)To...e8i8wKi.

but most of the editions A\. iVtSs (lleslop) us Atheis required iu a speech to the Messenians
:

remarks

but that was more than Demosthenes knew.

8.

irpoSoetv-

TS, K. T. X.

The bribery and treachery

Olynthus (hence
See
vtt

of Lasthenes
is

citizens of

aXXriXuv),

and Euthycrates, often alluded to by De-

mosthenes.

De

Cor., 48

and note

there.

10.

avrai \iav,
it

these
is

too close connections.

Xlav used as an adj. after aCrat, as

often

and any adverb may be after an article. In language and in sentiment this gnome of the Athenian orator reminds us of the advice of Washington to his countrymen to avoid "entangling alliances" 22. 11. rC 8" ol QiTraKol, and what the with European powers.

Thessalians
plied,

as

is
1.

irpoffdoKcii',

what did they expect ? irpoaedoKwv is to be supsee showm by the preceding and following context 12. tovs Tvpdvvous, the 3 above and 1. 13 below.
i.

e.

NiKaiav,.Nicaja, a forhereditary despots of Pher?e in Magnesia. tress which commanded the pass of Thermopyl, was in the possession of the Phocians 346, and soon
till it

came

into the hands of Philip about b.

c.

after the close of the Saored

War

(b. c.

352)

it

was

Magnesia, a narrow .strip of Thessaly between the mouth of the Peneus and the Pagasaean Bay (see Intr. to Fhil. I. 51) was restored to the Thessalians by Philip about
transferred to the Thessalians.
p.

the .same time.

13.

rrpoo-8oKav...avTois, do

that the dccemvirate

now

established

would

exist

you think they expected among them? In

Phil.

III. 26, Philip is said to have established tetrarchies (not But the discrepancy is only apparent. He decarchies) in Thessaly. seems at the same time to have availed himself of the old division of

the country into four districts (Thessaliotis, Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, and Histiseotis), and revived the distinction of tetrarchies. But in

each of these tetrarchies, or over the country as a whole

(it

is

not

that is, a despotic agreed which), he also established a decemvirate, Whiston well or oligarchic government administered by ten men remarks that the Lacedienionians had been in tiie habit of appointing

5*

106

NOTES.

[Phil.

II.

22-26,

decemvirates in town.s which they wished to keep under their control, and the unpopularity of these bodies in the Peloponnesus would
stitutions elsewhere.

naturally excite a prejudice against the supposed author of such inIt was therefore a good argunientum ad invi-

diam against Philip with the Messenians. 15. iruXaiav, strictly the autumn meeting of the Aniphictyonic council at TherniopyliE, and then generally that council itself, or the light of sending depuit. The Phocians liad deprived the Thessalians of membership in the Amphictyonic council, and Philip restored it to them 23. 17. v|Jieis Be = so you thus the orator empha(dTToSocTa).

ties to

which the Messenians should learn from the experience of the Olynthians and Thessalians. They were now experiencing the
sizes the lesson

favors of Philip as those nations

had done

pray that you

may not

experience at length his deception and treachery as they did. jac'v and 8^ put in emphatic contrast the two parts of this experience.
ciTrevxecrGe
see ;

to

Lat. deprecate.-

24. 25. irpoo-Seirai, besides (irpoa--) be~ Whiston, see at last. ing merely mechanical (xf'poTroiTjra) they also require the expenditure kV 8 ti, k. t. \., but one common safeguard the nature of money.

f)8T]...l8iv

Heslop renders, awake

that does not Whiston) of sensible 7nen j)Ossesses in itself, such is require to be manufactured, nor to be bought with money, ti of a certhe contrast suggested by fxev, 1. 24, and 5^, 1. 25.
(instinct,

tain

sort, indefinite here,

1.

but explained farther on.

TroXtretais, republics.
rj

P. 25,

1.

irXT|0<ri
:

2.

dirio-Tta.

Com-

rvpavvls, and also the maxim pare 01., " The of the founders of our republic price of libeity is eternal vigion to this against every assault (olvt-). lance." Tai!iTT]s avT'x^o-0, hold
I.

A-maTov rah iroXirdais

:

3.

ov8Jv

|J.TJ,

K. T. X.,

idem quod

ov

/jltj

dfLvou ti Trdd-qre.

Franke

if you continue

danger.

5.

cherish this, you can be exposed to no Kal rds ir-poo-TiYop^as, not only its principles, but also
(sulij. pres.) to

26.
trast

more idiomatic English, its very titles. This speech at Messene was well worthy to be repeated in Athens, and is equally deserving of remembrance and observance in modern times.
(or even) its titles, or in
10.

d.Kovo-avTs
iifxds,
1.

is

concessive and eKtivoi

is

in

emphatic con-

Those people, aJ.though they heard these words and applauded Ihe sentiments loudly and long (iniperf. part.), and although they heard many other speeches from the ambassadors both in

with

17

my

presence

and again
it

more

for all that, as

after mj^ departure to other cities, none the apjKars, will they shun the friendshij'i of Philip,

26-28.]
nor his prom isea... but
better
yoii, etc.

NOTES.

107
Xo^icriAiu, in their reason, or

Kal <rvviVTs, irlui hulk under stand i/niirselves. By this compliment he gilds tlie bitter pill of reproof ami 18. twv X-ydvTci>v...f|[i(v, gen. of source after dKovovrei, warning. which is also followed by its direct object in the succeeding clauses
I

j ukj me lit.

27.

16.

tw

17.

ot

and hear from

X^teo-06.

orators that you are plotted against. 19. irepio-ToiSee note on Phil. I. 9. k Tov...inro|iCvavTs, in conse^cs

quence of doing nothing noic, you will, before you are aware, as it seems to me, have to endure everything, that is, the very worst.

Rehdantz follows S in reading

renders
you. are
:

wo-re instead of sk tov,

and Kennedy
ere.

you,

I fear,

aware.

to escape jjrcsent exertion, ivill

f|8ovT|, the

f|

irapavTix'

to ruin, pleasure of the moment.

come

iroO' iio-Ttpov, at

some future

di<y.

Answer (to the embassies) which the orator recommends (28). You SHOULD DELIBERATE BY YOUR.SELVE.S HEREAFTKR ON THE COURSE OF ACTION WHICH IT BEHOOVES YOU TU ADOPT. I WILL NOW TELL YOU WHAT ANSWER YOU OUGHT TO RETURN BY THE AME.

28.

BA.SSADORS.
28.
25.

ambassadors have returned home. what answer having noiv returned (i.e. by returning what answer) you would have noted, as you ought = what ans7cer you ought to vote. d-n-oKpi.vdfi.cvoi denotes the manner or the condition, and Slv i'C7)T exf/rjcpiafievoc the conclusion. Here, doubtless,
vo-Tepov, after the
lit.

8^...\j/T)<|)nr|Xvoi,

is

the orator submitted a form of answer, a written document, which not only not preserved, but the MSS. do not even indicate the
it,

place for
viz.

although

many

of the editions have inserted its title,

'AnOKPISIS.
See Introd.,

See notes on

nOPOT

'AIIOAEISIS,

Phil.

1.

30.

We
F.

cannot but wish with Thirlwall that the answer had

p. 95.

lieen

pre-

served.

Conclusion.

AVarning against bad advisers (28-37).

28-37. Justice would require you to .summon before you those ambassadors who brought you such false and flatterING reports of Philip, and also the men who, after the ratification OF THE peace, RIDICULED ME FOR MY GLOOMY FOREBODINGS, AND LET THEM FURNLSH YOU THE ANSWER WHICH IS DEMANDED BY THIS EMERGENCY OF THEIR OAVN CREATION. AnD WHEX THOSE FOREBODINGS OF MINE PROVE TRUE, AS I FEAR THEY SOON MaY THE WILL, VISIT YOUR RESENTMENT ON THEM, NOT ON ME. GODS AVERT SUCH CALAMITIES, ALTHOUGH THESE CORRUPT MEN THEREBY ESCAPE THEIR JUST DESERTS.

108

NOTES.

[Phil.

II.

28-30,

28. 26. ?\v \Uv oiv SiKaiov, it were just nou; in the first jtlnce, tn sumtnon, etc., although you have not clone so, nor do I e.xpect you The form implies that the thing was not done which to do it now. it woul<l have been right to do. ixiv = in the first place, is correlative to irdXiv, p. 26,
1.

then again.

27.

tovs eve-yKovras, Neoptole-

mus, Aristodemiis, and C'tesiphon are named repeatedly

Cf. 2-3 De Fals. Leg., 41. TOis \nro<rx(ri.s. Leg. KaXclv, sc. in order to fnrnisli the answer demanded by the present state of

in

De

Fals.

things and for which they are responsible.

29.
P. 26,
1.

2.

oi)T

dv...troX|io{)vTS, artfl

Ilnunn that you woitld

not have ceased to carry on the inn; i. e. you would not have agreed The construction of the sentence is just to the peace of Philocrates. the same as if olS' on were not used in other words, old' 6ti is used
;

quite like an adverb

6.

certainly.

C.

717 b; H. 868

Madv. 193

r.

Kal TrdX.iv...Ka\iv, yes and then again (it were right) {^v SiKaiov, = yes. another class. irdXiv, correla"Y* p. 25, 1. 26) to summon tive to [xev, p. 26, 1. 6. T'povs, one of two, and being in the plural,

one of two classes.

The

reference

is

to Philocrates

and iEschines,

who were members with Demosthenes

of the second embassy speciThe skeleton of fied below, 1. 8. Tovis agrees with Ae7ocTas, 1. 10. the sentence is this: those who vhcn I...iras foreivarning and. protest-

ing... said that I, etc.

7.

of the peace.

Tfjs

Y'Yovvas...lpT|VT)s, after the conclusion

.Trpeo-peias, the second
;

iio-repas

for the ratification of the peace

it,

the

first

and Demosthenes being a member See De Fals. Legal., 355, 25, being a waler-drinlrr. where Demosthenes reports Philocrates as saying sarcastically no wonder that Demosthenes and I do not think alike, for he drinks It was a standing joke at Athens, that water, while I drink wine.
cause,

embassy, viz. tJiat being for the negotiation of of both. iiScop irlvwv denotes

men spoke by water (alluding to the clepsydra, or water-clock, which measured the speaker's time), but Demosthenes composed by water. 12. t|x(. A marked instance of that lK6Ta)s, of course. singular mixture of direct and indirect quotation which the flexibilother

ity of the

Greek language admits in so

edv irapeXOid, if he should pass the straits of Therof. mopylae, that pass being so important and so familiar as not to require These particles mark the contrast be14. ft^v...8. specification. a sort
13.

many

different forms.

ns

tween Qeairias

Kal

HXaraids and

Gij/Sat'oi/s

Bceotian cities to Thebes, ^Eschines assures

instead of subjecting those them that he would fortify

30-32.]
Thespice

NOTES.
and
Phafccce, on the one
tlie

109

hand, and, on the other, put a stop to Those cities were as tVieiuUy to AtlienS as they were hostile to the Thebans, wlio, in 374 B. c, had destroyed The best commentary on the towns and dispersed the inhabitants.
the insolence of

Thebans.

this passage is contained in I)e Fals.

Leg., 112:

"For

this

man

(^schines) said that he (Philip) would fortify Thespise and Platseae, and so far fi'ora destroying the Phocians he would humble the pride
of the Thebans
erful
;

whereas in fact he has made the Thebans more pow-

than they should be, and utterly destroyed tiie Phocians, and he has not fortified Thespise ami Plata^aj, but has proceeded still further to enslave Orchomenus and Coronea (other Boeotian cities).

XppovT)<rov...8iop-u|i,
t/te

rtito?

77/ at his

own

expense dig a trench across

Chersonese,

the Thracians.
is

making it an island, and thus protecting it against The distance was only four or five miles. The reader

familiar with the interest of Athens in the Chersonese, which was

an ancient Athenian possession. 16. fipcoirov. Oropus, a fortified town near the northern coast of Attica, whicli had fallen into the

hands of the Thebans, B. c. 366, would be highly acceptable to the Athenians, and together with Euboea-it would be an equivalent for Cf. Grote, XI. 573. Amphipolis, which they so much valued. 19. SeivoC This word is used 18. oI8* oTi. See note above, 1. 3.

Greek to express almost anything that is remarl-ahle. Kennedy 31. 19. Kal...atrxio'Tov,K. t. X., and Heslop here render \t famous. and, what is most disgraceful of all, in your cornfidence, you voted that this same peace should extend also to your jwsterity. Smead renders wpbs TOLS iXirldas, in regard to their hopes, sc. of their posterity, and adds this comment, which is very just, whatever be the rendering of these
in

difficult

words

"Philip now had possession of

many

places hereto-

belonging to the Athenians, and as it was expressly stipulated in the treaty that each should keep what he had and the same oblifore

gations extended to their children, it was virtually cutting off hope of the future recovery of these places." Cf. Grote, XI. 575.
22.
ovTia...v'irrwdr\re, so perfectly wei-e

all

you led atcay.

32.

25.

ovx

t[v'...4'iXi'Tnrov, not that

by falling into invective

I may pi'ovoke

retalia-

tion

upon myself before you, and afford my old adversaries a new pi'ctext fm- getting something more from Philip. So Whiston, and subSchaefer, Westermann, and stantially Kennedy, Heslop, and others. Rehdantz make Xoyov ttoitjo-w = \6yov ti^x^, and render that I may
:

get

an equal hearing

before yon,

but this does not seem to

lie

Justi-

no

NOTES.

[Phil. U. 32-37,

sense of fied by usage, iroirjcrw seems to be used liere in its proper make, i. e. cause, or bring upon, lit. nmke for myself, i. e. bring tcpon

myself in
P. 27,
to

like
1.

manner

speech (abuse) before you.

lit.

2.

no purpose.

33.

a>s

d,XXws,
4.

quite otherwise,
ovpxi, k. t. X.,

sc.

than should be

Kal

that

my conjectures may prove false ; 8. <j)' iijids by no means would I desire to be conjecturing rightly. tov Seivos. Cf. Phil. I. 46 01. eo-Tiv, are directed against you. It is gen. of source after aKov-nd: hear from me nor from II. 31.

and I could wish indeed literally and in the Greek order:

some one

34. 10. <j)oPov(iai 8t|, k. t. X., I fear then that, as else. know in your ambassadors have concealed the pur2}oses for which they their own consciences that they have been bribed, they who try to repair

what

these

men have

lost

TOis

may

chance

to

fall under your resentment.

(Tvfx(3rj.

of ireipwixe'voLs, dat.

generally.

evtovs,

the agent with

14.

(is

rd iroXXd,

35. 16. ^tos.. irpdYiAara, ivhile therefore the thing is rov tpvojxivov Kal crvviCf. Dc Cor., 62 in the future and in embryo. who it was that persuaded you Kanov. 19. ts arafiivov irpot'o-Gai,

themselves.

some i^ople, meaning, of course, the Athenians

:

The storm is already abandon the Phocians and Thermo2njlce. which is to burst upon ^Eschines in the Oration on the gathering o'
to

Crown.
Keas

Cf.

De

Cor., 35.

from

Ili/Xas.

20.

Observe the emphatic separation of

'I'w-

uv Karao-Tcts

Kvptos, by

making himself

master of ivhich, the part, denoting means, and Kvpios being predicate The emphasis is on the 25. XvirTJerei |A^v...-y'70V 8e. after it. time the distress (of the war that is sure to invade Attica) will befall

indeed (in the future) tvhcn

oiigin and source)

it

comes, but

it

it

began on that day,

sc.

has already begun (in its when .^Eschines deceived

you by those
36.
P. 28,

false representations.
1.

1.

ovT -ydp

<i>a)K'as, /o?-

he would neither Imve con-

with a quered at sea, surely, and so woidd never have come to Attica have marched vnth a land force past Thermopylce and fleet, nor ivould
Phocis.

KpaTT|oras and PaSl^wv express two different ways or means

to xVttica
;

of

coming

in English
;

simply
kIo.^

state

the facts

in other words,

we overlook the logical relation and we use verbs where the

of the people for the country (<i>w5. v 6[Jioiw iroX'|j. frequent in Greek. 37. 6. ws viroiAvf)8i* 8v, on a ivar like that on account of which. cos denotes the purpose more admonition, o-ai, for the purpose of Madv. 151. 7. &>%... Qioi, but G. 266, N. 1 C. 671 e dehnitely.

Greek uses

participles.

The use

instead of

^udba)

is

37.]

NOTES.
it

111
Compare the

that

should he exactly

verified, avert

it,

all ye gods.

conclusion of the First Fhiiippic and the First and Third Olyntldacs, all of which end with a prayer, and especially that of the De Corona, which ends witli a deprecation, in which, somewhat as here, a sharp
distini'tion
is

drawn between the enemies of the country and the

public welfare.

THIRD PHILIPPIC.
INTRODUCTION.
The third Philippic, or, as Dionysius of Halicarnassus {Ad Amm. 10) reckons it, the tenth Harangue against Philip, was
delivered
b. c.

about two years between

343).

To

this

There is therefore an interval of only it and the second Philippic (b. c. 344 period belong the speeches De Haloneso (b. c.
341.*

which is now generally ascribed to Hegesipjius, although Demosthenes is supposed to have delivered an oration on the same subject which is lost the Orations of Demosthenes and
343),
;

iEschines De Falsa Legationc (343), which however were not spoken, but published as appeals to the people and are chiefly
(342), which, both in time and occasion, was closely connected with the third PhilipMeanwhile Philip has taken Halonesus (a small island off pic.

history

valuable as abounding in and the Oration

;

I'acts

(or fictions) as the materials of

De Chersoneso

the coast of Magnesia belonging to Athens), has made an unsuccessful attempt on Megara (defeated by the Athenians under Phocion), has invaded Epirus and annexed a portion of it to the dominions of his brother-in-law Alexander, but has been obliged to withdraw before an Athenian force sent to Ambracia and a league formed against him by the Athenian ambassadors Demosthenes, Hegesippus, and Lycurgus ; has established the tyrants Philistides and Clitarchus in Oreus and Eretria, cities of Eubcea;

has driven Cersobleptes from his kingdom, and advanced far in conquest of Thrace and he is now engaged in a hot dispute
;

Avith Athens, occasioned

*

by actual
c.

conflicts

between

his troops
nnthnrities
:ii\.

Heslop and Smead

say, b.

342.

But the more and hettrr

it

(Grote, Thirlwall, Curtius, Frauke, Whiston, Rehdaiitz) have

b.c.

INTRODUCTION.
sent
lor the del'eiice
of

113

Caidia and the Athenian forces sent

under Diopeithes

for the protection of the Chersonesus.

The peninsula known as the Thracian Chersonesus, stretching along the coast of the Hellespont (the modern Dardanelles) for a distance of fifty miles, so fertile and so highly cultivated in the heroic age that it is said by Thucydides (I. 11) to have furnished maintenance to the Grecian

army during the siege of Troy, colonized in the time of the Pisistratidie by Athenians under the older and the younger Miltiades (afterwards the conqueror
Marathon), recovered from the dominion of the Persians by Cimon, Miltiades' son, re-enforced by Pericles with a more numerous colony, and protected against the Thracians by fortifiat

this peninsula, cations and entrenchments across the isthmus, thus dear to the hearts of the Athenian people by the ties of kindred and by association with the great men and great events

ally

of their early history, and politically as

commanding

was of inestimable value to them materithe straits on which Athens

and the greater part of Greece depended for their main supply of corn, and also as guarding the approach to those Greek cities
on the Hellespont (Selymbria, Perinthus, Byzantium, etc.), towards which, together with the Chersonesus, Philip was now looking with covetons eyes and advancing with stealthy but steady footsteps. While Athens sent Diopeithes with a body of
mercenaries to protect her settlers and her possessions in this peninsula, Philip had taken under his protection Cardia, a city situated within the peninsula near the isthmus, which was
unfriendly to Athens and which not only claimed to be independent, but was admitted by ^Eschines and the Athenian

envoys as an ally of Philip to take part in the ratification Under such circumstances, with of the peace of Philocrates.
hostile feelings

and

conflicting claims,

conflict

of forces

was

inevitable.

troops on the one hand overran more or less of the Chersonese, and on the other Diopeithes made excursions out of the peninsula, and invaded portions

The Macedonian

which were subject to Philip. Philip sent letters and remonstrance to Athens. His partisans there loudly demanded the recall and punishment of Diopeithes. A
of Thrace of complaint

114

THIRD PHILIPPIC.

as

strong feeling was raised against him, and it seemed for a time if the Athenians would yield to the demands of Philip, until

Demosthenes rose and by one of

suasive speeches, that the opposite direction.

his

most convincing and per-

On

the Chersonesus, turned the tide in In this speech he shows that tiie real

question was not the guilt or innocence of Diopeithes, but whether Athens or Philip should possess the Chersonese and com-

mand the Hellespont, and urges the people, instead of recalling and punishing their general, to reinforce him, vote a war-tax, raise an army, and send ambassadors to the other Greeks to awaken them to a sense of the connnon danger and unite them
against the
effect.

common enemy. This speech produced the desired Diopeithes retained his command, and continued to withstand the advance of Philip. And a few weeks later (so
Curtius puts it Kennedy says, three months it is impossible to determine the interval between the two orations), moved per; ;

haps by an embassy from the inhabitants of the Chersonesus

Demosthenes followed up this speech by his third Phiwhich he repeats his arguments and appeals, denounces with still greater boldness and vehemence a? the irrecPhilip oncilable enemy of Athens and all Greece, demonstrates be( 73),

lippic, in

yond dispute the

justice of the charge by reviewing the history of his ceaseless encroachments, declares that the question of peace or war is no longer at their disposal, but the war is

lings

already begun, hurls his thunderbolts at the traitors and hirewho have too long blinded the eyes of the people to his ambitious designs, and are ready to sell to him the liberties
of their country, and

summons them,

their illustrious

ancestors, to

organize

in the role and spirit of and lead Greeks, yes

and barbarians, in a common, open, and determined resistance It is against the common enemy of liberty and of mankind. one of the clearest and strongest arguments and at the same time one of the most earnest and impassioned appeals among all the speeches of the great Athenian orator. Nor was it spoken in vain. Convinced and persuaded by it and animated with the spii'it of its author, the Athenians now acted with a vigor worthy of their sires, expelled the tyrants whom Philip had established

INTRODUCTION.
in the cities

115

ol' Eubcea, sent a fleet to relieve Byzantium and tlie other cities on the Hellespont, and, for the time, completely baffled the plans of the Macedonian king. It was now, I'oi- the

Demosthenes succeeded in inducing the peotheoric fund to its original military use. Moreover, by his trierarchic law he distributed more equitably the military and naval taxes (De Cor. 104 - 106), and thus imparted new energy and efficiency to the naval power of the state. At the same time he went as envoy to Euboja, to the Chersonese and to Byzantium, as he had before been to the
first

time, that

ple to

restore the

Peloponnesus, to Ambracia, to Corcyra, Illyria, and Thessaly, everywhere reconciling Grecian cities and states among themselves and uniting them against Pliilip (De Cor. 87-89). In short, Demosthenes was the moving spirit of all the energetic

measures of this interesting period in Athenian history. And his influence with his countrymen continued to be in the as-

cendency until, two or three years later and rallied Athenians and Thebans to the

(b. c. 338),

he roused

final glorious thoutrh

unsuccessful struggle in the fatal battle at Chseronea. This was the last, the longest, and the greatest of all the orations of

Demosthenes that were specially directed against

calls it the greatest of

Philip.

Dionysius

Kara <^iXLnnov Karrjyopiwv, De speaks of it as the most powerful and the most successful of all

the Philippics (iv ttj fKylfrrr] tuh^ Thucyd. VI. 947). Curtius (V. 394)

the popular orations of Demosthenes.

critics

And

ancient and

modern

have generally agreed in this opinion. Two editions of this oration have come down to
is

us.

One

of

contained in the Paris Codex 2,* wherein many sentences are omitted, v/hich, however, are added in the margin by a later hand. The fuller edition is preserved in the other MSS.,
these

except one or two which want the additions or have them in the margin. In the abbreviated form of S the oration is for the most part intelligible and complete. At the same time the
additions in the other
in the style

MSS.

are generally congruous

and written

and

spirit

of Demosthenes.

Various conjectures
for its brevity
;

* Cited as S by some editors. This MS. is usually remarkable and the difference is especially marked in the third Philippic.

116

THIRD PHILIPPIC.

have been made in explanation, one of which is, that the oration was delivered in the shorter form, and the orator himself afterwards revised it and made the additions, in other words, we have the rare and interesting phenomenon of an oration of Demosthenes in an earlier and a later edition. When or how the Readers variations arose, we have not the means to determine.

wanting further information on the sultject must consult the commentators, e. g. Bekker, Smead, Whiston, etc. Analysis.
A.

The exordium,

or rather

the

key-note of the oration,

namely, the increasingly wretched

its

state of

Athenian

affairs,

and

cause, namely, the desire of the people to be flattered, and their unwillingness to hear the tiath ( 1 - 5). Is Philip at peace or at war with B. Preliminary question
:

Athens
C.

The latter proved by a review of The main ([uestion, not the safety
?

his acts (6 - 20). of Chersonesus

or

Byzantiuni, but the rights and liberties of all Greece (21 35). D. The root of the mischief or danger is in the degeneracy

and corruption of morals throughout Greece (36 - 46).

E. The complete revolution in the mode of carrying on war, introduced by Philip, necessitates corresponding changes on our part (47 52). F. The necessity of punishing the agents and hirelings of
62). Philip illustrated by numerous examples (53 G. The lesson of wisdom and duty to Athens, and the neces76). sity of immediate, united, vigorous action (63

NOTES.
A.

The exordium,

or rather the key-note of the oration, viz. the

increasingly wretched state of Athenian alfairs, and its cau.se, viz. the desire of the people to be flattered, and their unwillingness to hear

the truth (1 1-5.

5).

After all the

speeche.s

that we have heard about

CHASTISING Philip, affairs could hardly have been worse if speakers and hearers had conspired together to ruin the
STATE.

You have

to blame for this your orators,

who speak
TO BE FLAT-

ONLY^ to please YOU,

AND

YOUR.'^ELVES,

WHO WISH

TERED, AND ARE NOT WILLING TO HEAR THE TRUTH. GiVE TO ME THE FREEDOM OF SPEECH IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS WHICH IN OTHER MAT-

TERS YOU EXTEND TO FOREIGNERS AND EVEN SLAVES, AND IT IS NOT YET TOO LATE TO REPAIR THESE EVILS. 1. Page 29, line 1. The exordium of the third Philippic bears a
general resemblance to that of the second, but it is more earnest, more direct and outspoken, and more severe both on other orators

and on the people. H. 575 Lex. s. v.

;

2.

wepl Toiruiv
ace.

a.

iLv is

G. 172, N. 2 oXCyov Seiv = almost. C. 665 almost every assembly. Trepl civ otherwise it would be in the gen. by attraction
;

Pender

with

v/j.ds

after

dSt/cei.

3.

ri\v lpTJVT]v, the peace of Philocrates

(B. c.
4.

346),

which was

so notorious that specification

was needless.
Phil.
II.

oI8'

8tu

surely,

or

/ am

sure.

See note,

29.

vpirq-yiAeva.

Compare
:

Trporj-yfieva

in a similar connection, Phil. II. 2.

But

ijwTfyneva properly signifies, led

Phil. II. 31

vrqxSyjTe.

away under
Kal

evil influences.

Cf.

vTrT|-y(Ava

Trpociixe'va

may berendered,

brought by neglect and corrupt infl.uenccs, not mere inadvertence, as the commentators generally have it. See Lex. s. v. cis To{i6'...opw

introduces the conclusion of the long condition or concession which

118
is

NOTES.

[PniL.

III.

1-5,
1,

expressed by the circumstantial participles

1.

yiyvofj-evoop,

1.

and

(prjffdvTwv,

aHhomjh

(or irhi/c)

many

speeches are icing made...

and although

all iroald sai/...ycf I .sec all your affairs brought .. .info such a state that, etc. This explains, or rather 9. l Kal Xe'-ytiv. is the thing which he fears may be slanderous yet true, and hence, like an object or an 12. ovk &v... appositive, it has no connective.

SiaTEOrjvai,

do not think they could have been in a icorse situation

than they notv are. 5id, 1. 16 = through.

(that things have

2.

14.

irapd

from.

Cf. note, Phil. I. 11

15.

vpT|crT...7rpoai.povfj.vovs,

you will find

vho prefer
best advice.

to

come into this .state) through the influence of those please you (court your favor) rather than to give you the 17. nves \^iv, e. g. Eubulus and the part}- in power

erepoc,

the ojiposition.

18.

v ols

<j)vXdTTovTs, seeking to

main-

tain

state of things in

possess power.

tovs irl...6vTas, those luho p)reside over public 21. otiSev Sirtos potiXerai, labor affairs; the same with nj/es above. only to m,ake the state punish its own citizens (lit. itself take satisfac-

20.

which they themselves enjoy rcputcttion and

tion of itself) and be wholly engrossed with this, while (= and Philip shall be at liberty to say and do ivhatcver he j^ieases.
3.

so)

P. 30,

1.

3.

iroXiTciai
(lit.

TroXtrei^/iara, j)olitics

common among you

7. toSl, thus, sc. as customary to you). follows, explained in the next sentence, which therefore has no conand distinctive you the people of Athen.s. nective. vp.is, emphatic So also Trap vyTiv, 1. 10. tirl p.v twv dXXwv, on all other subjects ex-

of this kind are

but from cept public affairs; opposed to e\- oi tov avy.fiov^ivnv, 1. 12 Cf. 01., III. 32. the counsels of state you have utterly banished it. o'lKtras domestics, houseSovXois = slaves, servants in general.
:

servants.

4.

13.

10' ti|Atv, K. T. X., so

then you

(still

emphatic) have

experienced the consequences of this, viz. that in your 2)02nilar assemblies you give yourselves airs (lit. luxuriate) ccnd are flattered at hearting

nothing but what is pleasant (everything to please you) lohile in your affairs and circumstoMces you arc already in the extremest peril.

This passage
19.
i'Toip.os.
'^'

is

repeated almost verbatim from

De

Chers.,

34.

The subject and the copula

/xfc

are to be supplied from

ovx ^X'^

'^^7'^ i"

^he antithesis, the two clauses being closely linked

5^.

together by

and

5.

24.
is

to x"P''<''Tov...pXTiw,
repeated from Phil.
I.

This pas-

sage also (as far as p. 31, 1. 2) notes. The great Attic orator
in successive books.

2,

where

see

is

as little afraid to repeat himself in

different orations as the great epic poet

was to repeat the sanjc

lincqf

5-8.J
P. 31,
1.

KOTES.
3.

119
your
slolh

vvv
lias

8s, K. T. \.,

but

now

it is

and

indifference

conqucird, bat the state he has not conquered ; you have not been worsted, naij, you have not even moved, not even entei'ed

which Philip
the
field.
it

()tlii'i-.s

make
place.

passive,

and render

render Kcdi'ijade, bestirred yourselves, and otliers still you have not even been moved from your
:

B.

Preliminary ipiestion

Is

Philip at peace or at war with Athens?

The latter proved by a review of his acts (6-20). 6-20. Some of your oii.vroRs tell you that some of u.s are CAUSING WAR. If IT IS IX OUR POWER TO MAINTAIN PEACE, I SAY, MAINTAIN IT. BlJT IS THAT PEACE WHICH IS ALL ON OUR SIDE, WHILE HE CARRIES OX WAR AGAINST US? Is PEACE TO BE JUDGED He WOULD NEVER DECLARE OF BY WORDS AND NOT BY DEEDS ? WAR AGAINST US THOUGH HE WERE MARCHING TO THE PlR.i;U.S, ANY MORE THAN HE DECLARED WAR AGAINST OlYNTHUS AND PhOCIS EvER SINCE THE RATIFICATION OF TILL HE HAD DESTROYED THEM. THE PEACE HE HAS BEEN MAKING WAR UPON YOU BY HIS INVASION OF THE Chersonese, by his attempt on Megara, by establishing DESPOTIC governments IN EUBCEA, BY HIS PRESENT ADVANCE INTO Thrace, by his intrigues in the Peloponnesus, and by THE whole course OF HIS OPERATIONS WITH HIS ARMIES. 6. This section and the following are omitted in the text of 2, but 10. ?vioi. CF. Phil. II. 34, and note inserted in the margin.
there.

(!i)(rT...KaTaXa(j.pdvovTOs...avX.eo-6ai,
is

that at the very time

V)hen he
it

capturing
its

cities..

.they allow certain persons to say. ..that

is

some of

who

are causing the war.

to this.

ourselves right in regard

7.

15.

SiopOovcrOai, to set
is

16.

is

d|i.vvov|i6a

the ob-

ject of ypaxj/as kul (Tv/j-jSovXevaai, for there is reason to fear that

some

time any one who has moved and advised a method of defence (lit. how we shall defend ourselves) may fall under tlvc charge of having caused
the
19.

war.

The Greek

prefers such concrete

Siopl^opiai, define, determine, the original

forms of expression. meaning of the Greek,

as of these English words, being to

fends on us.

mark off a boundary. i^ 'HH^iv, detov iroTtpov, on the question whether. 8. 23. Kai should make a motion Tov...d|iw, and I demand tltat he tcho says

ircpl

.fit

and
27.
Xet
I.
;

take action accordingly

not j)revarica.te (cheat the people). S reads Trpo^dXirpopdXXei, puts fonvard, holds up before you. other MSS. Trpo/SdXXerai, which is used in the same sense, Thuc,

and

37.

27.

TOis 8* ^p-yois,

k. t. X., wfiile the

measures which he him-

120
self adopts are those of war.

NOTES.
Thus may we

[Phil.
jireserve the

III.

8-13,

emphasis of

the originah
is

ov 8ia<j>pofiai, I do not quarrel with that. 1. 3. The word used in an euiphulic sense to correspond with the emphasis on I have no objection to your professing to be at peace. <pa.(TKeLv
P. 32,
:

fl

5.

^iriTa...X7i, in the next place he

'not

you and

loanrds you, by him.

means peace towards him by

gen. of price
is

\pr]\Lar<i)v,

whfit he purchases U'ilh all the muiicij Ac

jrpi(ivov|jL6v,
//'

we mean
14.

to wait.
its

done,

(lat.

hy attraction,

TCKfj-aipecrOaL.
1.

11.

13. ols, bg what he has Hesk)p. antecedent being dat. of means with
[le'v,

lavishing.

this is

10.

10.

tovto

to

take one instance; tovto

5e.

20, to take
is

tion

This form of the ace. of specificain appo.sition with the following sentence. 17. iravTa tov
WhistoTi.

ano/ur.

dX.Xov,

K.

T.

charged him
20.

X., although always before if one (whenevei- any one) with anything of the sort he used to comidain of it.

speaking, designates the name of the counfrom which try, whereas cos Trpos cri'^t/xdxous is a ])ersonal reference mode of speaking arose the use of ws alone with names of persons in
tls <i>wK6as, stiictly
;

nearly the same sense as

621.
Cf.

eis

Grammar quoted by Whiston.

Phil. II. 36.

relative imperf.

23. irdpoSov, 12. 25. Karaka^oiv, Thermopyhe.

In's

22.
'i\(i

with names of things. Donaldson's C. 711 c Cu. 450 G. 191, 3 H.

; ; ;

iipi^ov, icere all the

while contending, passage through the straits of

lie

has seized and

u.se

still holds.

This comliination illustrates the oiigin of the

iary in the

where he
\j/ofjLevovs,

tells

See below, 59 seq., 26. Tipetrais. the story. It is dat. after ^(prj as well as after eiria-Kfhe said to the miserable inhabitants of Oreiis (a city in Eu-

modern languages.

of have as an auxil-

boea) that in good-ivill he had sent soldiers to visit them, sc. as physicians and friends visit the sick. he heard in regard to them that irvvGdvco-Gai 1. 1. P.
33,

yap, for

dissensions. airoi's would reguthey lucre sick and afflMcd tcith but for emphasis is made the oblarly be the subject of voaovai, and is explained by the voffovo-i is with irwdaveadai. ject

specific ffraaia^ovai. [idxv 8' eivai, and

istic.

Cf.
it

De

was

13.

generic, 2. <rv^Cor., 45: at 5e iroXeis ecoo-ow. the of allies, pred. gen. of charaetei'-

part

4.

tlr'

oi<r0', k. t. X., so

then you think, do you {elr

is

he chose to deceive rather than foreindignant and exclamatory), that warn and overcome by force those people (named above) w/io would have done him no harm (if he had declared war), though they might

13-16.]

NOTES.
to suffer

1-1
harm, and
yet that he
irill.

perhaps have taken measures not

clare

de-

before beginning it (lit. carry on war after previous proclamation) against you, and that too ichile gun, ivere so willing to be deceived

war

14. 10. iiiawv (would have been so willingly deceived) Impossible! ...Kivos, if while YOU, the injicred party, were finding no fault with him, but were laying the blame on some of your aim number, he
!

should put an end to your strife and contention with one another, and 14. dvapdX\ov<riv, are forexuarn you to turn it against himself.

15. tKtivos is made still more emphatic and disputting you off. he at any rate. 15. 16. v <j)pov(i)v, of sound tinctive here by 7e
:

mind.

17.

tov

&-yovT'...o-K'|/aiT' &v,
i.

was

at peace, etc.,

p)eace

Tolvvv, well then, Philip from the beginning, when the had just been made, tohen Diopeitlics was not yet in command and the settlers who are now in the Chersonese had not even been sent Thus he disposes effectually of the charge that Diopeithes was out. the aiithor of the war and of the demand that he should be recalled

with him.

e.

would judge of the man who judge xuho tvas at peace and ivho was at war

22. KaTcXdjApave, ivas seizing one pilace after anand punished. Serrium and Doriscus, Athenian fortresses in other continually. Thrace, are so often mentioned by Demosthenes that .Sschines sneer-

ingly represents him as the

Ctes.,

first

discoverer of tliese places.

iEs. con.

82; cf. Dem., De Cor., 27.-2.3. 'Itpov 6povs. The Sacred Mount was a fortified place on the northern coast of the Hellespont. 25. tI eiroiei, what was he do24. v(XTpos o-TpaTiryos, Chares.

but carrying on war against us ? Api\vy\v ing, This is not literally true. The peace had been negotiated, 6(Jico|JidKei. But the argument is the same so far as it concerns but not ratified.

what

else, forsooth,

the duplicity and hostility of Philip, who purposely delayed the rati16. 27. ti... fication in order to gain time for further conquests. irdXtt. This is the usual construction with /xeXet, viz. the dat. of the

person caring, the gen. of the thing cared for, and sometimes an adv. But sometimes it is used personally, the ace. of the degree of care. See thing cared for being the subject, as ravra in the next clause. Madv. 58, N. 1 txeXei /xoi ravra 'Eopral Kai xop"' TrdaLf /xiXovcnf.
:

Plat. Leg., 8, 8.35.

P. 34, 1. 1. dXXos.-.ovTos, /or ivhether these things concern you little or whether you care nothing abotU them., that is another question, lit. would be another question, sc. from that which is' before us = this is

not the question.

6

Cf.

De

Cor.,

44; Plat., JpioL, 34, E.

2.

to

8'

122
tvo-ePc's, K. T. \., hut,

NOTES.

[Phil. III. 16, 17,

tvhether one violates piety and justice in a small matter or in one of greater importance, it has the same force, that is, he is a wrong-doer, and he has violated the same sacred jirinciple.
Cf.

James

ii.

10.

Here as everywhere

ethics of Demosthenes.
5.

else

we

see the

high-toned
I.

4.

<}>pe

8t|.

Pao-i\.vs.

p.

113.

The king
113.

of

Persia.

See
6.

note,

Phil.

10.

iijiCTepav.

See
in

Introd.,
letters
(cf.

7.

Kal tirio-TeXXei raOxa,

to us.
Ti

Introd., p.

rl

and

writes this

his

iroiei.

This rhetorical repetition

iwolei, p. 33,

music.

1.

25) has great beauty

<j>Ti<ri (le'v,

17.

8.

emphatic,
lit.

he SAY.s,
by so
;

and

force, like a refrain in

to be sure.

Franke
re([uire

and Rehdantz read

degree of difference.

(prfs,

the addition of (Kdvov.

too-ovto),
C.

you smj,
468

after 2.

But that would

much ;

dat. denoting the

;

Cu. 440

to(to6tov, gen. after 5^w,

which

is

the more

common

G. 188, 2 H. 610. Al. construction and

the easier reading, hut for that reason to be rejected. With either reading the meaning is / so far from admitting that in so doing he is keeping the peace vnth you. 10. MeYdpwv cnrTd[ivov, hy his
:

attack (or attemj^t) on Megara.

is

The

series of participles of

which

this

the

first

denote the manner in which he has been breaking the

peace, feated
cion.
p.
(B.

The attempt on Megara (b. c. 343) was deXi^etc rr\v ilprivr\v. by a body of Athenian hoplites sent from Athens under PhoSee a brief sketch of these several operations of Philip, Introd.,

112; Grote, XI. 622. c. 342) and C'litarchus

11.

ev

EvPoia,

,sc.

Philistides in Oreus

low, 57.

vvv

in Eretria (343).

Cf.

De

Cor., 71,

and be-

cirl

0paKT]v,

and by

his present advance into Thrace.

still

At the time

of this oration (341) he

was

tions in Thrace, which ended in its complete subjugation. TO, tv II\oirovvT|(ro), hy his intrigues in the Peloponnesus,

carrying on those opera12. Kal

sc.

with

the Argives and Messenians. Cf. Phil. II. 15 seqq. Grote, XI. 611. 13. irpaTTei expresses the operations he is carrying on, while iroiovvra Cf. note, 01. III. 15. has reference rather to the effects and results.

14.

<t>T](iL

positive.
setting

15.

The

ind. after ioare,

Kai, even.

1.

10,

makes the affirmation more

Observe the force of
<f):

<j)i(rTd,VTas.

17. irpocrd-ywo-iv, until they are their engines against. Al. irpoa ay ay iaaiv have actuactually bringing them, to the vmlls.

up

ally brought.

19.

Kdv...To^viT],

nor shooting an arrow.

of this passage
Cicero,

though lie he not yet throwing a dart In illustration of the I'apidity and vividness
as applicable to
it

Whiston quotes
I.

De

Oral.,

161

Tantus cursus verborum

fuit, et sic

the language of evolavit

17-21.]
oratio, ut ejus

NOTES.
vim
atniu- incitationem

123
adspexeriin, vestigia ingreswhat dangers then

sunique vix

viileriiu.

18.

20.

TC<riv...YvotTo, to

would you be c^rposcd if anijthiiKj shou/d hajqirn, i. e. if war should come and you should be unfortunate. Euphemistic. See Phil. I. 12:
?(

Ti irddoi..

21.

Tiu...<j)povfi<rau,

to the

alienation of the Hellespont,

and Eubcea, to the Pclyour enemy's becomimj master of Megara Observe the vivacity of the interrooponuesians' taking his side.
to

gation and the asyndeton.

19.
27.
6pC^o(j.ai,

24.

elra.

Compare
(lit.

elra, 13, above.

from

that

day I

date

bound) his commencement

of hostilities.
P. 35, 1. 2. Srav povXiio-e* is opposed to i)or) neglect to defend not be able to do it iche7i you wish yourselves at once, and you will of difference, instead to. 3. Too-oiJTov, ace. denoting the measure
:

of the dative.
II.

Kal...-Y

29

yes,

and

so

may here be rendered, yes, and. Cf. Phil. much do I dissent from, your other advisers that I

about the Chersonesus

lend aid
to

do not even think we ought (5o/cet = it seems good) to be inquiring now nor Byzantium, but ivhile {/J-ev) you should
befalls them, you ought to have here an example of the 9. k^ comprehensive and far-seeing statesmanship of Demosthenes. v = why, the reasons by which I am led, lit. out o/" which, in consee to
it

them and

that no

harm

be consulting for all the Greeks.

We

sequence of which.

12.

tl |JLf|...&pa,

if forsooth {if then)

not for others, dpa, like elra, points to the inconsistency 13. TeTV(^(aa-Qai, ity of the thing, and so is ironical.

you will and absurdand am be-

sotted.

The

and derive it Winston says,

or cloud, the

old grammarians explain rtTvcpQadai by eix^e^povTijadai, from Typho, Tyc/xic, the thunder-struck giant. But, as

a more natural derivation is from rvcpos, a smoke, mist, accompaniments of storms and volcanic eruptions. C. The main question, not the safety of the Chersonesus or B}'zanall

tium, but the rights and liberties of

Greece (21-35).

PhILIP THE RIGHT NEVER GRANTED TO ATHENS, SPARTA, ThEBEIS, OR ANY GRECIAN STATE, MUCH LESS TO BE GRANTED TO A BARBAItlAN, OF DOING WHAT HE Review the history of his aggressions and wrongs, PLEASES. AND YOU WILL FIND THAT IN THIRTEEN YEARS AND LESS THEY EXCEED ALL WHICH ALL THE DOMINANT GuECIAN POWERS HAVE DONE TO THE SMALLER STATES IN A CENTUUY. TlIERE ARE NO BOUNDS

21-35.

You HAVE CONCEDED

TO

EITHER TO HIS AMBITION OR TO HIS INSOLENCE.

21.
16.

Kal a7rt(rTws..."E\\Tiv6s,

and

that the Greeks are jealous

124
and
ivas.

NOTES.
quarrelliiig

[Phil.
18.

III.

21-24,
he

ammig

themselves.
Cf.
e'/c

i\

iKdvov, from
I.

u-Juit
'r\

ef denotes origin.

/xLKpov Kai rawetvov,

15. sn

vvv...

iroi'/^<ra<r0au,

than

tluit noiv,

when he has already taken

he sliduld subject the rest to his power. 22. 21. dXX' is opposed to the oTi iJ.i'...Trapa\ei\l'W o[' tlie preceding section, and introduces the
22. point on which he wishes to dwelh rhetorical exaggeration, like all the woild.

man// places,

diravras dvGpuTrovs, a
d<j)'

beginning with you

= and you among

the

first.

23.

v\lwv ap|ajj.vovs,
inrep ov, in

regard to which, i. all the wars, etc.

in all
jiast time.

e.

which has been the cause or subject-matter of tov &\Xov ...xpovov, nhrays before. Cf. 11 =
25.

to

iroieiv, k. t. \., the privilege

of doing just

what he pleases, and flmcing and pillaging the Greeks one by one in the manner he is doing (ovruai). Those expressive words, wepiKbimiv and
\u3iro5vTelv, are sufficiently

explained in the Lexicon.

27.

KaraSoveiriovra

Xov<r0ai...eirt6vTa,

lit.

to enslave their cities attacking them,

denoting the manner or means.

Render, and attacking and enslav-

ing their cities. 23. P. 36, 1. 1. Trpoo-Tarai denotes the leading power in Gi-ecian In 01. 111. 24, the hegemony, as recent historians call it. affairs,

the Athenian hegemony is said to have lasted forty-five years but there, he says, they ruled with the consent of the Greeks: rCov'EW-qvwv k6vtu}v. Here he wishes to include the period of unwilling sub;

jection in order to aggravate

by comparison the wrongs done by

Philip ( 25), and so he adds the twenty-nine years of the Peloponncsian War. See note, 01. III. 24. p8of,ifiKOVTa...Tpa, sc. from the close of the Persian "War, B. c. 477, to the close of the Pelopon-

nesian War,
sc.

b. c.

405.

2.

TpidKOVTa...8ovTa, thirty wanting one,

b.
r.

from the end of the Peloponnesian War,

3. Naxos by Chabrias, b. c. 376. l'(rxv<rav ti, attained to some Such is the force of the aorist. So dp^acrc, I. 13 considerable poiver. below = u-hrn they had attained to the hegemony. The battle of Leuctra, ovhl -jtoXwon by the Thebans under Epaminondas, was B. c. 371.

at

405, to their defeat

Xov

8i,

no, not by

any means.
ToXe^eFi',
1.

24.
12.

9.

tovto

\iiv.

Cf. note, 11.

is

wixiv

depends on
:

The skeleton

of the sentence

with yon, for example, in t lie first place... all thought it all went their duty to go to war, and again with the La ccdwmoniaiis 10. ov (lerpiios, without due moderation; rendered to war, etc.
as follows
. .

hai'shly by Kal...avTois, even

11.

the commentators generally.

those tvho

It

is

had no fault

an example of litotes. to find with them.

24-26.]
14.

NOTES.
C. 451
;

125
Cu. 436 b denote
;

after rr^v avrr^u. viilv, (lit.

G. 186

Tlie participles d/j^ocri

ami

wapeXdovai.i'

tlie

time

H. 603. when Ihey

;

had attained to the hecjcmony and had come into jiossession of tlie tireiSTJ same poiver with you, i. e. which you previously possessed.

denotes the cause

and
i.

e.

because they endeavored to aggrandize tlieuiselvcs the estab/ishcd order of things, began to disturb beyond measure to overthrow rei)ublican institutions and establish oligarchies,
:

What need of 25. 17. Kal ti tovs &X\ovs. was their custoui. familiar exami)le of Athens and mentioning others when the more 19. dv makes the clause conditional or sufficient ? is
as

Sparta

quite concessive = hv

elxo/JLev,

we specify nothing wliatever lohcrein Cf. i-Trep o5, p. 35, 20. virep lov.

though at the beginning (of the war) we could had been injured by one another.
1.

24.

21.

KaiTot -irdve'.K.T.X.,

have been committed both by the Lacedeyet all the faults that monians. ..and by our ancestors... are less than the wrongs whkhPhilip

and

has done the Greeks.

Observe the art with

wliicli

the orator speaks

and Lacedaemonians and the wrongs of AaK68aip.ovtois is dat. of the agent, which is particularly Philip. common after the perfect passive. The year.s, it will be seen, are 25. ovx 8Xots = and those not entire. here put in round numbers. As this speech was delivered in the summer of B. c. 341,* the thirof the/rtH/ds of the Athenians

teen incomi)lete years, reckoning inclusively, will cany us back to the taking of i\Iethone (b. c. 353), referred to in the next section.

Heslop.

26.

eirnroXdjei.,

lit.

is

on the surface, or at the

top,

is

Smead, with the ajiproval of Kennedy, regards the exuppermost. but Isocrates (8. 107), cited by Heslop, pression as contemptuous uses the word of the Athenians witliout any such implication.
;

26.

P. 37,

1.

1.

The two-and-thirty

cities

here referred to are those

of the Chalcidic peninsula, which the Greeks often spoke of as a pait of Thrace. As to their treatment by Philip, see Introduction to Olyntliiacs. Apollonia, one of the most important of the.se cities, was a
little

north of Olynthus and in alliance with

it.

4.

irpocreXSovT'

= one who visits the spot. 5. agrees with the subject of eiirelv 5. dXXd. (TovTov dvT|pT] iie'vov, so great a nation exterminated.

toCf.

note, 22.

rds iroXiTeias,
=
yes,

their constitutions.

with emphasis

and

their cities.

rds iroXeis

is

added
rec-

7.

rerpapxias.

For the

onciliation of this with 5eKa5apxi-ci.v, Phil. II. 22, see note there. refers to the ioviv i^rovinces, originally four tribes, whii-h Kar' 8.
^9vri

* So Heslop, p. 63

though, on

p. 51,

he says, this speech belongs to 342 b

c.

126
constituted the tetrarchies.
sarily,

NOTES.

[Phil.

III.

26-31,

Kara iroXeis perhaps, though not necesin euch city. SouXcvwo-iv, implies a deceuivirate {deKaoapxia.) that they instead of opt., to de.scrilje the present condition subj.,

might
This
is

be, as they

now

are, subject, etc.

is

27.

11.

els

rds cirio-ToXas.

the reading of 2, and

Al. ev

difficult reading.

rah

eiriaToXous.

entitled to the preference as the more eh, of course, implies mo-

not write thus

in

13. Kal ov -Ypd(|>ei. ji-e'v, and he does tion towards, put into his letters. and not do it. See the famous passage in De Cor. 179,

which

clauses.

oii

fxev...ov

de

thus alternate through several successive

nay, he
is

14.

dXX*,
to

k. t. X.,

gone

to the Hellesjjont,

he

had

previously come
clauses, so that

Ambracia, etc. The orator pictures the rapidity of Philip's marches and conquests in his rapid and unconnected

we can
xlviii.
is

see
1

it.

ecy of Jeremiah
the

Whiston observes,
Greek nor the

pdpPapos, sc. y-q, which, as with ^'EXXds neither barbarian world contains the ambition of the man.
.seijq.
t)

17.

See

similar description in the proph-

also properly understood

With

this use of X'^P"

is still

stronger.

28.
nor

compare .John
21.

xxi. 25,

where the hyperbole

Ad

rem. cf

Be

Cor. 61.
to

23.

Stoptopu-yiifGa, intrenched in se^xirate cities.

ovSc

is

more emphatic than oCre

alliance for succor and friendship. 29. 26. Tov xp6vov...7VcoK(os, each resolved to make the most of (to count as gain) the time in which another is being destroyed.
no, nor
to unite,

formany

P. 38,

1.

1.

the Greeks.

oxix Situs, not seeking

2.

ivA.

.a^yvoei,

nor striving for the salvation of for that like a course of fever or an attack

is coming even to him who now thinks fiimself 7. dXX' far removed, none assuredly {ye, 1. 2) can be ignorant. Greece. ovv, at any rate, they were wronged by genuine sons of 8. Kai TOV airbv rpdirov, and one viight have taken this in the same in the same light) as he would if a legitimate son, iijoy (looked at it

of some other disease he

to be

born heir
lie

to

a large
it

estate,

should manage

it

badly or improperly,
title

viz.

would say

that in this particular he icas deserving of blame

censure, but

would

be impossible to

say that he had no

not heir
|xaios,
ovx,,

to the propei-ty

he teas thus managing.

31.

and and was dXX

14.

supp)osititious child, the opposite of "yv-qaios above.

to

16.

ii-iropoXi-

hut not so in regard

Pldlip

and

his conduct noiv, not so do thry

who is not only not a Greek and no connection honorof tlie Greeks, but not even a barbarian from a place which it is The repetition of negatives makes the denial very able to mention. a counoXt'Opov MaKcSdvos, a pestilent fellow of Macedon, emphatic.
feel in regard to Philip,

31 -33. J
try

NOTES.

127

from which, etc. So he calls iEschines dXedpos ypa/j.fj.aT(ijs, De The orator', imligiiation, righteous as it is, in both cases carries him beyond the bounds of truth and justice. Philip was genCor., 127.

erally conceded to

family of Hercules. est turn to the fact

Greece.
trast

have had Greek blood in his veins, and that of the He gives an ingenious but hardly a fair or hontliat

Macedonians were not found

as slaves in

Rehdantz

sees in irpSTepov a suggestion of the

shameful confor slaves

is

now when

the people
!

had become
is

their masters

32.formerly
24.

who

were deemed unfit

iroXtis.

The

reference

par-

ticularly to the cities of Phocis

TlQr]<ri

which he

liad recently destroyed.

the technical word generally used of the jierson or people that holds, i. e. fixes, appoints, pi-esides over the games. "Two

months after the surrender of the Phocians, Philip was nominated by the Araphictyonic Council President of the Pythian games in conThe Athejunction with the Thebans and Thessaliaus (b. c. 346).
nians refused to send Theori on the occasion (De Fah. Leg. 128 Grote, XI. 602)." Heslop. 25. twv 'E\Xt|vv is to be taken in
:

he who was not a Greek should preside over

the GiiREKS,
is,

connection with what has just been said of Philip as no Greek that the national festival of

and even, if not present in person, send his slaves (that his agents, slaves in the eyes of Demosthenes and the Greeks) to hold the games! this was intolerable insolence. 26. Kvpios St

The force IIvXwv, K. T. X. The passage in brackets is omitted in 2. of the ov at the beginning of the section extends over all the clauses to KaracTT-qaovras, p. 39, 1. 9, linking them all together in one question

vivid

and thus making the enumeration of particulars more rapid and docs he not hold the Pythian games ?.. xmd control Thermopylae
: ^. . .

.and ijosput for the country) of cmisulting the oracle first, to which not even all Greeks have claim, having thrust aside us (the Athenians) ? etc. This privilege of pre-axidAcnce of the god, on those days on which
the passes into Greece (the people
sess the privilege

and

alone answers were given, had belonged to the Phocians, and was now, by vote of the Amphictyons, transferred to Philip. The Del-

phians used to confer

for

it

on particular states or sovereigns as a reward

;

Thus the Spartans received it also Crcesus, and offerings. 33. P. 39, 1. 5. Ypd4>ei 8s, and write to the Thessalians how they ought to conduct their public affairs ? The force of ov still continues. Porthmus was the port of Eretria. 7. tov Sfjiiov, IIopGiAov.
special service.

some

king of Lydia,

for his magnificent presents

128
to expel the

NOTES.

[Phil. 111.33

35,

It was the partisans of tlie democracy of the Eretrians. democratic form of government that were ex' elled but these are art;

fully

and yet naturally in view of the habitual use of the word at Athens called the domi'^, the feople. See 17 above, and below 57
Grote, XI. 621.

9.

dW

dve'xovTai,

seem

10. Kal tov avrbv rpoirov, and they they see these things, endure it. 12. Ka6' to me to look on just as they would (d a hail-storm.

and

yet the Greeks,

although

ad se quisque, praying that it may not come upon See De Cor., 45, where a similar idea is exthetnselves severally. ovk icp' eavrovs eKdaruv oloixefoju to Seicoc pressed in similar words
tavTovs ?Ka<rTou
:

most

I., which is manifestly an imitation, alQui videmini intenta mala, qua.sj passage fulnien, optare se quisque ne attingant, sed prohibere ne conari qui deni. 34. 13. ov [aovov 8' i^' olsj and not only does no one punish

q^di',

and

Sail.

Frag. His.,

a translation of this

him

for the outrages ivhich all Greece, is receiving at his hands, hut

ov KopivOiwv .. ovx 'Axaiiuv. Here follow the specifications under the general charge, in which the reader will observe the emphatic position of the several states wronged and the rapid succession of questions in which
for the icrongs ivhich each state is itself suffering.
16.

none

the wrongs ai-e enumerated. These words are gen. of the possessor of the Corinthians has he not gone against Amhrncia and Lcucas ; but the spirit of the passage is well expressed by Kennedy and Heshas he not wronged the Corinthians by attacking Ambracia and lop
:
:

Leucas

etc.

These were Corinthian colonies on the northwest coast

See note, 27. Naupactus is the modern Lepanto, so famous for the battle which checked the further advance of the Turks
of Greece.

Echinus was a colony of Thebes on the northern coast of the Malian gulf in Thessaly. In reference to Cardia and the whole series of Philip's aggressions, see Introd., p. 112, seq.
in the conquest of Europe.

tonly, ivhat do

and yet he who is using all so wanyou think ivhen he has become master of each of us ff)ie by one, what think you he will do ? The second tI is omitted in some MSS. and editions, but rests on good authority, and adds force
25.

tL oi'<r0...Ti TToiTicreiv,

to the interrogation. D. The root of the mischief

and danger
-

is

in the

degeneracy and

corruption of morals throughout Greece (36

46).

36-46. What is the cause of all this?- The Gt^eeks of former times detested traitors and hirelings, and punished them. you envy them, and punish those who denounce them.

36-39.]

NOTES.

129

The latter you see with youii own eyes. In troof of the FORMER, remember THE INFAMY OF THE MAN WHO WAS OUTLAWED BY YOUR SIRES FOR BRINGING MEDIAN GOLD INTO THE PELOPONNESUS. Hence, as a natural result, Greece was then formidable TO the barbarian, not the barbarian to the Greeks.
36.
P. 40,
1.

4.

T)V

Ti tot',

f)V.

Observe the lavorite

repclilioii,

which we have
ib

so often seen in other orations,

:

by which it is followed was, gentlemen of Athens, in the sentiments of the inasses. 7. 6. ^yi, kept Greece free. tittcIto governs the same case of the same class of words as iJTTOjv, from which it is derived was overcome bij (lit. was less powerful than) no battle on the sea or on the it conquered everything and land. It is the antithesis of iKpar-qae
dv8pes 'Adrivaioi

and emphasized by tlie there was a somelhiiuj

then, there

could
loss

8. vvv 8' diroXuXds, but the be conquered by nothing. of which now has ruined and turned upside down all the affairs
itself

12. x^'^*'"''^'''''''''"'') '^^ ^'^'^ " most grievous thing Observe the use of the imperfect of receiving a bribe. 38. 14. -rhv in each of these clauses to express customary action. ofiv Kaipov, K. T. X., hence the favorable moment for each several move-

of the Greeks.

37.

to be convicted

ment

(civil or

chased, etc.

awLGTLav,

irptacOai has for and tolovtov

ovdef.

military) which fortune often provides coidd not be purits

18.

object not only Kaipov, but oixovoiav, 39. 20. TavTa 8Xws = in fine.

and T01JTWV, of course, refer to the harmonious co-operation of the Greeks and their distrust of despots and barbarians mentioned above
:

now

these things

have all been sold out

till the

market

is

as

it

were ex-

and in exchange for these there have been imported things by which Greece has been ruined and made sick. The figure of bartei' and sale is carried relentlessly through, and Greece ruined and sick
hausted,

unto death
the victim.

Greece (observe the emphatic

22.
5^^os..."YXa)S...ji.i<ros,
i.

e.

position of 17 'EXXds) is envy of those whom

{ifxlaovv), laughter at that which was then deemed most grievous and dreadful (xaXeTrciraroi'), and hatred, -p^rha^ts punishmeM, not of the criminals, but of the good citizen who The three clauses in answer to the question here are exposed them. careful!}' set over against the three which answer the question in The picture of moral degeneracy is all the blacker for being 37. and the climax is reached m painted on so bright a background any country when the leading men envy those who have grown rich by corruption, laugh when they unblushingly confess the bribe, and,

our ancestors hated

6*

130

NOTES.

[Phil. HI. 39-44,

instead of punishing iniquity, visit their anger and indignation upon those who bring it to light and if the people love or are willing to have it so, their ruin is inevitable. 24. JipTTjTai, result (lit. depend) 40. 25. o-aj(jid,T<ov. The student liaidly need be informed from.
;

that this

is

fi.ira<ri, k. t. X.,

the regular word for nien in tlie military sense. 27. vOv all the Greek states noiv possess in greater number
bij

and

ahuiidinice than they then did

P. 41,
1.

far.

my testimony in addition {irpoa-) to that of your own senses. 6. -YpdiiiJiaTa here = 7. KareOevTo els aKpoiroXiv, which they inscribed on inscriptions. a bronze column and deposited in the Acropolis. For this use of ei's,
4.

41.

irpoo-Seio-Ge,

you have no need of

note 27; C. 704 G. 191, N. 6 H. 618 a it says, sc. the inscription, ypdfXfMaTa. 9. ZXiTt]s, of Zclca, a town of Mysia in Asia Minoi', mentioned by Homer. //. II. 824. Cf. 1. 17 below. &ti(jios, sc. ^o-toj, Id him be outlawed. It is a civil technic, and the sense in which it is

where we say on and Madv. 79. 42. 9.

in, see

<)>T]criv,

explained below, 44, and is thus stated by Winston an outlaw, i. e. let him lose all the benefits which, though a foreigner, he would have had at Athens by the jus gentium, or international law, and those to which, according to JEschines {Cont. Ctcs. 259), he was entitled as a proxenus of Athens. 12. 8ti... He was sent into Peloponnesus by Artaxerxes to stir up a i]7a-yv. 43. 14. ris ^v iroG', 7chat must have been the war against Athens. wore as usual adds emphasis to the question. The time sentiment, is denoted by roTt. 15. i^ tI to d|a)(ia, or rather what their conscious worth. Kennedy and Heslop render d^iwfia, dignity. Whiston renders it spirit, but very properly add.s, that "the word is almost untranslatable here. It implies a spirit of self-re.spect by which they
hei'e
let

used

is

liim be

were induced to expect and demand

actions

{ij^iovi')

from themselves certain

worthy of their position." See also SiaKovuv. 16. ZeXttriiv. SovXov PaeriXtws Grote, VI. 233, note. These are all circumstances which distinguish the case irom the corruption of tlie present day at Athens and make it the more remarkable

and principles

as alone

that the Athenians should have punished it with such severity. 20. artfiovs is plural because it follows avrbi' kclI yevos (himself and
family) and agrees with both, while exOpov is singular because it precedes them, and agrees only with avrbv. dTlp-ovs takes the gender of 44. 21. tovto 8* eo-riv, C. 490, 497 G. 138, N. 2 H. 511. avrbv.
; ;

and

this is not the drifiia

commonly

so called

(which one would usually

44-46.]
call

NOTES.

131
by
hut
posiit

by thai name).
:

22.

twv

tion

Atheni.\N

franchises.

23.

'A6]vai<i>v koiviov, iiii]iliatic

aX.X'

kv rots 4>oviKois,

is

written in the laws relating to murder dejiniiuj (lit. respecting) the persons /o?" ichom he (tlie lawgiver) docs not alloic prosecution for micr'' let him die an outlaw." The argument is: der : and," says he, the drifxla to which Arthmius was condemned could not be mere privation of civil rights, what punishment would that have been to a

'^

man
word

of Zelea?
is

nay (dW), he became

<poviKoi
vo/j.oi,
:

aTifMos in

the sense in which the

all

used in the

viz.

out of the pale of

law, so

that he could be slain with impunity. this then self in the following clause

So the orator explains himis what he means, that he who

has killed a jierson of this class {aTifiov} is clear of bloodguiltiness. The passage has occasioned much discussion, and the readings differ
considerably in different editions. P. 42, 1. 3. |i-f| TOV0' {nroXaf.pdvov<riv. contains the condition
part.) this opinion, sc.
:

This participial clause

had not habitually cherisJied (imperf. that the}' must care for the safety of all the
if they

Greeks, and not merely of Athens. such severity that they even made them
pillars.

4.

otJT...w<rT...'iroi6iv,

ivith

stelites,

that

is,

branded them on

The familiar distinction between Kokd^eiv and rifiiopeiadai, as drawn by Ari.stotle, viz. that the former is chastisement for the reformation of the person chastised, while the latter is punishment for the sake of the law and the state, is not always observed, and here both woids are used for emphasis. 46. 7. ov -yap oiirtus, k. t. X., for

YOU do
else.

not feel so towards such things as these nor towards anything 9. Between dXXi ttcDs el'irw, shall I tell you ? lit. may I ?

and
lines

e;'7rco

most of the JISS. and some editions insert two or three which 2 omits, and which, as they manifestly disturb the con-

nection, are omitted in this

and

in the majority of editions.

EK TOY rPAMMATEIOY ANAnrNhsKEI.

found
in

These words,

some bracketed), doubtless proceeded from some copyist who did not understand the immediately preceding context, and who supposed that here Demosthenes read, or had read by the clerk, some document containing the resoluBut this does not tions, or the measures recommended by the orator. accord with the preceding etVw, which in that case should have been Xe'fw, nor with the fact that these recommendations follow in 70
editions (in
seqq.
tion.
;

many MSS. and most

The reproof which the

nor indeed does the connection require this or any other inserorator proceeds to administer to the

lo2
bliiiilness

NOTES.

[Phil. 111.46-48,

of too

and self-complacency of his countryineii, and the biibery of them, is .sufiicient to explain the hesitation and the fear of their displeasure with which he introduces it. E. Reproof of their blindness and self-complacency in regard to

many

Philip,

and the readiness of too many

to receive his bribes (47-52).

47-52. You FOOLISHLY FLATTER YOURSELVES THAT YOU CAN ovEKcoME Philip even more easily than you did the Lacedemonians. But everything has changed and advanced since that time, and nothing 80 MUCH AS THE MODE OF CARRYING ON war. Then the campaign lasted only four or five months. Now Philip makes no difference between summer and winter. Besides the Lacedemonians never thought of buying AN advantage or A CONQUEST, WHEREAS PhILIP ACCOMPLISHES MOST OF HIS ENDS BY THE HELP OF HIRELINGS AND TRAITORS.
47.
cf.

10.

Toiwv,

ivell llien, if

20, et passim.

15.

you wish,

will tell you.

11.

dpa,

ofi.ws. .civiip'ird<r0r),

even them

and was

not destroyed (swept away).

yd our
16.

state

resisted

dirdvTwv, ivhUe

everything, so to speak

{= almost

18.

oiSev

Ti-yo\)|j.aL irXe'ov,

everything), has made great progress. 7 do not think anything has changed and
tear. 48. 19. irpw24: in the first place, the comparative

advanced more
Tov
jAv is

titan the

methods of carrying on
1.

correlative to 5e,

who never thought

ing changes in
TrdvTas tovs
K. T. \.,

shortness of the campaign, and, secondly, the simplicity of the people of buying a victory both necessitate correspondo\ir

action.

20.

aKOvto.

See note

PJiit.

dWovs, and

all the other Greeks.

five,

21.

2-3.

Ttrrapas
47

|ifjvas,

for four months

(jr

just in the season.

to, II.

Compare Thu;

cydide.s's history of the

veiy war here referred

HI.
33
:

1, et al.

With

TTjv

iopa'iav,

Franke compares Or. Contr. Dion.

evravda
(!.-

o' iirib-qfiriffavTa's irapaxei-f-O-t^i-v ?5ei Kai wepLpifveLV rrjv uipalav.

22.

PaXdvTtts iv, would invade and ravage the country with heavy armed soldiers and national troops and then retire homewarrli again.
24.

ovTw...'TroXiTLKus,

and

so

old fashioned were they or rather so

national in their ways. ttoXltikw^, like woXitikol^, 1. 23, is opposed to that which is foreign, and here especially to the employment of mercenaries (^^vovs,
]).
;

43,

1.

6),

which had become

so

common

in the time of

Demosthenes

the former might be rendered Athenian, as the latter

might be rendered Spartan. the old lines of Ennius

:

25.

XPIH-'^'''"'''

Kennedy compares

Ferro,

Noil cauiiiinantes belliim sed belligeraiites non auro, vitain ceriianm.s utrique.

48-51.]
P. 43,
1.

NOTES.
1.

133

v6p.i|j.dv

/egitiinalc as it ivcrc

and

Tiva, hut (he ivar which they carried on was nvd is an apology (or the use of the open,

epithet

vofj.i/j.oi'

as ap[)lied to wai'.

49.

2.

Stittov, doubtless: but

now

you

see doubtless that the traitois

have caused the most of our disasters,

and
is

that nothing is done in fair field or fight. opposed to oi)5e xP'tlJ-'^Ti^iv, k. t. \., and

1.

tovis TrpoSdras, k.t. \.,

oi'/oec

eK

irapaTai^eios (in

liattle

array) to
Kal

voiJuiJ.ov...Tr6\e/j.ov.

6.

\|/i.\o\)S-|'vovs

opposed to

oTT/Xirais

ttoXitlkois

aTpaTev/j.acni', p.

42,
:

(^7jpTr](jdaL

with (TTpaToirfdov as an ai)positive

and governed by and you hear of Philip

2o,
to

inarching where he pleases, not .. .but by attaching

ers,

cavalry, archers, mcrcena,ries,

;

an army of that himself

sort,

skirmish-

is somewhat 50. 7. eirl contemptuous compare our hangers-on. Westermann and Franke TovTois, at the head of such troops as those. take these words in the sense, which is frequent (and ]iossil)le here),

i^riprrjadai

of, besides this,

come

8. vocrovvxas. The reader must have beprceterea. familiar with our orator's fondness for this word to ex])ress the

moral and
sensions
et passim.

jjolitical state of his

among

themselves

{ev
:

avrois).

countrymen, and especially their disCf. 12 above De Cor. 45,

;

from iutcrnal disorders. 10. Trio-Tir|<ras. Cf. note 17. Kal criwrrw, and I imss over the fact that then' is no difference between summer and winter, neither is there any season whatever exempt during which he rests (intermits). Oepos and x.<''|J'''*va would regularly be nom. and subject of diacpfpei, but for emphasis they are attracted into the principal clause, and made the
Heslop renders
suffering

object of
tive, like

(Xiwrru).
/j-ev dr]

51. 12.

(xevroi is

not adversative here, but affirma-

then.

This

is

the reading here in some 1\ISS.) the primitive meaning of the word = p-ef toi.
(wliicli is

certainly

See Lex.

certainly then,
sideration,

knowing

these things all of

you and. taking them

into con-

you ought not, etc. With the jiair eidoras Kai Xoyi^ofxevovs here compare ivdvpL-qOd-qre Kai Xoyiffaurdf, Phil. I. 31, et ]iassim. 14. EV'^Ociav, simplicity, both of morals in not using bribes, and of

warfare in their citizen soldiery and short campaigns.

\T)\io-0T)vai,

15.

eKxpais

plunge headlong into ruin.

The

figure,

which

too

bold to be preserved in English, is drawn from a horse throwing his rider over his head. 6 itttto^ Triirrei eis yoCf. Xen. Cyr., 1. 4. 8 The figure is cariied out in vara, Kai paKpov KOLKeivou e^erpaxv^i-cef.
:

/SXfTTo^'Tas.

The word is also used, especially in the passive, in the sense of breaking the neck (Aristoph., A'^u.b. 1501,etal.), and Rehdantz
explains the metaphor thus here.

Compare, however,

01.

11.

134
afexalTiae,

NOTES.
and De
Cor. 138
:

[Phil. III. 52-54,

inro(rK\l^eii>.

16.

ws k

irXila-rov, as

For ws with the .superl. see C. 553 ; long beforeJiand as possible. Cu. 631 H. 664. For k with words dciiotiiig time, see note Phil.
;

I.

e/c

ing
in

to it that

Tov TrapeXrjXvdoTOS xpof'ov. 17. oirws oiKoOev, K. he does not stir from home, and by no means

t,

X.,,

see-

{oiix^)

en-

gage with

him

in a decisive battle.
;

The

figure is well

preserved

The omission
irp

Heslop's rendering and not close icifh him in mortal struggle. of the connective increases the vividness. 52. 20. &v

if only.
snliject

Al. dfirep. of
vTrdpxei-

tages,

22.

21.

one of the iiumy advant| <|>vcris, i^S-.-WoXXtiv, much of which.

:

The connective omitted. Render and a thousand others. tls Se d^uiva is carefully and emphatically contrasted with n-pos p.ev TToXe/xov, 1. 19 for (lit. towards) a war... but for (lit. into) a battle. The prepositions are chosen to suit the nouns, though the
23.

dXXa

|i\)pta.

obvious distinction cannot be expressed in concise and idiomatic Eng-

Compare e/s to. wpdyfiaTa and Trpos tovs \uyovs, 01. III. 1. The duty and necessity of punishing the agents and hirelings of Philip illustrated by numerous examples (53-62). 53-62. It is impossible to conquer youk enemies abroad TILL you punish THEIR MINISTERS AT HOME. LoOK AT THE SAD HISTORY OF OlYNTHUS, OF ErETRIA, OF OrEUS AND SEE THE FATAL CONSEQUENCES OF LISTENING TO TRAITORS IN PREFERENCE TO
lish.

F.

PATRIOTIC ADVISERS.
53. 25. Ov fji,6vov...ov8 dXXd, and you must not only cherish habitually these sentiments and not only oppose him constantly by deeds, the deeds of war, but on calculation and on principle you must begin
to

hate those

among you who

advocate his cause.

The

force of p.ovov

extends to the second clause {ovd4) as in De Cor. 2 and 107, and often. fiio-fjcrai, is what is sometimes called an ingressive aorist, like taxv-

(Tav,

23,

enim
54.

est

and dp^aai, 24 odium concipere,

1.

/jLiaelv

fiiariffai begin to hate, conceive hatred, odisse, Franke. yiyvdjcTKeLv and dpi.v-

veadai,

on the contrary, express continued action.

P. 44,
is,

5.

ov

8vvT|or6<r6.

The

inability

which the orator

foresees

The

of course, a moral inability, as the next clause shows. other MSS. add ov5^ ISovXeaOe. which is omitted by S and mo.st

of the recent editions.

7.

|itj

ti 8ai|xdvi.ov, that

some supernaiural

power

The editors generally render rl daip.6viov, some evil genius or evil spirit ; and to this there is no objection, perhaps, if it only be remembered how dilTerent an idea the
is

driving the state

to ritin.

54-57.]

NOTES.

135

words suggested to the old Greeks from that which we associate witli In classic Greek 5a.iix6viov may mean a hostile the words evil spirit. fate or a vengeful providence, but never exactly, as in N. T., an evil
spirit.

MiMorahiHa and
XoiSopias,

See as an illustration the use of the word in Xenophon's; See also L. & S. Lex. Plato's Apology. 8. <u<rT

K. T. \.,

that for
strike

calumny, for envy, for jest, for ariy cause

whatever

that,

may
(OS

dv

dpvTi0iev 55. Kal ov\t.

1
'1.

ovK.

C. 713
.

ov8' your fancy, you hid hirelings speak. d Cu. 617, Obs. 3 G. 283, 6 H. 838.
; ;

56.
lic

any means the worst, lit. not yet at all bad, sc. in comparison with what yet rcinains to be said. 14. tovtois, these men, e. g. ^schines and Philocrates, particularly iEschines, whom he had recently prosecuted for misconduct of the embassy. Cf. De Fal. Leg., and Introd. p. 112.
.Stivov,
this,

and

bad as

It

is,

is

not by

18. ''H<rav V 'OXvvOo), there

were in Olynthus some of the pub-

(those engaged in the affairs of state) icho icere Philip's creatures, and who served him in everything, and some who were on the patriotic side (the side of the public good) and labored to save their
"t'tXtirirou is gen of the possessor after 22. <ov irpo8osubstantially the same. by ivhose betrayal Olynthus was Oe'vTwv, gen. abs. denoting the cause Lasthenes, who was commander of cavalry, betrayed six destroyed.

men

fellow-citizens from slavery.

riaav,

and tov ^iKrlaTov

is

hundred men into an ambuscade, and Olynthus soon

after fell into

;

Dc Cor. 48 Fals. Leg. 266 Cf. 66 below the hands of Philip. 24. koI ot ^v, k. t. X., and who, Thirl. His. II. 109, Amer. ed.

while the city

still existed,

triotic counsellors to

persuaded even to became an Athenian

were slandering and calum.niaiing the pasuch a degree that the peo2)le of Olynthus^ wire This ApoUonides afterwanls banish Apolloyiides.
citizen.

Some

question has arisen as to the

to

meaning which see

57.

of eK^aXelv,

and the treatment of ApoUonides, in regard Heslop ad loc, and Thirl. II. 109, 110.
I.

P. 45,

1.

TO ^0os TovTo, this habit of listening to traitors

and enemies

of the state.

3.

e-ireiS-f)

diraXXa-yevTos,

Plutarch and his mercenaries

session of the city

v^cre gotten rid

when, after of the people ivas in pos-

ment over

to

you and

and of Porthmus, some were for bringing the governThe imperfect {vyov) denotes otliers to Philip.

Plutarch, tyrant of Eretria, was at first suj^ported by the Athenians, but proving faithless to them in the battle at Ta6. oikovovniynfe (b. C. 354), was afterwards exjielled by Phocion. Tss 8e TovTiuv, and listening to the latter for the most part rather (than
attemp)t or desire.

136

NOTES.

[Phil. III. 57-61,

to the former). Al. to. iroWa, /xdWov 5e to, iravra, in nio.st things or rather in everything. 7. TiKiVTdvTi^, finally. b^. 9. Kal -ydp toi, 6 (rti(X|iaxos avrois, tlicir ally, said in irony. for you know. (T.

33 above;

Dc

Or.

-iitS

Grote,

XI.

622.

12.

Kal fwra ravra,

and mice

(the Eretrian democracy) twice from the country, when at length they wished to save themselves, sc. from the tyrants by the help of the Athenian.s. 14. TdT |JLv...'ird-

that he has

cxpdUd them

Xiv

Be, tlicn

(=

once). ..and again.

tlie
,,111,1;/,

59.

16.

toi

iroXXd implies that

facts,

he passes over
only a few.
621.

that

is,

the most of the

and mentions
;

4>iXi.<rTi8Tis.

Cf.

33 above

I)c Cor. 48

17.

^TTpaxTe

<l>iXiTr')ra),

was intriguing for

Philip.

18.

Grote, XI.
otirep

vvv, the very persons

19.

TaCT

sc.

of Plato,

was

jwssession of the government. that they were partisans of Philip. Ev<J)paios, a pnpil recommended by him to Perdiccas of Mincdnn, whose

who now have

minister he was for .some years.

^TrpuTTev,
8eL^v,

Heslop.

21.

was laboring that. Cf. Trpdrroi'Tes oVws, 56. indicted him. The technical term for a criminal

Sttws eXevGtpoi, sc. 60. 24. ivi-

Die. Aiitiq., "Evdf L^is.

process.

Cf.

27.

Kal xopy]yov...Ka.\ 'npvraviv6\iivoi, with

These words, so full Philip for their choragus and their prytanis. of meaning in the literary, civil, and religious life of the Atlienians,

and

so well understood
;

by

classical

scholars,

have no exact

equivalents in English jMymaster and president perhajjs come as near to them as any. wap eKdvov follows irpvTavevofxevoL in many MSS. and editions directed (ma-^iveA.) from hwn.
:

61.

P. 46,
is

1.

4.

a-TTorvit.'iravia-ai,

and cudgelling THEM

to

death.

The

borrowed from the beating of the tympanum. Observe the change of tense the aid to Euphrajus should have licen a contov 8' eiririritinued, the cudgelling of the traitors n finished action.
allusion
;

o^!

Sciov, but they said iJiat

it.

deserved to suffer this, Sic Latine idoneus pro dignus. Schaefer.

he

and
6.

they rejoiced at
fitv eir',

with all the liberty of action they desired.

9. tov Ev|)paiov. Cf. note arranging for the execution of the plot. on depos, 50. For the plural (Ae(ivT]|i'voi after ei ns, see C. 496 Cu. 362 G. 135, 3 H. 514 a. 10. i^a-r^ and irpiv are both followed

Kareo-Ktva^ovTO, and were

;

they

by the

indie, to express the fact definitely as a fact.

11.

toiovtov

...TrpocriovTos, a'though an evil of such magnitude ivas ajyproaching. 12. pT||ai <(>a>vT|v. Compare ruinpcrc vocem in Latin, and in Eng-

lish,

instructa

break silence.
acie.

12. 13. ot

Bia<rKiva<ra.\i.tvo\.,
TroXt'iAioi, the

fully prepared for action,

enemy,

always in a military

SI -64.]
sense.

NOTES.
Cf.
17701',
1.5.

137

14.

ol (liv TifxiivovTo.

the city. ing, others for betrayimj

exercise despotic jjoivcr.

57

some were for

tlir

resist-

16-18.

01 \iiv,

latter rule

and

banished some and put

to

tovs T6Te...d'iroKTivavTs, having death others of those loho at that time were

so eagerly saving themselves and ready to do anything whatever to See Lex. and Gr. 19. Kivos, noble man that he was. Euphroius.

wisdom and duty to Athens, and the necessity of immediate, united, vigorous action (63-76).
G.

The

lesson of

63-76. Learn wisdom from the experience of other.s. Be willing to hear the truth, and do yotr duty before it is TOO LATE. First prepare money, ships, troops for your own SEND SUPPLIES TO YOUR ARMY IN THE ChERSONESE DEFENCE THEN SEND AMBASSADORS TO PELOPONNESUS, TO RHODES, TO CHIOS, AND INVITE TO ALL THE GrEEK.S, YE.S, AND THE BARBARIANS THEM TO UNITE WITH YOU AGAINST PhILIP.
;

63.

P. 46,

1.

24.

fj8iov...?x*'''') S*^"-

^^'^^^^

"''"'^

^^^^^'

ci'''''""'

'

of their

than to being more favorably disposed towards the adrncafcs of Philip This 25. 8irep Kal irap' v|iiv. the advocates of their oivn interests.

is

the orator's answer (as usual) to his

own question

ivhich exists

among

their hearers.

you, namrhj,

flint, etc.

27.

just the same

of attraction

irpbs Xo.p\.v, to please

to, "ydp

irpd^iAara.
tlie

Another instance

from the subordinate into

phasis
:

principal clause for the sake of emCf. Ev<f)paiov, to consider the state hoiv it shall be prreserved.

61, et passim. P. 47, 1. 1. ot 8' ...<rx)jjnrpdTTOv<riv, vhilc the others (their opponents) are co-operating with Philip in the very advice by ivhich they

please their hearers.

64.

.3.

l(r<j)ep6iv,

k. t. \.

The brevity

of the

The original can hardly be preserved or even imitated in English. omi.ssion of the ot fxev (the patriot orators), which would be the regular
ot 5e (the venal orators) in each alternate clause, links the clauses into one rapid, compact sentence, in which not only the connective but the subject is left to be understood in short, it

antithesis of the

is

called for a war-tax, but a kind of doubly condensed asyndeton THEY said tlicre xvus no need of it ; for war and mistrust, but they
:

else

for keeping the peace, till thty ivcrc caught in the snare ; everything in the same way methinks, not to go into particulars ; in short, thA one party were contimtally giving advice at which the ijeojilc would be

8. iroXXd 8i Kal, pleased, the other by which they would be saved. K. T. X., and in many cases at last also did the people give ivay, not so

138

NOTES.

[Phil. III. 64-69,

vivch either from complaisance or Uirough iijnorance, biet quietly sub' mitting because they thought they were ruined in their main interests,
or, irhcn

they believed that all

was

lost.

65.

11.

v^ tov Mo. koX

Tov 'AiroWco.

Hoinei's heroes swear by the three princijml deities, and verily by all Zeus, Ajjollo, and Athene, in a great emergency that is sacred I fear that this will be your experience when upon reflec:

1.5. you see that you can do nothing. Ko\aKia...^iXiirirov, in flattery of {= out of C07nplaisance to) Philip. Al. <i>L\iinrip. 66. 15. Ka\T|v y ol iroWot, a beautiful return, indeed, have the people 20. SonXevovo-i 76, yes, they are slaves, subof Oreus now received !

tion

ject to the lash

and

of Mr. Burke's invectives of derision

the sufferings

Compare this with the choicest and pity upon the same subject, of those who made peace with regicide France, and
the slaughter.

"

acknowledge the mighty effect of relying upon a single stroke to produce a great effect, if you have the master hand to give it." Lord Brougham's Inaugural Discourse at Glasgow, quoted by Winston. 21. KoXuts, beautifully did he spare the Olynthians ! 67. 23. p,a>p{a.

KaKws you inhabit a

24.

The asyndeton which began with the previous

PovXtvo(j.'vous, awe?

section

still

continues.
thin/':

while takijig evil counsel... to

ivill suffer

city of

such greatness that you

whatever

may

hapjxn.
it

There

is

nothing serious no MS. authority for fx-qdh, but the

best editors insert 68. P. 48,

1.

done so

and

by Greek usage. TOV ACa, yes, to be sure J for we ought to have so and not to have done so. vq tov Ala can hardly be
as required
3.
VT^

rendered into good English.

Kennedy:

" hoiucver

"

Whiston renders but Vomel Hcrcule vero.

: :

so

it is

by Zeus

4.

iroWd

&v,

things might the Olynthians mention now, which, if they had foreseen at the time, they would not have been ruined, many things

many

the people of Oreus.

The reader must

often have observed our orator's

fondness for such rhetorical repetitions, making an impression somewhat like a refrain in verse. Of. Ka.\-r)v, 66 01', 34 and 32.
;

69.

7.

dWd
8.

tI.

The answer

is

self-evident,

viz.

none

but

it is

also illustrated

lows.

and enforced by the apt and striking

simile

which

fol-

^ws dv (no^T]Tai, so long as the vessel

may

may be kept safe). The passive of tliis verb is in the sense, to be safe, to be icell ; but it is in the subj. with av,
safe (or
I

perchance be generally used

and

can hardly agree with Smead and the commentators generally that "it has precisely the sense of the adj. witli the copula, as below,
It suggests

cfffxv ffZioi."

more the idea of

a process (not merely a state),

69-71.1
and
in
tliis

NOTES.
mood and with

139

&v the further idea of contingency.

dv T

fJifil^ov,

u-hclher the vessel be larger or smaller.

This clause

be destroyed. THEN, and not

ill

meets and answers the notion above that Athens is too great a city to rdre is emphatic, and opposed to iirubdv 8e 9.

turn,

ivhcii the sea

11.

o-Koirio-9ai,

has alreudy overjwwered it. to he on the watch. fxaraios

\0.

e|fjs,

rj

o-ttovSti.

The omission

vain the effort! Hardly allowable in English discourse, but not uncommon in Greek. 70. 13. Kttt introduces the application of the simile, as in 01. I. Phil. 1. 40; and toIwv emphasizes it, as ovtus does in HI. 18 11
:

of the copula intensiiies the conclusion

01.

I.

11

and we accordingly

%vhile

we are

safe.

The

orator inge-

hv o-wfT/rai, niously expresses the contingency in the illustration, ews but here suggests no doubt of the present safety of the state, and even goes on to magnify its resources and its dignity (d^tw^a, see

Instead of the formal application and 15. ti iroioifitv. 43). conclusion which the hearer expects, the orator, with an art which has been much admired, or rather under a patriotic impulse which
note

seems natural andirrepressible, breaks out with, what shall we do? as if that were the question which already tilled the minds and hearts of his hearers, and which they had long been wishing to ask.

irdXai .KaOriTai, some one sitting here this long time would he glad to ask. We sliould make the participle the principal verb in English, and the verb a descriptive participle or substantive = soyne one of

my

16. 70) vf| Ai', ^jes, inhearers has hccn long icishing to ask. deed, and I will tell you, and will move a resolution also, so that if

vote it ; that is, he is ready to do just what in the beginning of his second Philippic he complains that the leading orators will not, viz. take the responsibility, be not only an orator bat a statesman, and not only tell the people what to do but put them in

you will you shall

the

way

of doing

it.

18.

avrol
1.

-irpoiTov, sc.

avToi opposed to

TOi)s

dWovs,

23.

20.

before exhorting others. 21. Ti|xiv \iyu, I mean.

it is due to our ye, we Athenians at least must cmitend for lihcrty ; After irpea^eis, most 25. xp'<rpis. antecedents and our ancestry. eh UeXo-Kouvrjcrov, of the other MSS. and 2, by a later hand, add els "Poooc, els Xt'oi', (lis ^acnXea X^7w (ov5e yap tGiv eKeivip (rv/jLipepoi'Tuv

a(p^(TT7}Ke

TO

1X7]

TovTov TTCLVTa KaTacTTpixpaadai)

king,

send ambassadors
(for
it is

to

Peloponnesus,
eign
to

to PJiodcs, to Chios, to the

I say

not for-

his interests even to prevent this

thing).

The passage

is

Demosthenic

man from conquering everybut Becker has omitted it in

140

NOTES.

[Phil.

III.

71-75,

27. tl Sk his stei'eoty[)e edition, whose text we generally follow. but if nut, that yon may at least delay operationn (lit. introduce \i.i[,

delays in the
72.
P. 49,
1.

operations).
2.

delay, is not useless, because the war may die), not tvith the strength of a collected state (whose perjjetuity does not depend on the life of al irt'pvai irptcrpstai, nor (usele.ss were) tliose last 3. one man).
toCt", this,
so. is

with an individual yuan (who

and coinjilaiiits Hpun which I and tny excellent friend Pol yeuctus... went about the Peloponnesus. KaTT]-yopiai, so. Trpea^e'iai Kal KaTTjyoplai are a kind of hcndiadys (one again.st Philip
year
s

missions

there

hence ds TrepiriXdo/j-ev may be said of thing expre.ssed by two words) As to these embassies of Demosthenes and others, see lutrod., both.
p.

Polyeuctus and 115; JEsch. con. Ctcs., 97; Dem. De Cor., 79. Hegesippus is Hegesipims were political friends of Demosthenes. to have been the real author of the Oration De Haloneso supposed and Polyeuctus is named (Arrian. I. 10. 7) with Demosthenes and Ly;

curgus hands.
TOi

among
6.

tho.se

whom

Kai

eTroiT|o-ap.v,

Alexander required to be given up into his and thereby caused him. 73. ov \U.v-

Xe'-yw,

/ do

not mean, however, that ice exhort otliers ivhile

not ivilling to do
fxe'v,

anything that is necessary for ourselves.

dWd. tois
money to and get

we are

bid

I say

that

we ought, in

the first jdace (/xef), to send

the troops in the Chersonese,

and do

tvhaievcr else tlicy require,

ourselves in readiness,

and then

admonish the rest of the Greeks. of a state possessing a dignity

74. 19.

(5e) convoke,

17.

ravr'

to-ri, siich

bring together, instruct, are the duties

(note, 43) suclu as bclonfis to you. 20. diro8pdcro-0at, and XaXKiSf'as, of Chalcis in Eubnja. so you will escape the trouble, lit. run away from it like a slave from his task. 21. a7aTrt]Tov -ydp, for it is enough for them if they are

saved each one of them for themselves. For the construction and mean22. dXX* v|xiv, nay{d. aWa., 19), ing of this word see 01. III. 30.

YOTT must do this

they ivon with of the third Olynthiac, 36, where a participle takes the ]>lace of the first verb {eKT-qaavTo) ixerd ttoWQiv Kai KaXixif Kifdvvuu KT-qaafxevoi
:

vou your ancestors bequecdhed this honor which many and great j^erils. Compare the closing paragraph
; to

KariXiwov.
(qualifies

The adverbial element, ^ero woWQv Kai fxeyaXwi' both the verbs: it co.st them many and great ]icrils

kipSvvujv,

to trans-

mit as well as to acquire it. 75. 24. d 8' o PovXerat, k. t. X., but and inquiring if each one of us shall sit down seeking what he wishes how he shall avoid doing anything for himself, in the first place, he

75-76.]
v:iU never find those
that there viill

NOTES.
who
will do
it

141

for him, and then, besides, I fear

iroe* eiipTj.

come vpon ws

ov8 thing that ice do not wish. Se'SoiKa Sirws G. 257; II. 845.
G. 218
I.

the necessity of
(i-f)

doing all at once everyCu. 620 C. 627

;

15,

H. 742 a. where also the same

;

dvd7KTi

iatj.

C.

625; Cu. 616, Obs. 3;

iroitiv.

See the .same construction, 01.

tear is ('xjnessed iu similar language.

76.

P. 50,

1.

4.

iravop9uj9fivai...-Yi-Yvofi.6vo)v,

and I think

that even

now our

affairs might yet be retrieved if these things ivtre done.

is

The

and expressed (with less contingency) by the participle, 6. Xe-ytTw, pres. impe.''., the conclusion by the infinitive with &i>.
condition

let

him

with).

at onee

come forward and give

it (lit. let

Ti 8* v|iiv.

The

oration, like so

him many

he

doing

it

forth-

others, concludes
:

with a prayer

and I pray

may

popular

heaven upon their deliberations ymir determination, whatever it shall be, This longest and most effective of all the have a happy issue. orations of Demosthenes occupies only a little more than
lor the blessing of

all the gods that

twenty pages in the Greek text, and only fifteen in Kennedy's transIt might easily have been delivered within the time (two lation. hours) which Hon. Charles Francis Adams, in his recent address at the Commencement of Amherst College, declared should be the extreme limit of any oration or argument that would be effective.

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