Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Kennedy Opalo
Sub-Saharan Africa2 (hereafter Africa) continues to lag behind other regions of the
world in terms of economic growth and development. Over the years, a lot of ink has
been spilled in trying to explain this fact. Explanations put forward by various
rather than foster growth (Thomson and Thomson, 2000; Dollar, 1992; Cleaver,
1985); external obstacles to trade, especially with regard to policy choices of the
Global North , such as the much maligned agricultural policies of the European
Union and the United States of America (Amjadi et al., 1996); undemocratic
governance that has produced kleptocratic dictators and caused civil strife which
has diverted valuable resources from the development agenda to war efforts
(Collier, 2007; Masson and Patillo, 2005); bad geography (rugged terrain and lack of
access to the sea) that renders transport costs, a vital component of trade,
prohibitively high (Sachs, 1998); the legacy of colonialism that created unsuitable
1
This paper was originally presented as a fifteen page paper in a class on the economies of
developing countries. I have since had to incorporate new material and expand some of the
arguments presented for the purposes of submitting it as a sample paper.
2
Sub-Saharan Africa comprises of countries on the continent of Africa South of the Sahara
desert. This grouping excludes countries from North Africa like Morocco, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt
and Algeria.
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underdevelopment. Each only provides a partial answer as to why the region has
lagged behind others like the Pacific Rim4 which took a meteoric rise towards
becoming developed economies in the 1980s. Most, if not all, of the existing
mostly implied that solutions lie within the boundaries of the individual countries, if
only these countries’ governments can get their act together. While this might be
true, there is a need to look for alternative solutions that are not state-centric,
developed economies, but even in Africa necessitates the search for solutions that
look beyond national borders. It is for this reason that this paper provides an
monetary unions and economic integration in the different regions of the continent.
unions, this paper explores the viability of these two approaches in the African
3
Chinua Achebe’s famous 1985 book criticized the Nigerian political leadership. The same
criticism can be leveled against other leaders on the continent of Africa.
4
It is interesting to note that when most African states gained their independence from
Western Europe in the 1960s, some African countries were at the same level of economic
development as many East Asian countries. To illustrate this point, in 1975 the GDP in Africa
and Asia was US $ 713 and US $ 309 respectively. In 2004, these figures were US $ 1,842
and US $ 5,331 respectively. This fact is important in dispelling the argument that Asia had a
head-start in the development trajectory. See the Japan Bank for International Cooperation
Institute paper on “Experience in Infrastructure Construction in East Asia and Sub-Saharan
Africa:Implications for Infrastructure Aid in Africa.” (2008).
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Hereafter, this paper is divided into four sections. The first section provides a survey
implementing monetary unions and economic integration. The second section looks
theory and how these apply to the African condition. The third section looks at
monetary unions, again focusing on the existing literature and economic theory
behind it and how it applies to Africa. The fourth section illuminates on some of the
challenges that might hinder successful implementation of the ideas put forth in this
paper. Lastly the conclusion recapitulates the main points presented in this paper
and offers suggestions for further research in this area of Development Economics.
Background:
Most African states have neither been strong militarily nor had isolationist
nationalism. This can be attributed to the processes that created them and their
existing eclectic ethnic mix. Unlike older Westphalian5 nation-states, many of these
countries did not have to fight for and to maintain their territories since their borders
were arbitrarily drawn by 19th century European powers6. The result was that these
states did not have the incentives to promote economic activities that generated
as was the case with states founded through wars of conquest (Tilly, 1990). This
international regime may explain why most African states lack the ability to project
power throughout all of their territories (Herbst, 2000). The Delta region in Nigeria,
5
This is a reference to the treaty of Westphalia (in actual sense the treaties of Osnabruck and
Muster) of 1648 that is credited by most Political Scientists as having marked the beginning
of the nation state as we know it – with clearly defined borders and legally unchallengeable
sovereignty.
6
The partitioning of Africa took place in 1884-85 in Berlin, Germany in an attempt to
peacefully divide territories in Africa among the imperial European powers at the time.
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the Eastern provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eastern Chad, among
others, all serve to confirm this theory. Ethnic diversity has also been a cause of the
weakness of African states. First exploited by colonizers to divide and rule their
antagonize different regions of the same countries (Apollos, 2001). In light of these
factors, it is evident that, historically, Africa lacks a brand of nationalism that would
the continent, especially in the case where such integration did not affect the
It may seem impracticable to call for economic and monetary union on a continent
vital aspects of economic growth and development. For instance, Africa as a region
has the lowest landline telephone density in the world (Jerome, 1999). The continent
has witnessed marked under-investment and mismanagement of its road, rail and
port systems over the past few decades (Pedersen, 2001). Adding to Africa’s
transportation woes is the fact that most of the rivers that run through the continent
are not navigable due to rapids and waterfalls. But this is not the entire picture. The
same Pedersen paper notes that there is a surprisingly high private interest in
minimal intra-African trade. Pedersen also points out the fact that there is increasing
Abidjan and Johannesburg – which can be seen as pointers to the idea of regional
economies around certain growth poles. In addition, free market policies adopted by
a few countries in the 1990s have gone a long way in bringing much needed
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(Pedersen, 2001). Africa’s lack of robust infrastructure may even prove to be a plus.
new transport and communication links. The non-existence of such links may prove
advantageous in that it will help reduce switching costs and associated losses.
The above arguments highlight the viability of economic and monetary integration in
Africa. But perhaps a better case for this approach to development on the continent
can be made using the population argument. In his famous book, Guns, Germs and
Steel, Jared Diamond cited Africa’s low population density as a reason behind the
continent's failure evolve nation-states with hard borders and lasting Weberian
population densities (Diamond, 1997). Other scholars have cited this same reason
for Africa’s failure to be part of the green revolution that spurred economic growth in
more densely populated Asia (Johnson et al., 2003). Relating population density to
innovation in agriculture, Boserup found that, high population densities are highly
correlated with more intensive forms of farming – a case of necessity being the
mother of invention. Her work also illustrated that a high population density
fact that two heads are better than one. A bigger population is more diverse and
thus, due to competition and shear numbers, has a higher probability of producing
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Figure (i)
Looking at figure 1 and assuming that the rate of population growth is consistent
with this graph and diminishes over time, as the population grows so will the rate of
technical innovation and income – as suggested by Kremer and Boserup. This results
leading to an increase in per capita income (Debraj, 1998). This analysis seems to fit
the African condition. This vast continent is sparsely populated with millions who,
able to own small pieces of land, eke out a living through subsistence agriculture.
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The abundance of land in Africa obviates the need for intensive agricultural
production and limits technological progress. The other problem related to low
the African case, not only do industries not emerge because of a lack of innovation –
movement of people and goods. This will create opportunities for people to move to
There is, however, a negative side to the demographic argument. Population growth
eats away at economic development. The rapid population growth in most African
countries due to increased health care coverage and nutrition ended up drowning all
the economic achievements of the 60s and 70s. To illustrate this point, between
1965 and 1980, the per capita GNP Africa grew by 3% but declined by 0.4% between
1980 and 1990. During these two periods the rate of population growth grew from
ratio thereby reducing its savings rate. This has a direct negative effect on economic
1998). While appreciating the negative effects of population growth, it still holds
that sparsely populated areas do not provide the suitable ingredients needed to spur
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economic growth. Even with a population growth rate of zero, Africa still needs a
great amount of economic integration in order to increase trade and the mobility of
factors of production, the latter which causes a rational and efficient allocation of
A case can also be made for the approach to developing Africa suggested in this
paper based on studies of how borders impact trade. With increasing globalization,
many people have come to take borders for granted. The truth, however, is that
borders still matter, especially when it comes to trade. A study by John McCallum
found evidence to suggest that borders actually reduce trade volumes, ceteris
paribus (McCallum, 1995). The subject of the study was the US-Canadian border and
how it impacted trade between the two nations. The results indicated that the mere
existence of a border had a significant effect on trade patterns in the border regions
of both countries. Given the good infrastructure between these two countries, it is
reasonable to assume that “border induced” trade barriers would even be more
acute in areas where they have been reinforced by poor or sometimes non-existent
assume that by opening up African borders would promote a growth in the volume of
A key ingredient of economic growth in Africa, like in most other regions, will be
foreign direct investment (FDI). However, comparing historical FDI figures for both
Africa and South East Asia, it becomes apparent that there is an “adverse regional
effect” that makes Africa receive less FDI than other similarly underdeveloped
regions, even after controlling for all other observable differences (Asiedu, 2002).
This difference in FDI levels can only be attributed to the negative image the region
7
This is according to the IMF’s quarterly magazine, Development & Finance, December 2006
issue.
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has come to acquire over the last three decades due to its reputation for violent
conflicts and political mismanagement. This off-putting image can be shed off by
creating economic and monetary unions. Such unions would reduce the instances of
argument can be made for the same - in line with the liberal democratic peace
vital in violence-prone regions of Africa like the Great Lakes region and the Horn. To
interconnectedness of African nations and peoples through trade will help eliminate
ethnic animosities that have fuelled numerous bloody conflicts throughout the
continent.
Economic Integration:
develop through export orientation - the way the Asian tigers did - it will have to
wait until there is a large enough differential in the cost of factors of production
between the region and the new emerging markets of South East Asia and the BRICS
(Brazil, Russia, India and China). It is only then that the international market will shift
its gaze towards Africa which will then still have cheap labor and less restrictive
8
This is a reference to the Kantian democratic peace theory which posits that democratic
nations do not go to war with each other. An extension of this is the neoliberal idea of
“Complex Interdependence” advanced by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. Complex
interdependence suggests that when countries are economically integrated through trade
and by being partners in international institutions like the UN, they rarely go to war with each
other because going to war with each other would lead to severe losses due to the disruption
of trade links. For more information see “Power and Interdependence” by Robert Keohane
and Joseph Nye (2001).
9
Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu in “Spirit of the Laws” published in 1748.
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labor laws to facilitate a relocation of industrial production from the Pacific Rim in
the same way that the shift occurred from Western Europe and the Western Off-
shoots10 (Collier, 2007). Obviously, the region can ill-afford to sit and wait for this
eventuality. There is an urgent need for Africa, as a region, to boost its position in
the world trade arena by being both inward and outward looking. Development
Economics literature also point to the fact that sustainable economic growth
robust industrial sector, it is imperative that it does this with a view of selling
primarily to a domestic market since the global market is currently saturated by the
above mentioned emerging market nations. This can only be done through economic
integration, since, as mentioned above, many African countries lack the big
The theory:
economies through two main channels: The scale-effect channel and the factor-
the benefits that accrue to a region after the expansion of markets and
reallocation on the other hand deals with the idea that in an integrated free market
10
Western Off-shoots here refers to the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.
11
The United Nations World Economic and Social Survey, 2006. Oct. 27th 2008
<http://www.un.org/esa/policy/wess/wess2006files/chap2.pdf>
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rate of economic growth. While the scale effect may have an unambiguously
This is because with an expansion of markets (a case of the scale effect), production
any losses when shifts are necessitated by market conditions. Production factors on
the other hand are not as flexible. Once a plant has been moved to a new location it
is hard to anticipate all the factors that might be in play in determining whether
net effect of integration remains a coin toss. The available literature on trade growth
after integration offer mixed results. Edwards (1998), Badinger (2005) and Dollar
(1992) find a positive net effect in their studies of economic integration. A case
study of the EU-block by Hendekson et al. (1997) also found significant positive
effects. Another study of the EU-block by Frankel and Wei (1993) found that joining
the block in 1980 would have increased a member country’s volume of intra-
regional trade by 68%. However, Vanhoudt (1999) found the net effect to be
negative. Yet others studies have found the effect to remain ambiguous (Bretschger
and Steger, 2004). The ambiguity of the economic integration theory can be
dispelled by a look at international trade studies. Here, the findings illustrate that, in
enhancing efficiency and promoting growth (Irwin, 2005). Same studies show that
that distort prices and inhibit trade thus further opening up countries to wider
multilateral trade (Burfisher et al., 2001). It light of these findings, it hard to imagine
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that scale effects will be unambiguously positive. Because of sparse populations and
uneven distribution of natural resources, not every African country can support a
vibrant industrial base. But as integrated economic regions, various parts of the
relation to other regions and the scale effects of having bigger markets. Economic
integration would allow for free flow of capital that would shift resources from region
to region depending on need and efficiency concerns. It would also provide bigger
and more diverse markets for whatever industries that emerge thereafter. The
mentioned above, technological progress is the main engine of growth and such
countries, with the exception of a populous few like Nigeria and South Africa, will not
be able to achieve this on their own – hence the need for the creation of regional
commodity exports has proven to be a failed strategy. Over the last three decades,
prices which have had adverse effects on their economies. A case in point is
Zambia. After the Copper boom and burst of the 70s, the country suddenly found
itself unable to finance projects and an expanded government from the boom years
(Bevan, 1993). The adverse effect of this kind of “export instability” on economic
growth has been well documented (MacBean, 1966). It is imperative therefore that
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Africa places its bets, with regard to economic development, on local industries and
markets that are relatively decoupled from the global markets to protect its
At this point it is necessary to look at where the region stands in global trade
activity. Africa has about 12% of the world population but accounted for only 2%
percent of world trade in 2005; down from about 5% in 1970 (see figure ii below).
This sharply contrasts with Asia whose share has increased from about 5% to over
20% with the same period. It is also important to note that the decline in African
which still stands at a paltry 10% as of 2006 (IMF, 2006). Although unrecorded intra-
continental trade exists (Akello-Ogutu, 1997) and despite the encouraging evidence
of growth of recorded trade (McCormick and Pedersen, 1999), there is still a pressing
need to significantly increase trade activities both within the continent of Africa and
with the rest of the world. The latter will be difficult, especially in line of East Asia’s
domination of the global light manufactures export market. But the former can be
achieved through economic integration. Such integration would open up the region
this is the fact that retail sales in Kenya have grown by over 64% in the last four
years alone.12 This suggests that there is still a huge untapped market that can be
exploited for economic gains if resource mobility was enhanced in the region
Figure (ii): Shares of Asia and Africa in world merchandise trade, 1990 -0013
Asia
12
East African Business Week, Monday 18th June, 2007.
13
The African figures on this graph include North Africa, which is not part of the region
commonly referred to as Sub-Saharan Africa. Source: World Trade Organization, 2001.
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Africa
Monetary Union:
Monetary union in Africa can be carried out in either one of two ways. The first
option would be to have a single currency for the entire region with one independent
central bank in charge of monetary policy. The second option would be to have
regional blocks of currency unions like the existing CFA Zones. Possible regions
would be West Africa, Central Africa, East Africa and Southern Africa. As is explained
below, the latter option is better than the former. West and Central Africa have a
head start because of the existing France backed CFA zones. Southern Africa
(Lesotho, Namibia, Swaziland and South Africa) also has a Common Monetary Area
(CMA) which is essentially a formal exchange rate union but with separate
currencies, with rates fluctuating within narrow or zero margins and a strong degree
linked one to one to the South African Rand (Mason and Patillo, 2005). An expansion
of these three existing unions and in the case of East Africa a creation of a new
that efficiently allocate capital (Lucas, 1988), the majority believe that the arrow of
causality run in the opposite direction (Schumpeter, 1912; Goldsmith, 1969; Miller,
1998). The bottom line, however, is that regardless of one’s belief, the importance of
removes market distortions, allowing for savings and investment rates that are
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degree of importance of the financial sector, it is important that it is run with high
integrity and with regard to free-market ideals (Friedman, 1964). The integrity of any
In the case of Africa, the integrity of its financial institutions has been wanting.
Economic mismanagement and rent seeking activities have, many a time, led to the
adoption of policies that distort the market thus causing macroeconomic instability.
reforms have been met with little enthusiasm and have largely failed (Van de Walle,
2001). Perhaps a way of instituting reform would be to take the power to effect
monetary policy and regulate the different countries’ financial sectors away from
individual governments and give it to regional central banks staffed with credible,
apolitical experts. This can be implemented via a currency union, in the model of the
European Union’s euro-zone. Having such currency unions would bring about much
needed macroeconomic stability in the four regions of Africa and create confidence
in the same economies. Regulation of the financial sectors would also be entrusted
to these central banks in order to de-politicize the regional financial sectors and
The whole idea behind such unions would be to promote trade and accompanying
economic development – and there is evidence to suggest that this indeed would be
the case (Vickers, 2000). Vickers notes that although monetary unions do not
necessarily promote growth, they serve to ensure price stability – much needed to
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tame Africa’s runaway inflation. Furthermore, such unions instill fiscal discipline
since individual governments cannot monetize deficits like they are wont to do when
they control the mint. Other studies by Rose (2000) and Glick and Rose (2002) have
also found that controlling for all factors (such as proximity, trade arrangements,
among others) countries that use a single currency have an increased volume of
trade compared to those that have their own sovereign currencies. So at the
minimum, currency unions in Africa would guarantee sanity in the formulation and
that, and with the right ingredients in place, there is potential for an increase in
trade volume and a realization of the associated benefits of more efficient financial
markets.
The theory:
There is no unified theory of optimum currency areas. There are different theories
that try to explain the conditions under which such arrangements can succeed and
when they cannot. Based on a survey of the available literature on this subject, two
types of criteria emerge for determining the success or failure of currency areas into
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The country specific criteria evaluate the state of an individual country’s economy
and how it would be affected by joining a currency union. Flexibility in wages and
prices is important because after a country concedes the ability to use monetary
tools to offset shocks to its economy, such shocks can only be offset by adjustments
in the prices of goods and labor (Friedman, 1964). Rigid labor laws and/or sticky
prices are therefore inimical to success after a country joins a currency area. A high
greater consequences from external shocks once it joins a currency union more than
Region-specific criteria deal with the currency area as a whole and the factors that
may increase the chances of success of such a union. High mobility of production
words it guarantees that capital and labor move to areas where they are most
needed and would be used the most efficiently. Similarity in industrial structures
ensures uniformity and standardization. This is most essential when one considers
infrastructure designs such as railway gauges, electricity grid, among other things.
Perhaps the most important ingredient for success in a currency area is the need for
and which experience different types of shocks ill-fit in a currency union. This is so
because it makes it hard for the affected countries to uniformly implement the
necessary monetary adjustments that might be needed to offset any shocks that
may affect the economy (Chamie, De Serres and Lalonde, 1994). This is the reason
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along regional lines. Similarity in culture and economic factors is important because
of the significance of the interplay between culture and economic outcomes. Using
proxies for culture – like religion, structure of social relations, among others - various
any given people (Guiso and Zingales, 2006; Stulz and Williamson, 2002). Similarity
Participating countries must commit to agreed levels of government deficit and ways
Applying the above criteria to the African situation reveals various challenges. To
begin with, the labour market in Africa is not flexible. This is illustrated by the higher
than normal wages in the formal sector, despite the fact that the countries in this
region usually have high unemployment rates (Kingdon, Sandefur and Teal, 2006).
This condition, according to optimal currency area theory, makes the region
unsuitable for a currency union since it makes it harder for states to correct
adjustment as a policy tool (Monga 1997). On the diversification criterion, Africa also
scores poorly. The region’s economies have largely remained dependent on the
note that this theoretical criterion considers differential levels of diversification. This
relative to other countries around it. In a union with only a few highly diversified
countries, the less diversified countries would suffer as the more developed
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economies establish monopolies over entire sectors of the economy. But the African
situation is not like this. Nearly all the economies in the region have the same levels
of diversification and so would all benefit from a currency union, as predicted by the
Judging by Africa’s history, the region-specific criteria are going to be the hardest to
meet because of their dependence on political will. However, there is hope for
positive outcomes in the newly created African Union. The charter of the Union has
Gaddafi’s empty rhetoric of a United States of Africa aside, the region should
consider quick implementation of the trade and labor mobility proposals in its
constitutive act14. This would remove most of the barriers to free movement of
factors of production across borders thereby reducing the effects of any asymmetric
shocks within the currency unions. Once such openness to trade and production
factor mobility is in place there will then be a need to harmonize economic policies
The African currency unions would not find it difficult meeting the criterion for
extractive and in the beginning stages development. States forming the currency
unions would therefore simply have to harmonize their development agenda in order
situation would persist even during integration and thus obviate the need for
autonomous exchange rate adjustments because shocks would be similar across the
board. On the need for similar cultures and economic factors, the regions, although
14
The African Union Constitutive Act: http://www.au2002.gov.za/docs/key_oau/au_act.htm
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diverse in their own unique ways, still have a great amount of resemblance in terms
while at the same time maintaining these similarities, under currency unions, should
The last union-specific requirement, being political, will pose greater challenges.
African countries are not known for their excellent policy preferences. Policy
than sound economic principles (Dollar and Easterly, 1999). The solution to this
problem would have to be political – leaders realizing that printing money for
elections and/or artificially inflating currency prices are not good for long term
will find it hard to converge to the regional desired rate without bold policy
measures (Jonung and Sjoholm, 1999). As already pointed out, there is no reason to
completely rule out the possibility of African leaders cooperating in this respect,
especially in light of the new treaty of the African Union. Currency unions would
implicitly force member states to adopt similar policies thus reducing chances of
While most of the arguments presented here in relating of the optimum currency
areas theory to the African condition have not been backed up by raw data, it is
fairly reasonable to assume that the findings on the ground would not grossly
empirical evidence from CFA Franc zones in central and West Africa that suggests
that with the proper institutions in place the proposals presented in this paper can
work. For instance, the CFA Franc Zones have had historically lower inflation rates
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compared to the rest of the continent due to policy restrictions imposed on member
states by virtue of being in the two currency unions (Honohan, 1990). The rest of
Africa can learn from the existent weaknesses of these two currency zones - which
have mainly been adverse incentives and a great amount of moral hazard caused by
weak central banks and France’s guarantee to back the CFA Franc (Fuouda and
Stasavage, 2000). Building on the strengths of the CFA zones, new currency unions
Potential Challenges:
The advantages of economic integration far outweigh any disadvantages that may
result from coupling of economies or trade diversion (Burfisher, et al., 2001). Free
trade benefits all those engaging in it. It allows for the transfer of technology, labor
and capital mobility and increases competition leading to greater efficiency. African
and growth. As has been noted above, sustained economic development is only
attainable if a country or economic region has an industrial base and potential for
technological advancement. Reliance on the export of raw materials will not only fail
government and reliable institutions (Karl, 1997; Sachs and Warner, 1995; Shafer,
1994). Africa’s economic development, just like that of the Asian tigers, will be
that economic integration attracts FDI more than stand alone economies, even in
advanced regions of the world (Brenton, Di Mauro and Lucke, 1999). Economic
integration will not only help the region shed some of its bad image, but will also
help it attract much needed investment to create jobs and develop industry. But FDI
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alone will not do the trick. The continent has to boost local investment and savings
rates. It is estimated that the amount of capital flight from the continent between
the years 1970 – 1996 was a whooping US $ 176 billion (Ndikumana and Boyce,
2002). Couple this with the fact that as of 2002 there were over 100,000 African
millionaires worth over US $ 600 billion15 and it becomes clear that it is possible for
domestic investment to play a role in getting the continent of Africa out of the
The biggest challenge will be how to implement the currency unions. First of all, this
paper proposes that there be four unions – Southern Africa, East Africa, Central
Africa and West Africa. The idea of having a monetary union raises serious questions
within individual states cannot be taken for granted. Different regions have different
Furthermore, labor and capital mobility is not guaranteed, even within borders.
These challenges get even more amplified when one considers entire regions of a
continent as big as Africa. The counterpoint to this challenge is that the reduction in
transaction costs and liquidity security provided by the use of a single currency
single currency area. To add to this is the fact that less developed countries, in light
of the large size of their informal economies usually have more labor and price
flexibility than official figures that only capture formal employment may suggest
(Calvo and Mishkin, 2003). The bottom line is that there can never be objective
weighing the pros and cons. In the African case, the advantages of having currency
The other disadvantage of being in an optimum currency area is the fact that
individual countries would lose their powers to use monetary policy to offset nominal
or real shocks on their economies. In the African case, the lack of this policy option
might actually be a good thing. The need for monetary policy flexibility assumes
that governments choose to use exchange rate policy as an instrument only when
mostly from Africa, has shown that political instability greatly increases the
likelihood of abuse of this policy instrument (Klein and Marion, 1994). Because of
this, it would overall be beneficial for the countries in the region to cede control of
currency union (Fouda and Stasavage, 2000) than to leave this tool in the hands of
politicians.
It goes without mention that institutional strength is vital to the success of currency
integration advocated for in this paper. Indeed, some might even argue that the
financial sector (Calvo and Mishkin, 2003). To counter this challenge, it is important
to note that being in a currency union offers institutional stability or a bias towards
institutional stability because of potential for stricter oversight by players with a lot
of power and leverage – nation states. Being international institutions, the central
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Lacking in the arguments presented in this paper are the already existing
(ECOWAS), the East Africa Community (EAC) or the Southern Africa n Development
currently constituted, have not managed to spur significant amounts of trade and
economic development (Geda and Kebret, 2007). Many of the regional economic
when trying to promote free trade (Foroutan and Pritchett, 1993). A case in point is
the SADC. A study found that even though the South African economy is much larger
than of any other country in the Southern African region, it is not big enough to act
as a growth pole for the region (Lewis, Robinson and Thierfelder, 1999). For these
integrate the participating economies rather than leave this task to market forces.
Another facet of the African development discourse lacking in this paper is the role
is no evidence of significant ODA success in Africa. Since the sixties the continent
has received the equivalent of six Marshall Plans (Taylor, 2005). If ODA were an
essential part of economic development then Africa would be far mode developed
than it currently is. ODA may be helpful in the short term – for financing deficits and
essential programs like healthcare – but in the long run it undermines development
government by making governments accountable to foreign aid givers and not the
populations they govern (Knack, 2004; Bautigam and Knack, 2004; Moss, Petterson
and Van de Walle, 2006). To reiterate the hackneyed phrase, what Africa needs is not
aid but trade. If farm subsidies were scrapped and African farmers allowed to
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viable economic activity for millions of African farmers. An example is cotton, a vital
commodity for the African nation of Mali. If farm subsidies were to be abolished, the
global price of cotton would go up by as much as 20% thus providing much needed
income and foreign reserves for this arid African country (Taylor, 2005). The current
goals16. It is not surprising that Africa will not meet these goals (Sachs, McArthur and
above.
Conclusion:
Africa’s arbitrary borders have oftentimes been blamed for the continent’s troubles
(Herbst, 2001). Adopting economic policies that are blind to these national
boundaries is a way of mitigating the impact of this historical accident. This paper
landlocked. Economic development fuelled by trade with the external world and the
neighboring countries (Collier, 2007). This calls for further integration of African
16
The millennium development goals are a set of targets set by the Millennium Summit at the
UN in 2000 with a target of eliminating a number of problems afflicting the third world by
2015. The goals include: halving global poverty levels and eliminating hunger, providing
education for all children of school-going age, improving gender relations and care for the
girl-child, providing dependable maternal health, combating HIV and AIDS, improving
environmental conditions for sustainable development and lastly, to promote global
partnerships in development. This last commitment requires the governments of the
developed world to give at least 0.7% of their GDP as foreign Aid. For more details see
<http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/>
25
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agenda. To facilitate this integration, the regions of the continent need common
currencies to reduce the cost of transaction and build confidence in their economies
Economists have yet to come up with a general theory of the location of economic
There is a need for a new geographical economics that recognizes the fact that
ones” and provides policy prescriptions for the creation of these high density
its own silicon valleys and route 128’s17. Evidence suggests that for this to occur it
will need more big cities and population centers. Recent work on the relationship
between population densities and productivity suggests that doubling the size of a
percent (Rosenthal and Strange, 2004). To benefit from the economic advantages of
agglomeration, Africa needs increased labor mobility within and across countries on
economic growth remains controversial (Rodrik, 2004), Africa needs policies that
currencies. All these are achievable through having integrated economies and
currency unions in the different regions of the continent. This paper concludes with a
17
This is a reference to the technology hub in Silicon Valley, California and the Route 128
biotechnology corridor in Massachusetts.
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in the various regions of the continent of Africa. The dearth of data to support some
of the arguments presented here is because of the little scholarly interest in this
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