Ancient Jewish Coins and Their Historical Importance Author(s): Baruch Kanael Reviewed work(s): Source: The Biblical

Archaeologist, Vol. 26, No. 2 (May, 1963), pp. 37-62 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3210995 . Accessed: 22/03/2012 13:40
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

The American Schools of Oriental Research is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Biblical Archaeologist.

http://www.jstor.org

38

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

(Vol. XXVI,

is published quarterly (February, May, September, December) The Biblical Archaeologist by the American Schools of Oriental Research. Its purpose is to meet the need for a readable, reliable account of archaeological discoveries as they relate to the non-technical, yet thoroughly Bible. Editor: Edward F. Campbell, Jr., with the assistance of Floyd V. Filson in New Testament matters. Editorial correspendence should be sent to the editor at 800 West Belden Avenue, Chicago 14, Illinois. Editorial Board: W. F. Albright, Johns Hopkins University; G. Ernest Wright, Harvard University; Frank M. Cross, Jr., Harvard University. Service Agency, 31 East 10th $2.00 per year, payable to Stechert-Hafner Subscriptions: Street, New York 3, New York. Associate members of the American Schools of Oriental Research receive the journal automatically. Ten or more subscriptions for group use, mailed and billed to the same address, $1.50 per year for each. Subscriptions run for the calendar year. In England: fifteen shillings per year, payable to B. H. Blackwell, Ltd., Broad Street Oxford. Back Numbers: Available at 600 each, or $2.25 per volume, from the Stechert-Hafner Service Agency. The journal is indexed in Art Index, Index to Religious Periodical Literature, and at the end of every fifth volume of the journal itself. Second-class postage PAID at Peterborough, New Hampshire. Copyright by American Schools of Oriental Research, 1963.
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES or AMERICA, BY TRANSCRIPT PRINTING COMPANY PETERBOROUGH, N. H.

Ancient

Jewish Coins and Their Historical Importance

by
BARUCH Jerusalem, KANAEL Israel

Ancient Jewish coins are an important source of information for Jewish history from the late Persian period until the time of the Bar Kochba revolt. They throw much light on the cultural, political, and economic aspects of this stretch of time. From them we can learn of the political situation, and of certain trends of thought, prevailing during the little known decades preceding the conquest of Judea by Alexander the Great. They are of special importance for the understanding of the Late Maccabean period. They depict the efforts of the rulers to take an active part in contemporaryinternational politics while still preserving the special character of a Jewish state. They reflect the constitutional struggles of the day, as the rulers tried to establish a monarchy with characteristic Hellenistic traits, to which the Pharisees objected. The civil war which broke out under Jannaeus is also reflected in contemporarycoinage. And finally, coins throw much light on the policy of the Herodians and that of the Roman procurators. During revolts in ancient times, coins were about the only means by which the leaders of the revolts could assert that a new independent state had come into being. The coins of the two Jewish revolts tell us of the aims of the insurgents and of their hope for freedom. Some important information about the Bar Kochba revolt may be inferred by combining the numismatic evidence with that of the literary sources and the recent discoveries in the desert of Judea (see BA XXIV, numbers 2 and 3).

The

BIBLICAL

ARCHAEOLOGIS

.of.
ur*q*

Publishedby
THE AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH (Jerusalem and Bagdad) Drawer 93-A, Yale Station, New Haven, Conn.

VOL. XXVI

May, 1963

No. 2

(1) and Yehud coins (2-4). Fig. 1-4. Athenian Tetradrachm Contents

9;,6~
?,

i ~`

Ancient Jewish Coins and Their Historical Importance by Baruch Kanael .........................................38 The Postureof the Ancient Scribe, by Kenneth W. Clark ......................63 Announcementof a ScripturalIndex to the BA ........................................................72

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

39

Coins also contribute to the study of the history of Jewish art and symbols, of epigraphy, and of course simply of chronology. Often archaeological strata can be dated quite closely with the help of coins. However, the interpretation of the symbols and legends on coins is often rather complicated and requires considerable acquaintance not only with archaeological and numismatic method, but also with the problemsof Jewish history and religion. One must be careful neither to overestimate nor to underestimate the evidence. Indeed the number of articles and books in this branch of inquiry is extensive, and the interested reader will sometimes find it difficult to distinguish the writings of well-meaning connoiseurs from the work of serious students.' The interpretationspresented here do not claim to be final solutions to the problems involved, and the attempt has been made to indicate the degree of certainty7of the conclusions presented. Further research will gain new insights in this fascinating field, for its very fascination attracts continuing and mounting interest.
Coins in Old Testament Times

Coined money had not been invented in pre-Exilic times. When Abraham bought the cave of Machpelah from Ephron, the Hittite, he paid him 400 shekels of current weight (Gen. 23:15), which suggests that silver had to be weighed for every sizable payment. However, for the convenience of commerce and trade, the metal was usually available in pieces of fixed weight. So, when Saul went to look for his father's asses, his servant had "the fourth part of a shekel of silver"with him (I Sam. 9:8), a piece weighing about 3 grams.This is a clear instance of pre-coinagemoney. It is now agreed that coins were first struck in Lydia in Asia Minor in the latter part of the seventh century, B.C. The first coins were struck from electrum, a natural alloy of gold and silver found in Lydia. On the obverse of these coins appears the head of a lion, the coat-of-armsof the Lydian Kingdom. It was no longer necessary to weigh silver at every major transaction. Coined money rapidly became common throughout the ancient world. Governments soon realized the importance of the right of coinage and restricted this right to themselves. Not long after the invention of coinage, the Persians also started to issue gold and silver coins. Since in the fifth century Judea formed part of the Persian empire, the first coins mentioned in the
1. Comprehensive works on Jewish numismatics are F. W. Madden, Coins of the Jews (London, 1881, still indispensable); G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine (London, 1914); M. Narkiss, Coins of Palestine, I-II (in Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1936-38); A. Reifenberg, Ancient Jewish Coins, 2nd edition (Jerusalem, 1947, second impression, 1963). Much ground is also covered in P. Romanoff, Jewish Symbols on Ancient Jewish Coins (Philadelphia, in the relevant sections of E. R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Rotan Period,1944); (New I-VIII York, 1953 to present); and in The Dating and Meaning of Ancient Jewish Coins and Symbols (Jerusalem, 1958), in which are included A. Kindler's treatment of the Hasmoneans and the Second Revolt, J. Meyshan's of the Herodians, E. W. Klimovski's on symbols and L. Kadman's of the First Revolt, as well as a general summary.

40

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

(Vol. XXVI,

Bible were Persian ones. "Accordingto their ability they gave to the treasury of the work sixty-one thousand darics of gold . .. " reads Ezra 2:69 - that would be about 1130 pounds of gold.
The Yehud Coins

The Persians did not interfere much in the internal government of the distant Provinces of their enormous empire. During the last generations of Persian rule, before the conquest of their empire by Alexander the Great (331 B.C.), Judea enjoyed a certain amount of independence concerning internal affairs. At the head of the community was the High Priest, while the central government was represented by its satrap. Judea formed a part where "the River" is of the Fifth Satrapy, "The Satrapy Across-the-River," the Euphrates. In Judea, Persian coins, on which the effigy of the Persian king appeared, were current. Athenian coins, which circulated widely through the Near East, were also used in the country. On the obverse of these coins (Fig. 1) appears the portrait of the goddess Athena, and on the reverse an owl, the symbol of the goddess. However, after the end of the Peloponnesian War in 404 B.C., Athenian coins were not issued for a considerable time. Since these coins had readily been accepted for payment between Syria and Egypt, they were imitated in this region. At the beginning the original design of these coins was copied. Later on, changes in the types and legend of the coin appear. And ultimately some coins bore only slight resemblanceto the original Athenian series. On some of these, the types were struck in such a primitive way that they look like caricaturesof the original. Other types of coins were issued during the last decades of the Persian Empire. Coins which were mainly destined for the payment of mercenaries bore types current in the countries of origin of those soldiers and their commanders. Many of these, and similar, coins, known as Philisto-Arabian, were issued, many being struck at the important mercantile town of Gaza. In Judea, a few silver coins of such types were issued, numismatically forming a part of the Philisto-Arabian series. These Judean exemplars are extremely rare, known specimens numbering about a half a dozen altogether. They bear the legend Yehud, the Aramaic name of the Province of Judea (Ezra 5:1, 8). One of these coins was found over a century ago and constitutes one of the cherished treasures of the Department of Coins and Medals at the British Museum (Fig. 2). On the obverse there appearsa male divinity, bearded, wearing a himation (a Greek-style outer cloak) leaving the upper part of the body bare. He is seated on a winged wheel, his right arm wrapped in his garment;on his extended left hand sits an eagle or hawk. Above appears the inscription Yehud in ancient Hebrew characters. In the

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

41

field to the right, a bald-headed mask appears. On the reverse of the coin a bearded male head wearing a crested Corinthian helmet is seen. This coin is of the "mercenary" type. It weighs 2.08 grams. The inscription was formread "yahu"and taken as the name of the Lord. It was Professor E. L. erly Sukenik who rightly suggested the reading "Yehud".2 Who is the divinity portrayed on the obverse? Since there exists no identical contemporaryportrayal of divinity, some students assume that the artist, who most probably was not a Jew but perhaps was either a craftsman accompanying the Persian army or a resident of one of the heathen towns in the periphery of Judea, here probably tried to portray the Lord in a syncretistic way. He may have been influenced by the descriptionsof the divine chariot by the prophet Ezechiel (see Ez. 10:16 and especially 10:19). We may have in this coin evidence of assimilatory and syncretistic tendencies among the Jewish aristocracyin the fourth century. It seems likely that this coin confronts us with the forerunners of the Hellenizers, who will try to abolish the established Jewish religion some two centuries later. Unfortunately only a single specimen of this coin has been discovered, which renders it difficult to establish clear historical conclusions. The next series,3of which two specimens are published, are indirect offshoots of Athenian coins. On the obverse appearsthe Athenian owl, with the Hebrew inscription Yehud superseding that of Athens as the issuing mint (Fig. 3). The portrait on the reverse does not seem to depict anyone in particular, such as the High Priest of Judea or the Persian Satrap;the figure is a male nortraitwithout any special meaning and is similar to the portrait on the reverse of the preceding coin. Perhaps the latest of the Yehud coins is the one shown in Fig. 4. On the obverse is the Athenian owl, now even more primitively executed than on the two preceding coins. On the right we again read Yehud, while on the left we may presumably read Yhzkyh, that is Hezekiah. The reverse was left blank. This coin was discoveredat Beth-Zur in 1931. Hezekiah has rightly been identified with a high priest of this name mentioned by Josephus in his work Against Apion, I, sections 187-188.4 We are there told that Hezekiah encountered Ptolemy Lagos, who founded the Ptolemaic dynasty in Egypt after the death of Alexander the Great. The fact that the name of a high priest appears proves that these coins were issued by high priestly authority.5 And the Yehud coins as a whole constitute additional evidence
2. E. L. Sukenik, "The Oldest Coin of Judea," Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society, XIV (1934), pp. 178-184. 3. Sukenik, "More about the Oldest Coins of Judea," ibid., XV (1935), pp. 341-343. 4. 0. R. Sellers, The Citadel of Beth-Zur (Philadelphia, 1933), pp. 73-74, referring to A. T. Olmstead. 5. On this coin see especially N. Avigad, "A New Class of Yehud Stamps," Israel Exploration Journal 7 (1957), pp. 148-149.

42

THE BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGIST (Vol. XXVI,

that the Judean temple-state enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy during the Persian period, a conclusion for which we possess only scanty literary evidence. In addition to the coins, however, one can cite an everincreasing number of seals and seal impressionswhich bear the name Yehud.

tipt
?U21
IT

Figs. 5-12. Mlaccabean coins: Hyrcanus I (5),

Alexander Jannaeus (6-9),

Hyrcanus II (10-12).

3laccabean

Coins (ca. 115-37 B.C.)

Following the conquest of Palestine by Alexander, a sufficient amount of currency was made available through the mints of the conquerors. Until the Maccabees came into their own, Judea used coins issued first by the Ptolemies and then by the Seleucids (see for the contemporary Shechem

examplesBA XXV, 3 (1962), pp. 87-96, in the articleby Dr. Sellers).

When the Maccabees succeeded in establishing their independent realm, they naturally wanted to issue their own bronze coinage with Hebrew inscriptions and appropriatesymbols. Coins now meant much more than they did under the Persians; the right of coinage was jealously guarded by the central authorities, and the gradual weakening of the Syrian (Seleucid) Empire is clearly seen in the coinage of towns to which the king had to

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

43

grant the right of coinage. One can discern the varying degrees of autonomy, culminating in independence. When the last energetic Seleucid ruler, Antiochus VII Sidetes, while still a pretender, tried successfully to enlist the help of the Maccabean High Priest Simon (142-135 B.C.) against the ruling usurper Tryphon, he promised Simon (along with other favors like territorialconcessions): "I give thee leave to coin money for thy country with thy own stamp" (I Macc. 15:7). Formerly, scholars were of the opinion that Simon actually made use of this permission, and attributed to him the shekel and half-shekel silver coins then known. However, since the beginning of this century both historians and numismatic scholars have agreed that the shekels were actually struck during the first Jewish revolt against the Romans in 66-70 A.D. Still, some tended to attribute to Simon the bronze coins bearing the Hebrew inscription "Year four . . . of the delivery of Zion" (Figs. 47-49). However, Albright and Sellers in 1931 observed that these coins were not represented at Beth-Zur and other excavated strongholds which had belonged to Simon, and they therefore could not have been issued by him, while in addition both style and epigraphy point to the first revolt.6 We will deal with these coins, then, under the coinage of the First Revolt. Why, then, did not Simon make use of the privilege granted him? It is likely that Antiochus withdrew this permission together with his other concessions to Simon as soon as he has seized power in Syria (I Macc. 15:27). It would appear that Simon did not have sufficient time to make use of his prerogative.7 The first Maccabean ruler to strike coins was John Hyrcanus I (135104). While formerly it had been thought that he issued coins from the beginning of his reign, it has been suggested that, owing to his prudence in relation to Syria, he probably started to issue coins only during the latter years of his reign.8 A. Kindler has succeeded in classifying these coins by palaeographiccriteria.9The coins of Jehohanan the High Priest, formerly attributed almost exclusively to John Hyrcanus I, are now divided between Hyrcanus I and his grandson Hyrcanus II (High Priest from 76 B.C. under Queen Alexandra and ruler for a short time in 67 and then in 63-40 B.C.) The standard series of Maccabean coins have a rather dull appearance. On the obverse those of Hyrcanus bear an inscription in ancient Hebrew characterswhich reads "Yehohanan the High Priest and the Council of the Jews," within an olive wreath. On the reverse appear two jugate and filleted
6. O. R. Sellers and W. F. Albright, "The First Campaign of Excavation at Beth Zur," BASOR 43 (Oct., 1931), p. 13. 7. B. Kanael, "The Beginning of Maccabean Coinage," Israel Exploration Journal 1 (1951), pp. 170-175. 8. Ibid., p. 174. 9. A. Kindler. "Epigraphic Table of the Hasmonean Coinage," Israel Exploration Journal 4 (1954), pl. 14.

44

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

(Vol. XXVI,

horns of plenty between which a pomegranateis seen (Fig. 5). The ancient Hebrew script saw only very limited use in the Maccabean age. Some Phoenician towns used similar lettering on their coins during this period, however. The inscription clearly reflects the constitution of the realm: at the head of the state stood not the High Priest and Ethnarch alone; he shares his rule with his council. Judea was not a monarchy but a diarchy. This council obviously is the continuation of the Great Assembly, which dated from the Persian period. Later on, with changed and curtailed powers, it became the famous Sanhedrin. The cornucopiae (horns of plenty), though a heathen symbol connected in Greek mythology with Amalthea, the nurse of Zeus, had by this time become a widespread symbol of prosperity on coins of the region, and was no longer considered as having distinct heathen implications. The pomegranate was a symbol universally used, but it was of special significance in Jewish tradition. But the interpretationof ancient symbols is a complicated matter. It is possible that the pomegranate in Maccabean Judea served as a symbol both of prosperity - thereby forming a counterpart to the horns of plenty - and of the High Priest (Ex. 39:24-26). Coins with the same formula of the legend, and with similar types, were struck during the short rule of Yehudah Aristobulus I (104-103) and in the first years of the rule of Alexander Jannaeus (103-76). However, probablyafter the conquest of the important town and harbor of Gaza, when Jannaeus stood at the peak of his power, he assumed the diadem, which was the formal confirmation of the fact that the IMaacabeanstate had become an autocracylike the neighboring states, and was no longer a diarchy. This writer has suggested seeing in the obverse type of Jannaeus' first regal series (Fig. 6) a star encircled by a diadem. Within the star there appears the inscription Yehonathan hammelek, King Yehonathan. (Yannai, the Hebrew form of Jannaeus, is an abbreviation of Yehonathan). On the reverse there appears an anchor, symbolising the fact that Jannaeus had by now conquered the coast from the boundaries of Egypt in the south to the confines of Acre in the north, and that the state had become a naval power; the anchor is circled by the Greek inscription "of King Alexander." I suggest that the design on the obverse, which is rather too complicated and detailed for such a small bronze coin and is therefore only seldom present in all details, reflects the ideology of the Maccabean monarchy;the star is the Jewish symbol of monarchy, derived from the song of Balaam (Num. 24:17: "There shall come a star out of Jacob, and a sceptre shall rise out of Israel"), while the diadem presents the Hellenistic symbol of kingship. The council is not mentioned in the legend of these coins; it had either been abolished or been reduced to insignificance.

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

45

The autocratic regime and the suppression of the Pharisees caused the outbreak of civil war in Judea soon after Jannaeus suffered a defeat at the hands of the Nabateans east of the Jordan. The civil war is clearly reflected in the coins; the series now issued still bear a star on the obverse and an anchor with Greek inscription on the reverse. However, the design on the obverse is much more schematic and the Hebrew inscription is illegible. While still reflecting the original legend, it contains a meaningless group of signs including circles, distorted Hebrew characters,and other signs. True, ancient Hebrew characterswere no longer in much use, but this "barbarous imitation" shows how much all orderly administration had suffered during the uprising against the Sadducee king (Fig. 7). The fabric of the coins deterioratedsteadily in weight, size, and design. The weight, originally as much as 3 grams, was reduced to less than one gram, and fell to as low as 14 gram. The design, too, became most schematic; of the star only a few or even a single ray remained. These wretched coin, have only recently been studied adequately.10They show how greatly the war affected the finances of the state (Fig. 7a). The next series (Fig. 8) bears a flower and the Hebrew inscription "KingYehonathan"on the obverse, and the anchor with the Greek inscription as before on the reverse. It is possible that by substituting a neutral symbol for the star, Jannaeus in this series intended a gesture to the Pharisees. At this time a series of smaller coins was also issued. Jannaeus was to go further in his efforts to win the favor of at least the moderate Pharisees; a large part of the flower-anchorseries were overstruck while still in the mint. The original inscriptionbearing the regal title in both Hebrew and Greek, and the accompanying symbols, were overstruck by a Hebrew legend "Jonathan the High Priest and the Council of the Jews," together with the former types (a wreath around the inscription, and cornucopiae with pomegranate) (Fig. 9). In other words, Jannaeus seemingly gave up his royal dignity on coins and returned to the earlier inscriptions and symbols. No similar development is known in ancient numismatics; here is striking evidence of the vehemence of public feelings in this constitutional matter. The next series retained the "reformed" legend and types, and was struck on new flans (the technical name for the metal "slugs" which are minted into coins). However, these concessions in formalities could not eliminate the deep-rooted antagonism of the Pharisees towards the loyalists, and civil strife continued unabated until the end of the dynasty. Queen Alexandra (76-67) apparently did not strike coins. Coins again appear under John Hyrcanus II (63-40). He was a devout Pharisee, an ideal
pp. 170-185.

10. A. Kindler, "The Jaffa Hoard of Alexander Jannaeus," Israel Exploration Journal 4 (1954),

46

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

(Vol. XXVI,

High Priest, but hardly a man of action. He had come to power with Roman help when Pompey favored him against his resolute brother Aristobulus. The was soon felt in Judea; the country was meaning of the Roman "liberation" its area reduced, and heavy tribute imposed. It appearsthat Hyrcanus divided, was bent on meticulous observanceof Pharisaic religious commandments,and seemingly he was keen on painstaking regard to detail in legal matters, as one may infer from literary sources. This is corroborated the coins, where by the legend on most series is rather complete and exact. It reads again (Fig. 10) "Yehohananthe High Priest and the Council of the Jews."On his coins, the rise of the family of Antipater, father of King Herod, is probably reflected. First, the initials of Antipater (either as the letters "A" or "P" or as monograms) can be detected on the reverse of some of these coins. These all seem to representabbreviationsof the name Antipater, who had succeeded in becoming Hyrcanus' chief minister. Julius Caesar appointed him Epitropos (Procurator) over Judea in 47 B.C. It is probable that it was Antipater who put the letter "A" above the inscription of Yehohanan (Fig. 11) to indicate his growing importance." Other interesting coins were struck under Hyrcanus II. Some have the Hebrew inscription "Yehohanan the High Priest, Head of the Council of the Jews,"which perhaps refers to his being elevated to the rank of Ethnarch by Caesar. His last series consisted of large bronze coins which are extremely rare. They foreshadow the large bronzes of Antigonus Mattathiah. On the obverse one sees (Fig. 12) a crested helmet with visor and cheek pieces; on the reverse, double cornucopiae filleted, and the inscription as just cited. This, unfortunately, was by now a completely empty title - even the shadow of power he had had was gone.
Antigonus Mattathiah (40-37 B.C.)

Antigonus had waited for his hour, hidden away in Chalcis in the Lebanon. In 40 B.C., the Parthians for a short time succeeded in conquering Syria, Judea, and Asia Minor. The nationalistically-minded loyalists had put their hopes on the Parthians, who now helped Antigonus to gain the Judean throne. Hyrcanus was taken prisoner. Herod saw his chance, hurried to Rome, and was appointed rival king of Judea by Anthony and Octavian, an understandablething for Rome to do with Syria and Asia Minor in the hands of the Parthians. Finally in 37 B.C., Herod succeeded in conquering Jerusalem with Roman aid, and Antigonus was executed by the Romans at his behest. Most coins of Antigonus are big bronzes. Their technique is inferior, as is to be expected in such a period of emergency. On his standard series,
11. B. Kanael, "The Greek Letters and Monograms on the Coins of Jehohanan the High Priest," ibid., 2 (1952), pp. 190-194.

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

47

there appear the cornucopiae and the Hebrew inscription: "Mattathiah the High Priest and the Council of the Jews" (Fig. 13). On the reverse is a wreath, and the Greek inscription "of King Antigonus." The problem of king versus council, which had embittered Judea during thb rule of Jannaeus, was by now a matterof the past, settled by compromise.After the humiliations suffered at the hands of the Romans, of Antipater and Herod, the population was proud that once more a Hasmonean king was ruling. In addition, he respected the traditional diarchy; the barely legible inscription shows the High Priest and the Council governing the country. That the time of constitutional niceties had passed and that Antigonus was faced with the grim reality of Roman power is not reflected on these coins.

i4

14

(434
Figs. 13-14a. Coins of Antigonus Mattathiah.

However, Antigonus, perhaps during his last straits, did put coins to propagandauses. Apparently almost nobody could read the Hebrew legend. The cornucopiae had become a time-honored symbol of Maccabean money, but they did not convey a meaning equal to the emergency of the day. Now Antigonus put on small bronze coins (Fig. 14) clear symbols of what he was fighting for. On these extremely rare coins one sees the seven-branched candlestick on the obverse, and on the reverse the table of show-bread;the table is clearly discernible in Fig. 14a. These were visible symbols of the temple worship. And the implication was clear; Antigonus, the High Priest, defends the temple against Herod and the Romans, just as his ancestors Mattathiah and Judas Maccabeus had fought for the temple against the Hellenizers and Antiochus Epiphanes. But the pendulum had swung back, and the diadem was wrested from the Hasmoneans and given to Herod, leaving the Maccabeans a cherished and chivalrous memory.

48

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST
The Coins of King Herod (37-4 B.C.)

(Vol. XXVI,

Herod was appointed king of Judea by Anthony and Octavian - the later Augustus - in 40 B.C. His coins clearly demonstrate the change from an independent Jewish state to a Roman client-kingdom. The inscription is now in Greek only, while the symbols and inscriljtions aim no longer primarily at the Jewish population. Only at the beginning of his rule, apparently, did Herod pay much attention to the coins and the symbols they bore. Later on, with one or two exceptions, he seems to have lost interest in using this means to express his aims and policies. In later years, the building of towns and temples became the predominant outlet of his restless energy.

Y'La'LoyaTw
op
Diagram A.

vLcdai
Lr

L r

He too issued only bronze coins. His first series consisted mostly of large coins, as had been the case with Antigonus. On these coins, the date probably is indicated by two different signs; one is "L-gamma", standing for "year three" while the other is a monogram "TR" probably representing a contraction of trit6 (etei), "third year" (see Diagram A). It is likely that Herod wanted to accentuate the fact that 37 B.C., which was in fact his first year as king, should be regarded as his third year, reckoned from 40 B.C. when Rome had appointed him."2 On one of these coins (Fig. 15), we see a tripod and lebes, symbols of the worship of Apollo, together with the inscription "of King Herod." On the reverse is a thymiaterion, a censer. It is possible that this censer was of a type used in the temple of Jerusalem. Herod apparently wished to emphasize the Jewish-Greciannature of his state by striking on his coins both a heathen symbol (though not one which would clearly offend his Jewish subjects) and a Jewish one (though not one exclusively Jewish and distinctly "national"like the candlestick and table of show-bread of Antigonus). Another series bearing the same date shows a helmet and a circular shield (Fig. 16). More interesting are two other series bearing the year three. One (Fig. 17) shows a winged caduceus, the staff of Hermes, messenger of the gods, on the obverse, and a pomegranate, which had become a distinct
12. B. Kanael, "The Coins of King Herod of the Third Year," Jewish Quarterly Review 62 (1953), pp. 261-264.

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

49

The other(Fig. 18) shows thoughnot obvious Jewishsymbol,on the reverse. an aphlaston, curvedstem of a ship, a distinctheathensymbol.On the the reverse,thereprobablyis a palm branchbetween two ethrogs,a symbolof (see also Figs. 47-50). Jewishtempleritualduringthe Feastof Tabernacles

J7

G44
i,9

~tP

17 21

20

Figs. 15-21. Coins of Herod I.

Thereafter, Herod seems to have abandoned the attempt to yoke the heathen and the Jewish. The ensuing series, which are smaller, much more plentiful, and usually of poorer workmanship than the preceding, seem to bear symbols which are neither clearly Jewish nor clearly heathen. On one series we find a wreath tied at the bottom, between which appear two crossed lines (Fig. 19). This is probably reminiscent of the tritO(etei) monogram. On the reverse is a three-legged table. Heathens might have recognized in this the tripod of Apollo, and Jews might have argued for the table of showbread viewed obliquely. On his standardseries, which unlike his other coins were struck in great quantities across a long period and hence are common today, symbols known to us from Maccabean coins are found, though with a remarkabledifference (except in language) in the pattern on the reverse. On the obverse we see an anchor (Fig. 20), recalling the maritime power of the king, whose realm

50

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

(Vol. XXVI,

once more extended over the Mediterranean coast from Gaza to the Bay of Haifa. On the reverse we see once more the horns of plenty, but between them no longer a pomegranate as with the Maccabees but what appears to be the caduceus of Hermes. While most students would assert that it is simply could still have seen in it the pomethe caduceus, it seems to me that Jewvs of old. This coin may again attest Herod's unrivalled cunning. granate

tA

,:,?

,244~~B
Figs. 22-25. Coins of Herod Archelaus (22-23), Herod Antipas (24), and Herod Philip (25).

Of his later coins, one showing a ship may reflect his trip to Asia Minor to encounter Agrippa, the son-in-law of Augustus. Herod's last series bears evidence of the unbending will of the dying tyrant: on the obverse we see an eagle and on the reverse a horn of plenty (Fig. 21). The former derives from the eagle which Herod had erected over the great gate of the temple. It was tom down by zealous Jews who saw in it the profanationof the temple. Herod ordered the perpetratorsto be burned alive. This coin may be a statement of policy; Herod thereby stressed that he was right in affixing the eagle, while those who tore it down had committed a sacrilege and had received their just due. Of the coins of his successor, Herod Archelaus, who ruled from 4 B.C. until 6 A.D. (when Augustus deposed and banished him), little can be said. The coins are as indistinct as was the man. On one (Fig. 22), we see horns of plenty and a war galley. On others (Fig. 23) are a helmet (perhaps one worn by the ruler - compare Fig. 12) and a clear caduceus, with a cluster of grapes on the reverse. That he put a clearly recognizable caduceus on his coins suggests that he lacked his father'scunning.

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

51

The coins of Herod Antipas, Tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, east of the Jordan (4 B.C. - 39 A.D.), bear testimony to his appelation as "that fox" in Luke 13:32. The inhabitants of his realm were predominantly Jewish. Antipas was careful to put on his coins a palm branch and a wreath (Fig. 24), and in one instance a palm tree, symbols which were in accord with Jewish feelings. His brother, Herod Philip, ruled over the predominantly heathen regions of northern Transjordanfrom 4 B.C. to 34 A.D.; he struck coins which do not differ from those of other heathen rulers. They bear the portrait of the Emperor (once of Augustus and Livia), with a pagan temple, probably the temple of Augustus at Paneas at the sources of the Jordan, on the reverse (Fig. 25).
(Philip's The Coins of Herod Agrippa I successor in 37 A.D., over Judea, 41-44 A.D.)

he one offering sacrifices; is beingcrowned twowomen, of whom by maybe

12a. J. Meyshan, "The Coinage of Agrippa the First," Israel Exploration Journal 4 (1954), 186-200. pp.

Impressive as was the man, so are his coins.12a His restless energy, his position as convinced Pharisee combined with that of Roman client-king accustomed to the life of the Imperial Court and personally friendly to the Emperor,all this is reflected in his coinage. Let us begin with the coin which is the most common of all regular ancient Jewish coins. The fact that this coin was issued in such extraordinary quantities shows how great an interest Agrippa took in his coinage. On the obverse is the legend "of King Agrippa."As in all Jewish coins, there is the problem of portraiture. A ruler could not have his portrait struck on his coins, since that would violate the second commandment. One way out might be to show the ruler's helmet (Figs. 12 and 23). Agrippa solved the problem ingeniously by depicting the royal parasol with which he was probably seen walking under Jerusalem'ssunny skies (Fig. 26). Inscription and type combined to show that there was once more a king in Jeshurun, after more than a generation of Roman procurators.On the reverse three ears of barley are seen. His other coins, meant for heathen regions, are extremely rare. On some of these he did put his portrait, certainly an innovation for a Jewish king (Fig. 27). Around his diademed head are the words "The Great King Agrippa, Friend of the Emperor.""Great King" is an honorific rank for a clientking in the Roman Empire. On the reverse appears a female figure holding the tiller of a ship's rudder and a palm branch, and the Greek, "Caesarea which lies near the port of Augustus." The date is indicated as 43/44 A.D. This coin may have been issued in the city of Caesarea. On the obverse of another interesting coin, Agrippa is seen apparently

52

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

(Vol. XXVI,

the goddess Victory. Here the inscription mentions "King Agrippa, Friend of the Emperor"again. On the reverse are two hands joined-within a wreath.

26

281

27
tfl

FL
i2
.N4 Cl

Figs. 26-32. Coins of Agrippa1 (26-30) and Agrippa II (31-32).

A countermark, a portraying head,was addedlater.The long inscription, is withvarious is not in The abbreviations, clear all its details. maincontent and andalliance between andtheSenate thepeople KingAgrippa "friendship of Rome"'3 28). (Fig.
13. Th. Mommsen,"Zu den MfiinzenAgrippasI und II," Nunmis.matische ZeitschriftIII (1871), p. 449.

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

53

Another coin of which about a dozen specimens are known (Fig. 29) shows the portrait of Emperor Claudius on the obverse. On the reverse a temple is depicted, and a scene not yet clear in all its details nor in its meaning. It probably shows a sacrifice in connection with the expedition of the Emperor against Britannia.x4Still anotherl4ashows his son (Fig. 30). Agrippa's son, Agrippa II, ruled for some fifty tedious years, surviving some thirty years the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem. As a clientby king of the Romans, he took part in the war against his own nation. His coins are undistinguished. Under Nero, who like his predecessorspursued a policy favorable to client-kings, his coins still present some interesting features. One bears the portrait of the ruler without that of the Emperor, testifying to a certain measure of independence accorded the king by Nero. An interesting small coin was issued in 66 A.D., devoid of heathen symbols, probablyin conjunction with the outbreakof the first Jewish revolt (Fig. 31). On the obverse we see a hand grasping ears of wheat and a pomegranate. His coins under the Flavians usually feature a tedious repetition of the Emperor'shead on the obverse, and a heathen goddess, Tyche (Fortuna) or Nike (Victory), on the reverse (Fig. 32).
The Coins of the Roman Procurators of Judea (6-41, 44-66 A.D.)

With the banishment of Archelaus, in 6 A.D., Judea proper became a Roman province under direct Roman administration.The seat of government shifted from Jerusalem to the coastal city of Caesarea with its mixed population of Jews and Gentiles. We no longer find distinct Jewish symbols, but on the whole rather pallid patterns without special meaning. Except for Pilate, who also in his coinage seems to exhibit the energetic and reckless qualities attributed to him, the procuratorswere careful not to offend the sensitivity of their Jewish subjects. Neither portraitsof the Roman rulers nor divine figures or obvious symbols of heathen religion appearon these coins. On the coins of the first procurators(Fig. 33) there appears the name of the ruling Emperor or a member of the imperial family, together with the regnal year of the Emperor. The coin types under the first procuratorsare a palm tree and an ear of barley. The policy of Tiberius was to leave procuratorsat their posts for a considerable time. Valerius Gratus held office from 15 to 26 A.D., while Pontius Pilate covered the years 26 to 36. Valerius Gratus seems to have compensated for his restrictedpowers by fully enjoying two prerogativeswhich resembled
14. E.L. Sukenik, "Notes on the Coins of King Agrippas," Kedem II (Hebrew), (Jerusalem, 1945), pp. 19-22. 14a. J. Meyshan, "Two notes on the Coins of Agrippa II," Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society 25 (1961), pp. 256-257.

54

THE BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGIST (Vol. XXVI,

those of an independent ruler. He revelled in appointing and dismissing High Priests. Four of them changed post while he held office, although neither his predecessorsnor Pilate his immediate successor dismissed a high priest. And he struck more types of coins than all other procuratorstaken together. The types on his coins, which are cornucopiae partly with caduceus, jars (kantharos and amphora), and later wreath and palm branch, are rather insignificant (Fig. 34). It is interesting to note that in recent years a few silvers issued by him have come to light. These were probably meant not as a subsitute for imperial silver but as presents or the like, again pointing to Gratus' desire to exhibit his procuratorial powers.

SVkJ
5 ?,oo

1)I
35g

slw

~ bevil )?4!

ov.

*At%

..~.: ?.37

Figs. 33-39. Coins of the Roman procurators (33-36, of Augustus (38).

39), a Tyrian shekel (37),

and a denarius

When we come to Pontius Pilate, apparentlya follower of the antisemite Sejanus, we find that his coins are quite different from the conventional types of his predecessorsand successors. We here find the expression of an energetic personality who tries, as in the incident of paying for the construction of the water supply to Jerusalem with temple funds in spite of the opposition of the populace, to bring civilization as he understoodit into a country he regarded as barbarian. The types on his coins are of quite obvious heathen cult objects,15the simpulum (a ladle for libations) (Fig. 35) and the lituus (an augur's wand), the latter resembling the bishop's staff in later
15. E. Stauffer, "Zur Miinzpriigung und Judenpolitik des Pontius Pilatus," La nouvelle Clio I-II (1949-1950), pp. 495-514.

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGIST

55

Christian ritual (Fig. 36). This is the only instance in the period of the procurators that clearly heathen symbols were employed in the coinage of Judea.16 If indeed the widow's mite of Mark 12:41-44 (Luke 21:1-4) refers to contemporary Judean money, it stands to reason that the coins of either Pilate or Gratus are meant, since these were chiefly in circulation at the time. Two kinds of silver coins were then in use in Judea. Traditionally one used Tyrian shekels and half-shekels for payments to the temple chest (Fig. 37). This habit went back to Maccabean times. The Tyrian silver was used not only for paying the temple dues but also amongst the population for regular transactions.Tyrian silver hoarded during the last generations of the Second Commonwealth is sometimes discovered in sizable quantities. But these hoards do not necessarily represent consignments of the didrachmon, the half-shekel which every free adult Jewish male paid annually to the temple, as zealous collectors have suggested. The Tyrian money was slowly replaced by Roman imperial silver, which is the "tributemoney" mentioned in Matthew 22:15-22 and parallels (Fig. 38). Hundreds of denarii of Augustus and some of Tiberius were recently found together with thousands of Tyrian shekels and half-shekels in a hoard at Mt. Carmel. For three short and eventful years, 41-44, the rule of Judea reverted to a Jewish king, as we have noted. During those three years Agrippa I issued such a large number of coins of his standard series (Fig. 26) that for ten years afterwardsno coins had to be struck by the procuratorswho succeeded him. Two series were struck by Antonius Felix in 54 A.D. The first shows a wreath and two crossed palm branches. The other is enlightening for the consideration it shows to Jewish feelings. On the obverse two shields and crossed spears are seen; on the reverse is a palm tree with two bunches of fruit (Fig. 39). It is interesting to note that the shield and spears are taken over from Roman coins. However, in the original (Roman) series a legionary standard is portrayedin addition to the weapons. The standard is omitted in the Jewish series in order not to hurt Jewish feelings. The last procuratorial series, also struck by Felix, again bears types which were sympathetic toward Jewish feelings, a palm branch and an olive wreath. The evidence of the coins alone might suggest that cordial relations existed between the Jews and the last procurators,whereas in reality matter went from bad to worse. Felix, the "slave turned ruler," was not concerned with expressing his aims on coins; he was concerned with graft and power.
16. A. Kindler has suggested in "More Dates on the Coins of the P-ocurators," Israel Exploration Journal 6 (1956), pp. 54-57 and plate 8, that coins with these types had already been issued by Gratus. However, most students regard these coins as imperfect specimens struck by Pilate.

56

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST
The Judea Capta Coins

(Vol. XXVI,

It was during the campaign against Judea that Vespasian was proclaimed Emperor. Throughout the Empire he and Titus issued coins commemorating the victory over Judea. In Judea too these coins were issued, taking the place of procuratorialcoinage. However, there is no longer any concern for Jewish sensibilities. Quite to the contrary,Jews were reminded of their defeat through these coins." The coins show the portrait of the Emperoron the obverse and goddesses as well as trophies on the reverse. These coins are much larger than the procuratorialissues. On the only type issued in Judea by Vespasian (Fig. 40), his portraitappears on the obverse, and on the reverse Nike (Victory) writes on a shield. The inscription on the edge of the coin reads in Greek "Vanquished Judea" (on Latin coins not issued in Judea it is Iudaea Capta, the name given to this group of coins). Coins with the portrait of Titus follow partly the same pattern.

40

40`~

AL~P~I42

Figs. 40-42. Judea Capta coins.

Another coin (Fig. 41) shows on the reverse a trophy at the foot of which to the left a crouching captive Jew is seen. To the right there is a shield. The coins of Domitian (81-96 A.D.) issued for Judea bear Latin inscriptions. They do not mention the victory over Judea, in which Domitian had not taken a decisive part. These coins do, in a general way, allude to Domitian's victories. Since they continue the Judea Capta series, after which the series was discontinued, it is convenient to classify them under the same heading. On one of these coins (Fig. 42), we see the bust of Domitian laureate. The inscription reads: IMPERATOR DOMITIANVS CAE(SAR) AVG(VSTVS) GERMANICVS. On the reverse Athena is seen holding
17. H. St. J. Heart, "Judaea and Rome, the Official Commentary, n.s. III (1952), pp. 172-198, plates I-VI. Journal of Theological Studies

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGIST

57

shield and spear in her left hand, while with her right hand she places a helmet on a trophy.
The First Jewish Revolt against the Romans

In 66 A.D., while Nero was still Emperor, the Jewish revolt against the Romans broke out. After it started, the leadership of the nation fell to the High Priest and the aristocracy.Since for the most part they were only lukewarm supporters of the revolt, they were soon overthrown by the extreme zealots, led by John of Gischala. Still later, power fell to the Sicarii led by Simon bar Gioras. Coins were issued anonymously;it would appear that the right to strike coins, at least at the beginning, was vested in the High Priest. Both silvers and bronzes were issued. One must bear in mind that in antiquity coins were a visible and explicit means by which a nation announced to itself and to the world that it had thrown off the foreign yoke and had become independent. Silver coins, shekels and half-shekels, were issued at once, so that temple dues might be offered in Jewish money. The shekels bear dates of five years, counting the first year from Nisan (roughly equal to March) of 66. The language is again Hebrew, and the script is archaic Hebrew which at this time had almost completely gone out of use (although the Samaritansused a form of it as they continue to do even today). On the obverse of the shekels we see a chalice. The inscription reads shekel Yisra'el, a shekel of Israel. Above the chalice are letters denoting the date - in this case shin-beth, indicating year 2. On the reverseone sees a stem with a bunch of three pomegranates,and the inscription Yerushalayimhakedoshah, Jerusalemthe Holy (City) (Fig. 43). The chalice undoubtedly represents one of the vessels of the cult of the Jerusalem temple, though its exact nature is open to speculation. It perhaps served for libation of water at the festival of water drawing celebrated during Tabernacles. The triple pomegranateis perhaps again a symbol of the High Priest. The half-shekels (Fig. 44) follow the same pattern, except that on the obverse the inscription reads "half a shekel." Small bronze coins were issued during the second and third years of the revolt. On coins of the second year (67/8), we see a narrow-neckedamphora and the inscription "year two". On the reverse appears a vine branch with leaf and tendril, and the legend "Freedomof Zion" (Fig. 45). Smaller bronze coins of the revolt have also come to light in recent years.18 Bronze coins of the third year (68/9) are much rarer(Fig. 46). On the obverse one sees a narrow-necked amphora with lid, and the Hebrew inscription "year three". The reverse resembles that of the preceding coin. Very interesting is the coinage of the fourth year of the revolt. In addition to silver shekels and half-shekels, and a unique silver quarter shekel pre18. See now in L. Kadman, "The Coins of the Jewish War," Corpus Numorum Palaestiniensum, II, 3 (Jerusalem, 1960), pp. 106-108, corpus no. 46-59, pl. V.

58

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

(Vol. XXVI,

4
Jib

44D

eseC

''

MK L

gf

@0

do~

Figs. 43-49. Coins of the First Revolt.

servedin the BritishMuseum,threeseriesof largebronzecoins were struck. The biggestof these (Fig. 47) showson the obversean ethrogbetweentwo these symbols,involving lulabs.On the occasionof the Feastof Tabernacles a kind of citrontogetherwith a palm branch,to which willows and myrtles aroundthe altar.The inalso were carried by laymenmarching are attached, On read shenath'arba'hesi, "yearfour, one-half". the reverseapscription dates.Here a palm tree betweentwo basketsfilledwith fruit, probably pears of reads"forthe redemption Zion."These coinsare extremely the inscription rare.

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

59

A somewhat smaller series (Fig. 48) has on the obverse two palm branchThe es with willows and myrtles and the inscription "yearfour, one-quarter." reverse has an ethrog, and the same inscription as the preceding coin. The smallest and most common of these coins from year four has on the obverse a palm branch with willows and myrtles and the legend "yearfour". On the reverse appears the chalice in essentially the same form as on the shekels and half-shekels. The legend is again "for the redemption of Zion" (Fig. 49). The expressions "half" and "quarter"appended to the dates in several of the coins just described refer to half and quartershekel amounts. We here have emergency currency, bronze coins which are to replace silver. Who issued these coins? The writer has suggested that they were issued by the party of Simon Bar Gioras, who in year 4 had taken over most of the territorystill in the hands of the insurgents, while John of Gischala held out only in the temple mound of Jerusalem and in part of the lower city. The date "yearfour of the redemption of Zion" seems to form a contrast with the former era dated to the "freedom of Zion." Redemption seems to infer Messianic hopes current among the adherents of Bar Gioras, inspired by the fact that after the assassinationof Nero several Emperors(Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian) followed each other in rapid succession. The feeling was strong in Judea that the Roman Empire was crumbling to pieces as divine punishment for its assault on Judea. The era "Freedom of Zion" had probably implied only political freedom.'9 The fifth year of the revolt saw the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, and only a few shekels of that year have been preserved.
The Second Jewish Revolt (132-135 A.D.)

When the Emperor Hadrian decided to build a heathen temple on the site of the temple in Jerusalem, the Second Jewish Revolt broke out. Its military leader was Simon bar Kochba (spelled Siman Chosiba in a recently discovered Greek papyrus from the Judean caves).20 The aged Rabbi Akiba saw in him, Talmudic tradition tells us, the Messianic king. The name Bar Kosiba became Bar Kochba, the son of the star, to his supporters and thus appears in Patristic sources, but his opponents called him Bar Kozeba, the son of the lie! Important additional information concerning the revolt and its leader has come to light through the recent discoveries in caves in the Judean desert both in Jordan and in Israel. Letters from him (or from his lieutenants) bring him from the realm of legend into the full light of history. The insurgents struck coins during three years, the first year being counted from Nisan of 132. Those of the first year bear the date "year one
19. B. Kanael, "The Historical Background of the Coins 'Year Four . . . of the Redemption of Zion'," BASOR 129 (Feb., 1953), pp. 18-20. 20. Y. Yadin, "The Expedition to the Judean Desert, 1960," Israel Exploration Journal 11 (1961), p. 44; and, generally BA XXIV.2 (May, 1961), pp. 34-50, XXIV.3 (Sept., 1961), pp. 86-95.

60

THE BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGIST (Vol. XXVI,

Vt.

36

lot

50

'9P

Figs. 50-57. Coins of the Bar Kochba revolt.

of the redemption of Israel," those of the second "year two of the freedom of Israel;"those of the last year, which are on the whole of inferior workmanship to those of the preceding years, bear the designation "for the freedom of Jerusalem,"which in the light of the newly-found documents probably is an abbreviationfor "year three of the freedom of Jerusalem."'2 The coins of this revolt were usually not struck from specially prepared flans but were overstruckon Roman coins (Fig. 45). Bar Kosiba'smint struck tetradrachms (weighing about 14 grams) and denarii (about 3 grams) of
21. B. Kanael, "Notes on the Chronology of the Bar Cocheba Revolt," Churgin Memorial Volume (Annal of the Bar Ilan University) 1963. This volume is in Hebrew and is in the press.

1963, 2)

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

61

silver, as well as large and small bronze coins. On the tetradrachms(Fig. 50), the temple of Jerusalem is depicted. Between the columns is a Torah shrine, which probably substitutes for the Ark, though this matter requires further investigation. Here we see a tetradrachmwith a clear star on the pediment, perhaps hinting at the messianic claim of the "son of the star". The star, usually in very schematic form, does not appear on the rare tetradrachmsof the first year. On the reverse, once more the lulab (though here with only a single willow and single myrtle, conforming to the teaching of Rabbi Akiba while opposing the majorityopinion according to which several willows and myrtles were employed) and the ethrog are depicted. On some very rare denarii of the first year (Fig. 51) appearsthe Hebrew legend "Eleazer the Priest,"22 probably Rabbi Eleazer of Modein as High Priest designate for the temple about to be rebuilt by the insurgents. On this coin, a jug and a palm branch, which probablyrelate to the festival of water drawing, accompany the legend on the obverse; a cluster of grapes and the legend "year one of the redemption of Israel" appear on the reverse. On other denarii, there appear a chelys-shaped lyre with three strings and a wreath (Fig. 52), a lyre of Kythara type and a bunch of grapes (Fig. 53), and trumpets (Fig. 54). The lyres and the trumpets were musical ininstruments used at the temple service. Of the bronze coins we may refer to those with grape-clustersand palm tree of the first year, mentioning Eleazer the Priest (Fig. 55), and the larger bronze showing around a wreath with palm branch (obviously symbols of victory) the inscription Shime '5n Nesi Yisra'el,Simon the Prince of Israel (Fig. 56). On the reverse is a lyre around which runs the legend "yearone of the redemption of Israel." Of other bronze coins let me conclude with a large one with the name Jerusalem within a wreath on the obverse, expressing the joy of the insurgents at having recapturedthe Holy City; on the reverse is an amphora,used in the temple service, around which appears the legend "year two of the freedom of Israel"(Fig. 57). The Simon on these coins is Bar Kosiba, as we know on the basis of the recently discovered documents. His, title of "Prince of Israel" appears almost without exception only on bronze coins of the first year. In the other years, his name appears regularly without the rank of prince of Israel. The main subject of these coins is then the anticipated reconstruction of the temple and the renewal of the temple service. It is interesting to note that the eras on the coins of the second revolt run in opposite order to those on the coins of the first revolt: redemption in
22. L. Mildenberg, "The Eleazer Coins of the Bar Kochba Rebellion," Historia Iudaica XI (1949), pp. 77-108.

62

THE BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST

(Vol. XXVI,

the first year and freedom in the second. However, in the new papyri, Simon's followers date documents in the second year according to "the redemption of Israel through Simon bar Kosiba, the Prince of Israel." It may be suggested that the majority of the Rabbis opposed the claim of Simon to be styled "Prince of Israel"and that of Eleazer to be High Priest, as well as the assumption held by Rabbi Akiba that Simon was the redeemer of Israel. Therefore in the second year of the revolt the terminology on the coins was changed to claim only political freedom. The coins express the official policy of the state, with Simon's title and Eleazer's role disappearing almost completely. One must reckon, however, with the possibility that the star on most of the tetradrachmsof the second and third years is a hint of the continuing belief of his followers that Bar Kosiba is indeed Bar Kochba, the son of the star, whom Rabbi Akiba had declared to be "the star that shall come out of Jacob." It remains to be added that some types of ancient Jewish coins have been taken over by the present State of Israel for its stamps, coins and medals, thereby continuing the heritage of old Israel in the state reborn more than 1800 years after the last ancient Jewish coins had been struck.23

23. Acknowledgments and remarks concerning the plates: The writer is greatly indebted to the following persons and institutions for their kind permission to reproduce drawings and photos included in this article. To Prof. N. Avigad, head of the Dept. of Archaeology at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem, for permission to reproduce the following drawings done by him: fig. 3, originally published in the article mentioned in note 3, plate XXIV; the drawing in fig. 4 from the article cited in note 2, p. 180, fig. 2; drawings in figs. 27 (rev.) originally published in the article cited in note 14, pages 21 and 19 respectively. To Prof. Avigad also for permission to reproduce the following photos of coins in the collection of the Museum of Jewish Antiquities of the Hebrew University: Figs. 6 (obv.) 11, 13, 15, 16, 17 (rev.) 22-25, 27, 29, 32, 54, 56; figs. 2 (obv.), 3, and 4 are reproduced from negatives belonging to the Department. To Mrs. E. Reifenberg for her permission to reproduce coins 5 (obv.) 7-10, 14 (obv.), 17 (obv.), 18-21, 26, 33, 35-37, 39-42, 45-48, 52, 53, 55, 57. These coins form part of the collection of the late Professor A. Reifenberg and have been photographed by Mr. A. Kindler. To Mr. Y. Meshorer for drawing the obverse of coin 6, from the original in the Museum of Hekhal Shelomo in Jerusalem, by permission of Mr. J. L. Bialer, the curator, and for photo no. 34 (from a coin in the Clark Collection in the YMCA in Jerusalem). To the Trustees of the British Museum, London, for coins 2, 6 (rev.), 12, 14 (rev.), 43, 49. These coins were published in G. F. Hill, A Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine, The British Museum, 1914. To the Director of the Cabinet des Medailles, La Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, for coin 28. To the Director of the Coin Cabinet, Staatliche Museen, Berlin, for coin 31. To the Director of the State Collection of Coins at Munich, for coin 30. To Dr. L. Mildenberg, Ziirich, for coins 1 and 38 from sale catalogue, April 16, 1957 (in memory of Dr. J. Hirsch), of Bank Leu and Co., Ziirich, and A. Hess A.G., Luzern (neither coin was found in Palestine); for coins 44 and 50 from sale catalogue of April 3, 1963; and for coin 51 from his article mentioned in note 22, pl. I, no. 7. To Dr. L. Belova, Director of the Coin Cabinet, the Ermitage Museum, and to the Director of the Museum, for coin 14a, here reproduced for the first time, from a photo especially prepared by the museum. Dr. Belova and her colleagues have taken much trouble to describe this important coin to me in detail. To the Syndic of the Cambridge University Press for the drawing of coin 2, from A. B. Cook, Zeus, a Study in Ancient Religion, I (Cambridge, 1914), p. 232. To Dr. O. R. Sellers for coin 5 (rev.) from The Citadel of Beth-Zur (Philadelphia, 1933). Drawings no. 6 (rev.), 14, 17, 27 (obv.), 40, 45, 49, are reproduced from F. W. Madden, Coins of the Jews (London, 1881); nos. 21 and 35 from F. de Saulcy. Recherches sur la numismatique Judaique (Paris, 1854). The obverse (main face) of the coins is usually reproduced on the left, the reverse on the right. Coin 3 (photo) was formerly in the collection of Dr. M. Salzberger, Jerusalem. Coin 3 (drawing) was in the Clark collection, YMCA, Jerusalem. Photos 2 (obverse only), 3, and 4 are enlarged. All other coins are reproduced at original size. The drawings reproduced from the works of Madden and de Saulcy do not copy the same coin specimen as that which is presented in photograph to accompany them.