1

Table of Contents

Introduction pg. 1

Chapter One- Diasporic Ethnography pg. 7

A Brief History of Hip Hop in Dakar pg. 18

Boul Fale pg. 33

Physical Description of Dakar pg. 39

Chapter Two- Making the Social Space of Rap

Crew pg. 43

Clubs, Concerts, Podiums and Parties pg. 48

Playback pg. 56

Language and Rap pg. 66

Rap as Success pg. 73

Chapter Three- Technology and the Dissemination of a Global Hip-Hop Culture

Radio and Media pg. 83

Cassette Technology pg. 92

Musical Production pg. 99

Chapter Four- Kagna Takh “It’s All About Money” pg. 109

The Rap Game pg. 116

“We’re not Living in Trees” pg. 121

Conclusion- Resistance, Rap and Revolution pg. 125

Bibliography pg. 142

List of Cited Interviewees pg. 146

Introduction

2
 “You see, Senegal is the gateway to Africa. Dakar and NYC are this close! See?” Shiffai
draws a map in the sand to demonstrate his point, “It’s the gateway to Africa. If a new
kind of sneaker comes out in NYC were gonna have it in a week! If a new song breaks in
NYC its gonna be on the radio here. Things move so quickly now.”
(Shiffai Informal Interview July 2000)

In a postmodern and globalized world, musical, technological and ideological

information often switches hands from nation to nation crossing boundaries in

unexpected ways. George Lipsitz contends in his book Dangerous Crossroads that:

“The diasporic conversations within hip hop, afro-beat, jazz and many other black
musical forms provides a powerful illustration of the potentials for contemporary
commercialized leisure to carry ideas, images and icons of enormous political
importance between cultures.”
(Lipsitz 1994:28)
Using this idea I will explore the role that rap music from the United States has

played in this worldwide information revolution. I will examine the ways in which rap

music has had a particularly profound effect on the cultural, political, and musical

realities of Senegal.

Almost all major cities in modern Africa are experiencing a political, social and

cultural crisis. Within this crisis a cultural revolution is occurring which involves the

appropriation of Western culture, music and style, and in particular, hip-hop culture. In

many of these cases those of us who live in the “West” tend to see hip-hop’s cultural

influence as undeniable evidence of this profound crisis occurring in Africa. However,

the Western forms of music and culture which are being appropriated, often get

pinpointed as being the reason for the crisis. This perspective often overlooks the deeper

fundamental reasons why “Western” music and culture are being appropriated.

Dakar, Senegal is the prime example of such a situation, where the appropriation

of rap music has profoundly influenced the country culturally, musically and politically.

3
Hip hop culture and rap music for the youth of Senegal has had an enormous impact over

the past 15 years and has become a tool in helping to create new cultural spaces that are

autonomous from “mainstream” or “traditional” Senegalese culture. Through the

appropriation of rap music, the youth of Senegal, referred to in this paper as the “Boul

Fale Generation,” have created this social space in an attempt to express themselves in a

way that differs from “traditional” or “national” cultural practices and to address

“modern” problems of poverty and unemployment that affect them.

This process of cultural appropriation is a complex negotiation that involves the

shifting and reworking of “traditional” values and an introduction of foreign value

systems which become integrated into the lives of those who are using them. This process

of cultural and value appropriation often gets perceived as a corrosion of “traditional”

value systems and the “value” of these outside cultural forces are either overlooked or

immediately deemed as negative. However, in contrast to this belief, Appadurai in

Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Economy contends that

“At least as quickly as forces from various metropolises are brought into new societies
they tend to become indigenized in one or another way” (Appadurai 1990:295)
In the West we are often quick to equate the appropriation of Western style by

Africans as a “corruption” of a “pure” indigenous African culture. There is an assumption

that hip-hop culture, music and style, are the outside or “impure” forces that are

“corrupting” Senegalese youth. However, this perception of the function of culture is

limited in its scope.

The appropriation of hip-hop culture occurs not because rap music is being

“forced” on the youth by the hand of capitalism. Rather rap music is a method of

expression that represents radical political and musical ideas which are used to create a

4
separate social space for the youth, in a country where the “traditional” cultural values of

nationalism and socialism have neglected to provide opportunities for its youth.

There is a paradox however, that exists in this cultural appropriation. Despite the

fact that rap music and the hip hop lifestyle have been powerful tools for self expression,

identification and a means to disseminate a radical political ideology, rap music and hip

hop culture are also vulnerable to use by the government and large corporations for a

nationalist or capitalist agenda. Appadurai informs us that nation states often manipulate

the appropriation of foreign value systems and cultural “forces”, to further legitimize the

nation state by either appropriating or demonizing the outside cultural “forces” in ways

that further their own agenda. (Appadurai 1990:296)

Thus Hip hop culture in Dakar walks a fine line between being able to critique

Senegalese socialist and nationalist ideology, which is seen by the youth to have failed

them, and embracing an alien cultural form [hip hop] representative of capitalist market

forces which threaten to weaken rap music’s potential to be a revolutionary force for

social change.

In an effort to preserve and protect their cultural and social space from possible

co-optation, the youth of Senegal have developed criteria for what they feel constitutes

“authentic” and “fake” rap music. By refusing to accept musical and ideological values

which are representative of the “traditional” Senegalese values, those that have failed

them, the youth are in a constant state of negotiation and renegotiation on the cultural

terrain of the “real/revolutionary/hardcore” as opposed to the “fake/co-opted/mainstream”

rap in Senegal.

5
 Thus the appropriation of the hip hop style, music and values is not a one or even

two way street but rather more like a multi lane freeway; a freeway of musical, cultural

and political values and ideas which is in a constant state of flux in an effort to remain

autonomous from “traditional” or nationalist values. By remaining autonomous, hip hop

is also able to critique these “traditional” values which are not seen as legitimate such as

patron-clientelism, and government corruption and inefficiency.

Rappers seek to create this social and political space of a cultural expression

which addresses these “modern” problems of globalization rather than “traditional” forms

of expressions which are seen to be representative of “traditional” nationalist ideology.

The youth of Dakar in 2000 can not step into the past and re-create a “traditional”

Senegal which never even existed. Thus they rely on modern cultural practices (hip-hop)

which they use to address many of these issues.

The youth of Dakar embrace these cultural forms which enable them to be

participants in a modern globalized world, whose other participants often limit Dakar’s

youth [Boul Fale] participation to “the traditional past”, only accepting culture which is

seen as “old”, and “pure”. The only way to accurately understand the problems, which

are occurring in Dakar today, is to understand that “traditional”, and “pure” culture in

Senegal has never existed. As Christopher Norris claims in Music and the Politics of

Culture, regarding this idea of essentialism:

“The jargon of authenticity is in fact nothing more than a self defeating nostalgia. A
harking back to ideas and practices that are falsified as soon as one sets them up as
absolute historical values.” (Norris 1989:309)
Thus the “influence” of rap music in Dakar is not merely a cultural corruption but rather a

revolutionary shift of values, attitudes, politics and musical ideas which stands in

opposition to the cultural modes which have failed to provide the necessary opportunities.

6
 Using Hebdige’s concept of situating subcultures within their historical conditions

(Hebdige 1987:73), I contend that rap music in Senegal is both a product of globalization

as well as an organic local movement situated within historical conditions of crisis.

In this paper, and in my readings of what is happening socially, culturally, and

politically in Dakar, I contest the idea that rap music in Senegal is proof of a cultural loss

of values. Instead I examine the paradoxical realities the youth in Dakar are facing. I will

not conclude with a grand value judgement of rap music, but rather examine how the

youth, who have always had something to say during times of economic, cultural and

political crisis, are using rap music and hip hop culture to create a cultural expression

which is best suited to face a contemporary crisis which threatens their very existence.

Chapter #1

Diasporic Ethnography

I came to focus on the topic of Senegalese hip-hop culture and rap music through

a number of formative personal and academic experiences. I have from a young age

found myself drawn to the music of subcultures, specifically youth subcultures of the

African Diaspora.

For many years I played the drums in a ska band1 in Boston which exposed me to

a variety of Jamaican and Caribbean styles of styles of music. My experience with this

music, in addition to my musical and academic interests in other Afro-Diasporic styles of

music, ignited my desire to explore the larger issues of culture, politics, and economics,

which I began to understand as being crucially tied to all music in addition to musical and

lyrical text.

1
Ska music is a rare form of Jamaican pop music that was created around
1960 [Jamaican independence] and was forgotten in Jamaica by 1962.

7
 As time progressed, my academic approach became focused on music born in

conditions of the African Diaspora e.g. slavery, colonialism, cultural crisis, and poverty.

By the time my Div 3 began in the spring of 2000, I had become completely immersed in

African soul and “rare groove” recordings of the 1960s and 70s.

I found the appropriation of “modern” Afro-American styles of music by Africans

to be particularly profound. The appropriation of “modern” Afro-American musical

traditions by Africans seemed to contrast with Western stereotypes of what constitutes

“authentic” African music. So often we only accept African music which is seen as

“pure”, “spiritual” and “ageless” and reject African music and culture which strives to

break with these essentialized ideals.

Often this appropriation of “modern” music by “traditional” indigenous African

societies is considered either to be cheap imitations of the American “original”, or an

unfortunate “corruption” of an otherwise “pure” indigenous culture. Contrary to either of

these limited readings, I found that African musicians who incorporated “modern” music

into their style, had not merely copied American music, but rather had interpreted it in

radical new ways, often creating “new” musical traditions and genres of music.

This process of cultural interpretation of “modern” Afro-diasporic styles of music

and culture by Africans fascinated me. I read a deeper meaning into the appropriation,

creation, and dissemination of music created by those living in ghettoized conditions

across the globe, who engage in a transnational, musical and cultural dialogue which

extends beyond the nation state, and creates alternative mediums of expression and

communication through the use of modern technology. (Lipsitz 1994:13)

8
 It was at this point that I felt that my research should be an analysis of this

complex process of cultural and musical appropriation as it is taking place in modern

Africa. I chose Dakar Senegal, a former French colony on the coast of West Africa as my

place for fieldwork. I had visited Dakar once before in the summer of 1999, and during

that time, found that modern Dakar has a vibrant and thriving recording industry of both

Mbalax, the dominant form of Senegalese pop music since the late 1970s and most

recently, Senegalese rap. Although I found mbalax to be fascinating in terms of its

modern interpretation of “traditional” Senegalese musical elements, such as sabar

drumming and griot singing/story telling, I nonetheless did not see myself doing a

research paper on mbalax music which I disliked. In addition to having listened to

American rap music since my early childhood, I also felt that a discourse in rap music

would better address certain fundamental issues of technology, power, and globalization

in a way that a thesis on mbalax music would not.

Having been to Senegal for two weeks in the summer of 1999 with a Senegalese

friend of mine, I became introduced to his friend, Abdou Diop, who subsequently became

an acquaintance of mine. Over the school year between the summer of 1999 and the

summer of 2000, I corresponded with Abdou several times about a possible return to

Dakar, perhaps for my fieldwork on rap, or perhaps for another interest of mine, sabar

drumming.2 By May of 2000, I had made a decision to return to Senegal to pursue a

thesis in either Senegalese rap or Sabar drumming.

2
Sabar is a “traditional” Senegalese style of drumming that I had been
studying in the US since my first trip to Dakar. The sabar is performed
at weddings, naming ceremonies and wrestling matches among other
occasions in Senegal.

9
 I subsequently enrolled in a six-week intensive Wolof3, course at New York

University during the beginning of the summer of 2000. The course provided me with all

of the basic conversation skills that would be needed to make contacts, conduct some

interviews and at the very least, have some degree of communication. In addition, my

Wolof teacher, Fallou Gueye, also introduced me to his primarily Senegalese

neighborhood of 116th Street in Harlem NY. There, I was introduced to many of his

friends, who helped me in my Wolof conversation skills.

In Dakar, I was to stay with my friend Abdou, whom I had met the previous

summer, in a neighborhood in Dakar called Sicap Librete 4. I had been to Abdou's house

the previous summer and had met very briefly with some of his family members and

friends. I was incredibly fortunate that Abdou and his family extended such generosity in

letting me live at their home. I slept in Abdou's room with, Abdou, his cousin Dam, and a

close friend of Abdou’s named Jay. In addition, I ate all of my meals at the house as well.

In exchange for the housing and meals, I gave Abdou's mother some money each week to

help cover my living expenses. This family living situation as opposed to a hotel or

private tourist apartment, was a crucial factor in terms of being able to integrate myself

into the neighborhood, which rarely sees tourists or other non-Senegalese.

I was introduced by Abdou to many of my peers who live in the neighborhood.

Because a large population of Dakar is youth, I found myself surrounded by many

Senegalese males my own age, and began to develop friendships. At this point I still was

not sure whether I would conduct my research on Senegalese rap or continue the sabar

drumming. The sabar drumming idea seemed to me to be a more workable one because in

Dakar there are literally hundreds of teachers, or people who claim to be, who teach

3
Wolof is the most commonly spoken indigenous Senegalese language.

10
sabar. Most of all it seemed unrealistic to me that I would be able to meet any Senegalese

rappers, MCs, DJs, and others associated with hip hop in Dakar, in only a two-month

time frame.

While my sabar lessons were underway, I became incredibly disenchanted with

my teacher, who I felt was playing me off as just another ‘tourist’ looking for a quick fix

of African culture. Frustrated with the project, I decided to stop the sabar lessons and

wait for “something” to happen.

The failure of the sabar lessons to materialize was a blessing in disguise. As a

result of not having lessons I found myself spending most of my time hanging out in the

street with the youth my age. I began making close friends and eating meals at my

friends’ various houses in the neighborhood. Often I would hang out at night on the street

or in the park, drinking tea or eating peanuts and talking into early the next morning.

Most of my friends had no jobs, were finished with school and despite their level

of education, talent in a variety of areas and their desire to find work, were unable to do

so. I saw my peers stagnate in a position that kept them in limbo between being a xale

[youth] and a mag [adult], unable to find work, financially help their parents, or get

married. I became interested in the lives that my friends were living and as they began to

trust my friendship, in the admittedly short time period that I was in Dakar, they began to

share with me some of their fears and aspirations in life.

During this time I became close with Idrissa Diop, also known as Shiffai, a well

known rapper in Slam Revolution, one of the “old school” groups in Dakar. As Shiffai

and I became friendly, he began introducing me to various rappers, MCs and DJs in

Dakar. He took me to clubs, concerts, and other places where rap music is performed and

11
played. This experience allowed me the ability to participate in and observe the hip-hop

lifestyle in Dakar. Through my friendship with Shiffai, I was able to make many of the

contacts and connections with people involved in rap music in Dakar in ways that I never

would have been able to do otherwise.

Additionally, my friend Abdou, with whom I was living, was also integral in my

research. It was he who not only helped me to schedule, and translate a majority of my

interviews and the musical text that is used in this paper, but also served as an unlimited

source of historical, political and cultural information. Being fluent in English as well as

a brilliant thinker, Abdou provided me with many of the insights that you will find in this

paper. In such places, I have either quoted or cited him as being that source.

Thus my “original” idea to do a thesis on rap in Dakar, which I thought would not

be feasible, ended up materializing, and the sabar drumming, which I thought had been a

realistic research topic, failed to develop. By the time my fieldwork was over in

September 2000, I had completed over 30 formal and informal interviews with rappers,

MCs, DJs, radio personalities, break-dancers, sociologists, and most importantly, youth

[Boul Fale Generation].

My research is not a history of rap music, or "a Who’s Who" of rap music in

Dakar. Rather, I examine the reasons why rap music is being appropriated in such a

profound and far reaching way, and how rap music, has literally changed the course of

Senegalese politics by opening up taboos about money, politics, power and religion in the

lyrics of the rap songs. Finally, I have examined how Senegalese youth use rap and hip

hop culture as a model by which they visualize and act out fantasies of success by

appropriating hip hop’s visual, musical and linguistic symbols in an effort to become

12
modern, successful and distanced from the stagnation and poverty of everyday life in

Dakar.

Admittedly, I am limited in my fieldwork. I understand that being a foreigner as

well as having only stayed for two months in Dakar limits my ability to gather certain

information. In spite of this, I feel that in these two months, I gathered sufficient

ethnographic material to be able to give the reader a sense of the paradoxes, and realities

that exist in the hip-hop phenomenon in Dakar. I hope that the reader will take my

limitations to heart and understand that although I am confident in my analysis, I am sure

I nonetheless have unknowingly misinterpreted, misrepresented or mistakenly left out

pieces of information which may indeed be important in this research. However, if there

is such a circumstance it has not been an intentional misrepresentation on my part, rather

it has been an honest mistake on the part of the author.

I also understand in writing this thesis that there are inherent problems being a

white, Jewish, American male conducting fieldwork in a black, Muslim, West African

nation. Besides the obvious things such as language or cultural differences, there are

other deeper fundamental problems which with I have struggled in writing this thesis. As

a white American male, I am in a position of power over many of my contacts. Although

this may have been helpful in gaining certain pieces of information, or “legitimizing” my

project by being associated with a private American college, it nonetheless raises issues

of power, race, and privilege. My position of power and privilege, which is inherent in

my race and nationality, led me to question my own feelings regarding the “legitimacy”

of my project. I began to question whether I felt it was even “acceptable” for me to

conduct fieldwork of this nature considering the magnitude of the imbalance of power

13
between my contacts and myself. Further, I felt that many of my contacts would be far

better suited for the task of writing a thesis on Senegalese rap than myself.

For example, during my stay I met a young man my age named Assane Niang.

Assane is currently enrolled in the University of Dakar and is working on his masters

thesis in sociology on the Senegalese rap phenomenon. Assane has been working for 2

years on this project, which at the time that I had spoken with him, included interviews

with over 270 rap groups. It should be noted that during the two months I spent

conducting fieldwork, I interviewed only 12 groups. However, in spite of the amount of

time and energy he put into his project, Assane may have less of a chance than myself at

having his work published in an American journal, or otherwise getting his work out to

the “rest of the world” because of the limitations that he faces being a black Muslim

living in a developing nation.

This imbalance in the relationships to power and privilege in my relationship to

Assane demonstrates to me the paradox that I have tried to demonstrate in my paper. It is

a paradox that maintains an unequal balance of power, money, and the access to life

opportunities. In addition it determines who will or will not succeed not based on intellect

or talent, but on nationality, race and class, forcing those who are destined not to succeed

to find alternative methods of success and survival.

I therefore feel obligated to give credit to those who I interviewed and who

articulated their opinions and insights on life in ways that have taken me three months to

write about in this thesis. I therefore give credit to all of my contacts, who in spite of the

obstacles of poverty, and economic stagnation, have found methods of expression which

they have used to articulate the crises which affect them.

14
A Brief History of Hip-Hop in Dakar

Rap music in Dakar is historically situated within a number of different conditions

of crisis including massive school strikes, riots and violence that began under the

presidency of former president Abdou Diouf [1981-2000]. In the following chapter I will

situate the emergence of Senegalese hip-hop culture within these conditions of crisis and

will examine how these crucial historical markers laid the groundwork for the “rap music

explosion” in Dakar.

The Senegalese rap movement began in 1984 in the dance clubs of Dakar. Clubs

like Youssou N’Dour’s Thiosaan among others began to cash in on the break-dance craze

from New York City, which had become incredibly popular in Dakar. The break-dances

would be held at various clubs and the DJs would “spin” the latest in American funk,

R&B and early rap. The participants of the Senegalese break-dance movement not only

learned the dance moves but also participated stylistically through the appropriation of

break-dance fashions i.e. Adidas warm up suits, loose fitted Levi’s jeans, and t-shirts

featuring American brand names like Calvin Klein or Nike, which had become

increasingly popular among the youth in 1984. (DJ Awadi, Interview July 2000)

The break dance “crews” appropriated English names which emulated or hinted at

an American image such as Dakar’s first break-dance crew the A.B.C.Y (African/Bronx

City Youngsters). The names, the look and the style represented a growing shift away

from French popular culture and a focus and interest in American culture, products and

lifestyle. This shift was fueled by the images of African American musicians, sports

superstars and entertainers as they were portrayed in the media.

15
 “Live” rap music was also featured at the early break-dances in Dakar; however,

it was mostly limited to covers of American rap hits, e.g. Rappers Delight, The Message

etc. A rapper named Aziz Njaay is considered by many to be the first rapper in Dakar

who used rap in this style.4 (Abdou Diop Interview July 2000).

The break-dance craze in Dakar was short-lived. However, it signifies what many

rappers will refer to as “back in the day” or the beginning of the “hip-hop movement” in

Dakar. The break-dance craze also signified a growing interest in African-American

music, style and culture to which the youth in particular were attracted. These styles

represented an image of a world in which black performers and musicians were portrayed

as successful, wealthy and powerful and living lifestyles, which even the most popular

Senegalese performers, had difficulty achieving.

What seemed like a passing dance craze in the clubs of Dakar in 1984 had

become the catalyst for a cultural revolution based in African American culture, music,

and style. Although today in Dakar, break-dancing has lost its popularity, hip-hop culture

that includes rap music, graffiti, and DJing/musical production has become integral

aspects of hip-hop culture in Dakar. (Mr. Kane Interview July 2000)

There were a number of political, economic and social crises in Dakar which led

to the emergence of hip-hop subculture. In 1988, there were massive school strikes and

riots which happened so frequently that the entire year was marked invalid by the school

system. (Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)

The youth were greatly affected by these strikes and in 1988 and parts of 1989 the

school was literally shut down and the youth had “no place to go and nothing to do”.

4
Aziz has gone on to work in the radio stations and is no longer a
performer.

16
During this time of confusion and lack of structure, the social conditions that led to the

emergence of the rap movement in Senegal were solidified. (DJ Awadi Interview July

2000)

In addition to the school strikes, 1988 was also an election year in which the

youth were extremely active through their participation in protests and rallies (Diouf

1996:225-249) in an effort to “get rid of the Diouf regime,” which had been in power

since 1981. (Fatton 1987) The protests, however, were unsuccessful in ousting the Diouf

regime and in response, there were subsequent riots, looting and continued protests. All

of these three events, The school strikes, elections, and riots, were crucial conditions of

crisis that were integral in the beginning of the hip-hop movement. (Abdou Diop

Interview July 2000)

During this tumultuous time the youth who were unable to attend school because

of the strikes, and were unable to work because the failing economy provided little or no

work opportunities, took to rapping as a way to express themselves. Although there were

no studios that specialized in the production of rap music at this time, young people were

able to make music on their own by using the B-Side (instrumental) tracks of American

hip-hop singles. The new crews and groups that were forming used these “B-Sides” as a

back-up music over which to rap, literally recycling the hit songs from the US into local

hits with lyrics in Wolof. (DJ Awadi Interview July 2000)

Initially there were very few “official” groups in Dakar. The two known groups in

existence during the 1988/1989 time period were rival groups Kings MCs and Syndicate,

which had been formed during the break-dance craze of 1984. In 1991, King MCs and

Syndicate merged to become Positive Black Soul (PBS), the first official rap group in

17
Dakar. The main purpose of the group was to address social issues that the youth of

Dakar were facing-poverty, financial insecurity and an increasingly dismal future because

of these growing problems. Rap, as a form of self-expression, was different from other

musical styles in Senegal, such as Mbalax or other “traditional” Senegalese music. (DJ

Awadi Interview July 2000). The appropriation of Hip-Hop, distanced the youth [Boul

Fale Generation] from the older generation and made a statement about the difference in

values and desires between the two generations. (O’Brien 1996:58)

The next condition of crisis, which affected the hip-hop explosion, was a border

dispute with neighboring country Mauritania in 1989. The dispute resulted in the

massacres of thousands of Mauritainians and Senegalese living in Mauritania. These

massacres were carried out in Senegal primarily by gangs of economically

disenfranchised youth who had been affected by the strikes, and riots of 1988. (Diouf

1996:225-249) The massacres were a wakeup call to the government about how dire the

“youth problem” was and how close to a violent revolution the country was nearing.

“Traditionally” Senegal has prided itself as being a relatively peaceful country, a country

of hospitality [teranga], and has managed to avoid the inter-ethnic conflict that many of

its neighboring countries have experienced. (Villalon 1995:2) The ruling Parti Socialiste

[PS] became increasingly concerned with the growing discontent and violence that they

saw brewing.

In 1990, almost in a symbolic response to the tragedies of 1989, the youth began a

“clean up” campaign called Set Setal (Clean and Make Clean) which was in response to

the near paralysis of public services in Dakar. The youth took to the streets literally

armed with buckets, sponges, paint and shovels. They cleaned the streets, painted murals,

18
and performed other tasks in an effort to beautify and “purify” the neighborhoods. The

Set Setal efforts were a citywide phenomenon but were initiated at the neighborhood

level. (Diouf 1996:225-249)

During this time period, for the world fair in Dakar, the government created a

number of new radio stations to entertain the international guests who were to be staying

in Dakar. The citizens of Dakar were extremely enthusiastic about the new stations and in

response, the government kept the radio stations active, effectively freeing the airwaves,

which allowed for the new stations to operate without government supervision. It is

widely believed that this was done out of an attempt to appear as a democracy to the

world community during this time of worldwide publicity for Senegal. (Abdou Diop

Interview July 2000)

Prior to 1988, Senegal had only one radio station (RTS) and one TV station that

was owned and operated by the government. During this time, all forms of music, news,

etc went through a committee of people selected by the government whose job it was to

review what material was appropriate to air; thus, the committee limited what styles of

music could be aired on the radio. (Soumah Interview August 2000)

The liberalization of the radio and newspapers after 1989 did two important things

for rap music: first, it increased the exposure of American (and Senegalese) rap in Dakar,

which helped to increase its popularity. Secondly, the liberalization of the radio gave

people a ‘faith’ in the democratic system which, because of the strikes, riots and

massacres, was falling apart at the seams. (Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)

The government knew that if they continued to restrict the radio and journals it

would be difficult to continue to legitimize their power as a democratic government.

19
Thus, through the liberalization of the media and the appearance of democracy, the

government was able to effectively defuse the “organic crisis” that was ensuing and was

able to reassert their authority. (Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)

The new radio stations remained for the most part unrestricted by any government

organization. Diverse musical programming on the new stations such as Dakar FM, Sud

FM, or Walf FM were significant in exposing people to music from the United States,

especially rap music. Prior to the liberalization of the radio in 1989, the dissemination of

rap music had been limited to cassette duplication. Now rap music was featured regularly

on radio programs aired on these new stations. (Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)

New Senegalese rap groups and crews such as Positive Black Soul (PBS), Daara

J, Pee Frois, Africa Yefu, Slam Revolution, Yat Fu and Rapadio began to form, and a

distinctly “Senegalese” style of rap began to take shape. Instead of covering popular

American rap hits, these new groups began writing songs of their own in Wolof- the most

commonly spoken indigenous language in Senegal. However a stylistic split occurred

among many of the rap groups, resulting in the creation of the two main genres of

Senegalese rap: “Hardcore Rap/Underground rap” and “Rap Ragga Soul/Mbalax Rap”.

The hardcore rap’s sound and aesthetic emulated the American “hardcore rap” sound of

groups like Public Enemy, Das FX, NWA and KRS 1. (Shiffai Interview July 2000)

The Rap Ragga Soul/Mbalax rap, however, took stylistic elements of American

rap music and fused it with elements of Senegalese Mbalax, Jamaican ragga and

American soul music. It was the rap ragga soul fusion that became the most popular style

of rap music in Dakar. The rap ragga soul was more easily accessible to Senegalese ears

because it included elements of “traditional” Senegalese music that the casual listener

20
could recognize and understand. The hardcore rap with its heavy, electronic and

repetitive sound seemed foreign, unfamiliar and un-danceable to “mainstream”

Senegalese. (Braim Interview July 2000)

Despite stylistic differences in the music of rap ragga soul and hardcore rap, both

styles rapped about similar issues, including poverty, unemployment, and an anti-

government, anti-authoritarian message. However, the main differentiating factor

between the two styles was that rap ragga soul groups also sang about love, relationships

and other “popular” topics that were prevalent in Senegalese Mbalax (the dominant form

of music in Dakar since the late 1970s). (Assane Niang Interview August 2000).

Additionally, rap ragga soul often included “traditional” sounds from sabar drums, and

kora, as well as ragamuffin’ (Jamaican) vocals in their music. The hardcore/underground

rap groups saw these stylistic elements as a dilution of rap’s “hardcore” sound. Because

of the popularity of the rap ragga soul, hardcore groups had difficulty finding work or

producers who were interested in funding a hardcore rap album. (Shiffai Interview July

2000). The hardcore style was seen by mainstream Senegal as “cheap imitation” of

American rap in addition to being too “rough and tough” in its lyrical content to be a

marketable commodity.

It is not merely a stylistic difference that separates hardcore rap and rap ragga

soul, but rather it is what these stylistic differences represent. The “traditional” elements

of Senegalese music in the sound of rap ragga soul hark back to Senegalese history in

which caste, music and power are connected. As a former member of The African Bronx

City Youngsters break-dance crew said to me;

“The [hardcore] rap music opened people’s minds to the realities that were going on. It
opened up some serious taboos dealing with power and money. You see traditionally, in

21
Senegal music was used to maintain those ties between power and money but now
through the rap, music is being used to go against these systems.” (Abdou Diop
Interview July 2000)

The use of “traditional” music was representative of the hegemonic relationship

between “traditional” music and the maintenance of political power. To mix rap with

mbalax was seen by the hardcore groups as diluting rap’s subversive potential because it

appeared to connect it into these “traditional” cultural values of Senegalese society and

people’s expectations about musical norms. As Mr. Kane, Dakar’s most well known

hardcore rap producer, said regarding the mix of rap with mbalax:

“In rap you can not have [mbalax] singing. If you sing and you call yourself a rapper,
then you’re lying. In singing you sing and in rap music you rap. Maybe if you want some
singing on a rap album you can call in Mary J Blidge5 and she can lay down some vocal
tracks but you yourself can not sing it. That’s not rap.”
(Mr. Kane Interview July 2000)
From 1984 until 1995 almost all of Dakar’s “hardcore” groups remained

underground. No hardcore group, with the exception of Pee Frois, was able to produce

cassettes because there were so few producers interested in funding a “hardcore” rap

production. Additionally, very few hardcore groups had opportunities to perform in clubs.

In response to the lack of recording and performing opportunities, the underground

“hardcore” groups took things into their own hands and organized concerts called

podiums which were held at community centers, outdoor parks etc. (Prezident J Interview

August 2000). Many of the original hardcore groups in Dakar performed for years before

being able to release a cassette in the market. Slam Revolution for example, has been in

existence since 1989 but released their first album in the summer of 2000. Africa Yefu,

another “old school” rap group in Dakar, never even had the opportunity to record a

cassette before they broke up. (Assane Niang Interview August 2000).

22
 By 1995 rap music began to increase in popularity. There were numerous groups

that were beginning to emerge in both styles of rap. On the radio, all genres of rap began

to take a significant proportion of airtime. Hip-hop music also became a regular staple at

“dance night” in Dakar’s nightclubs as well. The year 1995 also marks the beginning of

the “rap explosion” in Dakar. (DJ Coco Jean Interview August 2000)

The victory of the Diouf regime in 1993, which was seen as illegitimate by the

youth of Dakar (Diouf 1996:225-249), precipitated a rallying cry from the rappers. Rap

music, which already had political themes in the lyrics at this time, began to emphasize

its political anti-government and anti-nationalist message. In addition, many more

‘hardcore’ groups began to emerge giving the hardcore rap movement increased exposure

on the radio and in the club scene in Dakar. By 1995 a few underground rap groups who

had previously been unable to fund recording projects began to produce cassettes, largely

in part of the financial assistance of Mr. Kane, the creator of Dakar’s first and only

hardcore rap label, Fitne Productions. (Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)

By the year 2000 there were an estimated 1000-3000 groups in Dakar alone.

Despite the lack of an “official” number it is undeniable that rap music and hip-hop

culture have become powerful social forces in Dakar. From 1995-2000 rap lyrics have

continued to increase in their political and socially conscious message. The political

awareness in rap music’s lyrical content was a crucial factor in the mobilization of getting

young people to vote in the February 2000 elections. (Mr. Kane Interview July 2000)

Due to the popularity of hardcore rap, and its extreme political message, the entire

Boul Fale Generation took to the voting booths and cast their vote in a show of solidarity

in an effort to oust Abdou Diouf and the Parti Socialiste [PS] who had been in power

5
Mary J Blidge is a popular African American R&B music vocalist

23
since 1981. Diouf subsequently lost the February 2000 election to Abdoulaye Wade,

making the election Senegal’s first transition of power to a party other than the PS. Rap

music, which had been scorned and looked down upon since its first appearance in Dakar,

was now seen as being a positive mobilizing force in the past elections and a legitimate

form of musical expression by the older generation, the media and the government. (DJ

Awadi Interview July 2000)

The rappers and the Boul Fale generation were quick to call the success of the

ousting of the Diouf regime a “revolution”. As veteran rapper DJ Awadi, from Dakar’s

first rap group, PBS, mentioned to me:

“When the rap came it was revolutionary you know. But we had to wait until this
election for them to understand what we really mean. And now they accept that rap is the
reality and rap is the one thing that really helped to bring Abdou Diouf to lose.” (DJ
Awadi Interview July 2000)

Additionally, a former member of the African Bronx City Youngsters break-dance crew

said that:

“We did have a revolution here. But it happened because of the rappers. Them guys are
sharp man, and they were not afraid to say what was up.”
(Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)

Although the role that rap music played in ousting the Diouf regime was

extremely significant, specifically in mobilizing young voters and increasing awareness

and concern about social problems, I would argue that the 2000 election was not a

revolution, but rather what Robert Fatton defined as a “passive revolution”. Fatton

defines this term in his book The Making of a Liberal Democracy:

“Passive revolutions are processes of integration of subordinate classes into political

and economic structures that protect and serve the fundamental interests of the dominant
classes.” (Fatton 1987:162)

24
 Senegal has had a history of asserting its authority not by force, but rather, as

Dick Hebdige writes in Subculture Meaning and Style, “by appearing legitimate and

natural.” (Hebdige 1989:32) and in the case of the 2000 elections, I would argue that the

government did indeed peacefully and “legitimately” hand over power to the newly

elected party in order to sanctify the legitimacy of the nation state.

Whether the 2000 election, and the loss of Abdou Diouf was indeed a ‘revolution’

in a traditional sense, it is undeniable that rap music, because of its socially conscious

lyrics, has helped to increase political awareness among an entire generation of youth.

This generation has been influenced by, and lived through, the poverty and economic

stagnation precipitated by the devaluation of Senegalese currency [CFA], and massive

corruption of the Diouf regime. All of these factors-the school strikes of 88, the

Mauritanian massacres of 89 and most importantly, the appropriation and creation of hip-

hop culture in Dakar are historical events which have marked an entire generation: The

Boul Fale Generation.

Boul Fale

Today in Senegal the term “Boul Fale Generation” is used to identify the specific

generation that grew up within this historical context. However, prior to 1989 the term

was used as a popular catch phrase that meant, “don’t worry” or “never mind”. As DJ

Awadi explained to me regarding the original meaning of the word:

“Boul Fale was a word for any situation. Like when you’re having a hard time in your
life you can say; “Boul Fale: Don’t worry. It’s going to be good. So don’t worry”, you
know. That’s where Boul Fale came from.” (DJ Awadi Interview July 2000)

25
Today in Senegal, the name “Boul Fale” functions much like the term Generation X does

in the US. It not only defines an entire age group but also a whole set of supposed values,

political ideologies, musical and cultural tastes.

In 1989, the phrase “Boul Fale” was also used by Senegal’s first rap group-

Positive Black Soul, as the title of a song on their first album, “Salaam”, the first rap

album in Dakar. The album and the song were extremely successful and helped to

popularize the phrase among the youth in Dakar. (Pape Chiekh Informal Interview July

2000)

Most importantly, it was the popular traditional Senegalese wrestler [Lambkat]

Mohammed “Tyson” Ndow who popularized the term to define this generation of youth

in Dakar. As the legend is told, Tyson came out for his first professional fight and

announced; “I’m part of the Boul Fale generation. I don’t care about anything except

making money and winning and that’s it”. (Quote taken from a recount of the event by

Pape Chiekh Teuw Informal interviews July 2000).

It was after this match that the youth began to use this term “Boul Fale” as a way

to name their generation. Tyson’s exclamation that he was “part of the Boul Fale

generation” was an important turning point in Senegalese society. Not only did this

generation of youth have a name to define themselves [“Boul Fale”] but they also had

their own music [rap music] and a figurehead to look up to [Tyson]. (Abdou Diop

Interview July 2000)

Tyson represented an image that the Senegalese youth admired. He was young,

good looking, wore designer American clothes and also represented an attitude that

differed from the older generation. Tyson was also

26
“dangerous because of what he represented. He represented the youth. Kids without jobs,
without money. And he represented American values. The whole “I don’t give a fuck
about anything except winning and making money attitude.”
(Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)

Because of Tyson’s power over the youth, his image was quickly co-opted by

both the Nestles Co and the Parti Socialiste [PS]. First Tyson became an official sponsor

for Gloria milk (owned by Nestles) and soon after that the PS paid Tyson to endorse

President Abdou Diouf “officially” in the 2000 elections. (Abdou Diop Interview July

2000)

After the endorsement of the Diouf regime Tyson began to “lose face” among the

Boul Fale whom he was supposed to have represented, consequently, his legitimacy as a

figurehead for the Boul Fale generation was tarnished. Although many people have, since

forgiven him his potential to act as a spokesperson for the youth may be difficult to

recapture.

The definition of who identifies him or herself as “Boul Fale” is historically

situated in the conditions of crisis which I outlined in the previous section. Youth who

have lived through or have been directly affected by the school strikes, elections and

subsequent riots of 1988 identify themselves as being part of the Boul Fale Generation.

Thus the riots, strikes, massacres and general breakdown of the economy and society

during this time, are crucial markers that bind all the youth who have lived through, or

who have been affected by them.

The generation is also defined by its cultural tastes, specifically in its relationship

to “Western” media. The Boul Fale has been influenced by American media in a way that

previous generations were not. It is not so much the influence of American media that

27
defines Boul Fale, but rather the experience of having grown up with American music,

TV shows and style. Most importantly, the acceptance and appropriation of rap music

and hip-hop culture as key cultural markers defines the Boul Fale.

The appropriation of these styles also represented a change in values and a desire

for material goods, clothes and products coming from the West. Although the desire for

American products and culture is not necessarily a new phenomenon in Senegal, the Boul

Fale’s taste for American commodities and culture far exceeds what has been popular in

the past.

Style plays a crucial role in generation identification as well. Both real and

bootleg copies of American brand name clothes, such as Tommy Hillfiger, Adidas, and

Nike (just to name a few) are seen everywhere in Dakar. You literally can not walk more

than a block without seeing at least one American brand name either real or a copy.

Tyson, the figurehead for the Boul Fale Generation, exemplified this taste for

American style in his own fashion. Traditionally wrestlers would strut across the

wrestling field before a match in ‘traditional’ Senegalese clothes. But, Tyson and his

‘crew’ all wear Adidas warm-up suits for which they have now become sponsors. In

addition Tyson also wears an American flag draped over his body as his preferred

uniform. He then takes off the American flag/robe to reveal ‘traditional’ wrestling clothes

underneath the American exterior. Tyson’s appropriation of the American flag is a prime

example of Hebdige’s idea that: “Subcultures communicate through commodities, even if

the meanings attached to those commodities are purposefully distorted or overthrown.”

(Hebdige 1987:95)

28
 Thus the meaning of Tyson’s use of the American flag is altered and speaks to the

fact that even within “traditional” practices such as wrestling or music, American styles

are used as symbols that reflect desires for modernization and change.

Ironically, during my fieldwork I rarely heard the word or term “Boul Fale”

spoken outside of my own prompting. Upon asking people about the term people would

say “Oh yeah, I’m Boul Fale, that’s my generation,” (Random Person on Street July

2000), but the term was not mentioned otherwise. There are a few reasons for this. One is

that the term “Boul Fale”, since Tyson’s endorsement of Abdou Diouf, has been largely

discarded as a way to define oneself in speech. The term has gone “mainstream”, thus to

call oneself “Boul Fale” could be compared to someone in the United States saying that

he or she is part of the Pepsi Generation or Generation X. People identify with the term

in a general sense, but there are other more specific identifying factors which take

precedence over a general term like “Boul Fale”.

Due to the fact that most Boul Fale are unable to find employment, men are

prolonging the decision to marry. Since marriage is an integral rite of passage into the

adult world, Boul Fale men who are unable to marry because of financial problems, find

themselves in limbo between childhood and adulthood. Thus as Donald O’Brien informs

us in A Lost Generation, Senegalese “youth continue to aspire to adulthood, to escape

from the dependence of junior status.” (O’Brien 1996:58)

During my fieldwork, I met many Boul Fale men who have “steady girlfriends”,

who want to get married, but who do not have the economic means to do so. Thus the

Boul Fale Generation is made up of a large population of men who are unable to get

married and fulfill the cultural obligations of adulthood. Thus it is this generation of

29
youth, bound by cultural, political and social crises, who have, in spite of the obstacles of

poverty, unemployment etc, attempted to find methods of expression that create

alternative socio-political spaces, musical styles and forms of resistance that differ from

the past generations.

In the next section I will examine the physical environment of Dakar, combined

with the social conditions of poverty and economic stagnation in which rap music and

hip-hop culture in Dakar have been appropriated.

Physical Description of Dakar

In order to understand the social dynamic that exists in Dakar one needs to know

the physical environment. Dakar is a city of contradictions. Founded by the French

during colonization, Dakar has many features of a modern city: public transportation,

taxis, internet cafes, and fast food restaurants. Despite some of these symbols of

advancement Dakar is still a Third World city. Underemployment6, poverty and a lack of

social services are all problems, which affect everyone in Dakar.

From an economic perspective, the center of Dakar is where a majority of

employment opportunities exist. As Mamadou Diouf mentioned in Urban Youth and

Senegalese Politics, “The city [of Dakar] is the seat of power.” (Diouf 1996) A majority

of the upper class live downtown where lucrative businesses such as hotels, car rentals,

tourist spots and government buildings are located. The further one travels from the

center of Dakar the more residential it becomes and the fewer employment opportunities

6
“For every person employed in the formal sector there are at least 10
dependents.” [O’Brien 1996]

30
exist. Due to urban sprawl, over population7, and poorly planned communities, many

neighborhoods that surround Dakar have become sprawling ghettos frequently referred to

as “suburbs”. (Assane Niang Interview August 2000) These peripheral communities lack

the employment opportunities that ‘downtown’ offers and face many “modern” problems

such as drugs, violence, and prostitution. (Nigga Interview August 2000)

These neighborhoods are home to many who migrated from rural areas in hopes

of reaping the economic benefits of living in or close to the city. These periphery areas

are far from places of opportunity, and are home to thousands of unemployed people, a

majority of them Boul Fale.8 It makes sense then that these areas such as Chaury,

Guideway and Pickine are home to a majority of Dakar’s rap groups. (Assane Niang

Interview August 2000)

Due to poorly planned communities and often shoddily built housing, living

conditions in many areas in Dakar are overcrowded. Because of these factors, in many

neighborhoods there are an average of 10 to 20 people who live in one home, usually a

home much smaller than we are accustomed to in the West. People share close quarters

but have learned to find ways to maintain a sense of privacy and individuality in spite of

the “crowded conditions”.

Although many people have become “accustomed” to this lifestyle, there is

nonetheless a strong desire for improved living conditions. People of all ages, especially

7
1960-1990 African Urban Population increased from 15% to 30%. In 2000
it increased to 40%

8
“40,000 young people each year in towns came to working age in Senegal
of them, 5% find jobs in the formal sector, petty trade, hustling,
getting by, with a significant destitute in crime. A criminal life may
look like a rational choice in this setting, and more promising than
political activity.” [O’Brien 1996:59]

31
the youth, are impressed by images depicted in TV, movies, and magazines of a world

quite different from their own. In this world, people have bed rooms of their own, wear

designer clothes and drive expensive cars. For the youth, many who have grown up with

these images, it is assumed that everyone in the west must live like this. As Ali El-Kenz

notes in his essay Youth and Violence regarding the influence of these images on the

youth:

“Among these young people there is an anger, a sense of hurt and revolt. The frustration
of the young is aggravated by imaginations which feed on television, radio and cinema.”
(El-Kenz 1990:50)

In addition DJ Coco Jean, a popular Senegalese radio DJ, mentioned to me regarding the

desire for material possessions seen on TV:

“People watch TV, they see what’s going on. They want money, nice shoes, a car. They
want to live normally.” (DJ Coco Jean Interview August 2000)
Thus the media plays a crucial role in shaping people’s desires for an idealized American

lifestyle.

Because the homes in Dakar are often crowded and extremely hot many young

people prefer to spend their time outside of the home. The street functions as a central

meeting place for people to congregate, socialize and exchange the news of the day:

particularly for the youth.

The young children ages 6-14 [xale bu ndow] often play marbles, a game of football

[soccer], or a game of basketball, frequently using makeshift nets, goals, etc because real

ones are unaffordable. The older youth [Boul Fale] might spend time Taxawalu (hanging

out), talking, drinking tea or trying to find a ‘hustle’ (earn a living). The lack of jobs in

the formal sector forces the youth, even those with college degrees, into positions of

32
stagnation. The Boul Fale have found themselves unable to find employment, earn

money, help their family and start families of their own, all of which are essential

obligations of adulthood. Unable to fulfill these adult roles, rap groups and crews

function as a potential alternative to this economic stagnation. To quote a popular

American hip-hop expression: “We [rappers] made something [hip-hop culture] out of

nothing [poverty].”9 In Dakar making something out of nothing is an important survival

skill in life. Rap music in Dakar was created out of this economic stagnation and out of

these neighborhood networks of youth hanging out on the street, drinking tea late into the

night and talking about their problems. From these social networks and economic

conditions, rap groups and crews began to emerge in Senegal.

Chapter 2

Making the Social Space of Rap

Crew

The concept of the crew is extremely important among the hip-hop subculture in

Dakar. Every rap group in Dakar is connected to a larger social network- The crew.

These crews, which are often named after the rap group they “represent” i.e. the Slam

Crew [Slam Revolution], or the Yat Fu Crew [Yat Fu] are essential in helping to

maintain, promote and support the rap group. In reference to Dakar’s youth networks in

his essay Youth and Violence, Ali El-Kenz explains that

“Everything in Dakar is difficult. You have to have a patron, a sponsor to belong to a

network. In order to do business with the many tourists who visit the country it is
essential to belong to a gang.” (El-Kenz 1990:42)
Although El-Kenz is correct in his assertion that it is important for youth to belong to a

larger social group in order to find employment opportunities, it should be noted that the

9
Popular American rap expression commonly heard in Dakar among rappers

33
“crew” that I am referring to is not the same as El-Kenz’s definition of a “gang”.

Whereas a gang often times will engage in acts of violence and crime, the hip-hop crew

will rarely exist for this purpose but rather engages in activities to support the rap group

in its musical endeavors.

The crews tend to form around friendships that were started at a very young age

in the neighborhood or in the school system; thus, crews tend to be neighborhood based.

This phenomenon is not unlike the crew formations in the United States that also are

started by people living in specific neighborhoods.

Because both rap groups and crews are often neighborhood based, both rap

groups and crews are used to “represent” their neighborhood at rap shows, concerts, and

clubs. For example, the name of the rap ragga soul group “Gokh bi System” literally

translated means: The Neighborhood System. In fact, one of the primary goals of Gokh bi

System is to “represent” its neighborhood [Guinaw Rail], one of the poorer

neighborhoods in Dakar, in a positive way. As Pape, the spokesperson for the group, told

me:

“Our neighborhood Guinaw-Rail literally means “The other side of the tracks.” Our
town is very hard and people are very poor. Sometimes you see people who have no
money to take their lunch because they have no money. Because of this there is lots of
violence… When I see what’s happening in the neighborhood I say that I must do
something good for this place and try and make peace. All the people in the
neighborhood are like my brothers so we must try and help… to show people that
everyone in our neighborhood is like a brother and sister. We have peace and we try and
help one another. If I have money and you are hungry I will give you some food for lunch.
This is the way we are in my neighborhood. When I see what’s happening in the
neighborhood I say that I must do something good for this place and try and make peace.
All the people in the neighborhood are like my brothers so we must try and help. (Pape
Interview System October 2000)

34
 Members of a crew are always present with the rap group at performances.

Besides joining the group on stage during performances to assist with the shouting of

choruses, verses etc, the crew will also assist the rap group with tasks that help that rap

group to function. Members of the crew will often perform jobs that the rappers do not

want to perform in public for fear that these tasks would diminish their image as

performers or local “stars”.

For example, on one occasion I attended a performance at an upscale dance club

in Dakar with a crew that I will refer to here as the “Triple Dog Crew”. Before the

performance there was a problem because someone at the club had forgotten to bring a

particular piece of equipment. The band was told that it would be unable to perform.

During the whole process of determining whether they would be able to perform or not,

the rappers in “Triple Dog” preferred to stay outside of the club on the street until a

member of the crew had negotiated the whole mishap. It would have been unacceptable

for any of the rappers in “Triple Dog” to take on that job because it would require them to

be in a position of subordination to the club owner/manager. Thus a member of the crew

takes on the job of doing such tasks in order to help achieve the appearance of being a

professional group.

Although a crew can include as many as 50 unofficial members, I found that in a

majority of Dakar’s rap groups the actual nucleus of the crew included about 10

members. This number usually included the rap group as well as one or two of each

rappers’ closest friends. This nucleus constitutes the identity of the crew. These

prominently visible members who tend to spend most of their time with the group, often

taking a variety of “official” jobs to assist the group.

35
 Members of the crew often bring a variety of skills to the group effort. One

member of the crew may act as manager, another as a publicist, or one as a bodyguard

who are sometimes needed in cases of violence. Members of the crew also bring their

skills and knowledge of “hip hop culture” such as DJing, break-dancing, graffiti writing

or rapping to the crew as well. (Mr. Kane Interview July 2000) It is important, but not

essential for crews to have at least one member of the crew who can successfully

“represent” his crew in his knowledge of hip-hop culture. Rap crews tend to distance

themselves from their peers in the neighborhood who aren’t involved with hip-hop. It is

important for the crew to be able to distinguish itself as being a “hip-hop crew” as

opposed to just a group of friends. Thus, hip-hop crews distinguish themselves through

their dress, their walk, and their speech. As Hebdige asserts in Subculture Meaning and

Style: “They [subcultures] display their own codes through style” (Hebdige 1987:101) In

addition to the display of codes, hip-hop crews use vocabulary that differs from the

mainstream Wolof which often includes African American slang. Street slang is a subject

that I will address in the Language and Rap section later in this paper.

The hip-hop crew is the primary social network that helps to separate the social

space among the Boul Fale. The hip hop crews use their music, style and image as a way

to differentiate themselves from their peers, other Boul Fale who are not members of the

hip hop subculture, and do not regularly attend hip-hop clubs, concerts, parties or

otherwise follow the cultural “rules” of hip hop culture. Hecht and Simone in their book

Invisible Governance also recognized the connection between style and image, which are

often “welded together from disparate sources” to “create new significations.” (Hecht

and Simone 1994:103) In the case of hip-hop in Dakar, making this social distinction

36
through style, image and music is a way to signify the political ideologies within the Boul

Fale Generation.

In the next chapter I will discuss the importance of hip-hop social contexts and

events. I will also examine how clubs, concerts, podiums and parties are used to define

cultural space.

Clubs, Concerts, Podiums, and Parties

Within the hip-hop subculture there is a need to have a social space where young

people involved in the subculture, can participate in all aspects of hip hop culture i.e. rap,

DJing, dancing, etc. In this section I will examine the social spaces and functions of hip-

hop culture in Dakar, where rap music is performed. There are two primary spaces that I

will examine here: Clubs/parties, and podium/concerts. These terms are not necessarily

fixed and many times during this paper names may overlap. For example a dance that is

being held at a club may be referred to as a “party”, or a “podium” style performance

may be called a concert.

Here I will compare two different nights at a popular mid-priced club in Dakar

called Thiosaan: “dance night” and “hip-hop night”. Further, I will explore their

functions and symbolic meanings as well as their importance in defining social space for

Boul Fale youth and the hip hop subculture in Dakar.

The dance club scene in Dakar is an important social event for all youth. Club-

goers often save for weeks to be able to attend the club. Most nights begin late in Dakar,

after dinner, when those who will be attending the club begin preparing for the evening.

The men put on their best clothes, shiny shoes or new sneakers. If the participant is

female she will sometimes spend an hour or more preparing her hair, make up and

37
jewelry in order to prepare for the hours of non stop dancing, flirting, and escaping into

the fantasy world of the club experience, which often lasts into early the next morning.

Attendees begin dancing from the moment they enter the club until the moment they

leave. However, since a majority of the population of Senegal is Muslim, (Behrman

1970) alcohol, which Muslim religious laws prohibit, is rarely consumed and plays a

small role.

Dance night at the clubs in Dakar is about escaping from the realities of poverty.

Dance night is a way in which participants can create a fantasy world where they can let

themselves be consumed by the ambiance of flashing lights, loud music, and

immaculately dressed attendees. The experience takes club-goers into a mental state

which enables them to forget their stresses and worries. As a friend of mine said to me on

our way to dance night at Thiosaan:

“Forget your problems, we’re going to the party [club]. When you to the party you
should forget your research. It’s time to get freaky, get booty, get neex [tasty].” (Pape
Chiekh Teuw Informal Interview July 2000)
Thus dance night as opposed to hip hop night is an escape from the problems of “real”

life, and enables the attendee to enact the fantasies of glamorized lifestyles, through their

participation in dance and dress at the night club.

On these “dance nights” the DJ plays a mix of Mbalax, Afro pop, reggae and

American hip-hop and R&B. The DJ will usually play four or five songs of a particular

genre before switching to another genre, effectively playing a variety of different styles

of music during the night. At dance night, Mbalax, the indigenous Senegalese form of

pop music is by far the biggest crowd pleaser. American hip-hop is also well received by

the audience at dance night, but primarily among the younger attendees-Boul Fale aged

youth. While American hip-hop is played at dance night it should be noted that

38
Senegalese hip-hop is not. This has led to many clubs holding “hip-hop night,” where

only rap music is played and local rap groups perform.

Hip-hop night, despite the fact that it is held in the same clubs where “dance

night” is held functions completely differently than the “dance night”. On hip-hop night

the crowd is primarily male as opposed to dance night when there are an equal number of

men and women. Although there are a few women who sometimes attend hip-hop night,

the majority by and large are Boul Fale aged men [15-25].

For the first section of hip-hop night the DJs will play American rap hits. The rap

music played in Dakar’s dance clubs that I attended were all the same rap hits played at

clubs I attended in New York City that same summer [summer 2000]. Senegalese club

and radio DJs often have connections in the US, many times with other Senegalese living

abroad, who will send them the latest rap hits from the states. These overseas connections

enable DJs to keep up to date with the latest sounds.

Because there are usually very few women in attendance dancing is done in small

circles of men, usually organized by crew. The circles of dancers move in time to the

music often shouting out pieces of rap lyrics and choruses. The dancers copy moves seen

on rap music videos and attempt to recreate these moves, poses, and gestures which are a

part of hip-hop dance. It should be noted, however, that rappers, DJs and other prominent

members of a crew will rarely, if ever, dance during the night. Rather they sit off to the

side and converse amongst themselves.

For example, when I attended Thiosaan for hip-hop night with the Slam Crew, we

immediately found a place to sit by the side of the dance-floor in a spot that was secluded

yet provided adequate visibility of the dance floor and the rest of the club. During the

39
dancing section of hip hop night, Shiffai, Shakka and the rest of the members of the Slam

crew sat off to the side and talked with other rappers who were also in attendance. Often

one rapper would stop by to chat briefly, pay “respect” to the Slam crew, one of the older

crews in Dakar. In turn members of Slam Revolution would often leave their seats and do

the same and pay “respect” to other “old school” rappers. I noticed that while the regular

attendees were dancing, hip-hop night functioned as a “meeting place” for hip hop artists

to gather and discuss news regarding rap, politics and or other issues concerning hip hop

culture. It is common for the older, well established rappers to sit and wait for younger

rappers to come and greet them. As Shiffai from Slam Revolution said:

“You see here it’s all about respect. I can sit in my chair and they [other rappers] will
come to me because they know I’ve been in this rap game a long time. So they respect me
see. But I don’t get up and greet them. They come to me.” (Shiffai Informal Interview
August 2000)

Here at the club, alliances, friendships and rivalries are formed or mediated. For

instance, in one club in downtown Dakar at “hip-hop night”, I watched as Shiffai sat and

waited for rappers to approach him. One young rapper named Omzo approached and the

two of them exchanged friendly words. The young rapper Omzo had recently come out

with a new song on the Politichiens compilation, which had been getting a significant

amount of radio play. Omzo and Shiffai talked enthusiastically for about a half an hour. It

appeared that both Shiffai and Omzo had been old friends for they seemed to know each

other well. After Omzo left I asked Shiffai, “How long have you known Omzo?”

Shiffai replied, “I just met him right now.”

This meeting demonstrates the importance of the clubs as well as the importance that

these clubs have as a social space for hip hop where rank and status are often mediated.

40
 As an alternative, autonomous, social space for the youth, clubs can be

problematic because not everyone can afford the admittance fees. In addition to the price

of entrance one must also pay to take a taxi to get to the club. This financial reality makes

it difficult for those without money to participate in these events. In response to the

problem of club fees and location, rappers organize concerts called podiums, which are

often held in places such as community centers, public parks, and other non-club

environments. (Prezident J Interview August 2000).

Podium performances were originally formed as a reaction to the absence of

hardcore rap performances in dance clubs prior to 1995. By holding podium style

concerts, the hardcore groups were able to create their own social spaces despite the fact

that they were not able to perform in the clubs. Thus, the hardcore groups literally

transformed these public, state-owned spaces i.e. parks, community centers etc, into

performance spaces for the hardcore rap subculture. This act of taking over state owned

space is reminiscent of the Set Setal [Clean and Make Clean] movement of 1990 (Diouf

1996:225-249) when youth took to the streets armed with buckets and paint brushes in an

effort to show their solidarity as a generation through the symbolic act of cleaning and

“purifying” the city. Although the podium performances are different from Set Setal in

the sense that they are musical movements rather than physical acts of symbolic

purification as the Set Setal movement was, the two movements are similar in the sense

that they both involve the act of youth physically taking over state owned space and

subverting their intended uses into alternative, autonomous spaces for youth subculture.

Although this type of DIY performance is extremely common, I have rarely heard

them referred to as ‘podiums’ other than in reference to the past. Today, they are

41
commonly referred to as concerts, or xew xews [happenings]. However, in this paper, I

will refer to them as podiums.

The podium performance is usually funded, arranged, and organized specifically

by members of a hip-hop crew, thus there are no club owners, managers, or others not

otherwise involved in the “hip-hop game”. Podium performances are also run on a small

budget and generate far less money than the lucrative business of the nightclubs. Rappers

enthusiastically perform at a podium performance regardless of money, because podium

performances tend to be an opportunity to reach youth, specifically hip-hop fans who

otherwise are not able to afford the club performances. The only costs involved in

funding a podium performance are the rental of the space, sound equipment, what they

call “material”, and a DJ.

Hip hop night at clubs as well as podium style performances are important for

hip-hop culture because of the need for alternative social space for hip hop culture to

exist. This leads me to the subject of my next section which examines the rap

performance that takes place in these social spaces and its relationship to “traditional”

ideas of musical performance and cultural ideals.

Playback

There are two primary categories of rap performance in Dakar: “live”

performance and “playback” performance. In this paper I will focus specifically on

playback performance.

“Live” rap performance in Dakar is done in a variety of different ways in Dakar.

“Live” rap music may incorporate instruments, which are played on the stage with the

42
group. Other times “live” rap uses a DJ who spins records of instrumental tracks which

the group raps “live” on. But because turntables and vinyl are rare in Senegal, a majority

of “live” performances occur by having a cassette of an instrumental track played, which

the rappers will rap “live” over. Although “live” rap music is common in Dakar, I

nonetheless observed an overwhelming number of groups perform in another style called

“playback”.

“Playback”, as it is called in Senegal, is what we in the West call lip-synching. In

the West we tend to see lip-synching not as a musical performance but rather as a

dramatic performance which utilizes a musical soundtrack. The difference between

“playback” and “lip synching” is that in a playback performance in Dakar, rappers “lip-

synch” over their own pre-recorded song rather than over the song of another artist.

Those who do playback will sometimes use microphones as a prop in the

performance, but the microphone is often absent from “playback.” The criteria for a

successful playback performance appears not to be a recreation of an American hip hop

performance, but rather it is to authentically recreate the look and “feel” of American hip

hop music videos through the use of movements, gestures and styles, that are associated

with American hip hop. Thus, a successful playback performance is more than lip

synching, but rather a physical “acting out” of the song whose goal is not to make the

audience dance, as many performances in Senegal aim to do, but rather to “make them

[the audience] think”. As a former African Bronx City Youngsters break-dancer said to

me:

“Hip hop here is different than in the US. People here don’t go to the shows to dance,
they go to listen. It’s a performance. And when you listen to the lyrics, it hits you, it hits
you right between the eyes.” (Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)

43
 In a club during a playback performance the audience sits on the floor in a circle

surrounding the rapper(s). The rapper(s) “playback”, and act out the song as they move

around the circle of the audience, motioning, posturing, and gesturing, using their entire

body emulating American hip-hop movements and physical style. During the song, the

audience will clap in show of appreciation if they hear a lyric that they like, but for the

most part, the audiences’ main form of participation is limited to listening. Although the

audiences act of listening may appear passive, Jacques Attali gives us insight into the

political nature in the act of listening: In Noise: The Political Economy of Music:

“Listening to music is listening to all noise, realizing that its appropriation and control is
a reflection of power that is essentially political.” (Attali 1985:5)

Using this concept of an active political listening, the seemingly passive response from

the crowd can be read as a political act.

At my first playback performance in Dakar I was shocked to witness this type of

performance taking place. I found the lack of dance at the playback performances strange

in a country where dance is such an important aspect of musical performance. The lack of

dance at the playback performance can also be read as a stylistic act of defiance which

shuns the presence of “traditional” culture [dance] by eliminating it from the

performance.

There are many reasons why performers prefer to perform in the playback style.

Although a majority of the performers I interviewed claimed that the reason for having a

playback performance was not because they wanted to, but rather they felt forced to due

to a lack of “quality” sound equipment. The “poor” quality equipment, speakers, and

microphones were felt to potentially damage their performance if they were to rap “live”.

44
For example, on one occasion at hip-hop night a rapper whom I will call “Dr Radical”

was about to perform a song in the playback style. Despite the audiences’ cheers of “Play

it live!” Dr Radical nonetheless performed his song in the playback style because of what

he felt was a “poor” quality sound system.

Although I found that in many circumstances equipment is often “poor” quality, I

nonetheless observed many instances where the equipment was of considerably decent

quality and the rappers preferred to do playback even though many claimed that they

would rather perform “live”.

In my two months of attending concerts and clubs in Dakar I witnessed that “live”

performances happen far less frequently than playback. It appears that playback

performances happen more frequently than live not because the equipment is always of

“poor quality” but rather because the performers have a fear that their equipment falls

short of American rap standards of “quality”. Senegalese rappers fear that their

equipment and music is of substandard quality in comparison to the American model and

this drives them to attempt to achieve the symbolic ideal of “quality” through the

playback performance.

The Senegalese have become accustomed to listening to American rap music

produced on high quality multi track, digital technology. In addition, musicians have also

been influenced by rap music videos, what they call “clips,” which are also of equally

high quality. Thus the standards and expectation for rap to look and sound like the

American original concerns performers, producers and fans. Despite the fact that

Senegalese rappers build their musical sound and visual presentation on the American

model, they are nonetheless unable to achieve the desired standards. In order to produce

45
high quality rap music, one must have access to prohibitively expensive equipment, and

have the experience to know how to use it. Peter Manuel was correct in his book Cassette

Cultures when he referred to the effect that mass media would have on musical

performance in what he refers to as “traditional” societies. As Manuel says:

“Mass media dissemination of music and especially of popular music introduces

fundamental changes in traditional patterns of musical production consumption and
meaning.” (Manuel 1993:7)
Thus the influence of mass produced, high quality American rap music and videos, which

have been disseminated through mass media i.e. radio and TV, have indeed altered the

function and meaning of Senegalese rap performance. Through these fundamental

changes which have occurred because of mass media, playback performance has been

created in an attempt to strive to meet these idealized standards of quality. Playback is a

prime example of how “traditional” musical performance is changed in relationship to

mass media and mass-produced musical styles. Thus in the case of Playback, “public

performance becomes a simulacrum of the record.” (Attali 1985:85)

In American rap music videos, which are frequently shown on TV in Dakar,

rappers are rarely depicted with microphones. Instead, rappers “perform” in videos while

walking around their neighborhoods, driving in cars, or sitting in hot tubs. Could the

early exposure of hip hop in Senegal, through music videos, be a factor in the desire to

recreate the ‘video look’ in a live performance?

Rappers and members of the hip-hop subculture in Dakar have developed criteria

for what constitutes a “quality” playback performance, however, a “quality” playback

performance does not necessarily mean a “quality” live performance. Take the case of a

popular rapper named Abass.

46
 Abass is one of the most respected rappers in Dakar. Not only are his recordings

considered to be of outstanding “quality” by Senegalese standards, but Abass is also an

outstanding live performer and freestyle rapper. His consistency as a performer and flow

in his rhyming and freestyle are one of the finest that I witnessed in Dakar. However, his

playback performances lack the consistency that his live performance has. Although

Abass is an outstanding performer he has a difficult time making his lip synching line up

in time with the music. Despite this flaw he is still one of the most popular rappers in

Dakar.

Abass is also by far one of the most stylized rappers, and consistently wears the

latest in hip-hop fashion. In addition, Abass’ demeanor and his mannerisms or “hip-

hopisms” emulate an air of American hip-hop “authenticity”. Abass’ success as a rapper

has to do with more than the lip-synching. It is his style, speech and rap technique which

make his overall performance successful.

On the opposite end of the spectrum is a rapper named Las MC. Las is an

excellent playback performer who has on many occasion, gotten the crowd so excited

during his playback that the crowd will stand up and cheer during the song, which is

usually unheard of at playback performances. Las MC’s performance as a playback

musician is particularly moving to the audience because his movements, lip-synching,

mannerisms and impeccable hip-hop style create the illusion of the “authentic rap

superstar.” His live performance, however, leaves something to be desired. His ‘flow’ in

rhyming as a live musician, is not as proficient as his ability to successfully perform in

the playback style, yet, like Abass, Las MC is able to maintain his popularity despite

slight flaws in certain aspects of his performance. Thus it is not only the lip-synching,

47
acting out, or style that makes for a good playback, rather it is all of these things

combined which create the illusion of an “authentic rap experience.”

Playback as a performance style is also used to symbolically “resist” attempts at

censorship. Because playback is performed by using a prerecorded song for the

performance, the lyrics are never altered or changed. Because of this, playback also helps

groups remain consistent with the lyrical content of the song. For example, if a group has

a particularly harsh or ‘hardcore’ song that is deemed offensive, the group might be put in

a position where they decide to change the lyrics or leave them out during the live

performance, in order to keep fans or avoid disrespectfulness. If a song is performed

“live” only, a group has the capacity to modify the lyrics (or omit them) depending on the

situation. With ‘playback’ the song is already recorded, so whatever was recorded in the

studio, is also heard at the concert. With this in mind, playback is almost like a built in

“anti self-censorship” device where there is no way that a lyric can be taken out of the

song. In playback, the song literally stays static and cannot be ‘watered down’ from its

original lyrical content unless the song is actually re recorded. Thus in the case of

playback, Attali’s idea that “recording” is a “means of social control” (Attali 1985:87)

needs to be rethought. Contrary to Attali’s opinion of recording as a force of hegemony

and “social control,” I argue that in the case of the playback performance, the act of

recording is used to defy social control and possible attempts at censorship.

The downside about playback performances is that they often lack the spontaneity

that a live performance might have. The ability to freestyle and improvise a lyric are

limited in the playback performance. The rapper may be forced to “playback” a recording

that he made a year or two before. Despite the fact a rapper may have improved in skill,

48
the playback performance would make it difficult to represent these transformations.

Also, in order to do a playback performance, one needs to have a song that has been ‘pre

recorded’. This requires having had access to a studio. Prohibitive studio costs place

limitations on recording, but, it should be noted that even at playback performances, it is

acceptable for groups to perform “live” if they do not have a prerecorded song of their

own. Therefore, at the playback performance, no one is denied the ability to perform

based on access to studios.

However I do find Attali’s theory regarding the relationship between music and

the rules of society to be useful in reading the deeper meaning of playback. As Attali

states: “The code of music simulates the accepted rules of society.” (Attali 1987:28).

Using playback as a model for this theory, the playback performance can be read as a

challenge to Senegalese rules of “musical performance.” To lip synch over pre recorded

sounds goes against these “traditional” Senegalese “rules” regarding the criteria for

“musical performance”. Thus by rejecting these tacit rules of performance, rap music

simultaneously rejects the accepted rules of society and seeks to create new rules for

music making and performance.

In the next section I will discuss how language in Dakar affects rap music

linguistically. I will discuss how multilingualism, and the appropriation of African

American vernacular, learned through the dissemination of American rap music, has

affected the speech of the Boul Fale in Dakar, particularly the rappers.

Language and Rap

“I represent my crew
Kickin’ mad flavor like the Wu
Don’t want to have to use my Kung-Fu”
Song Lyrics. Group Unknown. [Summer 2000]

49
 Language is a fundamental element of which rap music is made, and in Dakar

there are multitudes of languages which influence rap music. In Dakar, it is common for

people to speak more than three languages. A majority of Senegalese speak French, the

colonial language, Wolof, the most commonly spoken indigenous language, and either

another indigenous Senegalese language or a foreign language learned in school. The

idea of borrowing multiple words and phrases is a familiar one in Senegalese speech.

Hecht and Simone in their book, Invisible Governance, attest that “African societies have

become skilled at synthesizing relevant epistemologies from divergent

traditions.”(Hecht/Simone 1994:12) Because of this skill in effectively synthesizing

various traditions, language is also effectively mixed together and synthesized into the

dominant linguistic mode.

There are no contradictions in mixing these different languages in Senegalese rap,

either. The population of Dakar includes over 35 different ethnic groups and each group

has its own language, customs, and history. Because of the vast array of cultures,

languages and traditions it is easy to see how multilingualism plays an important role in

rap music.

Since rap groups are not formed based on ethnicity, but rather by neighborhood

and class, rap groups are representative of the ethnic mix that defines the population of

Dakar. Because of this diversity, Senegalese rap is rarely ‘pure’ Wolof (Wolof bu xoot)

but rather a pluralist mix of Wolof, French, English and other ‘native’ languages which

are all part of modern Wolof.

The Wolof spoken among generations varies. For example, among Boul Fale

youth, American greetings and expressions such as “hey my man”, “wassup”, or “how’s

50
it hangin’” are extremely common. These phrases, words and expressions are often

mixed into the Wolof in addition to French or other indigenous languages. These phrases

are also representative of the age groups that the phrases are used by. Adults for instance,

do not use many of these American expressions or vocal inflections; rather, they tend to

speak a more “formal” Wolof, or French. The more I engaged in “street talk” with Boul

Fale youth, the more difficult it became for me to understand older Senegalese because of

the difference in speaking styles.

Over the past ten years, due to a sharp increase in the flow of mass media in

Dakar, Dakar has experienced a steady diet of African American music, style and speech.

African American vernacular is one aspect of this cultural influence which has become a

powerful linguistic force, helping to shape the identity of the Boul Fale youth in Dakar.

In regards to this kind of appropriation Lipsitz contends that “groups sometimes become

more themselves by appearing to be something other than themselves.” (Lipsitz 1994:63)

Thus, the appropriation of African American speech and style by Senegalese youth can

be read as such a force.

Many youth take ownership in their knowledge and use of African American

slang. For example I knew one man who was given a dictionary of African American

slang as a gift. He would read the dictionary every day, always learning new words and

expressions to add to his already tremendous vocabulary through TV, movies, and music.

African American popular expressions and terminology taken from hip-hop culture, such

as “Keepin’ it real” or “represent my crew” are recontextalized, and interpreted into

Senegalese street talk and rap music. These hip-hop/vernacular expressions need careful

examination because to “keep it real” in Dakar is not the same as it is in the Bronx.

51
There are many other instances in which English is being appropriated by the youth of

Dakar.

Take the name of hardcore rap group Slam Revolution for example. Upon hearing

the name of the group I took the meaning of the group’s name literally. Without asking, I

deduced that the meaning of the name Slam Revolution had something to do with a

political “revolution.” And from the word “Slam” I assumed that the “revolution” was

not a peaceful one. However, a few days before I was to return home to Boston, Shiffai,

the lead rapper for Slam Revolution asked me:

“Do you know what Slam Revolution means?”

“Yes” I said, “I think so.”
“So you understand the meaning then?”
Realizing at this point that there was something that I had been missing I admitted that
“Well, actually, I’m not really sure what the meaning is. What does the name mean?”
So Shiffai explained: “Well the word Revolution is like a revelation. See? And a
revelation is like something new; a new idea or a new way of thinking. And Slam, that
what we got from that Onyx song “Slam”. You see? So Slam Revolution is something
like: A new way of thinking.”
This story demonstrates that multiple meanings can be made out of English and

African American vernacular which, once appropriated by Senegalese, are changed in

their meaning. The experience opened my eyes to the possibilities that these multiple

meanings exist even in seemingly common popular phrases such as “keeping’ it real” or

“represent my crew”. In the Senegalese context, these words and phrases and words have

multiple meanings that need to be examined and analyzed in order to understand their

deeper meaning.

The appropriation of English has been particularly profound through its influence

in rap music. I met many young people during my fieldwork who claimed to have learned

how to speak English by listening to rap music. Others told me that they became

interested in learning English after hearing American rap groups such as Public Enemy or

52
KRS One for the first time. People mentioned that their interest in lyrical content

prompted their desire to study English. (Nigga Interview August 2000)

Because of a desire to meet the same standards of musical quality and authenticity

in rap music, many rap artists in Dakar have pondered, and in some cases attempted to

rap in English. Additionally, rappers have also developed a style of rapping in Wolof that

uses different pronunciation to make Wolof sound like English. Such is the case of

Senegalese hardcore rapper President J. Prezident J’s style has often been compared to

the late American rapper Tupac Shakur, and despite some criticism for sounding “exactly

like Tupac”, President J uses almost no English but rather raps primarily in Wolof.

Rather, it is his method of pronunciation [his “flow”], which sounds so much like

English, that even many native Senegalese have difficulty understanding him. One hip

hop fan I spoke with said that he “barley understands any’ of Prezident J’s lyrics because

of this unique vocal style. (Pape Chiekh Teuw Informal Interview July 2000)

In some neighborhoods in Dakar, this way of speaking Wolof with an African-

American accent is also common in everyday speech among those involved in hip-hop

subculture. This vocal technique linguistically separates Boul Fale from the older

generation which helps to define their social space.

Senegalese appropriation of the English language also has symbolic meaning.

English is seen as a linguistic mode of success because in Dakar, all of the highest paying

formal sector jobs require proficient use of it. Also, the likelihood of getting a visa to the

United States is greatly increased if one can speak English. Additionally, there are a

number of jobs in the informal sector [“hustles”] which require the use of the English

language, such as tourist “guides”, money exchangers, street peddlers etc. Thus the

53
ability to speak in English not only seems like a way to be successful, in many cases it is

the only way one can be successful because of the job opportunities that are available to

those who can speak it.

Many rappers have also adopted this attitude and have incorporated a significant

amount of English in their lyrics as well. For example, Shiffai from Slam Revolution is

planning on making a new cassette with songs only in English. Additionally, Manu from

BMG 44, during my interview with him, rapped for me a song which will be featured on

the new album almost entirely in English. Thus, the English language is seen as a way to

succeed in “the rap game” as well.

This notion of rap music and hip-hop culture from America perpetuating images

of success through music, style, and speech is the theme of the next section. I will explore

how Boul Fale youth use American rap and hip hop culture as a model for their own hip

hop culture and ideas of success.

Rap as Success

American Rap music and hip-hop culture excite the fantasies of Boul Fale hip-hop

fans through the glamorization of money, material possessions and fame. When Boul

Fale listen to rap they envision a glamorized life of money, power and success, things

which are incredibly difficult to obtain in Dakar. Their dream is shaped by the success of

African American entertainers such as Tupac, Jay Z or DMX, and others who have

become successful making music. Thus the images that are depicted in their videos, on

their album covers and in the lyrical content of the songs help to create this fantasy world

of hip-hop: a simulacrum of success of which American rap is the model.

54
 As Simon Frith said in his book, Sound Effects regarding the symbolic

representation of musicians:

“Musicians are the symbols of leisure and escape. Their jobs are as much about
spectacle as expression, about putting on a show. Their style supports audiences use of
them as fantasy and briefly held dreams.” (Frith 1981:77)

Such is the case with many Boul Fale who use rap music as a way to live vicariously

through their participation in rap music.

For example, one Senegalese hip hop fan (whom I will call “Jerry”) would

frequently sing a part of his favorite American rap song written by American rap group

“The Lost Boys”. “Jerry” would frequently sing the introduction to the song which went:

“All the ladies, with their gold jewelry, and their long finger nails. Ohh yeah!” Jerry

would repeat the introduction to himself on a number of different occasions during the

two months that I spent time with him. For Jerry the song is representative of the

fantasies of economic and material wealth that are glamorized in the lyrical content and

imagery of American hip-hop. (“Jerry” Informal Interview July 2000)

I found that although many youths define their capacity to succeed by the ability

to work overseas, a majority of the rappers I interviewed felt that success could possibly

be achieved in Senegal. There were varying degrees however of what Senegalese

“success” actually entailed, although most rappers agreed that “success” was defined by

the ability to make a cassette and the ability to make a living off of their music. Sadly, the

estimated 1000-3000 Senegalese rap groups rarely achieve these goals. Nonetheless,

many rappers expressed the desire to attempt a musical career in Senegal, but they also

expressed a desire to tour and have their albums distributed to the international market.

Although rappers acknowledge the fact that many of them will not become international

55
superstars, many rappers nonetheless play with the fantasy of “making it” by becoming

“local” superstars.

However, even the local superstars in Dakar have difficulty making ends meet.

(Xuman Interview August 2000). Regardless, rap still excites the imagination and

aspirations of young musicians, as well as the causal listener. There are many ways in

which this desire for success is expressed.

Through the appropriation of American hip hop style, those who participate in

Senegalese hip-hop culture attempt to draw connections between themselves and African

American identities. Through symbolic appropriation of clothing, physical mannerisms,

ideological values, and vernacular expressions, rappers situate themselves within the

larger American Hip-Hop subculture, which connects shared experiences of poverty and

ghettoized living conditions. (Lipsitz 1994:28) Maktar, a rapper from hardcore group

BMG 44 spoke to this situation:

“Hip hop is about the struggle of Blacks worldwide. We had to grow up and learn to talk
about our problems.”
Thus, through the appropriation of hip-hop, the connections and alliances among those

living in ghettos worldwide are made.

The symbolic acceptance of American hip-hop marks a shift away from

“traditional” value systems, and embraces values and aspirations which are seen as

“new/modern/capitalist”. This is a paradox because many of the capitalist values, which

are inherent in the appropriation of hip-hop style, are in contradiction to many

“traditional” Senegalese values. Russell Potter, the author of Spectacular Vernaculars

also noticed a similar paradox among rappers in the United States. Potter observed that

even in the United States, “the identities represented by rappers are themselves direct

56
embodiments of capitalism’s deep contradictions.” (Potter 1995:14) These contradictions

are sometimes sources of conflict which are mediated in Senegalese hip-hop culture.

When the youth of Dakar watch American rap videos they see rappers driving in

their Cadillacs, wearing designer clothes, living in mansions and surrounded by throngs

of beautiful women. This perception of success saturates the image of American hip-hop

culture and it excites the imaginations and fantasies of young rappers. In spite of youth’s

desire to aspire to many of these images, the images represent values which are a source

of conflict among rappers in Dakar. Many Senegalese rappers feel American rap artists

are not “talking about anything important” and only engage in a dialogue in reference to

material, financial and sexual concerns. Senegalese rappers nonetheless desire the same

material possessions and symbolic representations of success that are depicted in the

videos. However, the capitalist values which are inherent in these symbolic material

possessions are a source of conflict because they are seen as contradictory to Senegalese

hip hop’s values which embrace the idea that rap music should be used specifically to

engage in discourse about social and political issues. (Shiffai Interview July 2000). The

paradox exists because people want the symbols of the lifestyles they know they can not

lead i.e. new sneakers, brand name clothes, CD players, etc, and through these material

representations of success, these objects become equated with these lifestyles.

Hip-hop fashion i.e. Tommy Gear, Polo, Fubu, Karl Kani etc are symbols of “the

hip hop movement”; however, one needs to have money in order to purchase them. Do

consumers’ desires limit Senegalese rap’s subversive potential to function outside of the

modes of capitalism? Do capitalist desires thus increase the potential that rap could be co-

opted by money? In reference to Hebdige, I argue that consumers’ desires do indeed put

57
hip hop culture at risk of becoming co-opted because hip hop by nature as a transnational

cultural product can easily be used by government or corporate forces who wish to

exploit rap music for their own agenda. As Hebdige asserts

“Indeed the creation and diffusion of new styles is inextricably bound up with the process
of production, publicity and packaging which must inevitably lead to the defusion of the
subcultures subversive power.”
(Hebdige 1987:95)
And through the process of production and publicity of Senegalese rap, these styles also

lose their “subversive power”. Although this has not appeared in Senegal to have

occurred in exactly the way that Hebdige describes, I do see some parallels between

Hebdige’s ideas and the threat to the autonomy of hip-hop culture in Dakar.

For example, one rap concert I attended during my stay in Dakar was the Rap

Attack concert which featured rap music, basketball, and a DJ spinning records. All of

the most well known Senegalese rap groups were in attendance and scheduled to perform.

The event was sponsored by a Cigarette brand called Houston. The slogan of the cigarette

company is “USAuthentic,” an obvious reference to American imagery. The billboard

advertisement is a picture of a black man and woman driving in an American luxury car

smoking Houston cigarettes. In addition to having the Houston logo and advertisements

displayed all over the park where the concert was held, Houston also gave away hats, t-

shirts, and other memorabilia, which audience members took enthusiastically. I witnessed

a similar event at another outdoor event which was sponsored by the Excellence Cigarette

Co. In Dakar it is becoming more common for large companies to organize and endorse

rap concerts.

A majority of the rappers I spoke with did not seem to mind the involvement of

Cigarette companies who have little to do with the hip-hop movement in Dakar, outside

58
of having sponsored the event. However, what concerned me about the endorsement of

rap music by a large corporation such as Houston cigarettes with rap music, is that it puts

rap music in a position of being legitimized through its association and publicity, with

large corporations who promote a capitalist agenda which threatens to weaken rap’s

potential as a radical and autonomous musical and political force. Additionally, it speaks

to people’s overwhelming desire to be connected to the world and in many cases,

capitalism is seen as the only means to this end.

Yallah, a rapper from the hardcore group, Sul-Suly Klan, mentioned to me that

what Senegal needed to improve its economic situation was an “increase in factories”.

(Yallah Interview July 2000) Other rappers and other Boul Fale echoed these sentiments

as well. Rappers had similar feelings towards the U.S. recording industry, and felt that the

only way they would become economically successful would be to be discovered and

produced by an American record company visiting Dakar.

The idea of foreign record companies, or any kind of companies for that matter,

coming into Dakar seemed overall to be a welcome prospect, and I can understand why.

Most rappers in Dakar, if they are lucky, might scrape together just enough money to buy

a new pair of Nikes or a Polo shirt. It is no wonder why the idea of a multi million-dollar

company coming into Dakar is a welcome prospect.

Prior to 1995, rappers and members of the hip-hop subculture used American hip-

hop fashion to visually recognize one another, but today in Dakar American hip-hop

fashion is worn by nearly all youth. In response, rappers and members of the hip-hop

movement have found other ways to visually identify themselves as members of this

particular subculture in ways that separate themselves from the mainstream. Rappers and

59
members of the “hip-hop movement” achieve this by changing their walk, their talk, and

their mannerisms to visibly display their identity.

In Sicap Librete 4, one well-known rapper whom I knew, kept his physical as well

as social distance from other members of the community who were not participants in the

hip-hop lifestyle. For example, in many circumstances when the youth in the

neighborhood who were not associated with hip hop were gathered on one side of the

street, the rappers and members of the crew I knew would be on the other side. Often

they would avoid certain cultural expectations such as greeting or inquiring about the

health of one’s family etc. The rappers distinguish themselves from the rest of the

community by avoiding some of these ‘cultural rules’ and expectations. It is not simply a

case of rude behavior, but rather a refusal that is a symbolic act of defiance against

“traditional” cultural rules, which they feel have oppressed them. Since their clothing

style, which once was a source of visual autonomy, has since been co-opted by

mainstream Senegal, the rappers have found these other ways to identify themselves.

Rappers and members of the ‘movement’ also distinguish themselves when

greeting one another through exchanging high fives, and other distinguishable greetings

and handshakes. The way I was expected to greet a rapper or a member of a crew was

visibly different from that of someone not affiliated with the subculture. The greetings are

a way to distinguish themselves from the rest of the community, and help to contribute to

the creation of alternative hip-hop’s social space.

The way rappers walk also carries implicit meaning. For example, as the Slam

Crew and I were walking down the street on the way to a performance, strangers in the

neighborhood stopped what they were doing and watched us pass. The crew was walking

60
fast, as if in hurry, which in Dakar is considered a culturally unacceptable way to walk. In

response people in the neighborhood began to greet the group from afar.

“You see that?” Asked Shiffai

“What?” I asked him.
“All the people man, they’re all looking at us because they know we’re the Slam Crew.”
“How do they know?” I asked.
“They know man, they can tell. You can hear them say ‘hey look at them they’re Slam
Revolution!’”
“How do they know who you are? Do you know them?”
“No man, they know, they see us walking you know, they see us rappers and they can
tell.”

Through their manner of walking the Slam Crew “spoke” to those in the

neighborhood by walking in a manner that is considered unacceptable or impolite. Thus,

the ability to visibly define oneself has to do with more than fashion. Rather it is one’s

style, speech and mannerisms which visually signify one’s identity. As many of the

rappers I spoke with echoed the famous American hip-hop phrase: “Hip-Hop is a way of

life.” And in Dakar, hip-hop clearly is a way of life and a way of being.

In this chapter I spoke about issues relating to success and style as they are

connected to the hip-hop lifestyle. In the next chapter I will talk about how technology is

also used as a simulacrum of success and how technology, or lack of it, can be used to

create and disseminate music in revolutionary ways.

Chapter 3

Technology and the Dissemination of a Global Hip-Hop Culture

“No one really knows what the effect of new technologies of the 80’s will have on small
countries and their attempts to retain and develop their cultural heritage. All one can say
for sure is that there will be an effect.” (Wallis 1984:1)

61
Radio and Media

“The radio which you have given us is a key. If you can not open the door you can not
know what is inside the house. The world was closed but now it is open. We know
everything.” Quote from a peasant farmer in Senegal
Feb 1969 (Cassier 1974:41)

The emergence of rap music and hip-hop culture in Dakar has been precipitated

by a number of technological elements, i.e. radio, cassettes, and digital technology. In

this chapter I will examine the role that these forms of technology have played in the

dissemination and production of rap music in Dakar. Through radio, TV, and newspapers,

people in Dakar are exposed to a variety of media both national and international. (Wallis

1984:321) In this section I will focus specifically on radio and TV and their relationship

to the popularity of rap music in Dakar. Due to a lack of fieldwork material on TV in

Senegal, I will focus primarily on radio.

In Dakar, the radio is omnipresent in the lives of the Senegalese. The flow of

news and musical information is constant. During teatime (attaya), on the street, or at

almost any social function where people are gathered there is likely to be a radio in

transmission. At the house where I was living in Dakar, there would be at least one

family member listening to the radio at almost all hours of the day and night.

The radio has been a particularly influential form of mass media in Dakar because

it is inexpensive, portable and easy to power thus it is accessible to both upper and lower

class citizens in Dakar. Unlike many African nations, Senegal also has a multitude of

radio stations ranging from government-owned to privately-owned. Because the

government has allowed for a number of stations to broadcast since 1989, the radio has

62
taken a crucial role in the shaping of national identity, political ideology and popular

thought.

It was during the immediate post independence period that radio began to play a

significant role in the everyday lives of the Senegalese, both urban and rural. From

independence in 1960 to 1989 there was only one radio station [RTS], which was and is

still owned and operated by the government. In the 1960s and early 70s, RTS was used to

educate the rural farming populations about proper farming techniques and agricultural

issues; however, the radio was also used to foster a sense of national identity and

cohesiveness among the few dozen ethnic groups [xeet] that occupy Senegal. (Cassier

1974)

From the time of independence until 1989 RTS was the only radio station in

Senegal. Since 1989, due to the liberalization of the media, there has been an influx of

many new radio stations. Additionally, many of the new radio stations in Dakar also

produce newspapers or journals that are associated with the station. For example radio

station Walf FM has a newspaper called Walfadril and Set FM also has its own

newspaper as well. Thus the radio stations in Dakar function as multi media machines

which disseminate news, music and a variety of talk shows.

In addition to broadcasting news, the radio is absolutely essential in the

dissemination of all styles of music. Since very few people in Dakar have the economic

means to purchase cassettes or CD’s of American music, through radio programming

youth are exposed to music from all over the world, and most notably, to the music from

the United States. It is no coincidence that in 1992, only a few years after the radio in

Senegal had become liberalized, Senegal experienced a “hip hop explosion” resulting in a

63
sharp increase in the number of local groups. Due to unusually advanced musical

programming on Dakar’s radio stations, music is able to travel quickly from the United

States to Dakar. There is little time between when a song “breaks” in the States before it

becomes popular in Dakar. As Shiffai, a rapper in Slam revolution explained to me

regarding the speed of musical dissemination:

“You see, Senegal is the gateway to Africa. Dakar and NYC are this close! See?” Shiffai
draws in the sand a map of the United States and Senegal to demonstrate his point. “It’s
the gateway to Africa. If a new kind of sneaker comes out in NYC were gonna have it in a
week! If a new song breaks in NYC its gonna be on the radio here. Things move so
quickly now.”

I will examine two radio DJs who have been particularly influential in helping to

promote both Senegalese and American hip-hop; Michele Soumah, and DJ Coco Jean.

DJ Coco Jean, who is Senegalese but was born in Washington DC, has made an

enormous contribution in terms of helping to popularize American hip-hop. Coco Jean

has broadcasted the number one show in Dakar radio for many years which he designed

to be representative of the “entire history of hip-hop”. His show effectively gave his

listeners an audio history lesson in American hip-hop music. Coco Jean is also

particularly well known for his frequent use of American slang interjected into his Wolof.

Many popular American phrases and expressions, spoken among the Boul Fale, can be

attributed to Coco Jean’s frequent use of them in his show. (Pape Chiekh Interview 2000)

Originally Coco Jean played only American hip-hop music on his show, feeling

that a majority of Senegalese rap music being “poor quality” would hurt his high ratings.

As Coco Jean explained:

“In 1995 it all blew up here. Crews were coming out with tapes left and right. I mean
everyone was recording. But a lot of shit I won’t play. I won’t play a cassette unless it’s
on the market for example. People come in here with tapes every day expecting me to

64
play it and you know what? A lot of it is fucking terrible and I can’t play that. If the
quality is not good I won’t play it. I want people to listen to my show, and if I’m playing
crap people are not going to listen. A lot of artists they’ve got no respect.”
(DJ Coco Jean Interview August 2000)

This demonstrates the power that DJs have in Dakar in terms of defining the criteria for

what music is or is not played on the air. In the case of Coco Jean, it appears that having

grown up in Washington DC and having been exposed to American rap for many years,

played a role in defining his concept of “quality” rap music. Thus his personal experience

growing up in the United States defined the criteria for what rap was seen as being

suitable to be aired.

By 1995, the year that many people consider to be the “rap explosion” in Dakar,

many groups began to produce albums of higher quality in comparison to those of the

past. This was a crucial factor in Coco Jean’s decision to mix Senegalese rap into his

show. Additionally, Coco jean felt a personal responsibility to incorporate Senegalese rap

into his show. As he stated:

“People started seeing what was going on and the rappers just spit it all out. They
shocked everybody. But you know at first people criticized them. Other rappers,
journalists, even me. But today I know that what they were saying was right. I thought
that those problems weren’t my problems. But that’s when I realized these are my people,
and their problems are my problems. So the more I played the music, the more I
understood what it was about.”
(DJ Coco Jean Interview August 2000)
Thus Coco Jean began to understand the greater potential and importance of Senegalese

rap music aside from issues of “quality” in comparison to American rap. Through this

realization, Coco Jean began to incorporate Senegalese rap into his already

overwhelmingly popular radio show helping to popularize Senegalese rap on the radio in

Dakar.

65
 Michele Soumah is another Senegalese DJ who has been particularly important in

the promotion of Senegalese rap. Soumah, who has been a DJ for the past 9 years at

Dakar FM, has supported Senegalese rap music “since the beginning” when rap first

appeared in Senegal in 1989. Soumah has been one of the central catalysts in playing

Senegalese rap on the airwaves before it was common to do so. Over the past nine years

that Soumah has been working at Dakar FM, he has invited hundreds of hip-hop groups

onto his show to perform live as well as speak about their music, politics etc. (Michele

Soumah Interview August 2000)

DJs like Coco Jean and Michele Soumah utilized the radio in ways that allowed

for the newly liberated radio stations to function as an arena for political expression

effectively giving voice to the Boul Fale youth who previously had no such space of their

own. Both Soumah and Coco Jean have taken personal responsibility to utilize radio

technology in ways that provide a format for rappers to be able to have their music and

political ideas heard. (Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)

Contrary to Peter Manuel, who in Cassette Cultures defined radio as a “one way”

(Manuel 1993:2) form of mass media, I found the radio in Senegal to be in many

circumstances, a far more liberating medium for democratic expression and

communication than Manuel found radio to be in India. Senegal is unique in the sense

that there are a variety of community based, privately funded, non-government radio

stations. In Senegal, the radio is able to function without many of the restrictions that

radio faces in many other countries such as the case Manuel experienced in India.

Because a majority of radio programming in Dakar is news, people have a

particularly high level of political, social awareness. People know, and want to know

66
what’s happening not only in Dakar but also in the rest of the world. As Jojo, a rapper in

a popular rap group called Yat Fu, said to me:

“I’m a world citizen you know. I read the papers, read books, look on the Internet, watch
CNN. I’m a world citizen, not just a Senegalese citizen. If something happens in NYC I
know what happens. I read about it, I hear it on the news, I know.”
(Jojo Interview July 2000)

This concern and desire to feel connected to the West through the media is magnified

because, as Third World citizens, the Boul Fale are disenfranchised from the world

economy which they experience primarily through mass media representations. By

experiencing the world through mass media, youth experience the feeling that they are

connected to this world from which, economically and politically, they are excluded.

The radio listening experience is a shared group experience. I have spent many

nights hanging out [taxawalu] on the street with people gathered around listening to a

transistor radio. I observed that when the youth listen to Senegalese rap they listen

carefully. On one night I approached two of my friends who were seated on the street

corner with a transistor radio between the two of them. As I walked up to them I assumed

that they were listening to the news because of the way they appeared to be listening

attentively. As I approached them, I came to realize that they were not listening to a news

program but rather to the latest Senegalese, “hardcore”, hip-hop song. I sat down next to

them and listened, asking occasionally what the lyrical content was about.

It was after this encounter that I began to see how Senegalese rap functions

through its dissemination via radio as a way to spread the “word of the street”.

Senegalese rap functions as a voice and a means for discourse for the Boul Fale, which

expresses the codes, rules, and desires of urban life, all of which are always in constant

67
flux. Boul Fale learn new slang, political ideas, etc, and from this they gather the pieces

for which popular youth identity is shaped.

It is the ability to connect to the world in meaningful ways that radio has been

particularly successful in Dakar.

Radio is not the only form of technology used to disseminate rap music. In Dakar,

cassette technology is also extremely important in the dissemination of music. In the next

section I will examine the role that cassettes and cassette technology has played in

helping to spread rap music in Dakar.

Cassette Technology

“The cassette is a fact of life.” (Wallis 1984:77)

Prior to the liberalization of the radio in 1989, American rap music made its way

into the hands of youth in Dakar through cassette duplication. Cassette duplication is

relatively inexpensive and easily accessible form of technology in Dakar. As Peter

Manuel states in Cassette Cultures:

“The advent of cassettes has had a dramatic effect on the music industry and popular
music throughout most of the developing world.” (Manuel 1993:intro)

To be able to make a duplicate of a cassette, the only costs involved are the cost a blank

or unwanted cassette and a recorder by which to produce the duplicate. Rap first entered

Dakar in cassette format and was distributed either among friends or through the “pirate”

cassette market.

Cassette pirating has been a way that young people can participate in American

hip-hop consumption without having to actually purchase the “original” American rap

68
product. Cassettes have enabled the youth of Dakar to own American rap without ever

having to buy it. The musical recording or representations that are being stockpiled is

done so without an actual exchange of money taking place between the multinational

record corporation which produces and distributes the musical “product” and the

Senegalese listeners who either duplicate or purchase duplicated copies of these

recordings in the pirate market. In Noise the Political Economy of Music, Attali contends

that

“Possessing the means of recording allows one to monitor noises, to maintain them and to
control their representation within a determined code.” (Attali 1985:87)
Thus using this concept of power and control through the access to technology, cassettes

and cassette duplication technology can be seen as a liberating form of technology

because it allows people to be able to record, distribute and disseminate all kinds of

music, both local and transnational, without the intervention of the state or a

multinational corporation.

The cassette market in Dakar can be a lucrative business. As one walks down the

rows of cassette peddlers in open area markets like Sandaga in downtown, one is

surrounded by throngs of cassette peddlers [jaaykats] eager to make a sale, specifically to

tourists or other visibly non-Senegalese people. The jaaykat sells both bootleg and

“original” cassettes of music from all over the world. Most jaaykats are also well stocked

in Senegalese rap. Although Senegalese rap groups rarely have their cassettes distributed

outside of Senegal, the local markets nonetheless sell thousands of Senegalese rap

cassettes each year. Although I have no estimated numbers of cassettes sold or money

generated, it is a reality that a majority of Senegalese rap groups often make very little

money from their domestic cassette sales.

69
 As America moves well along into the digital/computer age, where the technology

for music distributed and produced is changing rapidly, older forms of technology often

get left in the dust. Today in the international market, cassette sales account for only a

fraction of what they did 10 or 20 years ago. Thus there is a whole form of technology

that is being “left behind”. However, technology is never truly abandoned because when

one group of people abandons a form of technology, other groups of people, often in

peripheral countries, appropriate it.

Hip-hop music in the United States was created through a similar process of

young people living in ghetto conditions appropriating an abandoned form of technology

to create new uses for and attribute new meanings to that technology. During the late

1970’s American hip-hop culture began by utilizing (what had become) “old” technology

i.e. record players, in the wake of the then “new” cassette industry that emerged. Hip hop

in the United States took this dying technology and music (record players/soul music)

and literally resuscitated it, bringing new uses to the technology and the music, which

might have been forgotten had American hip-hop culture not appropriated it. (Rose 1994)

In Senegal turntables and vinyl are virtually non existent. As Wallis mentions in

Big Sounds from Small Peoples, the tropical climates of places like Senegal posed many

problems in the production of vinyl. (Wallis 1984:7) In many of the homes of rappers I

visited, there were very few who had a record player, or any vinyl at all for that matter.

Because CD technology is still expensive for a majority of people in Senegal most music

is spread through cassette and radio. Because of a lack of vinyl and turntable technology,

as well as a lack of modern digital technology, the “authentic” methods of which rap

music is produced are altered due to these technological and financial limitations.

70
 For example, one of the “rules” of American hip-hop production is the “cutting”,

“mixing”, and collage work of music recorded on vinyl in order to create a new

soundscape of old records. (Potter 1995:22) The most popular tool of choice in the

United States is the Technics 1200 turntable and a multi-channel mixer popularized by

Jamaican born DJ, DJ Kool Herc (Clive Campbell), in New York City in the late 1970’s.

(Rose 1994) However, in Senegal, the ability to buy this now expensive piece of

equipment is virtually impossible. Even many of the “old school” DJ’s in Dakar had to

rent equipment in order to perform. Despite the fact that both vinyl and the equipment to

use the vinyl and direct drive turntables are for the most part unavailable, there are other

alternatives that DJs use in order to create their own new “rules” in Dakar hip-hop

culture.

Cassette DJing is one popular alternative form of DJing in Dakar. A majority of

the clubs, hip-hop parties, and concerts that I attended used cassettes as the main format

of recorded music. The cassettes pose a problem, however, in “mixing” and “cutting”

because there are no cassette players that have a pitch control which would enable a DJ to

line up musical tracks and effectively mix two different tracks “in time”. Because of the

technological limitations of cassettes and cassette technology, and the financial

limitations of not being able to afford turntables, it makes it impossible for Senegalese

cassette DJs to “mix” music in the American “authentic” hip-hop style. However, I

witnessed some interesting ways in which Senegalese DJs dealt with this problem.

At one concert in Barcles, I witnessed the DJ of a 6 hour rap concert use two

“Technics™” cassette players hooked up to a multi-channel mixer. The DJ played two

different American Hip-Hop cassette tracks simultaneously while one was muted and the

71
other was played (a common technique in most American hip-hop performances). When

it came time to “mix” or switch over to another track, the DJ, utilizing the effects on the

mixing board, created “scratch” like effects while switching over to the second track. He

was attempting to make the cassette sound like vinyl being “scratched”. After producing

a “scratching” effect, the DJ would switch over to the second song and back again, using

the scratch effect to “cover up” the fact that the songs were not synched up.

I was curious as to what the response of the audience would be to the seemingly

amateur mixing job, but the audience did not seem phased by the out of time switch in

tracks. They kept on dancing in time with the music, as if absolutely no change had

occurred. In the United States this technique would have been considered a major faux

paux, but in Dakar, there is little alternative. The audience has become used to this

stylistic technique and it remained unaware that any “rules” were broken.

In most clubs DJing is done in ways that are similar to American techniques.

Many clubs have “professional”, “up to date” sound systems which often include two

turntables or CD players. This set-up allows a DJ to effectively “mix” music in an

“authentic” hip-hop fashion. But, these DJ’s are for the most part extremely rare.

Although many call themselves DJ’s in Dakar, there appears to be only about 10-20

regularly practicing hip hop DJ’s in Dakar, many of whom also effectively hold positions

at Dakar’s radio stations.

DJ Gee Bays is Dakar’s “premier” hip-hop DJ who is also the DJ of one of the

most famous “hardcore” hip-hop groups “Pee Frois”. In addition, Gee Bays has made

numerous guest appearances on albums such as Slam Revolution and Rapadio, among

others. Having Gee Bays on one’s album, to contribute “scratches”, is an effective way to

72
“authenticate” one’s album. To have the “authentic” scratches from the turntables,

featured in the music on one’s album, is in keeping with the “authentic” method of

American hip-hop production.

It is this lack of equipment and access to technology that has both hindered but

also provided alternatives for music dissemination and production in Senegal. In the next

section I will discuss how the producers, studios and production techniques that are used

there, have been modified to deal with these technological and financial limitations.

Musical Production

As I mentioned in the previous section, a limited access to some technology

forces people to create alternative avenues of making, producing and disseminating

music. In this section I will discuss how rap music is produced in Dakar in both

“professional” and “home studios”, both of which are used in the production of rap music

in Dakar.

Compared to the West, Dakar has very few recording studios. Out of the two

highest quality “professional” studios in Dakar there is Studio 2000, one of the biggest,

most expensive, privately owned studios in the city. The other large studio in Dakar is

Studio Xippi, which is owned and operated by Youssou N’Dour, one of the most popular

singers in Dakar. Youssou N’Dour, often referred to as the “Michael Jackson” of

Senegal, uses his popularity as an international star to attract musicians from all over the

world to record in his studio.

Despite the high level of recording quality that exists at these studios, most groups

can not afford to record there. Because of a demand for less expensive studios, there is a

73
whole sector of smaller independent or home studios in Dakar. In this paper, I will only

be discussing the studios which specialize in hip-hop music production.

In the early 1990s, when hip-hop music first began to be produced in Dakar, the

producers and engineers knew very little about the technology that was needed to make

rap music. Drum machines, samplers, and MIDI controlled sequencing were by and large

a rarity because prior to the production of hip-hop music in Dakar, there had been very

little need for the studios to own this type of recording technology. Most of the music

being recorded in Senegal prior to 1990 was Mbalax, African reggae, and other types of

Afro pop. Thus when rap groups began to take shape in Dakar and when they went into

the studio hoping to produce music that sounded like the rap that they wanted to emulate-

i.e. NWA, Public Enemy and KRS One-the producers, who had been accustomed to

producing live music or mbalax music, lacked not only the equipment, but also the

knowledge about how to use this new technology. (DeeJay Awadi Informal Interview

August 2000)

A majority of the instrumental tracks for early hip hop recordings, and even some

recent, are testament to this lack of knowledge of how to “properly” program samplers,

drum machines and MIDI sequencers to create an “authentic” hip hop sound. Many of the

backing tracks for early hip hop recordings were produced on older equipment and

therefore sound tinny, in comparison to the “fat beats” of American hip hop.

As time went on, those involved in the “hip-hop movement” began to travel

overseas and earn money working jobs in the U.S. or Europe. A few people have invested

in the latest digital technology and brought equipment back home to Senegal. I will focus

74
on two different producers who have done this and play a vital role in the production of

rap music in Dakar.

Both Dee Jay Awadi (the lead vocalist and creator of popular rap group PBS) and

Radar Rawkus, a popular hip hop producer, have been integral in helping to bridge the

gap from the “older” production style to a new style which better represents the direction

that hip hop in Dakar is taking.

DeeJay Awadi owns and operates a company called Hyperson, which specializes

in hip-hop production and sound system rentals. Awadi built the studio from money he

earned while on the road with his incredibly successful rap group PBS. Awadi has

invested in an Akai Sampler, Yamaha digital mixer, as well as DAT machine and

keyboard. The studio, although small, is of relatively high quality by Dakar’s standards

and has been integral in helping to create new sounds and styles that more accurately

represent the current musical direction of Dakar’s rappers.

During the time I spent at the studio, I witnessed a recording session with the

rapper Abass, which Awadi was producing. Abass and Awadi had been working together

for almost six months at the time that I visited them (summer 2000). To work on a rap

recording for that amount of time is rare, due to the fact that access to studio time can be

extremely expensive and a majority of groups can not afford more than a day or two.10

Thus the productions in professional studios are usually hurried and done haphazardly.

(Rapadio Interview August 2000) Often the artist and producers both acknowledge the

lack of musical “quality”, specifically a lack of bass frequencies in the drum sounds, as

well as “tinny” or flat sounding vocals. These flaws are often overlooked because of a

10
For example, at Studio Wings (a popular mid priced studio in Dakar),
the daily price for studio time was 50,000 CFA [100$]

75
general “understanding” between artists, producers and listeners that most rap

productions made in Dakar are not of the same “quality” as American rap.

There is also generally a noticeable difference between the sound quality of a rap

ragga soul production and a “hardcore” production. Rap ragga soul musicians, because

their music is more marketable, can more easily obtain financial assistance from a

manager, producer or sponsor. Thus the producer or manager is more likely to invest in a

rap ragga soul production because of the greater potential for larger economic benefits

from its sales. Because of this, rap ragga soul groups generally have greater access to

higher quality studios like Studio 2000 and Xippi. Hardcore groups on the other hand, are

more likely to record in a home studio or a lesser priced “professional” studio like Studio

Wings or Midi Studios, in Dakar.11

Awadi, as a hip hop artist and producer, has vested interest in making the

production of the highest quality possible because it will reflect on him not only as a

producer but also as a performer. Both Awadi and Abass have worked collaboratively for

many months in an effort to create something “new” that “no one has heard before.” The

goal of the Abass/Awadi collaboration, besides creating an album of outstanding

“quality”, was to create a Senegalese hip-hop production that would appeal to an

international audience.

What would an international audience want or expect from a Senegalese rap

record and how do Awadi and Abass try to use these preconceived ideas to create an

album that is internationally marketable, yet maintains its “hip hop authenticity”? Awadi

mentioned to me that in order to create an album that is internationally marketable, one

11
This is not always the case as some hardcore groups such as Prezident
J and the Rak Tak Squad have both recorded their albums at Studio 2000.

76
needs to look beyond Senegal for inspiration. “The problem”, says Awadi is that “too

many rappers are creating music only for Senegal”, and tend to rap only in Wolof with

lyrics that address issues specific to Senegalese urban life. The specificity of the lyrics

tends to alienate outside listeners (from the States or Europe). Awadi also mentioned that

in order to sell albums to the world, the music and the lyrics need to reflect an

international rather than national concept. In order to achieve this, Abass raps only in

French rather than Wolof. Additionally, the musical tracks also reflect an attempt to

create an internationally marketable hip-hop sound. As Abass explained to me regarding

his sound:

“I want to do something different, something better. I want to make music that even the
international audience would hear it and say “This is interesting” You see if I rap in
Wolof, it will just be the same thing that people here are doing. It will sound the same,
but I want to do something different.” (Abass Interview August 2000)
Abass walks a fine line between wanting to market his sound for an international

audience, and wanting to maintain his hip hop authenticity in Dakar by addressing social

issues in his lyrics.

Before my fieldwork began I had an idea that as time progressed in Senegalese

rap music production, musicians and producers would stop trying to “copy” American

styles and would begin to individualize their sounds. I found this to be true by reading the

deeper meanings into the samples used in rap music, and the implicit message that the

artists are trying to convey through their use of these samples.

One of the latest tracks from the Awadi/Abass collaboration was a song which

featured a sample of a Sabar drum (a “traditional” Senegalese drum) a sample from Toure

Kunda (a Malian singer) and a “hardcore” hip hop beat. The combination of these

international sounds created a song which references local, pan-African, as well as

77
international identities. By using these multinational sounds it creates a transnational

musical dialogue which references a number of different identities. (Lipsitz 1994:13)

The samples reference a Senegalese identity (Sabar sample), with Pan-African flavor

(Toure Kunda sample), but the song is also based in the American hip-hop tradition by

incorporating a hardcore hip-hop beat. The track, which has not yet been released as of

fall 2000, is a testament to the changing mentality and style in Senegalese musical

production. Regarding the deeper meanings of digital samples, Russell Potter in

Spectacular Vernaculars contends that:

“Sampling is an element in a new musical construction. The sampled material, whatever

it was becomes something else, an element in a far more complex discursive structure.”
(Potter 1995:36)
The sampling of Senegalese and other African recorded music is becoming a new

popular production technique in Senegalese hip-hop. The samples of indigenous sounds

by Awadi, are representative of the identities and messages that he is attempting trying to

convey.

The other producer I will discuss is Radar Rawkus. Radar Rawkus, like Awadi,

has traveled quite extensively in the U.S., where he has purchased the equipment that he

had in his studio: a sampler, a laptop computer (with Cubase™ recording system), a mini

disc recorder and a keyboard controlled MIDI sequencer. The small but efficient studio

has been the source of the music for a number of hardcore groups and represents Dakar’s

rougher “street” sound that has become increasingly popular in the past 5 years.

Rawkus’ sound is based in the American “hardcore” style, however he has begun

to individualize his sound. Despite the fact that his sound is based in the American

tradition of hardcore beats, Rawkus attempts to create a style which is unique. Rawkus

attempts this by using a variety of samples such as the string section from a French

78
classical album, a Lionel Ritchie horn line, video game theme music, the theme music

from Titanic as well as a Senegalese movie sample. The use of these samples is symbolic

of the multiple identities that Senegalese rappers are attempting to convey in their music.

By choosing samples from these transnational sources, Rawkus strives to situate his

music within a larger worldwide dialogue of soundscapes and ethnoscapes. (Appadurai

1990:299)

Producers are not only improving at being able to manipulate the equipment and

make authentic “fat beats”, but they are changing the nature of the music by choosing

samples that speak to these complex and ever-changing identities of Senegalese youth.

As KT from Rapadio said to me in regards to the nature of Senegalese samples:

“People think that African rap means African instruments with rap but that’s not the way
it is. We mix everything into our sound. For example, we can take a hip hop beat and mix
in [digitally] some Chinese sample with African percussion.”
(KT Interview August 2000)

Producers today it seems are less concerned with sounding exactly like musical

productions from the United States but rather are more invested in creating “original”

works that reference the multiple identities that address Senegalese issues. Although the

need for hip hop “authenticity” in Senegalese rap production still exists, there is less of a

concern today for making the music sound exactly like the American model.

Another factor in this development is that new producers such as Radar Rawkus,

Awadi and others who are beginning to purchase equipment are participants in the hip

hop subculture; thus, they have a vested interest in contributing creatively to hip hop’s

musical development. As Wallis mentions in Big Sounds from Small Peoples, artists like

Rawkus and Awadi are important because

79
“Culture needs enthusiasts. People who feel motivated to work hard often for
unimpressive salaries for the sake of creative activity they feel is important to themselves
and to those with whom they associate.” (Wallis 1984:120)
New studios are slowly appearing in unexpected places in Dakar. Many DJs and

members of the hip hop subculture who have been able to get a visa to go to the US or

Europe have been investing in new technology to bring home and/or have enrolled in

recording technology programs overseas. People are frustrated with the lack of

technology and the lack of skills in the studios in Dakar because they want to be able to

achieve the same level of “quality” sound of American rap which, because of these

technological and financial limitations, they are unable to do. In spite of this, producers

have been able to make advances with the equipment that they do have. As technology

progresses, digital technology is becoming cheaper, in the same way that cassette

technology revolutionized the way music is listened to, disseminated and produced in

Dakar, digital technology is also radically changing the way music is produced and

created.

Chapter 4

Kagna Takh- “It’s All About Money”

“Wherever there is music, there is money.” (Attali 1987:3)

In this chapter I will examine various perspectives and definitions of “success,” as

they is perceived in Dakar, specifically in their relationship to money. In addition I will

explore how rappers have shaped their image, style and music in ways that either

conform to, or are in opposition to, ideas relating to the attainment of success.

As I have demonstrated in previous chapters, “success” is defined in many ways

in Dakar, but it is the ability to make money that ultimately defines someone as

“successful.” Due to substandard living conditions and lack of social services, there is an

80
enormous need for money in order to survive in the face of these problems. However, in

addition to this need, there is also a growing desire, particularly among the youth, for a

lifestyle that emulates those of the West that are depicted via mass media. (El-Kenz

1990:50) These lifestyles have redefined the criteria of “success” in Dakar, as being more

than the ability to make money but also the ability to display material symbols of wealth

and the symbolic representations of these perceived lifestyles copied from Western

media.

The fascination with and desire for money is spurred on by the popularization of

Western brand commodities from the United States such as Nike, Sony, Polo, and

Tommy Hillfiger. These brand names, because of their connotation with glamorized

American lifestyles, become symbolic representations of idealized American lifestyles.

Although many brand-name clothing items worn in Dakar are imitations, many people

will save for as long as it takes to be able to purchase the “original” product.

The fascination with money is also magnified because of the lack of employment

opportunities for its youth. Unemployment forces the youth to live in positions of

economic stagnation and at the same time, their situation is aggravated by images of the

West which are glamorously and extravagantly depicted through the media. Youth who

have grown up with western media desire these symbols of the lifestyles which seem

worlds apart from their lives in Dakar. (El-Kenz 1990:50) It is difficult to find work and

make money in Dakar and when money does come, it goes quickly. Not only is life

expensive in Dakar, but also as a cultural attitude, people often share their money with

family and friends rather than save it.

81
 One Senegalese man I met had made a significant amount of money as a

translator working on a research project for a prestigious American university. Upon

receiving payment the man was then obliged to share the money with his family which

they used to build a much-needed new bathroom at his parents’ house where he was

living. In addition to this, he was also expected to share his money with other family

members, and friends. Despite the fact that he was paid a significant amount of money

for his work, he was not able to keep much of it because of the cultural expectations

about sharing.

Sharing is considered a highly valued Senegalese tradition among both young and

old; however, for the youth who have grown up with, and been influenced by American

movies, music and television, the youth often embrace Western values of money,

perpetuated by American television programming, which often contrast with “traditional”

values and attitudes. Thus, values such as sharing in Dakar may be in contradiction with a

capitalist agenda and materialistic fantasies that are depicted through the media. As a

friend of mine said to me regarding his thoughts on the media and cultural values about

sharing:

“Here we live in a community. Everyone cares about each other and looks out for
one another. But now due to technological progress, people are living a more individual
lifestyle. They see how people are living in other parts of the world like America and the
US and they want these things too. Maybe we’ll lose some of our traditions, but maybe
not. I think that we will continue to have many of our traditions because they are very
important to us.”
(Pape Chiekh Teuw Informal Interview July 2000)

Conflicting values and ideas about money are also reflected in many popular rap

songs in Dakar. During the summer of 2000, one of the most popular songs in Dakar was

a song called “Kagna Takh” translated "The Reason is Money”. The song, written by

82
hardcore rap group Bibson and Xuman, critiques the abuse of money by those who have it

as well as the capitalist system which is seen as forcing those who do not participate in it,

into living lives of poverty. In the lyrics of the song the group asks:

“Why do we envy people who come from Europe to build big houses, drive nice cars, and
we don’t even know if they are drug dealers? Why do our sisters follow the white folks at
the expense of their tradition? Why do African leaders want to die in power? Why? Why
do the boys buy some machetes to assault people? What is the reason? The reason is
money.”
(Kagna Takh Lyrics Translated by Abdou Diop)
This group received criticism from younger hardcore rappers who felt that the

song was not a critique of money but rather a glorification of it. There were also other

criticisms from the older generation of Kagna Takh. In Senegal, due to many cultural

taboos relating to the public discourse about money, the older generation felt threatened

by the song which addressed these taboo issues of money and power. As KT said to me:

“In Senegal we have taboos about talking about money. You’re just not allowed to do
that. People don’t talk about money here. People are superstitious. They think that if you
say how much money you have then someone is going to put some kind of witch craft on
you to steal it from you. So people don’t talk about that here. It’s taboo.”
(KT Interview August 2000)
Towards the end of our conversation, KT made his feelings about the role of money in

Senegal unmistakably clear. As KT concluded: “If there's any problems in Senegal, it is

because of money.” (KT Rapadio Interview August 2000)

As I mentioned previously, the growing fascination with money is fueled not only

by the poverty in which they live, but also by material desires. These material possessions

which are symbolic representations of wealth, have been disseminated though the barrage

of American and Western television shows, music and other media. Because a majority

of Boul Fale youth have never been to the US, the only image that they have of it are

from these forms of media.

83
 For example, during my two months of research, I observed that the most popular

TV show in Dakar was an American program called “Felicity”; a story about a college-

aged girl at NYU. Nearly all the youth I spent time with in the neighborhood would

return home or to a friend’s house to watch this program. When they realized that I was

an American college student, like a character in Felicity, also named “Ben”, many people

would ask me questions about my life in reference to the program, often assuming that

my life experiences were similar to those of the characters on the show. However, shows

and movies like this one depict only one-sided images of the United States. These images

are the only ones that youth have of the United States, and are used as points of reference

as to what life must be like.

Through this influence of American media the curiosity for the American lifestyle

and American culture is magnified. This is problematic because it increases people’s

expectations about American life. (El-Kenz 1990:50) Thus people become focused on

symbolic objects of success that are depicted on these shows, objects that they are unable

to afford. These products of desire become the symbol for the “successful” lifestyles that

they are unable to live.

Besides TV and movies being a catalyst for material desires, American rap music

also perpetuates this desire through the glorification of extravagant lifestyles in which the

styles of clothing worn by rappers become equated with these lifestyles. The youth see

popular American rappers such as DMX, Jay Z, or Tupac adorned in designer clothing

which helps to perpetuate the idea that in order to be a successful or authentic rapper, one

must own these material symbols of success in order to be “seen” as “successful” or

“authentic”. Thus the most popular rappers in Dakar without fail wear their finest “hip

84
hop” attire at a performance in an attempt to emulate these images of success. In many

circumstances I found that the most popular rappers in Dakar were often the ones who

authenticated their image as rappers through the use of these styles.

It is both mass media and local rap music which perpetuate the desire for

American products, placing an emphasis on the material possessions, which, must be

purchased, as the symbol of success which in some cases, overrides the achievement of

“real” success. The focus of desire is at risk of shifting from having jobs, or adequate

living conditions, which are seen as unattainable, to the desire to own these symbols: the

simulacra of success. All of these economic factors are important aspects in how people

shape their music and style in order to be able to succeed in the “hip hop game”.

The Rap Game

In order to “succeed” in the “rap game” rappers must sell their music according

to what type of sound or style would be “most marketable”. Both hardcore rap and rap

ragga soul shape their image in ways that appeal to a wider audience, but they do so in

different ways. In this section I will explore the various ways in which both genres shape

their styles in ways that either embrace or reject the methods that are seen as necessary to

be successful.

Because of the economic differences between Senegal and America, “making it”,

as a rapper in the “rap game” in Dakar is not the same as it is in the United States. In the

United States a large percentage of sales from rap records come from white middle and

upper class youth who are a significant purchasing power in rap record sales. (Rose 1995)

In Senegal, rap cassettes are rarely exported to Europe, the United States or other

countries with money, thus a majority of rap sales from a Senegalese rap production are

85
limited to Senegal. Because of this limitation in cassette exports, it places a limitation on

the ability of the musicians to be able to make money from their product.

For example, during the time I spent in New York City, I visited a number of

Senegalese owned boutiques where Senegalese and African tapes and CDs are sold.

Despite the fact that the stores had large selections of Mbalax, African Reggae, and other

forms of Senegalese and African pop music, a majority of the stores had only one or two

Senegalese rap cassettes at most. In addition, most boutique proprietors were surprised

that I was interested in purchasing Senegalese rap. I was able to purchase Mr. Kane’s first

compilation, the now legendary “D-Kill Rap”, the first all political rap compilation in

Dakar. Upon speaking with Mr. Kane about the availability of his cassette in NYC, he

was shocked to find out that his compilation was being sold there and had no previous

knowledge that his cassette was even being sold in the US. Mr. Kane was even more

shocked to find out that I, a white American, had purchased it. (Mr. Kane Interview July

2000)

Because of the infrequency of album exports, there is little money in the “rap

game” in Dakar. Roughly 90% of Senegalese rap album sales are domestic. An album in

Dakar is sold for 1000 CFA (roughly 2 dollars). The cassettes themselves cost 500 CFA

[roughly one dollar] per cassette just to manufacture. In addition there are also the costs

of recording, promotion and distribution. What is left over is next to nothing for the artist.

Because of this it is important for rappers and others in the “rap game” to create

other economic opportunities for themselves. Nigga a rapper in BMG 44, who lives in

Chaury, organizes a “hip hop night” in a neighborhood community center every weekend

which he charges a small admittance fee. The dance, which provides a space young hip

86
hop fans to congregate, hear new music, dance and be social in a hip-hop context, also

provides Nigga with funds which help “subsidize” his music.

The only way to “make it” is to have one’s album sold overseas. Both PBS and

Daara J, which are both rap ragga soul groups, have record contracts with international

record labels. (PBS is signed to East West for distribution and Universal for the

publishing and Daara J just signed to Polydor). Thus rap ragga soul is seen by the youth

as being a more marketable commodity to a Western audience due to the success of PBS

and Daara J overseas. However, among hardcore hip-hop fans, these groups are seen as

having “sold out” by appealing to an international audience. Could “going international”

be one of the criteria for “selling out”? Is it the influence of outside money that makes a

group ‘sell out’? (Hebdige 1987:96)

PBS markets their music for an international audience by including lyrics, often in

English and French, which address International or Pan African themes. They also do this

by incorporating “traditional” African elements into their music. The hardcore groups,

however, rarely sing about Pan-African issues but rather tend to focus specifically on

Senegalese [local] issues in their lyrics. Because of the specificity of the lyrical content it

tends to make the music difficult to understand if one is not from Senegal or does not

speak Wolof. The lyrics in Senegalese hardcore are such that even if they were translated

into English most non-Senegalese would not understand them because of their specificity

to the local issues, i.e. political elections, marabouts, and religious issues.

Perhaps it is the act of conforming to Western standards of “Africaness” that

constitutes the criteria for “selling out”? For example, PBS, a rap ragga soul group, has a

huge stage show which, in addition to including rappers, and a DJ, also includes many

87
“traditional” instruments such as a kora (a Senegalese harp), sabar drums and dancers. In

addition the performers wear ‘traditional’ looking outfits which help to emulate an

“African” image. It is the influence of these stereotypically “African” musical and

stylistic elements which seems to authenticate them in the eyes of Western viewers. But

at the same time the introduction of stereotypical “African” elements lessens their status

as “authentically hip hop”, in the eyes of the local hip-hop subculture.

PBS has been able to “make it” by appealing to this “African” ideal. However,

hardcore groups, by rejecting stereotypical “African” appearances in their style and sound

are unable to do this. This is not to say that hardcore groups are any less “African” than

rap ragga soul groups; rather, I am saying that because hardcore rap refuses to

incorporate stereotypical elements of “Africaness” in their style, they are in a difficult

position in terms of trying to sell their music internationally.

In the next section I will explore stereotypical images and essentialized

representations of “Africa” as they are imagined in the West. I will examine how the

appropriation of rap music in Dakar is one way that the youth have tried to symbolically

refute these stereotypes.

“We’re not living in Trees”

In Senegal people have a complex about appearing as a Third World nation. There

is a Senegalese concern that “the world” looks down on them and sees them only in the

negative or romanticized stereotypes that are depicted on TV, movies and magazines.

People all over Senegal, especially Dakar, are painfully aware of these negative images

and stereotypes that exist of Africa, and people want to live lives that are as far from

these stereotypes as possible. By appropriating rap music, the youth have attempted to

88
create an image of being modern, advanced and living a life that is distanced from

Western perceptions of Africa.

The following interaction with a Senegalese friend of mine demonstrates this

concern:

“What did you think that Dakar would be like before you came here?” asked one friend
of mine.
“Well” I responded, “I had read a bit about life here so I think I had a pretty good idea
about what things might be like here, but obviously I had some misconceptions.”
“Did you think we were all living in villages with animals and things like that?” He
responded.
“No”, I said, “not really. I kind of had an idea about how things were here, but like I
said I wasn’t right about everything you know.”
“No..” My friend replied in disbelief, “That can’t be. You see, everyone thinks that
people here are still living in huts, and living like animals in the trees. People don’t know
that we have TV, Radio, and the internet. Were advanced here too because we have
technology.”
It was difficult for my friend to picture a Westerner’s perception of “Africa” as

being anything other than negative, or at best romanticized, because of the overwhelming

negative imagery of Africa that is depicted in Western media. Many of us in the West

have learned to accept these limiting stereotyped images of Africa because they are often

the only ones we see. DJ Coco Jean also mentioned to me his feelings regarding these

negative stereotypes of “Africa,”

“I can’t stand it when people think we’re still living with lions and tigers in little huts.
Even my friends in the U.S ask me when I leave the States to come to Dakar: “Where are
you going to live?” I tell them: “I’m going to live in a fucking house!”
(Interview DJ Coco Jean August 2000)
It is easy to see how these popular negative images affect those who are being

misrepresented in detrimental and hurtful ways.

On the other hand, those of us who “embrace” a romantic idea of “Africa” tend to

think of African culture in essentialist terms, accepting only the “pure”, “spiritual”, and

“primitive” works of art, music and culture, which somehow are believed to have

89
remained unchanged and static for thousands of years. An essentialized idea of Africa has

led people to believe that African Culture is in “danger” of being “corrupted” by

“outside” forces, specifically Western culture.

It is because of our ideas of an essentialized “Africa” that we are blinded to the

whole picture. In that vein, Simon Frith helps us to understand that the reason why we

often essentialize culture, as being either “traditional” or “modern”, is often times “to

legitimate [colonialist] claims to progress and modernity.” (Frith 1989:10) Because of

these limitations, we often forget that even in Senegal, a country roughly the size of the

State of Virginia, there are 35 different ethnic groups, each with their own languages,

cultures, and religions. Failing to understand this diversity within an African nation-state

such as Senegal is to limit and undermine Senegal’s cultural, political and social realities.

Because of these limited perspectives of Africa, we often misread the influence of

Western culture, specifically rap music.

The appropriation of hip-hop culture is a phenomenon that has exploded all over

urban Africa from South Africa to Tanzania to Senegal. The youth of Dakar and other

urban African areas have embraced hip-hop because it is perceived as being modern,

new, and it presents modern values, identities and ways of making music, which are seen

as being in opposition to these stereotypes of Africa.

This “new” hip hop culture is one which embodies “modern” values that are seen

as being needed to be successful in a rapidly changing, increasingly globalized world.

Hip-hop and rap music address these modern issues in a way that “traditional” music and

cultural practices have not. Thus hip-hop is a way for those who live in ghetto or third

world urban areas from Chaury to Compton, to engage in a transnational dialogue that

90
“speaks’ not only to the ghetto of the Senegalese nation state but to ghettos everywhere.

(Lipsitz 1994:28)

Rap music of Dakar is not merely a carbon copy of American hip-hop; rather it is

a reinterpretation of American hip-hop culture. To paraphrase a popular Wolof

expression “Nit du masine”: Translated: “People are not machines”. Thus human beings

never fully replicate cultural practices or music without adding their own cultural

elements and values into it.

I am not saying that the appropriation of hip-hop is unproblematic. Indeed there

are many paradoxes which exist in the appropriation of American capitalist culture by

small third world peripheral countries such as Senegal. But despite the fact that

prostitution, violence, crime and other “Western” problems continue to affect the

Senegalese, hip-hop should not be read as the catalyst for these problems. Rather we

should look to poverty, government corruption and detrimental financial “assistance”

programs and other real causes for the crisis in Dakar as opposed to rap. Rap music in

Senegal did not create poverty, unemployment and other urban problems, but rather these

problems, are social conditions which have precipitated the symbolic and stylistic

appropriation of hip-hop culture in Senegal.

In conclusion I will discuss hip-hop as a viable alternative to this life of poverty

and its ability to act as a form of resistance that creates social change in Dakar. I will also

discuss themes of “revolution” as they are portrayed and defined by rappers in Dakar. I

will explore how multiple approaches to “revolution” within rap music have been used to

create methods of resistance in Senegal. I will also look at how rap, as a method of

91
resistance, is at risk of being co-opted by the government, and large corporations to

further their own agendas.

Conclusion

Resistance, Rap and Revolution

It seems as if themes of “revolution” are present in the names, lyrics, and subject

matter of almost all rap groups in Dakar. For example, PBS’ new album is titled

“Revolution”. One of the oldest hip-hop groups in Dakar is called “Slam Revolution” and

almost all groups in Dakar have a song called revolution and if they do not, they most

likely have a song about “revolution”.

It appears that there are at least two primary philosophical approaches to the idea

of “revolution” among both hardcore and rap ragga soul groups in Dakar. As a general

assumption, rap ragga soul groups tend to embrace a non-violent approach to revolution

in Dakar. For example, Pape, from rap ragga soul group Gokh bi System said to me

regarding these two approaches:

“There are two kinds of Revolution. A revolution of the mind and a revolution
with the gun. It is the difference between the philosophies of Martin Luther King and
Malcolm X. We [Gokh bi System] believe in the words of Martin Luther King and his
concept of non-violence because in order to have a revolution of the mind you must do
this with good. To do revolution by the gun does not bring peace, love and justice. Only a
revolution of the mind can do this.” (Pape Interview October 2000)
Nigga, from BMG 44, a hardcore group, raised an alternate perspective. This

perspective accepts the idea that sometimes violence is an unavoidable aspect of

revolution, which in his opinion, is seen as being a part of life in the ghetto. Although

Nigga expressed a desire for a peaceful existence, he nonetheless acknowledged the

reality that oftentimes violence is intrinsically tied to ghettoized living conditions.

92
 BMG 44’s latest track off the Politichiens compilation, “Def Si Yaw” [“We’re

Gonna Do You”], is a scathing attack on the politicians, marabouts and corrupt leaders,

and is also the first song in Senegalese history to feature “gun shot” sound effects in the

music. While, this symbolic audio representation of violence, by American standards,

may not seem extreme, in Senegal, where guns are extremely rare, the song has caused

quite a stir. The lyrics of the song were particularly direct in their criticism of both

politicians and religious leaders, and criticize them both in their lyrics:

“All this talk about power, everybody wants their share and that what your promises are
all about. They’ve all got bad minds; the politicians are just like serial killers. We elect
you and make you president, but we can get you down by the ballots or by coup d’etat.
Whatever man dose, man can undo it, whoever gets elected by ballots will be rejected by
ballots too. Whoever elects him (without the will of the people), people will stand up and
do you.”
(Translated by Abdou Diop November 2000)

The song provoked outrage by members of the religious

groups that BMG 44 had criticized in the song. Since then, members of BMG 44 have

received death threats and in addition, a member of BMG 44 was beaten by several,

followers of the religious group they were criticizing. (Pape Chiekh Email October 2000)

As a “traditional” cultural attitude, the Senegalese tend to embrace a non-violent

attitude. There is a popular expression in Senegal that says: “There is nothing that can’t

be solved by words”. It is part of Senegalese culture to embrace this ideal of non-

violence. However, as in the circumstance of BMG 44, among others, violence does

occur in Dakar despite the cultural attitudes that reject it. As overcrowding, poverty, and

unemployment increase, violence also becomes more common. Besides poverty being a

catalyst for violent crime, Western TV shows and movies are also pointed out as being

93
precipitators of violence. As Ali El-Kenz wrote in his essay, Youth and Violence,

regarding the influence of the media on the youth:

“Young people are highly susceptible to this erosion of values. Their consciousness
divided between two systems of representation corresponding to two equally inaccessible
worlds: The old world of their ancestors which is fading into memory and the other: the
world of the west, the image of a distant but pervasive reality.” (El-Kenz 1990:52)

During my fieldwork, a robbery and triple murder were committed in Sicap

Librete 6, a relatively ‘peaceful community. The crime sent shock waves into nearby

neighborhood Sicap Librete 4, where I was living at the time. It seemed that everyone

with whom I talked in Sicap Librete 4 was shocked that the crime had occurred.

When I asked someone in the community why she thought this had occurred she

responded with:

“People are hungry and people are desperate. They see others driving around in their
Mercedes with their expensive jewelry and their fancy wedding ceremonies. They see
people on TV living these luxurious lives and they want what they see. You can only stay
hungry for so long.”
When I asked her why there was an increase in violence she replied:

“People watch TV and they see people killing and shooting each other. They see this on
the TV and they want to be like Americans so they think that if they do this (like the
Americans) then they can get out of their situation.”
(Yacine Diedhiou Informal Interview August 2000)

The media is also seen as a catalyst in the perpetuation of violence in Dakar.

Nigga from BMG 44 also echoed this opinion for the increase in violence in Dakar:
“I think we grow up with movies and that it’s the influence from the films and movies.
You know if you begin with gack [machete], you can try and get money to buy a gun. I
think that if you come here 10 years after this moment, it will be more dangerous than
now. I think that it’s going to increase. If ever the police and the government don’t
change. Because people they are getting more and more angry.”
(Nigga Interview August 2000)

Besides physical violence, the threat of violence in the lyrical content of rap

songs such as “Def Si Yaw” are used as a method of resisting government abuse of power

94
and totalitarian behavior. It is “traditionally” believed in Senegal that music not only

makes one feel emotionally but that music also has the ability to change someone

physically. The power that music is believed to have in Senegal, through the emotive

process, becomes a catalyst for physical change. (Stoller 1989)

Using this “traditional” concept of the role of music as a transformative act, what

kind of “change” would be constituted as occurring through songs of “resistance” in rap

music in Dakar? As Iba from Rapadio, a hardcore rap group, said:

“Text can change people. We made sounds to wake people up and to tell then about the
shit that was going on. About politicians going downtown and paying big money to fuck
bitches while there were people in their own country who had nothing. We used the rap
concept to fight.”
(Iba, Rapadio Interview August 2000)

The main difference between rap ragga soul and hardcore rap is that rap ragga

soul uses a discourse of resistance which is seen as culturally acceptable whereas

hardcore rap uses a language which is seen as an unacceptable way of critiquing power in

Senegal. Thus hardcore rap is perceived as a threat by both the government and religious

leaders who are being threatened through the language of resistance.

Mamadou Diouf in his essay Urban Youth and Senegalese Politics, has an

interesting reading of the subversive potential of these languages of resistance borrowed

from the West:

“The youth strike a violent blow against the [dominant] languages of power through the
production of synthetic idioms [rap music] whose elements are borrowed from distant
and heterogeneous worlds [the west]12.”
(Diouf 1996:225-249)
In this way rap music can be seen as the “language of resistance” borrowed from the

Western world, which is used by the youth to resist the dominant languages of power.

12
Author’s brackets

95
 Rap music in Senegal has also been credited as being a central catalyst in

changing the outcome of the past (February 2000) elections. But it is only after the

elections that the media and the older generation in Senegal have come to acknowledge

the role that rap music played in drawing in the vote of the Boul Fale generation. Because

of the political and socially conscious lyrical content in Senegalese rap, a substantial

population of young people, who had not previously been accounted for as being a

significant part of the voting process, decided to vote. As former break-dancer for the

ABCY said to me:

During the past elections the Minister of the Interior told Abdou Diouf that if he
won again, the whole country was going to fucking explode. People were aware of what
was going on. They were watching and the government knew this. If they [the Diouf
regime] had won again, this whole place would have exploded. People weren’t taking
any more shit.”
(Abdou Diop Interview July 2000)
The youth population effectively changed the outcome of the past elections resulting in

the first change in political parties since independence. Rap music not only “opened

people’s minds” to the “realities” of poverty, government corruption etc, but also gave

the Boul Fale generation the courage and motivation to express its frustration by

participating in the democratic process, a process which in the past was seen to have been

a failure in terms of electing a new party.

Can the “success” of the democratic process by having democratically elected a

new party be constituted as a “revolution”? Or was the “organic crisis”, of which rap was

an integral part, effectively defused through its legitimization? Robert Fatton informs us

that in the past, during similar times of crisis, the Senegalese ruling class “understood

that survival of the party required the ushering in of a more liberal political structure.”

96
(Fatton 1987:27) and would therefore legitimize the nation state through the “ushering

in” of a more liberalized government.

Although on the surface it may seem as if the election of Abdoulaye Wade was a

“success” that will benefit the good of the people, we should look to Senegalese political

history to remind us of the ways in which hegemony is asserted in ways that appear to be

in the interest of the masses. (Fatton 1987:162)

Along these lines, Donald O’Brien in A Lost Generation also reminds us that:

“There is a subtlety in the way that Senegal’s rulers have dealt with political opposition
over the years to be contrasted with more brutal rulers in neighboring states under single
party of military government.”
(O’Brien 1996:67)
O’Brien mentions the subtlety in which political subversive forces such as rap music can

become defused by nation states through their legitimacy and co-optation under the

facade as a democracy.

There is little doubt that the youth did indeed create significant and far reaching

social and political change in the past elections. However, that change continues to

function within the same political structure, with the same inherent problems of the past.

Abdoulaye Wade, the new President of Senegal, may represent the new party, but he also

represents the “old system”, having been involved in Senegalese politics since the 1960s.

The irony of the past election in Senegal is that Abdoulaye Wade and politicians

from the new ruling party have publicly acknowledged, thanked and credited the rappers

for their success. The mayor of Dakar has promised to hold a rap ‘contest’ with a 2

million CFA prize to the winner in order to ‘thank’ the rappers for their ‘help’. The irony

of this is that all of the rappers being “credited” for ‘helping’ the new party win the past

election had no interest in specifically doing so. A majority of the rappers whom I

97
interviewed mentioned that they voted for Abdoulaye Wade only to “get rid of Abdou

Diouf”. In addition, all of the rappers I interviewed expressed concern and displeasure in

Abdoulaye Wade’s presidency, and questioned his commitment and effectiveness as a

political leader. They also mentioned that although the elections were considered a

success in terms of “getting rid of Abdou Diouf”, they still had a long way to go before

any significant changes would be made. As Nigga from BMG 44 said regarding the

election of Abdoulaye Wade;

“Today we’re still watching and waiting. And we’re saying “Mr. President, if you don’t
do what we say in the seven years that you have, then you’re out of here.” (Nigga
Interview August 2000)
It appears that since the outcome of the past election, many people in Dakar seem

to have a new faith in Senegal’s democratic system. However, this is the very thing that

could possibly defuse rap’s ability to effectively resist government co-optation. What

happens if politicians begin to accept hardcore groups like BMG 44 or Rapadio in the

same way that they have done with rap ragga soul groups PBS and Bamba J Fall? How

are hardcore groups able to remain autonomous from and avoid being co-opted by the

government?

Rap music in Senegal also runs the risk of being co-opted by large corporations

such as Houston Cigarettes, Nestles and others who have taken an interest in Senegalese

rap’s image and potential to sell their product. Rap can be easily co-opted in this way

because large corporations are able to feed into the financial and material fantasies and

desires of those who rap and participate in hip-hop culture in Dakar.

However, George Lipsitz tells us in Dangerous Crossroads that “new forms of

domination give rise to new forms of resistance.” (Lipsitz 1994:30) Thus rap music,

98
although at risk of co-optation, also has defense mechanisms against attempts of

domination. The labels of “rap ragga soul” and “hardcore” are used to define not only

musical style but also the political ideology of those who are a part of these groups. Thus

the real “hardcore” groups are the ones who are rejected and feared by the government,

the media and the older generation, whereas the rap ragga soul groups by and large are

more accepted by them. The act of labeling helps those involved in hip-hop to define

cultural territory and political agenda. This enables the Boul Fale to articulate the

differences between the “real” and the “fake” or the “hard” and the “soft.

After the February 2000 election rappers and members of the hip hop subculture

expressed concern over the potential for rap music in Senegal to lose some of its political

momentum. Rappers were unsure whether the “success” of Abdoulaye Wade and the

ongoing attempts to legitimize rap would defuse rap’s politically subversive message.

Could the legitimization of rap music during the election of 2000 have undermined the

threat of “real” revolution by “defusing an organic crisis and neutralizing the threat from

the left,” as the Diouf regime had done in 1981? (Fatton 1987:53)

Considering this, it is no coincidence that 6 months after the elections, Mr. Kane,

a “political hip-hop” producer decided to release the Politichiens [Political Dogs]

compilation, the most politically extreme and controversial ‘hardcore’ album release to

date. The lyrics spoken in the introduction of the album reverberate with the politically

charged sentiments which reject the idea that rap music had lost its political message. In

the introduction of the album, the producer Mr. Kane, informs the listener that:

“Our fight will never end, as long as our leaders will give us promises they will never
keep. Our fight will never end, as long as some religious guides will keep taking
advantage of our faith in them to make us do evil things that they will benefit from.

99
Together as one, we will make sure any responsible person, authority or leader who
deviates from the right path be denounced and criticized. That’s what were here for.”
(Introduction lyrics to the Politichiens album Translated by Abdou Diop)
Additionally, the entire album is a testament to the commitment on the part of all hardcore

and political rappers who contributed songs on the album. The release of the album was

also a glimpse of the possible role as a continued source of criticism against corrupt

political leaders and religious figures that rap music could continue to play.

The release of Politichiens, as well as the release of other hardcore albums, are

testament to the fact that in spite of attempts to legitimize rap music, hardcore political

rap in Dakar is far from dying out. Quite the contrary: Political rap is all the rage. Young

rappers in Dakar who witnessed the effect that hardcore groups like Rapadio, BMG 44

and Yat Fu had on the past elections have been impressed by the power that rap music

has had in producing political change. Today, young rappers all over Dakar are ‘going

hardcore’.

These younger groups, many who don’t even have a cassette, are not only

criticizing the government, but are also criticizing older hardcore groups like Xuman and

Bibson for not always following the examples that they rap about in their lyrics,

specifically in regards to the song “Kagna Takh” which many rappers felt was a

glorification of money. What do these lyrical attacks on older hardcore groups (with

cassettes) by other newer and younger hardcore groups (without cassettes) mean? Does

this mean that “hardcore” rap is at risk of becoming legitimized so that a “new hardcore”

is needed to take its place in order to maintain hardcore rap’s autonomy?

Xuman and Bibson deny that the song Kagna Takh is a glorification of money and

maintain that:

100
“There's lots of bullshit in rap. You have lots of criticism from different groups who
criticize what you say. You know in Kagna Takh we say, “It’s all because of money”
because that’s the reality. That’s the world that we're living in. Money makes the world
go round. You need it to survive. If you want nice clothes you need money, if you want to
put out a cassette you need money. That’s what we're saying. If there's problems in
Senegal, it’s because of money. But people misinterpreted that.”
(KT Interview August 2000)
It appears that hardcore rap has been able to exist without becoming co-opted

because not only does it critique the political system and religious leaders, but it also

critiques other rappers. Therefore no hardcore group can become too popular without the

risk of being criticized either by the government, media, and mainstream, or by younger

rappers. This guarantees that if a hardcore group did begin endorsing a political party, it

would lose its “hardcore” status in the eyes of younger hardcore groups. Despite the fact

that the potential for co-optation of the most popular groups is a possibility, there are

systems in place which make sure that even if they do become legitimized, it will not go

unnoticed.

Despite the success that rap music has had in precipitating social and political

change, there a sobering reality that many rappers are facing. It is the reality that state

apparatuses and multinational corporations do indeed pose a threat to the autonomy of

hip-hop culture in Dakar. Out of this sobering reality, even the some of Dakar’s “hardest”

rappers secretly acknowledge the possibility that perhaps even they will someday have to

quit rapping and apply for a visa to work abroad, find a more lucrative hustle, or

otherwise find another way out of this economic, cultural and political crisis which they

must face.

For example, one rapper whom I have referred to in this paper as “Mr. Fresh”

expressed two conflicting opinions regarding the potential for rap music to function as a

viable alternative to a life of poverty. The first time I met Mr. Fresh, I asked him whether

101
he, like many other people whom I had met in Dakar, wanted to find job opportunities in

the states. His reply to me was that:

“I like it here [in Dakar]. Things are good. I’ve got my crew, were going to have a
cassette soon so I’m going to stick around for a while. The “Mr. Fresh” Crew is going to
be famous, were going to shine all over the world.”
(Mr. Fresh Informal Interview July 2000)
Mr. Fresh seemed refreshingly optimistic regarding his potential to make a successful

musical career performing rap music in Dakar. However, two months after this exchange,

Mr. Fresh expressed conflicted feelings regarding his life and musical career.

A few days before I was to leave Dakar for the United States, I went to visit Mr.

Fresh at his home. Upon entering his room, I sat down on his bed next to a pile of

pamphlets and admission forms from American universities and colleges.

“Hey Mr. Fresh,” I asked him, “what’s all of this stuff?” Mr. Fresh responded “Hide
that shit, my crew is coming over. I can’t let them see this.” Mr. Fresh quickly hid the
pamphlets and admissions forms under his bed.
“What’s up?” I asked him, “Why don’t you want them to see?”
Mr. Fresh responded:
“You see, all of my younger brothers, they all left to go to study, but me: I stayed here. I
had to stay here for my crew. They needed me. But now, I’ve released an album and I’ve
done what I needed to do and now, I need to go study something like musical engineering
so that I can bring something back. There’s no money in this rap game here. The rappers
here that have had their cassettes out even longer than me aren’t wearing clothes any
nicer than mine. They’ve got nothing. Just like me. And my crew: They’ve got nothing!
They don’t have jobs, money to give to their parents, nice clothes, nothing! They put
everything they have into this rap game, but there’s no money here. There’s no money in
Senegal. My mother, she’s furious at me for not leaving and trying to get an education.
“Why did you stay?” she wants to know. But I had to stay, because I had to release this
album. Ten years it took me to release this album but now I can leave because I’ve done
what I needed to do. I don’t want to be sitting here when I’m thirty years old without a
job, without a wife wishing that I had gone. No. I can’t do that. I need to go.”
(Mr. Fresh Informal Interview August 2000)
Sadly, this quote demonstrates the crisis that not only the youth, but everyone in

Dakar is facing. Mr. Fresh is correct because there is no money in the rap game in Dakar.

There are no opportunities for him to be able to succeed in Dakar in spite of his attempts

to do so. The economic reality of Senegal is such that even within autonomous social

102
spaces such as the hip-hop subculture in Dakar, rap music can not adequately provide

opportunities for its participants. This reality forces those who can, to look for work

elsewhere. However for “Mr. Fresh” and the rest of the millions of Boul Fale aged youth

who live in Dakar, they are forced to do what they have always done: “make something

out of nothing”, because it is the only thing left to do.

Bibliography

Attali, Jacques
1985 “Noise: The Political Economy of Music”
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press

Appadurai, Arjun
1990 “Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy”
in Theory, Culture and Society vol 7 pp 295-310
London, Newbury Park and New Delhi

Behrman, Lucy C
1970 “Muslim Brotherhoods and Politics in Senegal”
Cambridge, Harvard University Press

Bergman, Billy
1985 “African Pop: Goodtime Kings”
Poole: Blandford

Brown, Michael F
1996 “Resisting Resistance”,
In American Anthropologist pp 729-749

Cassirer, Henry

1974 “Mass Media in an African Context; An Evaluation of Senegal's Pilot Project”

Paris, Unesco

Chernoff, Miller John

1979 “African Rhythm and African Sensibility: Aesthetics and Social Action in African
Musical Idioms”

103
Chicago: University of Chicago Press

Diouf, Mamadou
1996 Urban Youth and Senegalese Politics: Dakar 1988-1994
In Public Culture pp 225-249
University of Chicago

El-Kenz, Ali
Youth and Violence

Fanon, Frantz
1968 “The Wretched of the Earth”
New York, Grove Press

Fatton, Robert Jr
1987 “The Making of a Liberal Democracy: Senegal's Passive Revolution”
Boulder, Colorado: L. Rienner Publishers

Fernando, S.H. Jr
1994 “The New Beats: Exploring the Music, Culture, and Attitudes of Hip-Hop”
1st Anchor Books ed. New York: Anchor Books/Doubleday.

Frith, Simon
1981 “Sound Effects: Youth, Leisure, and the Politics of Rock'n'Roll”
1st American ed. New York: Pantheon Books

Frith, Simon [edited by]

1989 “World Music, Politics, and Social Change: Papers from the International
Association for the Study of Popular Music”
Manchester [England]; New York: Manchester University Press

Hebdige, Dick

1987 “Cut 'n' Mix: Culture, Identity and Caribbean Music”

London [England]; New York, N.Y. : Methuen

Hebdige, Dick
1989 “Subculture Meaning and Style”
London; and New York: Routledge.

Hecht, Simone A.

104
1994 “Invisible Governance: The Art of African Micro-Politics”
Brooklyn, NY: Autonomedia

Keil, Charles & Feld, Steven

1994 “Music Grooves: Essays and Dialogues”
Chicago: University of Chicago Press

KRS One
1995 “The Science of Rap”
Self Published

Lipsitz, George
1994 “Dangerous Crossroads: Popular Music, Postmodernism, and the Poetics of
Place”
London; New York: Verso

Manuel, Peter
1993 “Cassette Culture: Popular Music and Technology in North India”
Chicago: University of Chicago Press

Nelson, Angela M.S.

1999 “This is How we Flow : Rhythm in Black Cultures”
Columbia: University of South Carolina Press

Nelson, Harold D.
1974 “Area Handbook for Senegal”
Washington: For sale by the Supt. of Docs., U.S. G.P.O.

Nketia, Kwabena DjeDje, Jacqueline, C Editor and Carter, William G. Associate Editor
1989 “African Musicology: Current Trends”
Los Angeles: African Studies Center & African Arts Magazine,
University of California -

Norris, Christopher
1989 “Music and the Politics of Culture”
New York: St. Martin's Press

O’Brien, Cruise Donald B

1996 “A Lost Generation? Youth Identity and State Decay in West Africa” Postcolonial
Identities in Africa pp 55-74
Atlantic Highlights, NJ: Zed Books LTD

Potter, Russell A.
1995 “Spectacular Vernaculars: Hip-hop and the Politics of Postmodernism”
Albany, State University of New York Press.

105
Stapleton, Chris/May, Chris
1990 “African Rock: The Pop Music of a Continent”
New York: Dutton

Stewart, Gary
1992 “Breakout: Profiles in African Rhythm”
Chicago: University of Chicago Press

Roberts, John Storm

1972 “Black Music of Two Worlds”
New York, Praeger

Rose, Tricia
1994 “Black Noise : Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America”
Hanover, NH, Wesleyan University Press: Published by University Press of New
England.

Taylor, Timothy D.
1997 “Global Pop: World Music, World Markets”
New York: Routledge.

Toop, David
1991 “Rap Attack 2: African Rap to Global Hip-Hop”.
London: Serpent's Tail.

Villalon, Leonardo A
1995 “Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal”
Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press

Wallis, Roger and Malm, Krister

1984 “Big Sounds from Small Peoples: The Music Industry in Small Countries”
New York: Pendragon Press

Waterman, Christopher Alan

1990 “Juju: A Social History and Ethnography of an African Populal Music”
Chicago: University of Chicago Press

106
107