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1 POLITY
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GS PAPER II
1. POLITY
1.1 HUNG ASSEMBLY - GOA & MANIPUR
Why in news?
Governor of Goa ignored the established principle of inviting the single largest party and
appointed BJP leader Manohar Parrikar as the Chief Minister.
The Congress has won 17 seats in Goa and the BJP has 13 MLAs in a House of 40.
The Governor did not consult the single largest party and invited BJP, who formed an
alliance, to form the government.
Its Governor invited the BJP and allies to form the government, which won fewer seats than the
Congress.
The BJPs claim should have been considered only if the Congress pleaded inability or failed the
floor test.
Speed cannot be the overriding or pressing consideration for the governor while assessing a
partys claim to form government.
The Constitution of India does not mandate any procedure to be followed by the
Governor, in case of hung assembly.
The convention of inviting the single largest party in such a case has been outlined
by the Sarkaria
It specifically dealt with the situation where no single party obtained absolute majority.
It provided the order of preference the Governor should follow in selecting a CM in such a
situation
1.An alliance of parties that was formed prior to the elections.
2.The single largest party staking a claim to form the government with the
support of others, including independents.
3. A post-electoral coalition of parties, with all the partners in the coalition joining
the government.
4. A post - electoral alliance of parties, with some of the parties in the alliance
forming a government and the remaining parties, including independents,
supporting the government from outside.
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It also said the governor should invite the leader of a pre-poll alliance
commanding the largest number or the largest single party to form the
government in case no party or pre-poll coalition has a clear majority.
According to Bommai judgment, such a CM must prove the majority on the floor
of the assembly.
Congress filed a petition challenged the Governors decision in the Supreme Court.
SC asked the BJP government in Goa to prove its majority within 48 hours, instead
of the 15 days time given by the Governor.
It should have upheld the principle of inviting the single largest party first.
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1.2 DEMANDING ST STATUS NARIKURAVARS
What is the issue?
The Constitution ensures certain protection and benefits for communities deemed as
having Scheduled Tribe (ST) status.
Social and political mobilisation has led to the increase of number of STs 225 in 1960 to
700 today.
As the number of communities demanding ST status expands, it brings the criteria of the
recognition and the legitimacy of the process under scrutiny.
What does the constitution say?
The Constitution only states that STs are specified by the President after consultation
with the Governor.
Many communities try to prove themselves as meeting the criteria, to avail of the benefits of
being accorded ST status.
They share religious, cultural, and political characteristics of the Roma groups in Europe
However, once invaders took over they became nomadic and retreated into forests, where they
preserved their traditions.
When hunting became illegal, they startedliving at the margins of the society in dire
poverty, making and selling small ornaments.
Currently, there are about 8,500 Narikuravar families in Tamil Nadu i.e less than 1% of their
population.
Such a classification leads to the assumption that they have a higher chance of being
above the poverty line than communities recognised as STs.
Due to this classification, they have been competing for access to government benefits
with nineteen other larger communities with higher socio-economic status.
Do they satisfy the criteria for STs?
Their nomadism across rural and urban areas is against the criteria of geographical
isolation.
Narikuravar sell their products to the community at large. So they might not display
shyness of connect.
But since these criteria are not explicit, it is difficult for the community to formulate clear
political demands.
What does it signify?
Such criteria with specific economic and social data should be developed.
It can help compare communities requesting ST status with other STs and to the Indian
population at large.
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Why EVMs cant be tampered?
Connectivity - Indian EVMs are not connected to the internet, so hackers cannot tamper with
Indian EVMs.
Scale - The BBC report that an American had hacked Indian EVMs is false. The American
opened one EVM, changed some parts, and hacked the new parts he had put in the machine. It is
impossible to access hundreds of thousands of EVMs in India.
Security - They are also guarded by troops and by representatives of all political parties as well.
Sequence It isn't possible to programme the EVM at the manufacturing stage to record
all votes for one candidate. Nobody knows what order the candidates or parties will be listed
on the EVM till after the last date of withdrawing nomination papers. That means the order of
buttons is known for about two week. It would be far too little time to manipulate the buttons.
Specific EVMs are assigned to constituencies in a randomized matter pretty late in the
day, and in the presence of representatives of all parties.
Ballot paper-based voting is subject to much more fiddling and manipulation. A party can
capture polling booths and stamp all the ballot papers in their favour.
What can be done?
Election Commission has devised EVMs with a paper trail called Voter-verifiable paper audit
trail (VVPAT).
In this a voter immediately gets a printout of her vote, which is then deposited in the
ballot box. So, every voter can see whether her vote has been registered correctly.
Those who want to donate to a political party can buy these bonds by making
payments digitally or through cheque.
Then they are free to gift the bond to any registered political party.
The bonds will likely be bearer bonds & the identity the donor will not be known to the
receiver.
The party can convert these bonds back into money via their bank accounts.
The bank account used must be the one notified to the Election Commission and the
bonds may have to be redeemed within a prescribed time period.
The issuing bank will remain custodian of donors funds until political party redeems the
bond.
Most political parties use the negligent regime on donations to accept cash
donations from anonymous sources.
Nearly 70% of the 11,300 crore in party funding over the past 11-year period came from
unknown sources.
Currently, political parties are required to report any donation of over 20,000 to the IT
department.
But there has been a trend of more donations flowing by way of hard cash in smaller
amounts.
To fix this, the Budget has proposed to reduce the disclosure limit to 2,000 and insists that
any amount over this must be paid through cheque or the digital mode.
The idea is that electoral bonds will prompt donors to take the banking route to
donate, with their identity captured by the issuing authority.
While the identity of the donor is captured, it is not revealed to the party or
public. So transparency is not enhanced for the voter.
Also income tax breaks may not be available for donations through electoral bonds.
This pushes the donor to choose between remaining anonymous and saving on taxes.
Also privacy of the donor is compromised as the bank will know their identity.
The Constitution does not include any provision for categorisation of any State in
India as a Special Category Status (SCS) State.
Following the constitution of the NITI Aayog and the recommendations of the 14 th
Finance Commission (FFC), Central plan assistance to SCS States has been
subsumed in an increased devolution of the divisible pool to all States.
They enjoy concessions in excise and customs duties and income tax rates.
Besides, assistance to Centrally Sponsored Schemes for SCS States was given
with 90% Central share and 10% State share.
Following the bifurcation of A.P., Andhra lost a large volume of its revenue due to Hyderabad
remaining the capital of Telangana.
In a 2014, the then Prime Minister of India had said that SCS would be extended to the
successor State of Andhra Pradesh for a period of five years.
This oral submission has been the basis for A.P.s claim to the status.
What has been the Centres response to A.P.?
A.P. does not qualify as a Special Category State. It has neither geographical disadvantages nor
historical disadvantages such as socio-economic and infrastructural backwardness.
Hence offering it the SCS would give impetus to every other state to demand for the same.
Here an amount equivalent to what the state might have got as a special category state will be
compensated by Centre through externally aided projec ts for five years.
The special package offered meets most of the reasonable expectations of a State struggling to
recover from bifurcation and dealing with the imminent loss of the capital city and its revenues.
It included Polavaram irrigation project declared a national project i.e Centre would meet the
financial needs.
Also, Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT) would issue two specific notifications on
tax concessions being extended to A.P.
Loss of special category status would mean that Manipur would no more get the 90%
Central grants assistance.
It would now get only 30% Central grant and the remaining has to be either
arranged by itself or taken as loan from the Centre.
Chief Minister of Manipur acknowledged the hit on states finances due to restructuring of
central assistance to the state.
Even though higher devolution of taxes was positive for the states finances, it was not
enough to meet the states Plan revenue expenditure.
Why in news?
Chief Justice of India said the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid title suits were a matter of
sentiments and religion that were best resolved amicably, preferably without intervention
by the courts
In 2010, the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court directed that the site
occupied by the Babri Masjid before its demolition should be divided three ways
equally among Muslims, Hindus and Nirmohi Akharagroup of Hindu Sadhus.
Recently a three-judge bench heard a petition by a BJP MP challenging the 2010 ruling
to split the disputed land.
The Supreme Court suggested an out-of-court settlement since its a matter of religion
and sentiments.
CJI said the court will ask any person to mediate who is acceptable to all sides.
It is about a plot measuring 2.77 acres in Ayodhya that houses the Babri mosque and
Ram Janmabhoomi.
This land is considered sacred among Hindus as believed the birthplace of Lord Ram.
Muslims argue that the land houses Babri mosque, where they had offered
prayers for years before the dispute erupted.
Muslims, on the other hand, say the mosque was built by Mir Baqi in 1528 and that
Hindus took control over it in 1949, when some people placed idols of Lord Ram inside
the mosque.
In 1853, he first recorded incident of violence over the holy site takes place during the
reign of NawabWajid Ali Shah of Awadh.
In 1984, Hindu groups form a committee to spearhead the construction of the Ram
temple at the Janmabhoomi site.
The then PM intervenes and tries to resolve the issue through negotiations, but these
fail.
This leads to some of the most deadliest riots across the country, leading to the deaths
of more than 2,000 people.
This leads to some of the most deadliest riots across the country, leading to the
deaths of more than 2,000 people.The central government, headed by P V
NarasimhaRao, sets up a commission of enquiry under Justice M S Liberhan on
December 16.
The High Court orders the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) to excavate the
site to determine if it was earlier a temple.
The ASI begins the survey to determine whether a temple existed on the site.
It finds evidence of the presence of a temple under the mosque. Muslim organisations
dispute the findings.
In 2010, the Allahabad High Court pronounces its judgment on the four title suits
relating to the dispute and said that the disputed land be divided into three parts
equally.
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