Constraints on

Morphological Borrowing:
Evidence from
Latin America

Ewald Hekking – Querétaro

Dik Bakker – Lancaster

Borrowing Morphology II 1
 1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?
2. Is it possible to copy processes of grammaticalization?
3. Is agglutinative morphology more copiable than fusional morphology?
4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?
5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology?
6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes
to morphological borrowing?
7. Is there an inequality for different verbal categories when it comes to
morphological borrowing?
8. Are there universal tendencies that allow predictions about the stability
of structural features in morpho-syntax?
9. Is shared paradigmatic morphology a conditio-sine-qua-non for
genealogical relationship?
10. Is it possible to establish linguistic relationship on the basis of shared
morphology alone?
11. Should phonological comparison always precede morphological
evidence in matters of genealogical relationship?
12. Is it possible to find tendencies or to set up criteria to distinguish
between cognates and copies in bound morphology?
Borrowing Morphology II 2
 1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?
2. Is it possible to copy processes of grammaticalization?
3. Is agglutinative morphology more copiable than fusional morphology?
4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?
5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology?
6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes
to morphological borrowing?
7. Is there an inequality for different verbal categories when it comes to
morphological borrowing?
8. Are there universal tendencies that allow predictions about the stability
of structural features in morpho-syntax?
9. Is shared paradigmatic morphology a conditio-sine-qua-non for
genealogical relationship?
10. Is it possible to establish linguistic relationship on the basis of shared
morphology alone?
11. Should phonological comparison always precede morphological
evidence in matters of genealogical relationship?
12. Is it possible to find tendencies or to set up criteria to distinguish
between cognates and copies in bound morphology?
Borrowing Morphology II 3
Overview

Clause Combining in Otomi 4

Overview
1. The Languages

Clause Combining in Otomi 5

Overview
1. The Languages
2. The Data

Clause Combining in Otomi 6

Overview
1. The Languages
2. The Data
3. Borrowing from Spanish: general

Clause Combining in Otomi 7

Overview
1. The Languages
2. The Data
3. Borrowing from Spanish: general
4. Borrowing Of morphology

Clause Combining in Otomi 8

Overview
1. The Languages
2. The Data
3. Borrowing from Spanish: general
4. Borrowing Of morphology
5. Borrowing With morphology

Clause Combining in Otomi 9

Overview
1. The Languages
2. The Data
3. Borrowing from Spanish: general
4. Borrowing Of morphology
5. Borrowing With morphology
6. Borrowing And morphology

Clause Combining in Otomi 10

Overview
1. The Languages
2. The Data
3. Borrowing from Spanish: general
4. Borrowing Of morphology
5. Borrowing With morphology
6. Borrowing And morphology
7. Conclusions

Clause Combining in Otomi 11

1. The Languages

Borrowing Morphology II 12
 Spanish
Otomi

Quichua

Guarani

Borrowing Morphology II 13
Languages
 1. Quechua
 Andean (Ecuador; Peru)
 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers
 Agglutinating
 Virtually no prefixes (SOV!)
 Very many suffixes (Person, TAM, Case)

Borrowing Morphology II 14
Languages
 2. Guaraní
 Tupi (Paraguay)
 Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers
 Fusional
 Very many prefixes (Person)
 Many suffixes (TAM, Case/Postpos)

Borrowing Morphology II 15
Languages
 3. Otomí
 Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
 9 dialects, 250.000 speakers
 Fusional
 Prefixes on V and N
 Many suffixes on V and N
 Very few A
Borrowing Morphology II 16
2. The Data

Borrowing Morphology II 17
 Data recorded (spoken)

Respondents:

Dialects:

Tokens:

Borrowing Morphology II 18
 Data recorded

Quechua

Respondents: 38

Dialects: 2

Tokens: 79,718

Borrowing Morphology II 19
 Data recorded

Quechua Guaraní

Respondents: 38 38

Dialects: 2 2

Tokens: 79,718 57,828

Borrowing Morphology II 20
 Data recorded

Quechua Guaraní Otomí

Respondents: 38 38 59

Dialects: 2 2 2

Tokens: 79,718 57,828 110,540

Borrowing Morphology II 21
 Data recorded

Quechua Guaraní Otomí

Respondents: 38 38 59

Dialects: 2 2 2

Tokens: 79,718 57,828 110,540

Borrowing Morphology II 22
3. Borrowing from Spanish

Borrowing Morphology II 23
 Borrowing: overall (tokens)
Quechua Guaraní Otomí
(n=38) (n=38) (n=59)
Mimimum 4.0% 5.7% 6.7%

Maximum 27.0% 28.5% 26.0%

Mean 18.9% 17.4% 14.1%

SD 8.92 6.42 3.97

Borrowing Morphology II 24
 Borrowing: overall (tokens)
Quechua Guaraní Otomí

Mimimum 4.0% 5.7% 6.7%

Maximum 27.0% 28.5% 26.0%

Mean 18.9% 17.4% 14.1%

SD 8.92 6.42 3.97

Borrowing Morphology II 25
 Borrowing: overall (tokens)
Quechua Guaraní Otomí

Mimimum 4.0% 5.7% 6.7%

Maximum 27.0% 28.5% 26.0%

Mean 18.9% 17.4% 14.1%

SD 8.92 6.42 3.97

Borrowing Morphology II 26
 Borrowing: overall (tokens)
Quechua Guaraní Otomí

Mimimum 4.0% 5.7% 6.7%

Maximum 27.0% 28.5% 26.0%

Mean 18.9% 17.4% 14.1%

SD 8.92 6.42 3.97

Borrowing Morphology II 27
 Borrowing: overall (tokens)
Quechua > Guaraní> Otomí

Mimimum 4.0% 5.7% 6.7%

Maximum 27.0% 28.5% 26.0%

Mean 18.9% 17.4% 14.1%

SD 8.92 6.42 3.97

Borrowing Morphology II 28
 Borrowing: overall (tokens)
Quechua > Guaraní>Otomí

Mimimum 4.0% 5.7% 6.7%

Maximum 27.0% 28.5% 26.0%

Mean 18.9% 17.4% 14.1%

SD 8.92 6.42 3.97

Significant at 0.5%
Same for 2 dialects
Borrowing Morphology II 29
 Borrowing: Grammatical
Quechua Guaraní Otomí

Preposition 0.5% 0.5% 21.2%

Article 0.0% 19.4% 0.0%

Discourse 0.6% 0.8% 6.5%

Marker
Subordinator 1.6% 4.6% 6.1%

… … … …

Borrowing Morphology II 30
4. Borrowing OF Morphology

Borrowing Morphology II 31
Spanish affixes on native lexemes

Spanish

-
Prefix
-

Suffix

Borrowing Morphology II 32
Spanish affixes on native lexemes

Spanish Quechua

-
Prefix - -

Suffix -

Borrowing Morphology II 33
Spanish affixes on native lexemes

Spanish Quechua Guarani

-
Prefix - -
-

Suffix - -

Borrowing Morphology II 34
Spanish affixes on native lexemes

Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi

-
Prefix - - -
-

Suffix - - -

Borrowing Morphology II 35
Spanish affixes on native lexemes
Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi

Prefix - - -
Suffix -
- - -
-

No systematic borrowing of Spanish

morphology on native elements …

Borrowing Morphology II 36
Exceptions confirm the rule …

Otomi:

‘beto grandchild
-

‘beta granddaughter
-
(Sp. –a [+F])

Borrowing Morphology II 37
Exceptions confirm the rule …

Otomi:

‘beto grandchild
-

‘beta granddaughter
-
(Sp. –a [+F])

(but often gender mistakes when speaking Spanish)

Borrowing Morphology II 38
4. Borrowing WITH Morphology

Borrowing Morphology II 39
N borrowed with morphology

Borrowing Morphology II 40
N borrowed with morphology
Spanish

-(e)s (PL)

Borrowing Morphology II 41
N borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua

-s (PL) 160 (2.5% of borrowed nouns),

7 also + –kuna
-

Borrowing Morphology II 42
N borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua

-s (PL) 160 (2.5%),

7 + –kuna
- almost
- all occur also without –s:
‘compadre(s)’
-
‘compañera(s)’
...

Borrowing Morphology II 43
N borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi

-s (PL) 160 (2.5%) 7 8

Borrowing Morphology II 44
N borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi

-s (PL) 160 (2.5%) 7 8

- LEXICAL
- (cf. ‘habas’)

Borrowing Morphology II 45
N borrowed with morphology
Spanish

-s (PL)

-dor (AG)+ -

-
-ito/-illo (DIM)+++

Borrowing Morphology II 46
N borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi

-s (PL) 160 7 8

-dor (AG) 22 (types)

- 10 (types) 1 (types)
-
-ito/-illo (DIM) 6 (types) 3 (types) 1 (types)

Borrowing Morphology II 47
N borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi

-s (PL) 160 7 8

-dor (AG) 22 (types)

- 10 (types) 1 (types)
-
-ito/-illo (DIM) 6 (types) 3 (types) 1 (types)

LEXICAL
Borrowing Morphology II 48
V borrowed with morphology
Spanish

-ar

-er -

-
-ir

Borrowing Morphology II 49
V borrowed with morphology
Spanish

-ar
GENERAL:
-er -
Infinitive -
-ir

Borrowing Morphology II 50
V borrowed with morphology
Spanish Que Gua Otomi

-ar -a -a/ -á -a

-er -e -e -/ -é -e fast majority (> 80%)

-
-ir -i -i / -í -i

Borrowing Morphology II 51
V borrowed with morphology
Spanish Que Gua Otomi

-ar -a -a/ -á -a

-er -e / -i -e -/ -é -e
- in Que only /i/
-ir -i / -e -i / -í -i

Borrowing Morphology II 52
V borrowed with morphology
Spanish Que Gua Otomi

-ar -a -a/ -á -a
Highly freq V:
-er -e / -i -e -/ -é -e stem of 3rd SG
- (diphtong / e-i)
-ir -i / -e -i / -í -i

Borrowing Morphology II 53
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish

-o (M)

-a (F) -

-
-os (M.PL)

-as (F.PL)

Borrowing Morphology II 54
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua

-o (M) 560 (260 typ)

-a (F) 105 (60- typ)

-
-os (M.PL) 6 (4 typ)

-as (F.PL) -

Borrowing Morphology II 55
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua
NO Gender
-o (M) 560 (260 typ)

-a (F) 105 (60- typ) 67% Attributive, rest N

Agr- SP [+F], QUE [+FEMALE]
-os (M.PL) 6 (4 typ)

-as (F.PL) -

Borrowing Morphology II 56
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani

-o (M) 560 (260) 500 (220 typ)

-a (F) 105 (60)- 90 (45 typ)

-
-os (M.PL) 6 (4) -

-as (F.PL) - -

Borrowing Morphology II 57
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani
NO Gender
-o (M) 560 (260) 500 (220 typ)

-a (F) 105 (60)- 90 (45 typ) 75% Attrib, rest N

- SP [+F], GUA [+FEMALE]
Agr
-os (M.PL) 6 (4) -

-as (F.PL) - -

Borrowing Morphology II 58
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi
NO A, NO Gender
-o (M) 560 (260) 500 (220) 100 (20)

-a (F) 105 (60)- 90 (45) 6 (3) = Noun

-
-os (M.PL) 6 (4) - -

-as (F.PL) - - -

Borrowing Morphology II 59
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish

Stem + -a + -mente  ADV (mode)

‘economico’  ‘economic-a-mente’
-

Borrowing Morphology II 60
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua
A ≈ Adv
-amente 61 (29 typ: 16 also used as bare A)

Borrowing Morphology II 61
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani
A ≈ Adv
-amente 61 (29:16) 582 (46 typ: 18 bare A)

Borrowing Morphology II 62
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani
A ≈ Adv
-amente 61 (29:16) 582 (46 typ: 18 bare A)

- No rule: A + afx  Adv

-

Borrowing Morphology II 63
A borrowed with morphology
Spanish Quechua Guarani Otomi
NO A
-amente 61 (29:16) 582 (46:18) 15 (6:0) > LEX

Borrowing Morphology II 64
Spanish borrowed with morphology
Potential ‘Trojan Horses’:

Borrowing Morphology II 65
Spanish borrowed with morphology
Potential ‘Trojan Horses’:

N: ‘-s’ [PL] (Que)

-

Borrowing Morphology II 66
Spanish borrowed with morphology
Potential ‘Trojan Horses’:

N: ‘-s’ [PL] (Que)

-
A: ‘-mente’ [ ADV] (Que, Gua)
-

Borrowing Morphology II 67
Spanish borrowed with morphology
Potential ‘Trojan Horses’:

N: ‘-s’ [PL] (Que)

-
A: ‘-mente’ [ ADV] (Que, Gua)
-

A: ‘-a’ [F] (Que, Gua): only [FEMALE]

Borrowing Morphology II 68
Spanish borrowed with morphology
Potential ‘Trojan Horses’:

N: ‘-s’ [PL] (Que)

-
A: ‘-mente’ [ ADV] (Que, Gua)
-

A: ‘-a’ [F] (Que, Gua): only [FEMALE]

IS THAT ALL THERE IS?!

Borrowing Morphology II 69
6. Borrowing AND Morphology

Borrowing Morphology II 70
Borrowing and Morphology

To what extent do borrowed lexemes interact

-
with native morphology?
-

Borrowing Morphology II 71
Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans

Borrowing Morphology II 72
Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans

Noun

Prefix 0.7%
-

Suffix 66.9%

Borrowing Morphology II 73
Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans

Noun Verb

Prefix 0.7% 0.0%

Suffix 66.9% 99.9%

Borrowing Morphology II 74
 Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans

Noun Verb Adjective

Prefix 0.7% 0.0% 0.0%

Suffix 66.9% 99.9% 37.1%

Borrowing Morphology II 75
 Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
Noun Verb Adj

Prefix 0.7% 0.0% 0.0% Almost exclusively

suffixing language
-
Suffix 66.9% 99.9% 37.1%

Borrowing Morphology II 76
 Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
Noun Verb Adj

Almost exclusively
Prefix 0.7% 0.0% 0.0%
suffixing
-
- No apparent
Suffix 66.9% 99.9% 37.1% morphological
constraints on
borrowed V, N and A

Borrowing Morphology II 77
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans

Borrowing Morphology II 78
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans

Noun

Prefix 7.3%
-

Suffix 28.5%

Borrowing Morphology II 79
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans

Noun Verb

Prefix 7.3% 95.4%

Suffix 28.5% 32.0%

Borrowing Morphology II 80
 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans

Noun Verb Adjective

Prefix 7.3% 95.4% 11.3%

Suffix 28.5% 32.0% 21.2%

Borrowing Morphology II 81
 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Noun Verb Adj Most Person markers

Prefix 7.3% 95.4% 11.3%

-
Suffix 28.5% 32.0% 21.2%

Borrowing Morphology II 82
 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Noun Verb Adj

Prefix 7.3% 95.4% 11.3%

Topic/Focus
- TAM markers
Suffix 28.5% 32.0% 21.2%
Rel markers

Borrowing Morphology II 83
 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Noun Verb Adj
Many person markers
(N~A)
Prefix 7.3% 95.4% 11.3%

-
Suffix 28.5% 32.0% 21.2%

Borrowing Morphology II 84
 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Noun Verb Adj

Prefix 7.3% 95.4% 11.3% Many postpositions

PL marker
(N~A)
Suffix 28.5% 32.0% 21.2%

Borrowing Morphology II 85
 Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Noun Verb Adj No
constraints
Prefix 7.3% 95.4% 11.3% detected
but:
often
Suffix 28.5% 32.0% 21.2%
less fused
than on
native N/A
Borrowing Morphology II 86
Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans

Borrowing Morphology II 87
Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans

Noun

Prefix 6.0%
-

Suffix 7.2%

Borrowing Morphology II 88
Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans

Noun Verb

Prefix 6.0% 1.6%

Suffix 7.2% 25.0%

Borrowing Morphology II 89
 Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
Noun Verb Most affixes
of native
Prefix 6.0% 1.6% N&V

- but
Suffix 7.2% 34.0% several
constraints on
loan verbs:

Borrowing Morphology II 90
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
1. Markers on verbs:

Borrowing Morphology II 91
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
1. Markers on verbs:

A. Proclitics: Tense, Person

Borrowing Morphology II 92
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
1. Markers on verbs:

A. Proclitics: Tense, Person

On Otomi verbs: - 24 ( > 90% of the verbs)

On loan verbs: 13 (64% of the verbs)
-

Borrowing Morphology II 93
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
1. Markers on verbs:

B. Suffixes: OBJ, IOBJ, DEIXIS, EMPH, ...

Borrowing Morphology II 94
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
1. Markers on verbs:

B. Suffixes: OBJ, IOBJ, DEIXIS, EMPH, …

On Otomi verbs: - 27 ( > 80% verbs)

On loan verbs: 20 (34% of verbs)
-

Borrowing Morphology II 95
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
2. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in Past.3SG:

Borrowing Morphology II 96
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
2. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in Past.3SG:

pa ‘sell’  ma
tai ‘buy’  dai
poni ‘leave’ 
- boni
-
ähä ‘sleep’  ‘ñähä

Borrowing Morphology II 97
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
2. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in Past.3SG:

pa ‘sell’  ma
tai ‘buy’  dai
poni ‘leave’ 
- boni
-
ähä ‘sleep’  ‘ñähä

Never on Spanish loan verbs

Borrowing Morphology II 98
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
3. No use of impersonal constructions, which are
rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / ‘- /h- / n-:

Borrowing Morphology II 99
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
3. No use of impersonal constructions, which are
rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / ‘- /h- / n-:

honi ‘look for’  thoni

pa ‘sell’  ‘ba
-
ne ‘need’  hne -
jut’i ‘pay’  njut’i

Borrowing Morphology II 100

Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
3. No use of impersonal constructions, which are
rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / ‘- /h- / n-:

honi ‘look for’  thoni

pa ‘sell’  ‘ba
-
ne ‘need’  hne -
jut’i ‘pay’  njut’I

1 example: ‘h-mända’

Borrowing Morphology II 101

7. Conclusion

Borrowing Morphology II 102

Spanish morphology on native stems

- There is no evidence for any Spanish morphology

employed productively on native stems in Quechua,
Guarani or Otomi <in our sample>.
-

Borrowing Morphology II 103

Spanish morphology on loans: Noun

- Spanish nouns may be borrowed with inflectional

plural /-s/. In Quechua, this seems to replace the
native plural /–kuna/ in those constructions.
In Guarani and Otomi
-
it seems to be lexical.

Borrowing Morphology II 104

Spanish morphology on loans: Noun

- Spanish nouns may be borrowed with inflectional

plural /-s/. In Quechua, this seems to replace the
native plural /–kuna/ in those constructions.
In Guarani and Otomi
-
it seems to be lexical.

-
- Spanish nouns may be borrowed with derivational
suffixes (+Ag, +Dim), mainly in Quechua, and
less so Guarani, but these are arguably lexical.

Borrowing Morphology II 105

Spanish morphology on loans: Verb

- All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with the

morphologically relevant stem vowel (-a/-e/-i).

Borrowing Morphology II 106

Spanish morphology on loans: Verb

- All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with the

morphologically relevant stem vowel (-a/-e/-i).

- This is consistently
-
so for Quechua and Guarani,
but less so for Otomi (diphtong / e-i).
-

Borrowing Morphology II 107

Spanish morphology on loans: Verb

- All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with the

morphologically relevant stem vowel (-a/-e/-i).

- This is consistently
-
so for Quechua and Guarani,
but less so for Otomi (diphtong).
-

- No verbal morphology seems to be in transfer.

Borrowing Morphology II 108

Spanish morphology on loans: Adj

- Spanish adjectives regularly have the feminine

suffix /-a/ in Quechua and Guarani. Some are
nominalizations, more often they modify a
Spanish [+F] noun, -
or a native noun representing
a female referent. May be productive in Quechua and
Guarani. -

Borrowing Morphology II 109

Spanish morphology on loans: Adj

- Spanish adjectives regularly have the feminine

suffix /-a/ in Quechua and Guarani. Some are
nominalizations, more often they modify a
Spanish [+F] noun, -
or a native noun representing
a female referent. May be productive in Quechua and
Guarani. -

- Adverb derivation with –mente is rather regular in

Quechua, and to some extent also in Guarani.

Borrowing Morphology II 110

Native morphology on loans

- In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are fully

morphologically integrated: they get all relevant
suffixes in the context.
-

Borrowing Morphology II 111

Native morphology on loans

- In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are fully

morphologically integrated: they get all relevant
suffixes in the context.
-
- In Guarani, borrowed N, V and A get all native prefixes
- fused, for N and A less so.
and suffixes. For V they are

Borrowing Morphology II 112

Native morphology on loans

- In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are fully

morphologically integrated: they get all relevant
suffixes in the context.
-
- In Guarani, borrowed N, V and A get all native prefixes
- fused, for N and A less so.
and suffixes. For V they are

- In Otomi, there are several morphophonological

constraints on the full integration of borrowed lexemes.

Borrowing Morphology II 113

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?
 VERY STRONG

Borrowing Morphology II 114

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?
 VERY STRONG

4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?

 PROBABLY

Borrowing Morphology II 115

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?
 VERY STRONG

4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?

 PROBABLY

5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology?

 YES

Borrowing Morphology II 116

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?
 VERY STRONG

4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?

 PROBABLY

5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology?

 YES

6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes

to morphological borrowing?
 YES: N, A > V

Borrowing Morphology II 117

1. Are there any constraints on morphological borrowing?
 VERY STRONG

4. Is derivational morphology more copiable than inflectional morphology?

 PROBABLY

5. Is nominal morphology more copiable than verbal morphology?

 YES

6. Is there an inequality for different parts of speech when it comes

to morphological borrowing?
 YES: N, A > V

7. Is there an inequality for different verbal categories when it comes to

morphological borrowing?
 PROBABLY: DERIVATIONAL > INFLECTIONAL (-DOR)

Borrowing Morphology II 118

 ?

Borrowing Morphology II 119